Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
R.S.P. Beekes
A. Lubotsky
J.J.S. Weitenberg†
A Dictionary of Tocharian B
Revised and Greatly Enlarged
Douglas Q. Adams
The paper on which this book is printed meets the requirements of “ISO
9706: 1994, Information and documentation - Paper for documents -
Requirements for permanence”.
texts dating from the fifth, perhaps even the fourth, century AD until at least the
9th century. Not surprisingly, the language shows significant linguistic develop-
ment within that period. One result for the dictionary is that the examples in the
various entries have been reordered so as to put the earliest attestation first and
the later ones last. An incomplete search for earlier, or later, attestations has been
made so as to show a certain sense of historical development, but more needs to
be done in this area before we truly have a dictionary of Tocharian B “on
historical principles.” Malzahn’s encyclopedic discussion of the Tocharian verb
has informed every verb entry in the dictionary and made many of them better
and more complete. In almost all cases where we originally differed, I have
conformed the dictionary to her work. There are a few places where our under-
standing of the facts differ, however (e.g., auk-), and there are a few (some
fifteen) ‘late arrivals’ (e.g., kwänt-, äp-, wey-), so the Tocharianist still has to
read both works.
Other improvements have included the complete redoing of the definitions of
botanical terms, both as to the provision of an English equivalent and the
provision of a Linnaean name. In many instances there is more than one English
name and/or more than one competing Linnaean name. Often I have given more
than one competing Linnaean name where they occur. Obsolete Linnaean names
are sometimes added parenthetically, preceded by “aka.” The reader should
always keep in mind that botanical classification is never fixed but always
evolving.
On the etymological side, scores of etymologies have been revised or
reconsidered. I have been able to take into account the wonderful new series of
Indo-European etymological dictionaries coming out of Leiden (the Slavic,
Hittite, Iranian, Latin, Celtic, Greek, and Armenian ones having appeared and
been incorporated into this work). The Carling, Pinault, Winter dictionary of
Tocharian A has been fully taken into account, insofar as it has been published.
more complicated. Nouns and adjectives are normally given in their nominative
singular form (nominative singular masculine in the case of adjectives). If the
nominative singular (masculine) is not actually attested, its probable form is
reconstructed and given with a following asterisk. Occasionally, when only the
plural (less often the dual) is attested (and particularly when there is some
likelihood that the noun in question is a plurale or duale tantum), the nominative
plural (dual) is taken as the appropriate lemma. Verbs are given in their root
form and thus end in a hyphen. (Occasionally other words are known only
fragmentarily and they will also end in a hyphen.)
(2) The designation of the class of the word is fairly simple in the case of
most parts of speech. For nouns and verbs it is more complex. For nouns an
indication of gender is given where it is known (nouns may be masculine,
feminine, or neuter—the latter being nouns with masculine concord in the
singular and feminine concord in the plural). For verbs there is an indication of
transitivity, transitive or intransitive (with the understanding that a transitive verb
may always be made intransitive by passivization). Verbs that are marked as
both are those with an underlying intransitive “Grundverb” and a derived
transitive causative (which in turn may be passivized). The semantic subset to
which a particular causative belongs (according to the analysis of Malzahn
[2010]) is indicated by a superscript number.
(3) As suggested above, the gloss is intended to be relatively specific (and
thus more likely to provoke correction). The gloss may also include on occasion
particular set phrases or idioms of which the lemma forms a part. The numerous
botanical terms (almost always from some medical formula, are supplied with the
parenthetical notation, “a medical ingredient” or sometimes simply “MI”).
(4) For inflected words the attested inflected forms are given between square
brackets. (The universe of attested forms is substantially complete for texts
published in books and articles; it is not complete for texts published on-line by
THT or IDP.) In the case of nouns attested forms are given in the order:
nominative singular, genitive singular, accusative singular, nominative dual,
genitive dual, accusative dual, nominative plural, genitive plural, accusative
plural. The numbers, singular, dual, and plural, are separated by slashes. If a
form is not attested, its place is taken by a hyphen. Thus for raso (n.[m.sg.])
‘span’ we have “[raso, -, raso/rsoñc, -, -/rsonta, -, -]” indicating that in the
singular both the nominative and accusative are attested but no genitive, while in
the dual and plural only the nominatives are as yet found. For pat (nnt.) ‘stpa’
we have “[pat, ptantse, pat//-, -, ptanma]” indicating that all three forms of the
singular are attested but there are no dual forms and only the accusative plural is
attested for that number. Where known, the vocative form is given, in paren-
theses, after the corresponding accusative, thus for waamo (nm.) ‘friend’ we
have “[waamo ~ wmo, waamontse ~ wmontse, waamo (voc. waama)/
/waamoñ ~ wmoñ, wmots, wmo].” This latter entry illustrates another
possible complexity, the existence of alternative forms. Where alternative forms
are known, they are given separated, as here, by a swung dash. The lack of an
attested alternative, as in the genitive and accusative plural, of course does not
mean that such did not exist. In this, and similar cases, the second (or only)
x Introduction
route by which a Sanskrit, Sanskritized Prakrit, Prakrit, or Pli word has become
a part of the Tocharian B vocabulary.) In the case of proper names and obvious
loanwords there are usually no examples given as the meaning in the case of
proper names is self-defining while in the case of the many Buddhist technical
terms borrowed from B(H)S the meaning may be discovered to a much greater
degree of detail by consulting dictionaries of (Buddhist Hybrid) Sanskrit than it
could be inferred from the limited examples known to us in Tocharian B texts.
However, even in the latter cases at least one reference to the word’s occurrence
in a Tocharian B text is given.
(6) Given as run-on entries, or sub-lemmas, are regularly derived adjectives,
abstract nouns, and those compounds which contain the main lemma as the first
member. The run-on entries are preceded by a long hyphen (if the run-on entry is
a derivative which is only attested as the second member of a compound, it is
preceded by a long hyphen, a space, and then a single hyphen). Thus, appended
to the main entry whose lemma is aul (nnt.) ‘life,’ we find —aulae ‘prtng to
life,’ —aulanmae ‘prtng to lives,’ —aulassu ‘life-possessing,’ —aula-
preñca ‘life-bearing,’ —aulu-wärñai ‘life-long,’ and —aultsa warñai ‘id.’
Derived adjectives other than the productive ones in -e, -ññe, -tste, -ssu, are
normally given separate entries; thus ypiye (adj.) ‘prtng to barley’ is separate
from yap (n.[m.sg.]) ‘barley.’
(7) Special notes (marked by a ) are relatively rare. They are intended to
draw the reader’s attention to difficulties of morphological or semantic analysis
or may draw his or her attention to places where the analysis presented in this
work differs from that of its predecessors or contemporaries.
(8) The etymological notes (preceded by ) are intended to sketch the history
of the etymological discussion concerning the lemma and to present what I think
to be its most probable history. The history of the discussion is usually admirably
taken up through 1976 by A. J. Van Windekens’ Le Tokharien confronté avec les
autres langues indo-européennes, Vol. I: La phonétique et le vocabulaire. I have
not found it necessary to repeat everything in this work, especially early
speculations that are dead-ends in both Van Windekens’ opinion and mine. Nor
have I given in full Van Windekens’ own conclusions when subsequent research
has clearly made them impossible (such cases are noted by “otherwise VW”). I
have contented myself with summarizing the major lines of thought through 1976
and giving relatively full coverage of the discussion since 1976. It is my hope
that I have not missed anything of note in that time period. However, given the
episodic nature of this work’s gestation and the relative isolation of my work
environment makes it more or less certain that something that should be included
has been missed. The absence of a citation in the etymological discussion should
be taken as a lamentable omission, not an implicit rejection or denigration of the
work overlooked. If the word is of inherited Indo-European origins, a sample (in
square brackets) of Indo-European cognates is given with a reference to general
Proto-Indo-European etymological works, Pokorny (1959) and, where applicable,
Mallory and Adams (1997), but the cognates given are not to be considered the
totality of related forms.
xii Introduction
Alphabetic Order
The alphabetic use in this work is that customary in Tocharian studies and
that used by Tocharian writers themselves (cf. Couvreur, 1965): a, , ä, i/, u/, r,
e, ai, o, au, k, kh, g, gh, , c, ch, j, jh, ñ, , h, , h,
, t, th, d, dh, n, p, ph, b, bh,
m, y, r, l, ly, v, w, , , s, h, ts. The symbol is given its own alphabetical order
when it precedes a sibilant (, , s) or h, but otherwise is taken as an allograph of
n and alphabetized accordingly. (If, as rarely, it precedes a k or p, it is taken as an
allograph of or m respectively.) The extremely rare is alphabetized as plain l.
Acknowledgments
I acknowledge with deep gratitude the financial and moral support, including
the award of two sabbaticals that the University of Idaho and its Department of
English have provided for this much longer-term project than anyone ever
foresaw. For technical support and assistance at various stages in this project I
am very much grateful to William Pyle, Wolfgang Schubert, Glenna Tibbetts,
Kim Sarff, Arla Marousek, Cathy Myers, Keri Moore, Anna Thompson, David A.
McArtor, James M. Reece, Alexander Lubotsky, Marijn van Putten, and
particularly H. Allen Adams, Michael D. Adams, and Gordon Thomas. For
review and comment, particularly on the etymologies in the first edition, I am
indebted to Eric P. Hamp, Jörundur Hilmarsson, H. Craig Melchert, and John W.
H. Penney. On-going conversations with Melanie Malzahn have informed, and
improved, many entries in the second edition, as has an extensive written
commentary compiled by Werner Winter before his death. Had I availed myself
more often of their suggestions, no doubt the book would have been a better one.
In any case, the faults of the work must be laid squarely at the feet of the author.
It remains to acknowledge with deep gratitude the patience and support of my
wife, for whom the dictionary has been a constant almost the entirety of our
married life, expanding repeatedly from office to dining room table, to living
room and then back again, and of my sons who have known no life without the
dictionary in the background and who themselves have contributed greatly to the
solution of its formatting problems. And, finally, I owe a profound debt to my
grandfather, Howard A. Adams, whose enthusiasm for language, and particularly
the classical languages, turned out to be quite infectious and set off the train of
events which has resulted in this work, and to Eric P. Hamp, whose own
enthusiasm for, and apparently limitless knowledge of, all things Indo-European,
has ultimately informed this undertaking at all levels.
Inf. infinitive
IT IOL Toch = India Office Library, Tocharian [manuscripts];
International Dunhuang Project (http://idp.bl.uk/idp.a4d)
K (as part of a locus number) Karmavibhaga (Lévi, 1933, as
corrected by Sieg, 1938)
K (as part of a verb paradigm) “Kausativ,” the derived, often
transitive, sometimes derived transitive, of a Grundverb/Kausativ
pair
K a verb form quotable from Krause (1952) only
Ko. “Konjunktiv,” i.e. subjunctive (and future)
K-T word or form of word recorded, presumably from unpublished
sources, in Krause and Thomas, 1964
KVc Karmavcana (Buddhist ordination ritual)
Ko. Vb Class V subjunctive, but with preceding palatalization
lege should be read as
LIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben
LP “laissez passer” or caravan pass (Pinault [1986])
m. masculine
m-Part. participle in -mne, aka medio-passive participle
M Magic text (Filliozat [1948], as corrected by Sieg [1954])
MA Mallory and Adams (1997)
MI a medical ingredient
MP medio-passive
M-W Monier-Williams, Monier, Sanskrit-English Dictionary. 1889.
Oxford, OUP.
n. noun (gender unknown)
nom. nominative
nt. neuter
nt-Part. participle in -ñca, aka active particple
nf. feminine noun
n.[f.pl.] noun whose gender in the plural is feminine and whose gender in
the singular is unknown—it may be either a feminine noun or a
neuter
n.[m.sg.] noun whose gender in the singular is masculine and whose gender
in the plural is unknown—may be either a masculine or a neuter
noun
nnt. neuter noun (taking masculine concord in the singular and
feminine in the plural)
n.pl. noun only attested in the plural (but for which a singular
presumably exists)
n.pl.tant. noun which occurs only in the plural
OCS Old Church Slavonic
OE Old English
OHG Old High German
Opt. optative
Otani (as part of a locus number) Otani collection (Japan)
P (in etymological discussions) Pokorny (1959)
P (as part of locus number) Pelliot fragments (Filliozat [1948], as
corrected by Sieg [1954])
Abbreviations and Symbols xv
Part. participle
passim ‘throughout’ (i.e., too many loci to conveniently list individually)
p.c. personal communication
Pe (as part of locus number) St. Petersburg collection
PIE Proto-Indo-European
PK (as part of locus number) Pelliot Koutchéen (Paris collection); PK-
AS = “ancient séries,” PK-NS = “nouvel séries”
pl. plural
PN proper name
prtng pertaining
Ps. Present
Ps. IIb Class II present in -i(ye)-, formally identical to Class IV
subjunctives
PTch Proto-Tocharian
PP preterit participle
Pt. preterit
q(q).v. which see
RV Rig Vedic Sanskrit
S Udnastotras (Thomas, 1966-67)
scil. to wit; namely
sg. singular
SHT Sanskrithandschriften aus den Turfanfunden
SI P (as part of locus number) St. Petersburg collection
Skt. Sanskrit
ST MS Stein (Filliozat [1948], as corrected by Sieg [1954])
s.v. sub voce
Tch Tocharian
TEB (as part of locus number) Tocharisches Elementarbuch (Krause
and Thomas, 1964); the first number refers to the page, the second
to the section number
THT (as part of locus number) Tocharian Manuscripts from the Berlin
collection (TITUS: Thesaurus Indogermanischer Text- und
Sprachmaterialien) (http://titus.fkidg1.uni-
frankfurt.de/texte/tocharic/tht1.htm)
TVS Tocharian Verbal System (Malzahn, 2009)
TX Sanskrit-Tocharian B bilingual texts from the Berlin collection
(Thomas, 1974)
U Udnavarga (Lévi, 1933, as corrected by Sieg, 1938)
vb. verb
vi. intransitive verb
vt. transitive verb
vi/vt. verb that is both intransitive and transitive (usually because the
transitive half of the pair is a derived causative)
VW Van Windekens (1976)
W Weber-McCartney MS (Filliozat [1948], as corrected by Sieg
[1954])
Y Yogaataka (Filliozat [1948], as corrected by Sieg [1954])
new entry (nothing corresponding in first edition)
( )
de facto new entry
xvi Abbreviations and Symbols
TRANSCRIPTIONS: The transcriptions for PIE and IE languages are those familiar to
Indo-Europeanists. Provisionally I accept the possibility of two a-
coloring laryngeals in PIE (h2 and h4); ha is a cover symbol for
both.
Proto-Tocharian palatalization induced by a following (PIE) front
vowel is usually shown by i
. It is distinct from y after consonants
but not initially or after vowels. However, palatalized apical stops
are c; palatalized *n is *ñ, palatalized *s is , and palatalized
tectals are (which independently became in both Tocharian A
and B). The symbol is used for the PTch descendant of PIE *u;
only later did * fall together with *ä.
•A•
ak (n.[m.sg].) ‘(upper) garment’
[ak, -, ak//] auktsa okor ymorme ‘having put the sheath over the
auk’ (516b5C), : somonats no atsaneme litau a[uk] /// ‘the auka-
garment [has] slipped from the shoulders of some [of them]’ (IT-132b3C). From
B(H)S auka-. Cf. TchA auk.
akañce* (adj.) ‘± distant, remote’
[/akañc, -, -/] • akäñc pä leke asn • = B(H)S prnta ca ayansanam
‘distant [are] bed and seat’ (U-24a3A/IT-39a3]). A derivative of ke ‘edge,’
q.v., as TchA kiñc is to k. See also next entry.
akañcar ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘± distant, remote,’ only in the compound akañcar-
weeññai* ‘living in the country’
/// wärttoa[na] waraine • prntni ayansanni • akañcar-weñña /// ‘in
the groves of the forest … distant dwellings/living in the country’ (542b3C;
partially preserved bilingual text). A derivative of the preceding entry.
akappi (n.) ‘impurity, filth, uncleanliness, pollution’
[akappi, -, -//-, -, akappinta] /// kektseñe akappi ste ‘the body is an impurity’
(121b5E), akapp = B(H)S auci (529a3C); —akappiññe* ‘id.’ (IT-204b4C).
From B(H)S akalpya- (or more likely some Prakrit equivalent).
akaru (n.) ‘aloe (Aquilaria agallocha, or Commiphora roxburghii (Arn.) Engl. [aka
C. agallocha (W. & A.) Engl., Amyris agallocha, A. commiphora Roxb., etc.]’ (a
medical ingredient)
[akaru, -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S agaru-. See also okaro.
akart(t)e (adv.) ‘near’
ñäktets wälo akärtte k[]a … []e[m] /// ‘the king of the gods came near in an
instant’ (IT-80a4A), [lareñ säsu]kañ plamas-ñ akarte ‘[my] dear sons, set your-
selves near me!’ (46b4C).
Etymology uncertain. VW (1972[74]:141-2, also 1976:141-2) posits a connec-
tion with Lithuanian greta ~ gretà ‘beside,’ Lithuanian gretà ‘proximity,’
Lithuanian grtas ‘neighbor.’ He assumes a PIE *grto- as the antecedent of the
Tocharian form (though a *greto- with late metathesis of *-rä- to *-är- would
also do), prefixed by the intensive prefix -. However, contra VW, the usual
intensive prefix e(n)- occurs with an initial - only when an -- follows in the
next syllable. Nevertheless, the equation is attractive and perhaps we have the
verbal prefix - ‘± near,’ q.v., instead (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:118-119).
akalälle (nm.) ‘pupil, scholar’
[akalälle, akalälyepi, -//akalälyi, akalälyets, akalälye] omp akallyets
pelaikn=ksai [:] ‘there he expounded the law to [his] disciples’ (3b3C),
krentä akalälye = B(H)S sacchiy (IT-187a2C). The gerund of kl-, q.v.,
used as a nomen agentis (cf. TchA käläl).
akalye (n.[m.sg.]) ‘learning, study, practice; teaching’ [klyi ym- ‘practice, school
oneself’]
[akalye, -, klyi//] klyi ymo paporñecci = abhyavacr
a brahma-[ca]rya
2 akkatte*
(542b2C), m yore kret wamompa klyi ymu ‘[he has] not schooled
himself with the good friend of giving’ (K-6a3/PK-AS-7Fa3C), [aieñca] pä
mäsketär su nau cmelae klyisa ‘he is also generous through the study of prior
births’ (K-6b1/PK-AS-7Fb1C). A nomen actionis from kl- ‘learn,’ q.v. (Cf.
TchA klye). See also kl-, akalälle, and aklyilñe.
akkatte* (adj.) ‘uninvited’
[akkatte, -, -//] (331b1L). Privative of kk- ‘invite,’ q.v. (Hilmarsson, 1991).
aktka ‘?’
Word of unknown meaning used as a gloss to SHT-1815a (Malzahn, 2007b).
akrpatte* (adj.) ‘undescended’
[m: -, -, akrpacce//] akkrpacce (PK-AS-12I-a6A) [TVS]. Privative of krp-.
aklk (n.[m.sg.]) ‘wish’ [aklk ñäsk- ‘cherish a wish’]
[aklk, aklkäntse, aklk//-, aklkäntats, aklkänta] : karsna pärmank añ
mnats mänta pw aklkänta 97 ‘it cuts off hope and destroys all wishes of
his own people’ (3b7C), pw aklkänta kaneñca ‘fulfilling all wishes’ (14a5C),
ñätr=klk seyi cmelñee : ‘he cherished a wish for the birth of a son’
(42b4C); —aklkäe ‘prtng to a wish’ (AMB-b4/PK-NS-32-b4C); —aklkässu
‘having a wish’ aklkässont palskosa (PK-AS-17H-b6C [Broomhead]); —akl-
kätstse ‘having a wish’ (101a1C).
TchA kl ‘id.’ and B aklk reflect independent borrowings from Middle
Iranian, presumably Sogdian, where we have al(ak)- ‘wish’ from an earlier
Iranian *a, or Bactrian aalo—cf. Parthian gadaka- ‘wish’ (Szemerényi,
1966: 220-221, VW:622, Pinault, 2008:332).
akadhtu (n.) ‘element of empty space’
[akadhtu, akadhtuntse, akadhtu//] (178a5C). From B(H)S kadhtu-.
See also the next entry.
ake (n.[m.sg.]) ‘sky, air, empty space; ether, atmosphere’
[ake, akäntse, ak//] [cma]re ponta [tsä]kär <r>mtä akne ‘they all
stood like a [mountain-]peak in the sky’ (365a3A), akne ma mantä ksa
wpä[ä] m ‘he never shakes [his] fist in the air’ (597a5C), pkr[e] akane ‘in
the open air’ (THT-1859a1A); —akaäe* ‘prtng to sky or air’ (338a2A). From
B(H)S ka- (cf. TchA k).
akäñc, akañc.
akual ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘inauspicious, evil’
From B(H)S akuala- (200b3C/L|K).
akrtajñe, akrittñe.
akek (adv.) ‘finally, in the end; at the end of’
akek postä sruka ‘finally later he died’ (25a2C). From ke ‘end’ plus the
strengthening particle k(ä). More particularly, perhaps an old locative in e- from
PIE *- plus the strengthening particle.
akeññe (adj.) ‘Agnean’ (?)
[m: akeññe, akeññepi, -//] akeñe ypoyä-moko Nñite ‘the akeññe “land-elder,”
Nñite’ (SI B-?a-4 [Pinault in Adams, 2000]).
The ypoyä-moko is some sort of official which, in its other attestations, is
modified by an adjective of place. Akeññe must be an adjective derived from ke
‘end.’ Its meaning must (originally) have been something on the order of
akntsa 3
‘pertaining to the border’ or the like. It is most tempting to follow Sieg (1937)
and see in this TchB word the equivalent of Agni, the B(H)S designation of the
“Tocharian A state” or Tumshuqese agñ(y)e xšera of the same meaning. The
Tocharian A state would then have originally been something like ‘The March’
(cf. Old English Mierce ‘Mercia,’ Italian Le Marche, or the Ukraine). See also
re.
akessu, s.v. ke.
akautatte* (adj.) ‘unsplittable’
[m: -, -, akautacce//] späntaitsñentae eku wjrä akautacce ‘holding the
unsplittable thunderbolt of trustworthiness’ [Tch plural] (TEB-58-18/SI P/1bC),
[ta]ws akautcce ‘with unbreakable love’ (THT-1174b2?). Privative of kaut-
‘split,’ q.v. (see 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:22).
akauwse ‘?’
ekinekañana misa akauwse /// (IT-305a6C).
akntsa (a) (adj.) ‘foolish, stupid’; (b) (n.) ‘fool’
[akntsa, -, akntsai//akntsañ ~ akntsaC, akntsats ~ akntsasC, akntsa]
(a) wnolmi [lege: wnolme] akntsa ‘a foolish being’ (2a6C), : akntsa no cai m
pällnträ yor ailñe : ‘for they are fools and they do not honor the giving of
gifts’ (23b7C), m-yeñcañ akntsañ = B(H)S ajnak (31a6/7=32a1C); (b)
akntsa = B(H)S bl (23b7C), • aimw akn[]tsa wat tpi ksa p m=lä
mäskentär 5 ‘wise man or fool, the two are not distinguishable’ (28b3C); —
akntsaññe ‘ignorance’: akntsaññentse nautalñe ‘the decrease of ignorance’
(IT-164a2E), akntsaññentse nautalñeme = B(H)S mohakayd (IT-164a2E),
[18 e]mi wnolmi tetriko ytari e akntsaññesa : ‘some beings were con-
fused [in their] ways out of ignorance’ (29b5C); —akntsaññee ‘prtng to
ignorance’: akntsañee orkmo ‘the darkness of ignorance’ (THT-2247a2E),
[akntsaññe]e orkamñe kaueñc[antse] = B(H)S ajñnatimiraghnasya (IT-
16b2C), : akntsaññee yenme ‘the gate of ignorance’ (520a2C); —akntsañ-
ñetstse ‘possessing ignorance’: akn[tsaññetse kselñeme] = B(H)S avidya-
nirodht [lege: avidy-nirodhat] (157a2?); —aknats-ymor ‘± foolish deed,
fool’s deed’ (255a7A).
TchA knats ‘id.’ and B akntsa reflect PTch *knts- where the first *- is a
reflex of the negative prefix *e(n)- whose vowel has undergone -umlaut (see
2
e(n)-). In PIE terms we have *n-neh3-to- ‘unknown, unknowing’ (with the
common change in Tocharian of a *to-stem to a *tyo-stem) [: Sanskrit ájñta-
‘unknown,’ Greek ágntos ‘id.,’ Latin igntus ‘id.,’ and Greek agns (gen.
agntos) ‘unknown, unknowing,’ all derivatives of PIE *neh3- ‘know’ (P:376-
378, de Vaan, 2008:412-413, Beekes, 2010:273)] (VW, 1972a:103, 1976:159).
Alternatively Hilmarsson (1991:124-125) suggests the possibility that we have
here an inner-Tocharian development whereby the agentive suffix -tsa has been
added to the PTch verbal root *kn- ‘know’ (cf. nn-). Those Indo-European
forms in Hittite (ganess- ‘know’), Albanian (njoh ‘I know’), and Tocharian A
(kña- ‘know’) that have been explained as reflecting *neh1- and thus
necessitating a reconstruction *noh1- for the previous set of forms, are probably
to be explained as *nh3- where the lengthened vowel is not colored by the
adjacent laryngeal ("Eichner’s Law"). See also nn-.
4 akritññe
tical thoughts’ (THT-1192b3A), ero pilko akai eye ‘they had evoked false
insight’ (15a5=17a6C), akai ytrasa [lege: ytrisa] ‘by a false path’ (30a7C), •
wets weiye akai y[mor] uwa prete[nne •] ‘urine, excrement, vomit
they eat among the pretas’ (522a3C); —akai-pilko* ‘false thought, false doc-
trine’: [akai]-p[i]lkontse ekälyñeme = B(H)S mithydri-samdnt (IT-
260a3C); —akai-pilkoe ‘prtng to false thought’ (282a3A).
TchA ke ‘id.’ and B akai reflect a PTch *()kinä. TchB shows a form
with the intensive prefix *e(n)- (the initial - is regular by -umlaut—see 1e(n)-)
and A shows a form without. Further connections are unknown. VW (213)
implausibly suggests a connection with PIE *kwei(n)- ‘punish’ with the notion
‘false’ being a development of ‘culpable.’ Hilmarsson (1991:121) more cogently
from the semantic point of view suggests a relationship with Old Irish gáu ~ gáo
~ gó ‘lie,’ Middle Welsh geu ‘false; lie’ (modern Welsh gau), and Breton gaou
‘id.’ The Celtic words apparently reflect a Proto-Celtic *gw; the Tocharian
might for Hilmarsson reflect *gwn-.
aklautkatte (adj.) ‘unturning, irreversible, unchangeable’
[aklautkatte, -, aklautkacce//] tsmoytär-ñ nete pälskoe aklautka[t]te ‘may
the spiritual and unchangeable power grow for me’ (S-8b2/PK-AS-4Bb2C). The
privative of klautk- ‘change,’ q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:23).
akwa(
) (n.) ‘asa fetida (Ferula foetida Regel [aka F. asafoetida])’ (MI)
[akwa(), -, -//] akwaä (P-2b5C), akwa = B(H)S higu- (Y-1a5C/L). Cf.
Khotanese ag a- (Filliozat). From Proto-Iranian *agu-atu- (where *atu- is
‘gum’) (Bailey, 1935-37:913).
ag, k.
acakarm (n.[m.sg.]) ‘?’
[acakarm, -, -//] tumpa [tasema]n[e] su acakarm e/// (576b1C).
acalasuttär (n.) ‘acalasutra’ (a kind of salve)
[acalasuttär, -, -//] (W-19b4C).
acr* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘propriety, rule’
[-, -, acr//acränta, -, -] : sprtalñent=cränta muskauw=ttsaik : ‘[good] be-
haviors and conducts [have] completely disappeared’ (12b2C), acr sparko
yaknesa ekka-ekka sakantse antary maä ‘in a manner having lost [all]
decency, always and always he puts an obstacle in the way of the community’ [or
‘…always he embarrasses the community’] (PK-DAM.507-a6/7Col [Pinault,
1984a:24]); —acräe* ‘prtng to propriety’ (549b2C). From B(H)S cra-.
Acirapati* (n.) ‘Acirapati’ (PN of a river)
[-, -, Acirapati//] (IT-90a3C [Carling, 2000:135]).
acirne (n.) ‘absence of digestion’
[acirne, -, -//] (Y-1b4C/L). From B(H)S ajr
a-.
ajamot (n.) ‘celery/celeriac (Apium graveolens Linn.)’ or ‘common caraway (Carum
carvi Linn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[ajamot, -, -//] (497b6C, W-33a3C). From B(H)S ajamod-.
Ajtaatru (n.[m.sg.]) ‘Ajtaatru’ (PN of a king of Magadha)
[Ajtaatru, Ajtaatruñ, Ajtaatru//] (K-3a6/PK-AS-7Ca6C).
Ajite (n.) ‘Ajita’ (PN of heretical teacher)
[Ajite, -, -//] (28b1C). From B(H)S Ajita- (cf. TchA Ajite ~ Acite).
8 ajvare
at (adverb) ‘± away’
atäka (PK-AS-12Ka5A [Peyrot, 2008:165]), 3 to läklentame añ añm skyau
krui tsälpastsi [•] at no ce ymu kuse ñ ymare /// ‘if from these sufferings I
try to free myself, though [I have] sent them away, they do me …’ (220b2E/C).
The apocopated form of ate, q.v, in the same way we have omp ~ ompe ‘there’
or ket ~ kete ‘whose.’ (See Peyrot’s discsussion [2008:165].) See also ate,
and probably atame.
Atakke (n.) ‘Atakke’ (PN in caravan pass)
[Atakke, -, -//] (LP-4a3Col).
atame (adv.) ‘away from’ (?)
/// te nesi atame kwri no wrantane trai[ka] /// (IT-275a1C), /// [wawayau]cai m
kalla tu ytarime parna lantsi atame m campä • (330a3L), • tentsa olya-
potse artta[]iññe ymtsi atame m rittetär (331b5L). Presumably from at
~ ate, but the exact meaning is not easily discernable from the attested contexts.
atkatte (adj.) ‘untrue, unfounded’
[m: atkatte, -, atkacce//] krentätsa tatta nki atkatte neamye ‘they will set
reproach and untrue rumor on the good’ (15a5=17a6/7C), [a]tkatte = B(H)S
abhta- (16a4C). Privative of tk- ‘be,’ s.v. nes- (see also 2e(n)- and cf.
Hilmarsson, 1991:36-39).
atttad ~ dattad* (n.) ‘theft’
[-, -, atttada//] (IT-157.frgm, b4E, IT-139a1C/L). From B(H)S adattdna-
‘taking of what is not given’ (Malzahn, p.c.).
atne, s.v. to.
atmo (n.) ‘± unfruitful ground’
[atmo, -, -//] t[untse] a[rmtsa] atmo taur tweye mäsketrä pkri ‘for this reason
unfruitful ground, or dust, or ash appears’ (K-8b2/PK-AS-7Hb2C [CEToM]).
The negative prefix 2e(n)- + tmo, a nominal derivative of täm- ‘be born,’ q.v.
atätne ‘?’
Word of unknown meaning used as a gloss in SHT-872 (Malzahn, 2007b).
atit ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘± past, bygone’
(183a3C). From B(H)S atta-
Atidivkare (n.) ‘Atidivkara’ (PN)
[Atidivkare, -, -//] (357b5C).
atibala (n.) ‘Sida rhombifolia Linn. [aka S. rombhoidea Roxb.]’ (medical ingredient)
[atibala, -, -//] (W-24b3C). From B(H)S atibal-.
atiyo* (or atiya*?) (n.[f.pl.]) ‘grass’ [usually in plural but may be used in the
singular as a collective]
[-, -, atiyai//atiyañ, atiyats, atiya] aty·/// = B(H)S tr
a- (530b3C), atiyai pisäl
melte orae puwar ‘a fire of grass, chaff, dung or wood’ (194b1C/L), ckentse
manarkaisa nyagrot-stm ñor atiyaisa lyama ‘on the bank of the river he sat on
the grass under a nigrodha-tree’ (107b5L); –atiyai-kärstauca* ‘grass-mower’ =
B(H)S yvasika- (wall-painting caption 32.1 [K. T. Schmidt, 1998:77]).
TchA ti ‘id.’ and B atiyo reflect PTch *ty-. Related to Scythian -
‘grasshopper or locust’ (lit. ‘grass-devouring’), Baltic *atlas (Lithuanian atólas,
Latvian atãls) ‘new grass which grows up after mowing,’ Slavic *otawa (e.g.,
Russian otáva, Polish otawa) ‘id.,’ Ossetic taw (< Proto-Iranian *atwa-) ‘id.,’
10 atirek
Welsh atyf ‘aftermath,’ and other possibilities in Indic and Anatolian (Witczak,
2001). Witczak plausibly suggests that this word may have been the central term
for grass in Proto-Indo-European. Since there is no palatalization of any sort in
the Tocharian words, we presumably have a putative PIE *at-u-y- or the like. If
Witczak is right to include Lycian ahe ‘hay, fodder,’ the PIE reconstruction
would be *h2et-.
Otherwise, Lane (1938:25) connected this word with Latin ador ‘spelt’ and
Gothic atisk ‘grainfield.’ Watkins (1973b) connects all three words with Hittite
hat- (< PIE *h2ed-) ‘to dry, parch’ (ador originally being ‘dried spelt’) and Greek
ázomai ‘dry out’ (so too Puhvel, 1991:248; cf. P:3, MA:237). There is also Arm
hat ‘grain,’ haar ‘spelt,’ Sogdian duk ‘cereals,’ but Lycian ahe ‘hay,
fodder.’ Pedersen (1941:64), on the other hand, followed by VW (624), takes
PTch *ty- as a borrowing from Turkish ot ‘grass’ but neither the initial vowel
nor the stem form of the Tocharian word is clarified by such a hypothesis.
atirek (n.) ‘surplus, exception’
[atirek, -, -//] (IT-157b1E). From B(H)S atireka-.
ati
hit, adhi
hit
ate (adverb) ‘± away’ [ate ra tsa i- ‘to go any which way’]
kelästa läkle pratinme wasktai ma at=ate aie tsälpasts läklentame ‘thou
hast suffered pain [but] from [thy] decision to redeem the world from sufferings
thou hast not moved away’ (224b2/3A), • ceu prekar ate kampl yamaasta ‘they
asked him: didst thou set the cloak aside?’ (337a5=PK-NS-18A-b2C [Thomas,
1978:239]), ppa ate ymtsi päkn[a]star-ñ ‘dear father, dost thou intend to send
me away?’ (83a5C), eane epikte pärwne wat no lupale ate ra tsa ya m
lkte ksa ‘[it is] to be smeared between the eyes or on the brows; no matter how
he might go, he was not seen by anyone’ (M-3b5/PK-AS-8Cb5C).
Ate may reflect PTch *té with the attested initial a- resulting from its being
always unstressed. That *té would reflect either a PIE *haet (as in Lithuanian
ato- ‘back, away’) or *haetos (as in Sanskrit ata ‘from there’). One should
compare also OCS ot! ‘away,’ Greek atár ‘however,’ Latin at- ‘id.’ (< pre-Latin
*ati), Gothic aþ-þan ‘id.,’ OCS ot-, OCS ot" ‘away, out’ (P:70-71; MA:37). The
connection with Sanskrit ata was first made by VW, 1941:8 (see also VW,
1976:152). The TchA atas traditionally taken as cognate, is to be read as anas
(Pinault, 2008:71), and has an entirely different meaning (‘breaths’ [acc.pl.]).
See also at and probably atame.
atka (n.) ‘concentration’ (??)
[atka, -, atka//] /// atka nesau /// (572b1A), /// yente kärkte [c]w[i] no tsakträ
ñke as • atkane tu cämpamñe epe maiyya rddhia • ‘… he stole the wind and
his throne burns; in concentration (?) [is] that power or magical strength’ (IT-
178b7C). Broomhead suggests ‘deception’ as the meaning, but in form it looks
like it should belong with atkwal. A meaning ‘concentration’ is just as apt as
‘deception’ in the one occurrence where there is any kind of context.
atkwal ~ atkl (n.?) ‘?’
: akain placsa sewträ atkwal pä • (282a4A) [perhaps a defective spelling for
atkwäl], • cowai tärknan m=tkl viaintai w/// (THT-3596b3C); —atkwaltse
‘?’: PK-AS-16.8-a4C (CEToM).
ankätte 11
attai, ate.
Atyuccagm (n.) ‘Atyuccagmin’ (PN of a former buddha)
[Atyuccagm, -, -//] (AMB-a1=PK-NS-32C).
Atreye (n.) ‘Atreya’ (PN)
[Atreye, -, -//] /// Atreye weña reke /// (IT-199a2C).
atraikatte (adj.) ‘unfailing, not misleading’
[atraikatte, -, -//] A privative of the causative of trik-, q.v. (see Hilmarsson,
1991:56-58). TVS (456) suggests that the morphologically difficult -ai- is a
scribal error for -i.
attsaik (adv.) ‘completely, only; indeed, for sure, even’ [a strengthening particle]
94 aul attsaik totka mnats ñke wryee pältakwä atyats a[k]entasa :
‘indeed the life of men is now very short [like] a dew drop on the tips of grasses’
(3b3/4C), walo akntsa su märsau añ ñm atsaik ñem Ara
emi ‘the king [is] a
fool; he [has] forgotten even his own name, Araemi’ (81a2/3C), entsesa attsaik
ene wawla ‘through greed [are their] eyes completely covered’ (K-6a2/PK-
AS-7Fa2C).
TchA ttsek and B attsaik reflect PTch *ttsai-kä where the final -k is the
strengthening particle and the tts- is somehow related to TchA ats and B ats but
further connections are unknown (Smith, 1910:8, Duchesne-Guillemin, 1941:175,
VW:153). See also ats.
adhivacanasaspar (n.) ‘± conjunction of epithets’
[adhivacanasaspar, -, -//] (171a1C). From B(H)S *adhivacanasaspara-
(compound not in M-W or Edgerton).
adhi
hit (also ati
hit), in the phrasal verb adhi
hit ym- ‘take control of, exercise
(magical) control over’
• dhutagu
[ä] no pañäkti känta adhihit m yamaskenträ • ‘the buddha-
teachers do not exert control over the dhutagu
as’ (560a1/2C). From B(H)S
adhihita-.
adhyai* (n.) ‘disposition’
[-, -, adhyai//] (Broomhead). From B(H)S adhyaya-.
anagmäññe, s.v. angme
anantr* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘sin whose penalty is death’
[//-, -, anantränta] (22b3C). From B(H)S nantarya- by way of Khotanese
(Sieg, 1949:89)?
anantaryavimuktimrg (n.) ‘± way of immediate deliverance’
[anantaryavimuktimrg, -, -//] (591a4L). From B(H)S *anantarya-vimukti-
marga- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).
anabhipry* (n.) ‘± lack of intention’
[-, -, anabhipry//] (331a2L). From B(H)S *an-abhiprya- (compound not in M-
W or Edgerton). See abhipry.
anahr (n.) ‘fast’ [i.e., ‘refraining from eating’]
[anahr, -, -//] (M-1/PK-AS-8Ab5C). From B(H)S anhra-. See hr and
poat.
ankätte (adj.) ‘blameless, irreproachable’
[m: ankätte, -, -//] ankätte = B(H)S anindita- (U-18/SIB-117a2C). Privative to
nk- ‘blame, reproach,’ q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:95-96).
12 angat
regular by -umlaut) + aiai, verbal noun from aik- ‘know,’ q.v. Cf. Hilmarsson,
1991:120.
anautatte* (adj.) ‘± imperishable’
[-, -, anautacce//] • weñim ñä anautacc=aiamñesa m roy wentsi • ‘I would
speak: because of [his] imperishable wisdom may he not cease from speaking!’
(291a2E). Privative of naut- ‘disappear,’ q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson,
1991:32-35).
antapi (pronoun/adj.) ‘both’
[antapi ~ ntpi, -, antapi ~ ntpi] /// [o]rotse-pacere nesteñy [lege: nesteñy]
antp ktsaits e-lmoä ‘my grandparents are both old and blind’ (THT-1540a4A
[K. T. Schmidt, 1987:288, 2007:325]), antapi = B(H)S ubhayatra (U-15b3E), 72
lyam=#nande kenisa [a]lyinesa antapi : pudñäktentse kektseño klawte-ne ‘.
sat on [his] knees and with both palms touched the Buddha’s body’ (5b4/5C), •
aimw akn[]tsa wat tpi ksa p m=lä mäskentär : ‘wise [man] and fool, the
two are not distinguishable’ (28b3C).
TchA mpi (m.?) ‘id.’ (feminine [?] mpuk) and B antapi ~ ntpi reflect PTch
*ntäp(ä)i which must, in some fashion, be related to the widespread Indo-
European group meaning ‘both’ [: Greek ámph, Latin amb ~ -ae ~ -, and
without the nasal, Sanskrit ubhau, Avestan uw, Lithuanian abù, OCS oba, and,
without the first syllable, Gothic bai (m.) ~ ba (f.), all ‘both’ (P:34-35)] (Meillet,
1911:147, 150, VW:162). Jasanoff (1976) has shown that of the Greek, Latin,
and Tocharian forms, TchB antapi is notably archaic and requires a PIE *h2ent-
bho-, with *h2ent- as in Hittite hant- ‘face,’ hanz(a) (< *h2enti) ‘in front,’ Greek
antí ‘against,’ Latin ante ‘in front of,’ etc. (P:48-49; MA:400). The AB ending -i
reflects the old neuter dual *-oih1, while in the TchA -uk (whether feminine or, as
Winter, 1991:148, has argued, pronominal as opposed to an adjectival mpi) we
probably have the old masculine *-u (plus the strengthening particle k(ä)),
relegated to the feminine by the original neuter. (Cf. Hilmarsson, 1989a:56-58,
also Winter, 1991: 147-150.)
antarakalp (n.[f.pl.]) ‘internal subdivision of an eon, intermediate eon’
[antarakalp, -, -//antarakalpanma, -, -] (590a1C). From B(H)S antarakalpa-.
antaradv päe* (adj.) ‘pertaining to the middle continent’
[f: -, -, antaradvpäai//] antaradvpaai ytri ‘the way of the middle continent’
(IT-3a2C). An adjective based on the an unattested noun borrowed from B(H)S
anataradvpa-.
antarbhav* (n.) ‘intermediate state of existence (between death and rebirth)’
[antarbhav, -, antarbhav//] (175a1C); —antarbhaväe* ‘prtng to such a state’
(179b2C). From B(H)S antarbhava-.
antary (n.) ‘embarrassment, obstacle, disturbance’ [antary ym- ‘embarrass, put
up an obstacle’]
[-, -, antary//amtaryänta, -, -] /// [pw]re antaryä • wrae [antaryä] /// ‘a
fire disturbance and a water disturbance’ (IT-123a3C), acr sparko [sic] yaknesa
ekka ekka sakantse antary maä ‘in that way having lost all decency he is
always and for ever putting an obstacle in the way of the monastery’ (or
‘…forever embarrassing the monastery’) (PK-DAM.507-a6/7Col [Pinault, 1984a:
16 antariye
24]). A calque on Pali verb underlying the attested nomen agentis, antarya-
kara- (Pinault, 1984a:27).
antariye (adj.) ‘± under or lower (of garments)’
[m: antariye, -, -//] [anta]riye wastsi yää[lle] ‘underclothing [is] to be worn’
(320b4E/C). If from B(H)S antarya-.
antarti (~ antardhi) ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘invisible’
kete ñme tka antarti nessi ‘to whomever is the wish to be invisible’ (M-
3b4/PK-AS-8Cb4C). From B(H)S antardhi ‘concealment, disappearance.’
antarvs* (n.) ‘inner/under garment’
[-, -, antarvs//] KVc-5a1? (Schmidt, 1986). From B(H)S antarvsa-.
antpce (n.) ‘± firebrand’
[antpce, -, -//] pälketär-ne po kektseñe antpce ramt ekältsa [39] ‘his whole
body blazes with passion like a firebrand’ (8a5C).
Etymology uncertain. Perhaps with VW (1941:5, 1976:145) we have the
intensive prefix e(n)- (the initial - is regular by -umlaut) + tpce where tp-
reflects PIE *tp- from *tep- ‘be hot’ [: Sanskrit tápati ‘is warm, burns,’ Avestan
tpaiti ‘is warm,’ Albanian ftoh ‘cool off’ (<*h4eps-top-eh1-ske/o-), Latin tepe
‘am warm,’ and possibly Hittite (or Hieroglyphic Luvian since this word
sometimes occurs with the Glossenkeil) tapassa- ‘fever, heat’ (note that this word
is not spelled *tappassa- as we would expect by Sturtevant’s Law is a derivative
of PIE *tep-), etc. (P:1069-1070)]. Perhaps instead we have a loanword from
some Middle Iranian source, *(h)antp-, as suggested by Hansen (1940:145).
antikke (n.?) a proper name perhaps?
(IT-17b2C).
antipr (n.) ‘harem’
[antipr, antipuräntse, -//] (AMB-a4=PK-NS-32C); —antipuräe* (adj.)
‘prtng to a harem’ (109a6L); (nf.) ‘harem-woman.’ From B(H)S antapura-. It
is noteworthy that the Tocharian form shows a Sanskrit antecedent with ‘close’
sandhi (with retroflex --) rather than visarga as in the standard Sanskrit form.
Attule (n.) ‘Attule’ (PN in administrative records)
[Attule, -, -//] (SI B 12.6Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
Andhave (n.) ‘Andhava’ (PN of a forest)
[Andhave, -, -//] (IT-247a3C).
apamrk ~ apamrga (n.) ‘Achyranthes aspera Linn.’ (a medical ingredient)
[apamrk ~ apamrga, -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S apmrga-.
aparim ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘immeasurable, infinite, limitless’
(154b1C). From B(H)S aparim
a-.
apaabdh* (n.) ‘bad or vulgar speech’ (?)
[-, -, apaabdh//] (134b6A). If From B(H)S apaabda-.
apasmr (n.) ‘epilepsy’
[apasmr, -, -//] (KVc-19/THT-1111b3C [Schmidt, 1986]). B(H)S apasmra-.
Aparacite (n.) ‘Aparacite’ (PN of a Buddha)
[Aparacite, -, -//]. (IT-128a4 C).
apkätte ‘without being exposed, unrevealed’ (?)
pantaä apkä[tt]e /// ‘he convinces without being obvious’ (?) (THT-
1192b5A). Privative of pk-, q.v.
appamt 17
apkärtse (adj./adv.) ‘manifest, apparent, out in the open’ [apkärtse ym- ‘reveal,
make manifest’; apkärtse länt- ‘reveal onself, leave openly’]
[m: apkärtstse, -, apkärcce//] ap[]kär[cce] ikene pwar y[a]mi[tär] ‘a fire was
made in a place open to the sky’ (THT-1539.5+3a1C [K. T. Schmidt, 2006: 463]);
ytrye s … apkärtse ymusa ‘the way made evident’ [apkärtse ymusa =
B(H)S prakita] (30a3/4C), [a]pkärtse ltu añ yapo[yme] ‘having left
openly from his own kingdom’ (94b6C). The intensive prefix 1e(n)- (the initial
- is regular by -umlaut) + pkr- ‘evident’ + the adjective forming -tstse (cf.
Hilmarsson, 1991:121-123). See also (a)pkri and the next entry.
apkai (adv.) ‘± with genitals exposed’
[3]7 m apkai ene[ka] /// = B(H)S na vi agikaytargrhe niatsyma (IT-
168a5C/L). The B(H)S equivalent of this TchB hapax legomenon is almost as
rare. The Tibetan, Japanese, and, in part, the Chinese equivalents of B(H)S
vi agika- mean ‘showing the private parts’ while, in part, the Chinese evidence,
perhaps euphemistically, suggests ‘bending over’ as the meaning. Etymological
considerations within Tocharian show the Tch translator to have understood the
B(H)S word as ‘showing the private parts, exposing oneself’ as the meaning.
Though clearly written -k-, one wonders if -k- would have been the “standard”
form instead (cf. lyekye, q.v., for certain *lyekye). From the intensive prefix
1
e(n)- (the initial - is regular by -umlaut) + -pk- ‘± obvious, evident’ (cf.
pkri) + (apparently) -ai (or -ai?). See also pkre, pkri and apkärtse.
apkri (adv.?) ‘clearly, evidently’ ?
IT-204b3C (no context). See also pkri.
apy* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘lower being; bad rebirth’
[//apynta, -, apynta] (52b4C). From B(H)S apya-.
apre (adj.) ‘prtng to Apr (or par)’ (the name of a place)
[apre, -, -//] apre Wrau [thus distinguished from other Wraus in the same list]
(SI P/117.10Col [Pinault, 1998:15]). An adjective derived from an unattested
*Apr or *#par, presumably a place-name in the vicinity of Kucha.
apätte (n.) ‘one who has not behaved morally’
[apätte, -, apäcce//] (31b2=32a4C). The privative of psk- ‘guard,’ q.v.
(See also 2 e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:110).
Api* (n.) ‘the Avc-hell’
[-, -, api//] : Devadatte s Api nraine temtsate 72 ‘this D. was re-born in the
Avc-hell’ (22b3C); —apiäe ~ awiäe* ‘prtng to the Avc-hell’ (TEB-64-04/
IT-5a3C/L). B(H)S avc- (cf. TchA avi).
appakke (n.) ‘(dear) father’
[appakke, -, - (voc. appakka)//] aula-preñcai sauka [= soka] se wate appakke
snai träko ñake päst rinastä[r]c[i] t·p· /// (83a4C). A diminutive of ppo
‘father,’ q.v.
appamt, only in the phrasal verb appamt ym- ‘treat badly, wrong, treat with
disdain’
appamt yamaskentär = B(H)S avajnanti (31a6=32a1C), • ce ksa ymtär
appamt wrocce luptär nraisa 41 ‘[if] someone does this one wrong, he he will
be thrown into a great hell’ (31b1=32a4C), (PK-AS-7Ob4C); —appamtäññe ‘±
ill-treatment’ (246b1E, 371b4C). Like its TchA cognate, appärmt, B appamt
18 appamatia
is a borrowing from B(H)S pramata- or some Prakrit equivalent. See also next
entry.
appamatia (adj.) ‘scornful, disdainful; despicable’ (?)
/// [se or]otse - - ·i no appamatia (575b2C). A derivative of the previous
entry. For the formation, see Winter, 1979.
apratitulye* (n.) name of a meter (4x25 syllables, rhythm 5/5/8/7)
[-, -, apratitulye//] (380a4C, 379b1L). Cf. TchA apratitulye.
apratisakhynirot* (n.) ‘the unobserved annihilation of an object’
[-, -, apratisakhynirot//] (189b3L). From B(H)S apratisakhynirodha-.
apramai* (n.) ‘infinitude, high number’ (?)
[//-, -, apramainta] (575a6C). If from B(H)S apram
a-.
aprast (n.) ‘unbelief’
[aprast, -, -//] (KVc-22a2/THT-1114a2C [Schmidt, 1986]). B(H)S aprasda-.
aplc (adv.) ‘in conversation’
: amye mka amni aplc ‘many monks were sitting in conversation’ (3a5C).
The prepositional/intensive prefix 1e(n)- ‘in’ + the accusative singular of plce
‘conversation,’ q.v. (Hilmarsson, 1991:123).
apatrike* (nm.) ‘citizen of a market-town’ (?)
[//apatriki, -, -] uktai apatriki ‘the citizens of the market-town “of the
seven”’ (THT-4000, col. 3, -a9), ak-oktai apatriki (THT-4000, col. 3, -a10).
Clearly identical with TchA ptrikñ which would appear to be the equivalent
of B(H)S naigama- ‘town-dwellers’ (Carling, Pinault, Winter, 2009). Otherwise
the etymology is unknown (Carling, Pinault, and Winter’s proposed Iranian
antecedent is very speculative and does not account for the initial vowel).
aptsare* (adj.) ‘prtng to an aptsara’
[f: aptsarya, -, -//] ñikcya=ptsarya wat ‘divine or aptsaran’ (THT-1245a1). An
adjective derived from an unattested *aptsar from B(H)S aptsara-.
apsl (n.) ‘sword’
[apsl, -, apsl//] apsltsa ymu ple kektsene ‘[if] I make a wound in the body
with a sword’ (15b1=17b3C).
Etymology uncertain. By its form apsl would appear to be an old verbal
abstract (cf. Tch AB wl ‘food’). VW (148) relates this Tocharian word to
Avestan afša-, afšman- ‘damage.’ Apsl might be as if from PIE *haeps-eha-, a
denominative verb derived from the *haeps-o- that lies behind Avestan afša-. If
so, we would expect the original meaning to have been ‘± damage’ and the shift
to *‘damager,’ whence ‘sword’ is difficult.
aptsaradara* (n.) name of a meter/tune
[-, -, aptsaradara//] (Broomhead). Cf. TchA aptsaradara.
abraji* (n.) ‘particle of water’ [as a unit of measurement] (?)
[//abrajinta, -, -] (326b3L). Cf. B(H)S abrajas-.
abhja (n.) ‘non-vessel’
[abhja, -, -//] (IT-159b1C). From B(H)S abhjana-.
abhijñä* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘(higher) knowledge, supernatural science’
[-, -, abhijñä//-, -, abhijñänta] (31a3C). B(H)S abhijñ- (cf. TchA abhijñe).
amc 19
watä ekalmi ymntsi ‘[if] he intends to make subject the king or [his] ministers’
(M-1/PK-AS-8Ab5C); —amciññe ‘prtng to a minister, ministerial’ (425a1C/L).
Like TchA mc ‘id.,’ B amc is a borrowing from Khotanese mca- ‘id.,’
itself a borrowing from Prakrit amacca- (B(H)S amtya-) ‘id.’ (Bailey, 1941:598,
VW:623).
amntatte (adj.) ‘not evil-minded’ or ‘not scattered, concentrated’ (?)
[m: amntatte, -, -//] 43 ket palskw astare amntatte taka[r]k[e] /// ‘whose spirit
[is] pure, not evil-minded, and believing’ (IT-144b5C). A privative of mänt- ‘be
evil-minded’ (also ‘scatter’), q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:29-31).
amrrae (adj.) ‘immortal, undying’ (?) or an adjective of some plant (?)
[m: amrrae, -, -//] [f: amrraa, -, -//] [wa]rpalñe amrrae yel ra ‘suffering
[is] like an immortal worm’ (152b5C), s amrraa pakiye (W-9b3C). If a
derivative of B(H)S amara- ‘immortal’ and/or amara-/amar-, the name of
several plants.
amllatte (adj.) ‘not depressed, not cast down’
[amllate, -, -//] (255b3A). The privative of 1mäl- ‘crush, repress, oppress,’ q.v.
(see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:28-29).
amskai (adv.) ‘with difficulty’; ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘difficult’
[-, -, amskai//] pos=amskai karkats[i] = B(H)S sudurharam ‘very difficult to
steal’ (14b8C), tusa amskai lwsame onolmetsä yamna cmetsi ‘thus [it is]
difficult for animals to be born of beings among men’ (407b2/3E); —amskai-
tstse* ‘± difficult’ (384b2C). The intensive prefix 1e(n)- (the initial - is regular
by -umlaut) + msk- ‘difficulty’ (Hilmarsson, 1991:119-120). More s.v. mskw.
amäkpänte* (or amäkpanta*?) (n.) ‘± wagon-master’
[(voc. amäkpänta)//] amäkpänta karpm lantäññai ytrine ‘O wagon-master,
we have descended on the royal way’ (PK-AS-12K-b3A [Couvreur, 1954c:86]).
Etymology uncertain. Bailey (1958; followed by VW:621) sees in this word a
compound, perhaps itself of Iranian origin, certainly of Iranian origin in its
components. The first part of the compound amäk- is in the first instance
equated with Khotanese ma- in mapa- ‘road’ (< *‘± wagon-place’) and further
to Greek ámaksa (Attic hámaksa) ‘chassis of a four-wheeled wagon’ while the
second part of the compound is Iranian *pati- ‘master.’ However, it may well be
that TchB amäk- and Greek are cognate because they are both inherited from
PIE *h2em-haeks-y(e)ha- ‘wagon-chassis,’ whether or not Khotanese ma- (if such
a form has an independent existence) belongs here or not. (It should be noted that
the Tocharian-Greek equation is specifically denied by Beekes, 2010:81-82.)
Likewise I do not see -pänte as borrowed from Iranian *pati-. Such an etymo-
logy leaves the -n- without any explanation. Instead I see -pänte as a putative
PIE *pnth2-ó- ‘one pertaining to the way,’ an exocentric thematic derivative to
*pónth2s ‘way’ [: Sanskrit pánth (m.), Avestan pantå (m.), Armenian hun, all
‘way,’ Greek póntos (m.) ‘sea,’ OCS pt" (m.) ‘way,’ Old Prussian pintis ‘id.,’
etc. (P:308-309)] (cf. Adams, 1984b; MA:625).
Amärtatewe (m.) ‘Amr
tadeva’ (PN in monastic records)
[Amärtatewe, -, -//] (PK-DAM.507.8b1Col [Pinault, 1994:107]).
amike (adj.) ‘bad-tempered, despondent’
[m: amike, -, -//-, -, amika] am[i]k=[e]ntsesse ‘bad-tempered and greedy’
amplkätte 21
(117a3E), [wnolme]ntso ra ponts [lege: pontats] aii [sic] amikana [lege:
amikane?] ene no (92b1C); —amikäññe ‘bad disposition, despondency’: ami-
käññe = B(H)S daurmanasya (156a5C), amikäñe (THT-3203a2?).
Probably with VW (1941:80, 1976:143-144, though details differ) an adjective
with the diminutive suffix -ke added to a form *m(i)-, related to Sanskrit
ámv- ‘sickness, suffering,’ ámti ‘torments, presses,’ Greek an$ (Aeolic on$)
‘grief, sorrow, distress, trouble’ (< *amw- with dissimilation of *m … w to *n
… w), Old Norse ama ‘torment, wound,’ all reflecting a PIE *haem(hx)-, distinct
from Greek ómnmi ‘swear’ (cf. P:778; MA:413).
amok* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘art, skill, artifice’
[-, -, amok//-, -, amokänta] 28 kus=moksa triko cai po aie m äy[e]nträ :
‘whoever [have] gone astray because of [your] artifice counted for nought the
whole world’ (24a5C), ce [lege: kuce] amokänta Dharmacandre ytka paikatsi
‘since Dh. has commanded the arts to be written’ (605b1C/L); —amokäe ‘±
prtng to art’ (429b5L); —amok(äts)tse* ‘artisan’ (434a3Col, TEB-74-3/THT-
1574Col). AB amok reflect borrowing(s) from some Middle Iranian source, cf.
Parthian ‘mwg, Middle Persian hmwg ‘doctrine’ (Sieg, Siegling, and Schulze,
1931:12, fn. 1, VW:621).
amaukatte* (adj.) ‘undrainable, unceasing’
[-, -, amaukacce//] (231a3C/L). The privative of mauk- ‘drain away,’ q.v. (see
also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:31-32).
ampar, 2mpär.
amparwa, s.v. 1mpär.
ampalakkesar (n.) a kind of tree
[ampalakkesar, -, -//] (115a1L). From B(H)S ambakakesara- (identification
by Sieg, Siegling, and Thomas [1953:115]; not in M-W or Edgerton).
ampoño (n.) ‘rottenness, infection, abscess, boil’
[ampoño, ampoñantse, ampoñai//] ampoñatse stke ‘the remedy for infection’
(P-1a1C). A nomen actionis from mp- ‘rot,’ q.v., from Khotanese hambu-, i.e.,
hambu- + the Khotanese abstract-forming suffix -oña.
ampra
o (n.) ‘Oxalis monadelpha’ (a medical ingredient)
[amprao, -, -//] (W-24a4C). From B(H)S amlaa-.
amprätaptär (n.) ‘leaf of heartleaf moonseed (Tinospora cordifolia (Willd.)
Miers)’ (a medical ingredient)
[amprätaptär, -, //] (W passimC). From B(H)S amrtapattra-.
Amprätaarme (n.) ‘Amr
taarma’ (PN in graffito)
[Amprätaarme, -, -//] (G-Su2Col).
Amprätasene (n.) ‘Amr
tasena’ (PN in graffito)
[Amprätasene, -, -//] (G-Su12Col). See also Amrätasene.
Amprätodane* (n.) ‘Amr
todana’ (PN of an uncle of the Buddha)
[-, -, Amprätodane//] (517a5C).
amplkätte (adv.) ‘uninvited, without permission’
• Dhanike ñem amne • Ajatruñ lnte amplkätte or kamte • ‘a monk,
Dhanika [by] name, took king A.’s wood without permission’ (IT-127a2/3C), 79
se mne [sic] kätko preke amplkätte kwaaine yinmaä 80 ‘whatever
22 Ambare*
separation of the . was to be ‘ (176b2C), /// arkye pelai[kn]e /// (373.dC). If an
adjectival derivative of 2rk ‘obligation,’ q.v.
arkuye, artkiye
arkwañae* (adj.) ‘prtng to the arkwaña-plant’
[f: arkwañaa, -, -//] arkwañaa tno puwarne hom yamaäle ‘the seed if an
arkwaña is to be put in the fire as an oblation’ (M-1b5/PK-AS-8Ab5C). The
exact meaning and etymology are unknown.
arkwañña, s.v. rkwi.
arkwiññe (n.) ‘± whiteness’
[arkwiññe, -, -//] arkwiññe kroaññe = B(H)S vetatvatatva- ‘frostbite’ (?) (Y-
3a4C/L). A nominal derivative of rkwi ‘white,’ q.v.
arju (n.) ‘arjuna (Terminalia arjuna W. & A.),’ only in the compound arju-
stm.
(107b4L). From B(H)S arjuna-.
Arcune* (n.) ‘Arjuna’ (PN of a king)
[-, Arcuna (?), -//] lante kalye Arcuna (THT-4001a3Col). Perhaps for *Arcuni
with omission of the i-diacritic on the last akara.
Arjune (n.) ‘Arjuna’ (PN in graffito)
[Arjune, -, -//] (G-Su7Col).
Aryrtate (n.) ‘Aryrtate’ (PN in monastic document)
[Aryrtate, -, -//] (PK-DAM.507-a10Col).
Artadhane (n.) ‘Artadhana (PN of a disciple)
[Artadhane, -, -//] (Broomhead).
artalle, s.v. rtt-
artkiye (n.) ‘±abundance’
[artkiye, -, -//] m cp taurä m tweye kektseñäc ma wat [t]swetär nt[a] :
wässanma pä artkye [Sieg’s reading, 1938] mäskentär-ne - - - - - [kälpauca] pä
mäsketär po-yknesa krenta wässanma ‘never does dust or ash cling to [his] body;
to him clothes are an artkye … and he is an obtainer, by every method, of good
clothes’ (K-10a3/4/PK-AS-7Ja3/4C [CEToM]).
In the Sanskrit text which lies behind the Tocharian, prabhta- ‘abundant’
would appear to be the equivalent of the Tocharian B artkye. The clause in which
it occurs might, then, be naturally translated into English as, “he has an
abundance of clothes.” Though written as artkye, the meter assures an original
artkiye [CEToM].
In form artkiye looks to be a verbal noun derived from an otherwise unattested
verb *rtk- ‘be abundant/make abundant.’ If Mayrhofer’s doubts about connec-
ting the Indo-Iranian family of Sanskrit rdh- ‘prosper’ with Greek althaín ‘heal’
are correct (Frisk does not even mention the possibility and Beekes mentions it
only noncommitally), it is certainly tempting to connect the Sanskrit and
Tocharian words together. The Tocharian would reflect a putative PIE *haerdh-
ske/o-. Otherwise we might think of a connection with Old Irish ard ‘high’ or,
alternatively, with Albanian rit ‘grow.’ See also next entry.
artkaretstse* (n.) ‘one who has many possessions’
[//-, -, artkarecce] ///[ar]tk·reccenmpa • (307b7C). We have here the middle
and end of a word corresponding to B(H)S vibhtinandi- (see Peyrot, 2008b:107).
26 arth
crushed, ground’ seen in Greek aléata ‘wheat groats,’ and Greek aleurá [pl.]
‘flour,’ and Armenian aliwr ‘flour.’
allätte (adj.) ‘indefatigable, tireless’
[allätte, -, alläcce (voc. alläccu)//alläcci, -, -] (THT-1536, frgm. d-a5A),
(203b2E/C=204a1C). The privative of l l - ‘be tired,’ q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and
Hilmarsson, 1991:86-88).
almo (adj.) ‘sick’
[m: almo, almontse, almo//-, almonts, almontä (sic)] läkle[sa]
almo mñe aie lyk(sta) ‘thou didst see the human world sick with
suffering’ (THT-3597b7A), • ai=lmo laukäññeai snaiy santknant tär-
yka kt stkentampa traiywatai twe • ‘the sick world was far gone and with-
out a doctor; thou didst mix the thirty-seven remedies’ (212b2/3E/C), al[-
montse] = B(H)S turasya (IT-70a2C), almontä (cf. IT-1a1C, IT-753a3?
[Peyrot, 2008:119]). A verbal adjective from alsk- ‘be sick,’ q.v.
alsäññe (n.) ‘idleness, laziness, sloth, indolence, lethargy, want of energy’
[alsäññe, -, alsäññe//] /// alsñe swrästrä ostme ltu ek : ‘the one who has
left the house [i.e., become a monk] continually finds pleasure in indolence’
(12b5C), alsäññe = B(H)S lasya- (Y-3b3C/L); —alñee* ‘prtng to sloth’:
PK-NS-242b2? (Broomhead). Like its TchA equivalent lsune, B alsäññe
reflects an abstract derived from an unattested adjective *las(e), itself a
borrowing from B(H)S lasa-. See next entry?
alse ‘?’
G-Qa5Col. See previous entry?
alsk- (vi.) ‘be sick, ail, ill’
Ps. IXa /l sk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, alä//-, -, alske; m-Part. alskemane]: ///
[a]lä alyaik kekmo ñytsene /// ‘…is sick; others [have] come into danger’
(31b8=32b2C), [a]ls[k]e emparkre ‘they are sick for a long time’ (PK-NS-
263b6C [CEToM]), sark alskemane ‘± being sick [in] the back’ [=
B(H)S -prha- in a list of ailments] (Y-2a4Col); Ko. IXa (= Ps.): (see gerund); —
alälle ‘± sickness’: tsärkalñetse alälletse pä stke ‘the remedy for torture
or sickness’ (P-1b1C).
Couvreur (1950:126) suggested an etymological relationship with Sanskrit
alasá- ~ lasa- ‘inactive, lazy, tired’ (cf. B alsäññe) and thus with Lithuanian
alsà (f.) ‘tiredness,’ il;sti ‘become tired’ and possibly Sanskrit iláyati ‘stands still,
become quiet’ (cf. Mayrhofer, 1956:55 and 92). VW (620) sees it rather as a
borrowing from Sanskrit alasa-, adapted to fit the pattern shown by ansk-
‘breathe, inhale,’ satsk- ‘exhale,’ and winsk- ‘honor, worship.’ Finally K. T.
Schmidt (1982:367-368; also Hackstein, 1995:248ff., Pinault, 2008:215) would
derive alsk- from a putative PIE *h3elh1-ske/o- related to Greek óllmi ‘destroy’
(aorist ólesai). In none of these cases is the formal or semantic equation
exceptionally strong.
We might rather connect alsk- with Hittite allaniya- ‘get (over)heated, get hot;
sweat’ (a ye/o-denominative verb from a quasi-participial h4elha-ono- is
suggested by Melchert, p.c.), Old Irish allas (nt.) (gen. allais) ‘sweat’ (<
*h4el(h1)es-). The Hittite-Celtic equation is suggested by Berman and Hamp
(1982). They further adduce Greek alé ‘warmth, body heat’ and Latin ad-ole
alyiye* 29
‘burn (as a sacrifice)’ but these latter two present formal and semantic dif-
ficulties. (For a slightly different reconstruction, see Puhvel, 1984:28-29.) The
pre-Tocharian antecedent might be *h4elha-ske/o-. The original meaning might
have been ‘± get overheated, get hot.’ A semantic change first to *‘be feverish’
and ultimately ‘be sick’ can explain the Tch word fairly neatly. See almo.
alek, allek.
alepe* (adj.) ‘prtng to a salve’
[m.//-, -, alepe] alepe añce rai[t]we[nta] rittau mäsketär ‘he
has arranged the salve means and the unguent means’ (A-1/PK-AS-6Ba6/7C).
Adjectival derivative of an unattested *alep from B(H)S l epana- ‘salve.’
aletstse (adj.) ‘foreign, unrelated; strange’
[m: aletstse, aleccepi, alecce//alecci, -, alecce] [f: -, -, aletstsai//] äññe
alecce ‘relatives and non-relatives’ (123b6E), [a]laits[ai] = B(H)S ajñtya- [the
restoration is very uncertain] (315a3E/C), [:] aul ka oräñ-c t kektseño pw alecci
cai tkañ-co 3[4] ‘once thy life renounces this body all these will be foreign to
thee’ (46a8=47b7C), kuse amne aletstsai ayantse ykwa lssi aiä
‘whatever monk gives wool to an unrelated nun to work’ (PK-NS-18A-a1C
[Thomas, 1978:238]); —alletsñe ‘± unrelatedness, foreignness, strangeness’
(327a4L) [One should note the geminate -ll- as occasionally with aletstse itself,
on the model of allek ‘other’]. As if from PIE *haelo-tyo- ‘± having otherness.’
More s.v. allek. See also allek, lä, and alokälymi.
alaitatte* (adj.) ‘not fallen’
[//alaitacci, -, -] alaitacci krentauname ‘[who] have not fallen away from
virtues’ (Paris 1205b1/PK-NS-56b1C [Couvreur, 1954c:82]). The privative of
lit- ‘fall away,’q.v. (see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:28).
alokälymi ([indeclinable] adj.) (adv.) ‘directed in a single direction; extraordinary’
mäntrkka alokälymi cäñcare [täñ] = B(H)S evam eknta-kntan [sic] te
(251a1E), : omp mäsktr=lo[kälymi] /// ‘there he found himself directed toward
a single goal’ (12a3C). Related to allek ‘other,’ q.v. Do we have a virtual
*alm (fem. acc. sg.) + *klimenm (with loss of the *-n- in the latter regularly in
the accusative of nouns not denoting rational beings)? See also allek, aletstse,
and lyauce.
alme, lme.
alyiyatstse (adj.) ‘± having otherness’ (?)
[m: alyiyatstse, -, -//] alyiyatse nesälñe waimene säk källtsi ‘[it is] difficult [to
achieve] otherness [and] good fortune’ (127b4E). If the meaning is correctly
discerned, an adjectival derivative in -tstse of *liy- ‘± otherness,’ (as if) from
PIE *haelyeha-, related to allek ‘other,’ q.v. See also allek, aletstse, alo-
kälymi, and lyauce.
alyiye* (n.) ‘palm of the hand’
[-, -, lyi/alne, -, alne/-, -, ali] : uwoy katkemane lisa wey=entwe mt
akk[är] /// ‘he [scil. a preta] would eat rejoicing, on [his] palm, excrement [as if]
honey and sugar’ (42b5C), []ntpi päne su tatr ln[e] ‘she placed [her] palms
on [her] two breasts’ (84b5C); —alyie* ‘prtng to the palm’ (567b1C/L).
TchA le ‘id.’ and B aliye reflect PTch *läi- or the like, usually taken as a
reflex of the widespread family of PIE *h3el- ~ *h3l- ‘elbow’ (so VW, 1941:11,
30 alyumaññe*
the nominative plural (alyaik), and the feminine accusative singular (alyeka).
The feminine is similarly formed with -kä to nom. sg. *ly, acc. sg. *llo, nom.
pl. *lloñ (whence allok); allokna has the regular feminine plural ending added
to the already characterized *allok). See discussion of the plural endings in
Peyrot (2008:127-128). Tocharian A shows a similar system forms built on with
the extension -kä (masculine: lak (= B), l(y)akä, lyek (= B), lykes ~
lyekäs; feminine: lyk (= B), lyäky, lkont, lkont). I take the once attested
alek (289b3) as simply a defective spelling for allek.
The alternation of -ll- (unpalatalized) in the nominative singular and -ly-
(palatalized) in the rest of the paradigm of the masculine of TchB follows the
same pattern as do third person pronouns (e.g., nom. sg. se, but acc. sg. ce, nom.
pl. cei, and acc. pl. ce) or adjectives in -tstse (nom. sg. -tstse, but acc. sg. -cce,
nom. pl. -cci, acc. pl. -cce). See below. The alternation of -ll- and -ly- in the
feminine does not follow the pattern of palatalization in third person pronouns or
the adjectives in -tstse where the feminine is strictly unpalatalized. Nor does it
match the privatives in -tte (masculine: -tte, -cce, -cci, -cce; feminine -cca, -ccai,
-ttona, -ttona).
TchA lak (with regular simplification of geminate -ll- in A) and B allek
reflect PTch *lle-kä where the *lle- must be from PIE *haelno- [: Old Latin
ollus ‘ille’ (< *haolno-), Old Irish oll (= Latin ollus) ‘full, great,’ Gaulish alla
‘aliud,’ allos ‘second,’ OCS lani (< *haolnei) ‘in the previous summer or year,’
and Sanskrit ára
a- ‘distant, strange’ (P:24-25; MA:64)]. The -ly- (for what is
actually -lyly-) of certain forms are either analogically palatalized on the pattern
of the third person pronouns or adjectives such as those in -tstse or result from a
mixture of of *haelno- with *haelyo- ‘other’ [: Armenian ail, Greek állos, Latin
alius, Old Irish aile, Gaulish alios, Gothic aljis, all ‘other’ (cf. also Old Saxon eli-
lendi, OHG eli-lenti ‘strange land’ with B alyek-ypoye or alyek-ypoye) (P:25-
26; MA:64)] (Sieg and Siegling, 1908:927, VW:160-1, cf. Winter, 1991:150-
153). PIE *haelyo- is clearly to be found as the first member of the old
compound lyauce ‘one another’ (< *haelyo- + dwito- ‘second’) and probably to
be seen in the *liy- underlying alyiyatstse ‘± having otherness’ (if the meaning
is correct).
Tocharian shows the simple thematic *haelo- in aletstse ‘strange, unrelated,’
lä ‘differently,’ and alokälymi ‘directed in a single direction,’ qq.v. As
suggested by VW, TchA ynlek ‘elsewhere’ must be, on the basis of its form, a
borrowing from B (as if *ynallek), even though it is unattested in the latter
language. See also lyauce, aletstse, alyiyatstse and alokälymi.
alletstse, aletstse.
avatrpi* (n.) ‘modest person’
[-, -, avatrpi//] (200b5C/L). From B(H)S avatrpin-.
avamrga, apamrga.
avai ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘powerless’
(293b3C). If correctly segmented and identified, from B(H)S avain- (Sieg,
Siegling, 1953:183, fn. 18).
32 Avast(h)*
lywsta ‘I sent a letter to thee; thou hast not sent back a reply’ (492a3/4Col), wace
mene Puñaiye akr lac ‘in the second month P. came back’ (G-Su26Col),
kyne otri ecaki akr läkskemane ‘the sign on the ky [is] a lion looking
backward’ (Otani 19.1.6Col [Pinault, 1998:364]); (b) akrsa orye [lege: otarye]
perisa eku e-ñ ‘because of this significant debt [that must be] reimbursed, he
was [lit: had been] seized by me’ (PK-DAM.507-a9/10Col [Pinault, 1984a:24]),
///kre akr kläntsaññi ‘…kra [second half of proper name] was sleeping on his
back’ (THT-1228a5).
Related to TchA kr ‘id.’ (where the - is the TchA perlative ending) by the
prefixation of the intensive prefix e(n)- (whence - by regular -umlaut—see
1
e(n)-). Extra-Tocharian connections are unknown. VW (455-456) suggests an
unlikely connection with PIE *seuk- ‘turn, twist.’ See also ankare.
a
gopet ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘eightfold, pure, limpid, excellent’
agopet war tärka/// ‘he released pure, limpid water’ (IT-179b3C). From
B(H)S; compound not in M-W.
asakhyai* (n.) ‘an incalculably long time’
[-, asakhyaintse, asakhyai//asakhyainta, -, asakhyainta] (296a8L); —
asakhyaie ‘prtng to an incalculably long period of time’ (600a1C); —asa-
khyaintae ‘prtng to incalculably long periods of time’ (184a4C). From B(H)S
asakhyeya- (cf. TchA asakhye).
asantaññe* (adj.) ‘prtng to a she-goat’
[f: -, -, asantaññai//] (Pinault, 1998:13). An adjectival derivative of s, q.v.
See also aiye.
as* (n.) (a) ‘seat, throne’; (b) [in dual] ‘buttocks’
[-, -, as/-, -, asñcne/-, asnäntats, asn(än)ta] (a) • akäñc pä leke asn • =
B(H)S prnta ca ayansanam ‘distant [are] bed and seat’ (U-24a3A/IT-39a3]),
asnäntats enepre ‘before the thrones’ (IT-14b4E), wrocc=asnme lantuññe
‘from the great royal throne’ (5a4C), klyiye amnentse as ntka ‘[if] a
woman nudges a monk’s seat’ (325a1L); (b) 13 ktso m [tparya] m ra rukausa
pw asñcnesa wawlwausa ‘the stomach, not fat and not lean, completely
controlled on the buttocks’ (73b2C); —asne ‘prtng to the throne’: asne
mcuke ‘throne prince’ (= ‘crown prince’) (IT-12a6C). From B(H)S sana- (cf.
TchA s ‘seat’ and säñc ‘buttocks’).
asre (adj.) ‘dry’
(K-T?). [m: asre, -, //]. The equivalent of TchA sar. An adjectival derivative
from the subjunctive stem of 1s- ‘become dry,’ q.v.
asre* (n.) ‘demon’
[//asri, asrets, -] (TEB-58-21/SI P/1bC). From B(H)S sura-.
asecanadara (n.) ‘insatiable glance, look’
[aecandadara, -, - //] käintse asecan[adara] ‘the insatiable look of the
teacher’ (IT-11a6C). B(H)S asecana-darana-.
ask(w)ace (nf.) ‘halfa-, kua-, or darbha-grass (Desmostachya bipinnata Stapf, aka
Poa cynosuroides Retz.)’
[ask(w)ace, ask(w)acentse, -//ask(w)aci, -, -] ysaa askace mänt pälka kektseñe
täñ ‘thy body glowed like golden kua-grass’ (224b2A), askwacentse kesa =
B(H)S kugre
a (308b3C), askwa[i] (308b4C).
36 astare
Given that the TchA equivalent is skc, Isebaert (1978) is probably right in
seeing the B word as underlyingly /sk(w)ce/. Thus we have a PTch *skwce
but otherwise its etymology is unknown. Isebaert suggests an *t-skw-ten- and
a relationship to atiyo ‘grass’ but the morphology seems very strained. (More
particularly I do not expect a verbal derivative in *-ske/o- added directly to a
nominal stem.)
astare (adj.) ‘pure’ [astare ym- ‘purify’]
[m: astare ~ stre, -, (astare ~) stre/-, -, stri/stri, -, stre] [f: astarya, -,
astaryai//-, -, astarona ~ strona] astäre (IT-234b2E), s rano äp ipreräntse nte
snai tärkarwa astare klautka • ‘and also the surface of the sky turned cloudless
and pure’ (350a4C), mäkte ost poiyantsa [wa]wrpau [pa]paikau [s]tre ‘like a
house surrounded by walls and painted clean’ (A-2a4/PK-AS-6Ca4), astare
nansa klyiye tkcer wltsoyä se cur
ä kuse sal arne ymu tkoy tesa ni
istak ast[are] ‘a cleanly bathed woman or girl should grind [it]; this [is] the
powder; whoever [has] dirty hands should treat [them] with it; should he bathe,
instantly [he is] pure’ (P-2b6C), stre = B(H)S uddha- (31a5C); —astre-pälsko
‘having a pure spirit’: = B(H)S ubhacitta (12b8C); —astre-were ‘having a pure
aroma’ (300b2C); —astaräññe ~ astarñe ~ astariññeL ‘purity’: astarñe = B(H)S
ubha- (8b6C), • eketse ratsico ytatsi astarñe eko : ‘[one should trust in]
the lasting cessation and the ability to practice purity for ever’ [astarñe = B(H)S
uddhaye] (30a2/3C), astaräññe = B(H)S pariuddhi- (41a7C); —m-astaräññe
‘impurity’: m-astaräñe = B(H)S viuddhi- (Y-3b3C/L).
TchA tär and B astare reflect PTch *stäre but extra-Tocharian cognates
are uncertain. Probably the PTch word is *st-re and *st- a verbal root (cf.
kätkare ‘deep’ from kätk- ‘± lower’). If so, we might see in it a derivative of PIE
*h2eh1(-s)- ‘burn’ [: Tocharian s- ‘dry,’ Latin ra ‘hearth, altar,’ Oscan aasaí ‘in
ra,’ Hititte hassa- ‘fireplace, hearth,’ Sanskrit sa- (m.) ‘ashes’ (< *‘burnings’)].
The Latin, Hittite, and Sanskrit nouns require a PIE *h2eh1s-o/eha- or perhaps
*h2eh3s-o/eha- since we do not really know what happens when vowels are
adjacent to laryngeals of competing “color” (Melchert, p.c.). In any case the
Hittite geminate would be regular from either *-h1s- or *-h3s-. The Oscan form
may require an earlier *s-s--.
The *-s- here is an élargissement to the root *h2eh1- (or *h3eh3-) ‘burn’ other-
wise seen in Palaic h- ‘be hot,’ Iranian *tar- ‘fire’ (< *‘burner’), Latin trium,
originally *‘chimney-way over a hearth,’ ter ‘black’ (< *tr-o- ‘blackened by
fire’), Albanian vatër (f.) (< *tr-) ‘hearth’ (whence vatra ‘hearth’ in Slavic and
vatra ‘fire’ in Rumanian), Old Irish aith (f.) ‘kiln’ (from *-ti-). (Of uncertain
connections are Armenian aiun ‘ash,’ OHG asca, Old Norse aska, Old English
æsce, all ‘ash’ [< *asg-], and Armenian azazim ‘dry’ and Gothic azgo ‘ash’ [<
*asgh-].) Particularly we should compare what would be the closest phono-
logical equivalent, Latin arde ‘burn, glow, be on fire’ (< *h2eh1s-(e)dh-eh1-) and
Gaulish addas, if this means ‘he sacrificed’ (< h2eh1s-dh-eha-s- ‘made burn,’ cf.
Eska, 1990:9-10, fn. 19). The Tocharian adjective would then be *h2eh1s-dh-ro-
(Adams, 1995, MA:87). Semantically we would have *‘burning’ > *‘brilliant’ >
‘pure, clean.’ For the semantic change, see the examples in Buck (1949:1079-
- 37
1081) and also Khotanese sura- ‘clean, pure’ from older Iranian, e.g., Avestan,
suxra- ‘red (from fire)’ and related to *suk- ‘burn’ (cf. Khot sjs- ‘burn’).
Not with Schneider (1941:37, fn. 2) should we connect this word with Greek
ast%r ‘star’ nor with VW (170) do we have -str-e with - the intensive prefix
(we would expect *e- except before a syllable with --) plus *ster- as in Latvian
stars ‘branch, ray,’ OCS str@la ‘arrow’ and OHG strl ‘arrow, ray.’ See also
possibly 1s-.
aste, s.v. yo.
aspwatte (adj.) ‘not subsiding, undiminished’ or ‘not spreading out or deviating’ (?)
[aspwatte, -, -//] /// [cme]läe mä[nt] reä aspa[watte] /// ‘so the [stream] of
[re-]birth flows undiminished/undeviating’ (?) (146a1A), as[p][watte] = B(H)S
nejya- ‘unmoveable, unshakable’ (SHT 5, 1109). Privative of spw-, q.v.
(see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991:35-36).
aslyamae* (adj.) ‘±parched (of grain)’ (?)
[f. -, -, aslyamaai//] aslyamaai ysre (Otani II-12a7Col [Ching and Ogihara,
2012:81]). Adjectives made with the suffix -mae, which may be added to either
a noun or an adjective, are stressed on the syllable immediately preceding the
suffic, e.g., ptamae ‘prtng. to a stpa’ from pat ‘stpa.’ Thus aslyamae must
underlyingly be /s(ä)lyä -me/. This /s(ä)lyä -/ looks to be a nominal
derivative in -lye (cf. ekalye, ysalye) from the verb s- ‘heat, burn.’
aswre (adv.) ‘not sweetly, not tenderly’
/// [ñi] passmai añ larenä : aswre ka auwa-me /// ‘I flayed my loved ones
and let them be killed untenderly’ (IT-214b7C). The negative of swre, q.v.
(see also 2e(n)- and Hilmarsson, 1991: 128-129).
ats (particle) ‘± indeed’
kutumñcik motsts=ats lñi yamaälona ‘kutumñcik with alcohol, streams indeed
[of it are] to be made’ (W-3a6C). See attsaik.
atsiñe (adj.) ‘?’
[atsiñe, -, -//] atsiñe yoñiyatse ?iñcake Sutasomi procer /// (SI B-?) [Pinault in
Adams, 2000]). A derivative of ttsi, q.v.?
••
- (verbal prefix) ‘near, away, down’
Surely equal to Sanskrit - with an essentially identical range of meaning.
Sanskrit - can of course reflect either PIE *- or *- as can what must be a
Germanic cognate *- as in OHG uohaldi ‘precipice’ (‘down-slope’), uokalo
‘partly bald,’ uokumft ‘succession’ (‘after-coming’), uowahst ‘growth, increase,
sprout,’ uozurnen ‘to disdain,’ Old English heald ‘precipice,’ den ‘threshing
floor,’ wæstm ‘growth, sprout,’ web ‘woof,’ laccan ‘to flatter, be obsequious.’
Also related, presumably because from PIE *- beside *-, is Proto-Germanic *-
as in OHG bulgi ‘anger,’ herz ‘foolish,’ Old English Qbylga ‘anger,’ belgan
‘to anger,’ þencan ‘devise, consider,’ etc. (see Lloyd, 1987). See kl-, r-,
aip-, aiw-, aul- and somewhat more distantly -sa, akartte, and 2s-.
38 (u)w
ag ‘drive, lead, deal with, be engaged in,’ Old Irish ad-aig (*ad-aget) ‘drives,
forces,’ Old Welsh agit ‘goes,’ Old Norse aka ‘travel,’ and many nominal deriva-
tives, P:4ff; MA:170; LIV: 255f.] (Peterson, 1933:19, VW:158). Like the rest of
Indo-European, Tocharian gives evidence for only a (thematic) present to this
root: the aorist and perfect to this root are everywhere late or likely to be late (the
agreement in form of the Sanskrit perfect ja [only in grammarians] and Old
Norse preterite ók is trivial and surely the result of independent creation).
TchA w(w)- and B wy- reflect PTch *wey- (the contraction of *-y-
to -- in A and the change of the optative wyi- to wwi- by glide-dissimilation
are regular). PTch *wey- is probably the exact equivalent of Lithuanian vajóti
‘to drive, chase, pursue,’ both reflecting a PIE iterative-intensive *woi(hx)-éha-.
PIE *wei(hx)- is also to be seen in Sanskrit véti ‘follows, strives, leads, drives’
(3rd. pl. vyánti), Avestan vayeiti ‘follows, hunts,’Greek h$emai ‘move oneself
forward, strive, desire,’ Lithuanian vejù (výti) ‘drive, chase, pursue,’ OCS po-vi-
nti ‘subdue’ (P:1123-4). This etymology is ultimately Meillet’s (in Hoernle,
1916: 385, cf. also VW:550). Not with Winter (1962:32) is this word the
equivalent of Lithuanian (iterative) vadžióti ‘lead,’ since the latter must be from
PIE *wedhx- ‘lead, take a woman in marriage’ and the medial consonant would
not have been lost in Tocharian. See also 1k and wayauca.
ka (n.[f.pl.][plural tantum]) a kind of grain, possibly ‘millet’ [= ka-lyekye]
[//ka, -, -] sakantse euwa ka cakanma 5 ‘consumed by the community [are]
5 cks of ka’ (PK-DAM.507.8a6Col [Pinault, 1994b:106]).
Along with yap and ysre mentioned in this document and elsewhere, ka
(used interchangeably in this document with ka-lyekye) is a kind of grain,
though exactly what is not clear. On the basis of comparative evidence, particu-
larly Inner Asian Chinese documents, Ching Chao-jung (apud Pinault, 2008:369-
370) identifies ka with ‘millet.’
If this word is ‘millet,’ it is unlikely to be a derivative of PIE *haek- ‘sharp,
pointy’ (Krause, 1961:88). Pinault (2008:371) sees a phonologically similar but
semantically distinct *ak- ‘grain’to be seen in Greek akost% ‘barley,’ Latin acus
(gen. aceris) ‘husk,’ Gothic ahs (gen. ahsis) ‘ear of grain,’ Old Norse ax ‘id.’
OHG ahir ~ ehir (nt.) (< *ahiz-) ‘id.,’ Old English ar (< *ahuz-) ‘id.’ Pinault
would add Sanskrit aká- ‘seeds of a certain plant used as dice.’ Formally B ka
looks like it might be a PIE *haeks (nt.pl.) corresponding to the *haeks (nt.sg) of
Gothic. Not a borrowing from TchA (as per VW:157-158). See also perhaps
ke. For the meaning, see also -lyekiye and proksa.
kadhtu* (n.) ‘sky-element’
[-, -, kadhtu//] (178b1C). From B(H)S *ka-dhtu- (compound not in M-
W or Edgerton).
¹ke (n.[m.sg.]) ‘end’ [N-gen. ke ym- ‘put an end to’]
[ke, -, ke//-, -, akenta] 94 aul attsaik totka mnats ñke wryee pältakwä
atyats a[k]entasa : ‘the life of men [is] now very short [like] the drop of dew on
the tips of grasses’ (3b3/4C), ke = B(H)S anta- (29a4C), 25 po kleanma
näkeñca po cmelats ke ymeñca : ‘destroying all kleas, making an end to all
births’ (30a6C), askwacentse kesa = B(H)S kugre
a (308b3C), sparklye ke
‘ultimate end’ (88a4C [Peyrot, 2010:288]); —akessu ‘at the end, last in time or
40 ²ke*
place, ultimate, final’: • akessu manike ste • ‘the cremating ground is the
ultimate [place]’ (559a4C), ake[ssu] = B(H)S antya (H.add.149.153a4 [!,
Couvreur, 1966:181]), akessuntsai precyai[ne] ‘in the last time’ (unpubl. Paris
fragm. [ibid.]); —aketstse* ‘last’: [a]kece = B(H)S -anta- (IT-187a5C).
TchA k and B ke reflect PTch *ke, presumably from a PIE *haekos-, from
*haek- ‘sharp, pointy’ (Meillet and Lévi, 1911:462, see also VW:157 and P:21-
22: MA:237). The s-stem derivative is seen otherwise in Greek ákhn ‘chaff’ (<
*haek-s-neha-), Greek k%s ‘sharp’ (puri%ks ‘with fiery points,’ tanu%ks ‘with
long points’), Latin acus (gen. aceris) ‘chaff,’ the latter an exact equivalent of
PTch *ke, and Gothic ahs (gen. *ahsis) ‘ear [of grain].’ With a further t-
extension we have Greek akost% ‘barley,’ or possibly ‘grain of any kind’ (as the
‘pointy’ grain or the like), Lithuanian akštìs ~ akstìs ‘(Räucher)spiess,’
Lithuanian ãstinas ‘Stachel, Ochsenstecken, Federstachel,’ OCS ost"n" (m.)
‘Stachel,’ and Russian ost’ ‘point, awn,’ Welsh eithin (< *haekstno-) ‘gorse’).
See also akek, akañce, and akañcar, probably akeñe, ka.
²ke* (n.) ‘?’
[// -, -, ke] //ññe • yärpallentse ore | ra e kenne yam | i// ‘like the ore of
attention, one goes among the kes’ (119b4E). ‘End’ does not seem to fit here
and, in any case, has a plural in -enta, thus the assumption of a second ke with a
different, but unknown, meaning.
ktekeE-C ~ ktikeC-L (a) ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘wonderful, astonishing’; (b) (n.[m.
sg.]) ‘wonder, wonderful thing’
(a) s ololyesa kteke wantare yamaa ‘he has done an even moreastonishing
thing’ (77a3C); (b) kteke te totka aul mnats : ‘a wonder [is] this; short [is]
the life of men’ (3a5/6C), [in Manichean script] ’gtygys’ [= ktikesa] (Gabain/
Winter:14); —ktekaññe ‘wonder, miracle’ (103b1C); —ktikäññe* ‘id.’:
ytalñee paryarsa • ktikäññesa wa[t] = B(H)S rddhiprtihrye (527b2C).
For a discussion on the chronological distribution of the two forms, see Peyrot
(2008:171-172). Etymology uncertain. op (1953:172) made the interesting
suggestion that this word might be connected to Greek ágamai ‘am astonished’
but the details of the formation remain obscure (cf. VW:160; Beekes, 2010,
completely otherwise).
kl- (vi/t.) G ‘learn’; K4 ‘teach’
G Ps. IXa /klä sk’ä/e-/ [nt-Part. aklaeñca] aklaeñcant [lege: aklaeñcats]
allek warpalñe ste (197a6L); Ko. IV /klyí(ye)-/ [MP -, -, aklyitär//Opt. //-, -,
aklyiyentär; Inf. akl(y)itsi]; Pt. VII /klyíy-/ [akly(i)yamai, akly(i)yatai,
akly(i)yate//]: latau ostme poyi[] aklyamai [sic] po solme tarya pikänta ‘I
left the house for the Buddha; I learned the entire tripitaka’ (400b3L); PP / klu-/:
katriññempa klu ñi sakne auku ‘I [was] learnèd in katriya-lore and grown up
in good fortune’ (89a1C); —klorsa ‘by learning’ (274b2); —klyilñe ‘study,
learning’: se no akliñe [sic] ste = B(H)S aya tv gamo (199b3L), : tune ke twe
wna källt m=klyilñene 19 ‘thus then thou wilt not find pleasure in study’
(286a3C); —aklaälñe ‘± teaching’ (522b4C).
K4 Ps. IXb / kläsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, klää//; MP // -, -, klästär; Ger. kläälle]:
/// klästär-ne krent [pelaikne] /// ‘he teaches him the good law’ (26a1C), as-
tarma klää ‘he teaches [him] the laws’ (110b8L).
²ks- 41
AB kl- reflect a PTch *kl- but external connections are less certain. We
have the prefix *- ‘toward, near, away’ (VW wrongly assumes a - ‘in’ but -
means ‘in’ only as the result of -umlaut from 1e(n)-), plus a verbal root, either
2
käl- ‘bring’ (so VW:158, citing such semantic parallels as German einführen,
English introduce, Sanskrit gam- ‘arrive, receive news of, learn of’) or käly-
‘stand’ (Jasanoff, p.c., citing English understand; one might add Greek epístamai
‘know how to, understand’). The substantial morphological identity of the
subjunctive of kl-, namely klyi-, and the present of käly-, namely käly’ä/e-, both
from PIE *kl h1-ye/o-, would appear to argue for the latter identification over the
former. See also akalye, akalälle, and, more distantly, käly-.
klyi, akalye.
kar, akr.
-ki* (n.) ‘one who announces, instructs in, recites’
[-, -, ki//] pelaikn=aki ‘reciter of the law’ (U-19a2C /IT-54a2]). A nomen
agentis of the 1ks-, q.v. (Perhaps, as probably in this case, only the second
member of compounds and thus always unaccented.)
¹ks- (vt.) ‘tell, announce, proclaim, instruct, issue [a proclamation or official
document], recite, interpret [a sign]’
Ps. IXa /ksä sk’ä/e-/ [A aksaskau, aksasto, aksaä// -, aksacer, aksaske//;
AImpf. -, -, aksai//-, -, aksaye; nt-Part. aksaeñca; m-Part. aksaskemane;
Ger. aksaalle ~ aksale]: aksäskew-cä ‘I announce to thee’ (THT-1286b6E),
pernento ytri klyomñai aksasto : ‘thou dost announce the glorious and noble
way’ (204b1C), amni aiyanats pelaikne aksaske ‘monks recite the law to
the nuns’ (PK-AS-18B-a4C [Pinault, 1984b:377]); Ko. II /ks’ä/e-/ [A ksau, -,
kä//; MP -, -, ktär//; AOpt. akim, akit (akt-ñ), ki//; Inf. k(t)si; Ger.
akalle (?)]: akä maitreye ‘the maitreya will interpret [it]’ (THT-1859a3A), ///
[]ki näno näno skloka[ccets] /// ‘he should again and again instruct the
doubters’ (26a4C), ktsi = B(H)S avavad- (Ptayanika-fragm.-a5 [Thomas,
1987a:170]); Ipv. VI /pokse-/ [Sg. pokse, Pl. pokses]: [kuce ñä ñake] saim
ymmar pokse-ñ saim-wasta 30 ‘tell me, O refuge, when should I take refuge?’
(45a3C); Pt. Ib /k -/ [A akwa, aksta, ka (ak-ne)//-, -, akre]: 71 ytri
akwa-me nervai ri ‘I told them the way to the nirvana city’ (28a2C), or-
acre ka ‘he issued [this] caravan-pass’ (LP-2a3/4Col); PP /ko-/; —akalñe
‘instruction’: snai käi cwi snai akalñe ryamrge twasastär ‘this one shines
without his teacher and without instruction in the A.’ (591b4L).
AB ks - reflect PTch *ks- from PIE *h1-s-, an élargissement of h1- (or
possibly *h1eh1-) ‘say’ [: Latin ai ‘say, affirm,’ Latin adagium ‘proverb,’
Greek ê ‘he said’ (< *h1t, whence êmi ‘I say’ and êsi ‘he says’), Greek anga ‘I
ordered,’ Armenian a:ac ‘proverb,’ asem ‘I say’ (rebuilt from *as ‘he said’ <
*ac), and more particularly Latin axre ‘nominre,’ axmenta ‘carmina’ (P:290-
291; MA: 535; LIV:256)] (Meillet in Hoernle, 1916:377, VW:159, Hackstein,
1995:330ff.). The starting point for Tocharian (and Latin) must have been a
present *h1s-e/o-. See also aksauki, -ki, and the following entry.
²ks- (vi.) ‘waken’ [transitive only when joined in a figura etymologica]
Ps. XI / kssk’ä/e-/ [Ger. ksaälle (?)]; Ko. V / ks-/ [A -, -, ksa//; AOpt.
ksoym, -, -//] krent ksalñe ek [ks]oym ‘may I always awaken [to] a good
42 ksaenta*
of the skull’ (10b7C), /// yetse ñaur=sta ‘skin, sinews and bones’ (Dd5/3.4Col);
—aye ‘prtng to bone’: 83 se amne aye kemee suckar yamastär 84
‘whatever monk makes for himself a needle-case of bone or teeth [scil. ivory]’
(IT-246b4C/L); —aste ‘prtng to bone(s)’: asti meski ‘the joints of the bones’
(5b1C), 22 rye no asti po/// = B(H)S nagaram asthiprkram (299b3C).
Reviewing the data of Pokorny (783) and Hamp (1984), it seems that in PIE
the simplest form of ‘bone’ was an acrostatic neuter *h2óst ~ h2ést-, found
directly in Avestan (cf. gen. sg. ast, nom.-acc. pl. asti) and Latin (nom.-acc. sg.
oss [< *ost]). Slightly disguised it appears in Cuneiform Luvian hassa ‘bone’
(nom/acc.) which must be has-sa with an added particle (cf. the abl/inst. hasati).
This has is PIE *h2ost with the expected simplification of the final consonant
cluster and the subsequent extension of the neofinal -s to the rest of the paradigm
(so Melchert, p.c.). Indirectly *h2ost appears in Armenian oskr ‘bone’ (< *h2ost-
wr), in Avestan as-a ‘shinbone’ (< *h2e/ost-ko-), and in Greek osphús ‘hip’ (<
*h2ost-bhu-) (P:783; MA:77).
The athematic stem could be extended by *-i (still neuter): in Hittite hasti (<
“collective” *h2osti) ‘bone’ (gen. sg. hastiyas), and its derivative hist ‘bone-’
also ‘mortuary, ossuary’ (< *h2stoyo- [Hoffmann apud Melchert, 1984:111,
though Puhvel, 1991:321-323, considers the Hittite -i- to be anaptyctic in origin
and reconstructs *h2stoyo-]), Greek ostéon ‘bone’ (< *h2osteyo-), in Avestan asti-
aojah- ‘bone-strength,’ and probably the Sanskrit nom.-acc. sg. ásthi ‘bone’ (if
from *h2ósti rather than the old nom.-acc. pl. *h2óstha). We also find the
athematic noun extended by *-n- (perhaps originally only in the oblique cases):
the Sanskrit oblique stem asthn-, Middle Welsh eis ‘ribs’ (< the “collective”
*h2estn; this formulation and certain others given here are taken from
Nussbaum, 1986), Old Irish asnae ‘rib’ (< *h2estniyo-), and Greek ostakós ~
astakós ‘lobster’ (< *h2e/ostnkó-). TchB ce ‘head,’ q.v., might be from either
*h2est%is or *h2est%n). [Secondarily we have u-stems in Welsh asseu ‘bone’
(presumably *h2est- + the singulative -eu) and in Latin ossua ‘bones.’ In Greek
we have, perhaps, traces of an r-stem in óstrakon ‘shell, pot, sherd’ and
astrágalos ‘vertebra, ankle joint, knucklebone’ (rejected by Beekes, 2010:158).]
If we assume that pre-Tocharian started out with a nom.-acc. sg. *h2ést, pl.
h2ést(e)ha, with e-grade generalized, then by regular loss of final obstruents, we
would expect in PTch *, pl. st. The plural remains essentially unchanged in
TchB sta. (There is no reason to see in sta a borrowing from Khotanese as
does VW:624.) The singular *, perhaps felt by PTch speakers as “overly short,”
was extended in some way. Perhaps, if the final obstruents were lost early
enough, it was extended by the same PIE *-yo/eha- seen so commonly in body-
part terms, e.g., Sanskrit sya- (nt.) beside s- ‘mouth’ or Old Irish cride ‘heart’
from *krdyo-. Such an explanation would explain the TchB form, y- (as if
from PIE *-yeha-). Stalmaszczyk and Witczak (1990:40-1) start, unnecessarily
from PIE *as in the singular (which became Pre-Tch *h in their opinion which,
in turn, gave more or less regularly y) and *ast- in the plural.
Not with Hilmarsson (1991b:146-149) who starts from a PIE *haeid-i (pl.
*haeid-i(e)ha) ‘swelling, bulging’ [: Armenian aytnum ‘I swell,’ Greek oidé ‘I
swell, bulge,’ Latin aemidus ‘swollen,’ OHG ait ‘boil, hard inflamed suppurating
50 yor
tumor,’ Old Norse eitill ‘lymph gland; knot in wood,’ or particularly in Armenian
ayt ‘cheek’ (< *haeidi)] nor with VW (172-173) who sees in AB y a cognate of
Sanskrit yu- ‘vital strength’ *yu- must reflect PIE *haoyu- which would have
given Tocharian *oy).
yor (n.[f.pl.]) ‘gift, giving’
[yor, yorntse, yor//-, -, yornta] yor = B(H)S dna- (23a2/3C), : m nesn yor
m ra telki ‘there is neither gift nor sacrifice’ (23b4C), palsko no yyairu [sic]
ailñene yor ‘a spirit practiced in the giving of a gift’ (K-5b6/PK-AS-7Eb6C); —
yore ‘prtng to a gift’ (274b4A); —ayormaeCol ‘id.’ (PK-Bois-270 [Peyrot,
2008:95]); —yorntae ‘prtng to gifts’ (AMB-b5/PK-NS-32C); —yor-ail(y)ñe
‘gift-giving’: yor-ailñe = B(H)S dna (23b7C). A nominal derivative of the
preterite participle stem of ai- ‘give,’ q.v. See also possibly yar. q.v.
ymelakäññe (n.) ‘compassion, mercy, pity’
[ymelakäññe, -, -//] (IT-139a5C/L). See also añmalakäññe.
r- (vi/t.) G ‘cease, come to an end’; K2 ‘renounce, forsake, leave behind, give up,
abandon’
G Ps. IV /oro-/ [MP -, -, orotär//; Ger. orolle]; pärmak orolle ‘hope has to cease’
(THT-1347b4? [TVS]); Ko. V / r -/ [A -, -, ra// -, -, ra (arn-me); AOpt. -,
-, roy// -, -, aro; Inf. ratsi]: • eketse ratsico ytatsi astarñe eko : ‘[one
should trust in] the lasting cessation, control, and purity for ever’ (30a2/3C),
tume no pest ymor aul pä aran-me ‘then, however, their deed and life will
cease’ (K-7a5/PK-AS-7Ga5C); Pt. Ib /r -/ [A -, -, ra//-, -, arre]: tanpatentse
kakoe wer meñi päs arre ‘the four months of the patron’s invitation have
come to an end’ (331b5L); —ralñe ‘± cessation’ (183b4C, PK-NS-414a3C
[Couvreur, 1966: 170]).
K2 Ps. VIII /rs’ä/e-/ [A rsau, rt, rä// -, -, rse; AImpf. -, rit, -//; m-
Part. arsemane]: [klea]nmai lwsa cwi maim pälskone skwaññenträ m arsen-
ne : ‘the klea-animals are happy in his judgment and thought and do not forsake
him’ (11b5C); Ko. I /orä- ~ rä-/ [A //-, -, orä; AOpt. -, - ri//; Inf. rtsi]: saim-
wasta k twe ñä ñke rtsi päknstar : ‘O Refuge, why dost thou intend to
forsake me’ (45a1C), [:] aul ka oräñ-c t kektseño pw alecci cai tkañ-co 3[4]
‘once thy life renounces this body all these will be foreign to thee’ (46a8C); Pt. III
/orä ~ oräs- ~ rä -/ [A orwa, orasta, orsa// -, -, rar (arar-c)]: [snai-yk]orñe
manta skiyo ra orsa-c ‘like [thy] shadow diligence has never left thee’ [so K. T.
Schmidt, 1994:273] (243a2C); arar-c po am[]n[i] ‘all monks abandoned thee’
(45a1C); —rlñe ‘renunciation’: rilñe (PK-NS-55b4C [CEToM]).
Though usually taken to be two synonymous roots, r- and or-, the or-forms
occur only in the Class I subjunctive and Class III preterites where ablaut of roots
with -ä-, -i-, or -u- is normal. On the basis of such alternations as yop- ~ yap- (<
/yäp-/), TchB speakers have created a new strong grade or- (in the subjunctive
and preterite singular) and relegated inherited r- to those forms where a weak
grade is expected (elsewhere in the subjunctive/optative). Traces of the same
new strong grade in -o- are to be found with kau- ‘kill’ as well. The third singu-
lar preterite ora usually cited probably does not belong here. The one occurrence
at 42a7C (as read by Sieg): ysomo sakantse ra reki m=sate samm ora ñy
enälyñe ‘he has not grasped the word of the community altogether; likewise he
( )²re 51
has forsaken my teaching,’ should be read (K. T. Schmidt, 1994:273 [the original
text would now appear to be lost]): ysomo sakantse ra reki m=sate sam m()
ra ñy enälyñe ‘he has not grasped the word of the com-munity altogether; like-
wise [he has] not [grasped] my teaching.’
AB r- reflects PTch *r- but further connections are a bit murky. It is
generally assumed that this word must be, in some way, related to the widespread
PIE *h1e/or- ‘move, stir, rise up’ (the Hittite cognates would seem to assure a
reconstruction *h1or-, since an initial *h3- persists as Anatolian h-) [: Sanskrit
íyarti ‘sets in motion,’ r
óti ~ r
váti ‘rises, moves’ (intr.), Avestan ar- ‘sets in
motion,’ Armenian y-a:nem ‘rise, stand’ (intr.), Greek órnmi ‘urge on, incite;
make to arise, call forth,’ Latin orior ‘rise, stand up, arise,’ Hittite ari ‘rises,’ ari
‘arrives, reaches,’ artari ‘stands up,’ arnumi ‘sets in motion,’ etc. (P:326ff.)]
(Smith, 1910:8, Pedersen, 1941:183, VW:166-7). The undoubted descendant of
PIE *h1or- is TchB er- (TchA ar-) ‘evoke, produce.’ It is noteworthy that the
causative (i.e., transitive) forms of r- match those of er- (which is only
transitive) perfectly: a se/o-present and a root subjunctive (whether thematic or
athematic cannot be told). To account for the phonology and semantics we might
assume an old compound here, i.e., semantically rather colorless Tocharian -
‘near, down, away’ + PIE *h1or-. Jasanoff (1978:39), while not precisely
accounting for the phonological equation, does account for the semantics by
assuming a progression ‘rise’ > ‘stand’ > ‘stop’ (i.e., ‘come to a standstill’) >
‘cease,’ cogently comparing German aufhören or Hittite karp- which in the
middle means both ‘finish’ and ‘rise.’ (We might also mention Hittite ari-
‘stop, bring to a halt’ built from this same root. Here the semantic shift has
presumably occurred in a hippological context: ‘raise’ > ‘pull up’ > ‘halt’
[Puhvel, 1984: 16-17].) See also 1re, rsk- and, a bit more distantly, er- and
possibly wekrsa.
ruvatie*, s.v. aruvati.
rayyata* (n.) ‘± wilderness home, hermitage’ (?)
[-, -, rayyata//] ra
yyatane nesalñecä ayto mäsketrä (561a2C). If
from B(H)S *ra
ya-yatana- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).
rpyadhtu* (n.) ‘state of existence of formlessness’
[-, -, rpyadhtu//] (156a3C); —rupyadhtue ‘prtng to a state of formless-
ness’ (Broomhead). From B(H)S rpya-dhtu-. See also the next entry.
rupyäe* (adj.) ‘prtng to formlessness’
[m:// -, -, rupyäe] (40b3C). Calqued on B(H)S rpya-. Previous entry.
¹re (n.) ‘end, limit’ (?)
[re, -, -//-, -, re] /// te-yiknesa re cmele sim sä[lyiye ste ///] ‘in such a way
it is the end, the boundary and border, of relationship’ (327b3L), ///ñcanas rentsa
• (IT-1146a2?). The fragmentary text 327b3 discusses family relationships and
who is and who is not related. The “end, boundary and border” would appear to
have been seven ascending generations, beginning with the father and extending
to the fifth great-grandfather. See further s.v. wtee. If correctly identified as
to meaning, a derivative of r-, q.v.
( )
²re (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± (settled) dust, loose earth’
[re, arentse, re//] //[kena]tse re prrisa kauc s[t][ma]// ‘if he piles up the
52 ¹rk*
re of the soil by a finger’s [width]’ (526a5C), //ceu kenae aretsa [lege: aretse?]
/// (526b1C), ///rnt=rentse kantwo prutktär • ‘…the mouth will be stopped up
by dust’ (THT-2237a3C/L), • inte no ynemane snai prayok kenantse re mntatär-
ne • or kärweñ tättlñe[ntasa ana]bhiprysa re mntatär-ne anpatti ste ‘if,
however, [one, scil. a monk] going along unintentionally disturbs the re of the
soil; [or] if he disturbs the re on the heaps of wood and rock’ (331a1/2L).
Winter’s discussion (2003:112-115; whence all the restorations and trans-
lations here) make it almost certain that re is not ‘plow’ as heretofore supposed.
Since, as Winter points out, taur and tweye, also ‘dust/ash,’ appear to refer to
blown dust, re may be ‘settled dust’ or the like. (In THT-2237a3C/L then re is
used in the same sense as English ‘dust’ in the Ash Wednesday admonition:
“Remember, man, thou art dust, and to dust thou shalt return.”) On the other
hand, Tocharian A re does appear to mean ‘plow’ (TchA-361a5 where = Pali
nagala-).
Given its probable meaning, it is likely that this word is related to words for
‘earth’ in Germanic (e.g., English earth, NHG Erde) and residually in Greek (ér
‘earth,’ éraze ‘to earth, on the ground’). The PIE root would be *h1er- and the
Tocharian form would represent a putative *h1res- with lengthened grade (cf.
Greek polúros ‘rich in land,’ though the -- here may be the result of compo-
sitional lengthening rather than a lengthened grade).
¹rk* (nm.) ‘crown flower, arka-plant (Calotropis gigantea (Linn.) R. Br. ex Ait.)’
(a medical ingredient)
[-, arkantse, -//] arkantse tsäwale (497b7C). From B(H)S arka-.
( )
²rk* (n.) ‘±what is fitting, obligation’
[-, -, rk//]: tanpate amne wtsi kkatär tompok we-ne aari ñi
esketstse [ne]sau ka yatsi arka-ñ m campau ‘[if] a benefactor should invite a
monk to eat, the latter shall say [to] him: acarya, I am alone and by what is
fitting/monkish obligation I cannot go’ (331b2L), [newly ordained monk’s
concluding words to the ordination service] [ra]ktsi-yai arkañ lukatsi täktsi
oktacce klyommo pa[][mai yakne aanikets] yaitkor wärpanamar psi
astare paskemar ‘seeking shelter by what is fitting I observed the noble eight-fold
way even unto/up to X; I receive the command of the arhats and I observe the
pure observance’ (PK-DAM.507 40-42Col [Pinault, 1994b:102 and Pinault, p.c.]),
///va arka yopu nau r[ne] /// [if - y- can be taken as a graphic variation
on -ñ y-] (584a3C?).
Earlier handbooks (Krause, 1953, Krause and Thomas 1964, Adams, 1999)
took these forms as reflecting a Class V subjunctive to the verb rc-. But surely
Winter (1984b:119) and others (e.g., TVS) are correct in taking these as causal
case forms to a noun rk ‘what is fitting, obligation’ (the context of the first two
attestations would seem to relate to the fulfillment of the obligations of Buddhist
discipline). Nevertheless, both the meaning and the shape of the noun and verb
rc- suggest some sort of derivational relationship. For further discussion, see
rc-. See also perhaps arkiye and re.
rkwi (adj.) ‘white’
[m: rkwi, -, -//-, -, arkwinä] [f: arkwañña, -, arkwaññai//arkwina, -, arkwina] ///
st=arkwina ‘white bones’ (28b3C), tseñn=arkwina meñ-yokäññana /// ‘blue
rc- 53
and white moon-like …’ (73a4C), /// [yaik]orme arkwna prat a[mni] [ark-
wna = B(H)S ukl] (299a4C), se laiko rkwi yamaä ‘this bath makes [one]
white’ (W-11a5C).
TchA rki and B rkwi reflect PTch *rkw(ä)i (for the same relationship of -k-
vs. -kw- one should compare TchA kip and B kwipe ‘shame’), a derivative of PIE
*h2er- ‘bright, white.’ This root always appears suffixed in some way, inter
alia, by -i [: Hittite harkis ‘white,’ and further suffixed or compounded in Greek
argikéraunos ‘with bright, vivid lightning,’ Greek árgillos ~ árglos (< *arginlo-
?) ‘white clay, potter’s earth,’ Greek arginóeis ‘bright-shining, white,’ etc.], -ro-
[: Greek argós (< *argrós) ‘white; swift,’ Sanskrit rjrá- ‘brilliant’], or -u [always
further suffixed, as in Greek árguros (m.) ‘silver,’ Sanskrit árjuna- ‘light,
white’]. We also find *-nt-o- in a derivative early specialized in the meaning
‘silver,’ *h2(e)rnto- (nt.) [: with full-grade in Latin argentum, Yezdi l-,
Khotanese ljsata, zero-grade in Avestan 'r'zat'm, Ossetic ærzæt ‘bronze,’
indeterminate as to grade Old Persian ardata, Old Irish airget, and Middle Welsh
ariant, and perhaps in Armenian arcat‘ (if -at‘ is by contamination with
erkat‘ ‘iron’) (P:64; MA:518; cf. Kloekhorst, 2008:307)] (Mallory and Huld,
1984).
PTch *rkwäi must reflect in some fashion PIE *h2er-u(i)-n-. It appears that
PIE *-u- and *-wi- normally fall together after a velar and before another con-
sonant. We have -KwäCC- but -KwiCV- for both. Starting from *h2er-u-i-n-
makes it easier to account for masculine accusative singular (extended also to the
nominative) rkwi, if from *h2eruyenm (the alternative *h2erwenm should have
given *r). Likewise *h2er-u-i-n- makes it easier to account for the plural
forms seen in TchA, m. nom. rkyañc, f. nom./acc. rkyant. They would be from
a *h2eru-yon-t-. This etymology goes back in embryo to Meillet and Lévi
(1911:149) (see also Winter, 1968, VW:167). See also arkwiññe,
arkwaññae, arakära, and ñkante.
rc- (vt.) ‘merit, deserve, be worthy of’
Ps. XII /rcä ññ’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, arcantär//; MPImpf. -, arcaññitar, arcaññitär]:
wrotse walo arccatär [sic] ce w[ä]nta[r]e po ksi k[us]e arm tane : kestae ce
laklesa [pr]k[r]e eye memiyo [b1] s w[i]k-me ‘the great king deserves to
announce each thing that is a cause there; obviously they were maddened by
suffering hunger [and] he disappeared [from] them’ (PK-AS-17J-a6ff.C [Pinault,
1994b]), kuse cau nktsi arcanträ = B(H)S kas ta ninditam arhati ‘whoever
merits such blame’ (U-18b1/SIB-117b1C), : arcañtar to naumyenta /// ‘thou
deservedst to … these jewels’ (IT-212b4C); Ipv. V /porcä ññ-/ [MPSg.
porcaññar]: pakk anaiai epiyac kalatsi porcaññar cwi Ara
emiñ lnte krent
yamalñe ‘thou must make thyself worthy of remembering [or: ‘be so good as to
remember’ (in any case a TchB imperative)] clearly the good deed of this King
A.!’ (77a4C); PP (?) /rcú-/: /// [a]rcos ka (LP-23a3Col), /// mene • wine •
arco /// (LP-69a2Col). The past participle forms are put here on the basis of
form alone.
In determining the meaning, the central datum is its equation with B(H)S
arhati at U-18b1. The central meaning of rc- would appear to be ‘worthiness’
rather than the more usually imputed ‘obligation.’
54 ¹rtar(*)
*arda- it is hard to resist relating it to the PIE *h2erd- ‘high, lofty’ that otherwise
appears in Latin arduus ‘steep, towering, lofty’, Old Irish ard ‘high, great’,
Hittite harduppi- ‘± high’ (Puhvel, 1991:203; MA:269), and considering the
TchB word a borrowing from Iranian. Relating TchB rte to *h2erd- directly is
less likely since, in that case, we might expect a TchB **r(r)e. In any case, the
triad of morphologically connected words in Iranian looks to be more original
than the apparently isolated TchB word (Adams, 1998). Other words for ‘canal’
in Tocharian, newiya and murye, qqv., are also borrowings from Iranian.
rtt- (vt.) G ‘± praise, love, be pleased with, esteem, be agreeable to, assent to, be
right/appropriate [of time]’ [rttau also ‘authorized’]; K ‘acknowledge (?),
rejoice in’ [ompostä rtt- ‘rejoice in’]
G Ps. IV /ortto-/ [MP -, - orttotär// -, -, orttontär]; Ko. V / rtt-/ [-, -, rttatär// -,
-, rttantär//; MPOpt. -, -, rttoy// rttoymar, -, rttoytär//; Ger. rttalle*]: /// k[ru]i
sakantse yainmu preke rttoy ‘if the current time should be agreeable to the
community’ [rttoy = B(H)S kamate] (KVc-22b5/THT-1114b5C [Schmidt,
1986]), /// plme tane rt[o]yträ = B(H)S rehi ihtmano bhujet (308b1C);
Pt. Ib /rtt -/ [MP arttmai (?), artttai, arttte//-, -, arttnte]: m cmetsy ñme
mantak no [tw]e [aul a]rtttai ‘not [to thee is] the desire to be born; never hast
thou praised life’ (214a4E/C), /// saimne wotsy atemai [definitely to be read:
wtsy artamai] (595b7C); PP / rtt-/: kr[e]ntä onolm[e]ts a[r]tt[a] ‘praised
by good men’ (562a1C), rttau rano amne saka[t]s[e] kau-yaptsi tätsi
aiyana enästrä pyti ‘even if authorized by the community, [if] a monk instructs
nuns until sunset, pyti’ (rttau = B(H)S sammata-) (PK-AS-18B-a2/3C [Pinault,
1984b:376, 2008:80]);—rttalñe ‘± pleasure, love’: lklñesa rttalñe
tälpaeñca tka ‘through insight he was bringing forth pleasure’ (107a4L),
[pä]rw[e]e rtalñe tse[ketärne] ‘his first love arises [to him]’ (601b2C),
rttalñe taläeñca ‘raising approval’ (PK-AS-18BC, Pinault, 2008:114).
K3 Ps. IXb /rttä sk’ä/e-/ [MP arttaskemar, -, arttastär// -, arttastär, arttaskentär; m-
Part. arttaskemane]: : tañ ekalymi ñä c artaskemar säsweno : ‘I [am] in thy
power; I acknowledge/rejoice in thee [as] lord’ (44a1C), inte yes … käi
arttastär añ wrat lau tärkanacer ‘if you love the teacher, you put aside your own
vows [Tch singular]’ (108a6/7L); : takark[ñ]etse no yor ompo[stn=]rtaske-
mane : ‘the believer is rejoicing in the gift’ (23b7/8C).
It is not altogether easy to determine whether we have rt- or rtt-. The
number of attestations is not large but, for what it is worth, all the Early manu-
scripts have -tt- (with four attestations) while the Classical are in a ratio of
two -tt-’s to one -t-’s (total ten) and the Late are evenly split (total two). So I
stick with tradition and give the root as rtt-. Tocharian A, however, suggests we
should have rt-.
TchA rt- and B rtt- reflect either PTch *rtw-()- or *rt-()- ‘love, praise,
find fitting,’ ultimately from PIE *haer- ‘± fit together’ [: Avestan arnte ‘they
attach themselves together firmly,’ Armenian a:nem ‘make,’ Greek ararísk ‘fit
together,’ etc. (P:55-56; MA:410; LIV:269f.)]. If from *rtw-()- (with irregular
loss of *-w- in TchA and regular assimilation to -tt- in TchB), it is a denomi-
native verb to *rtwe, which, in turn, reflects a thematicization of PIE *haertu-
‘that which is put together.’ PIE *haertu- is otherwise to be seen in Greek
56 rtte*
(Hesychian) artús ‘syntaxis, philía, symbasis; krísis,’ Armenian ard (gen. ardu)
‘arrangement,’ Latin artus (gen. arts) ‘joint (of the body)’ (VW:168, though
with differing details). If from *rt-()- (with irregular gemination of *-t- in Tch
B), then it is a denominative verb from *rte to which one might compare the
family of Sanskrit rtám ‘truth.’
See next entry, 1rtar, 2rtar, possibly rtte, rc-, and rwer.
rtte* (n.) ‘±care, attention’ [only in the compound verb rtte tärk- ‘overlook, neg-
lect, behave indifferently’]
[-, -, rtte//] : ñä tallu wnolme pw=llokna cärkw=rtte wäntarwa ‘I, a suf-
fering being, neglected all other things’ (45a2C), trialñenta po wnolmets rte
trka [lege: ptrka] upeksa s ste ytre [lege: ytrye] ‘overlook the misdeeds of
all beings! this road is by upeka’ (296a2/3L), rte [tarkalñe] = B(H)S upek-
(547b1C). Attestations are about two to one for rtte over rte. TchA rt (also
rtak with the reinforcing particle -k) and B rtte reflect a thematic abstract noun
from rtt-, q.v. Combined with tärk- we have ‘± leave off/let slip care and
attention’ (for exact meaning and etymology see Thomas (2003:319) following a
suggestion of Hilmarsson). Not with VW (169) a derivative of Tocharian r-
‘cease, come to an end.’
rpela (n.) ‘rpela’ (PN in monastic records)
[rpela, -, -//] (THT-4000, col 2 -a4?).
rth (n.[m.sg.]) ‘meaning, sense’
[rth, arthantse, rth//-, -, arthanma] arthantse karsalñe ‘knowledge of the
meaning’ (183b2C), se träkoe arth kärsanalle ste ‘this sinful sense is to be
recognized’ (330b1L); —arthanmae* ‘prtng to meanings.’ From B(H)S
artha- (cf. TchA arth).
ryatewe (n.) ‘ryadeva’ (PN of a monastic official)
[ryatewe, ryatewentse, -//] (433a23 Col).
ryamrg (n.) ‘ryamarga’ (PN of a Buddhist work)
[ryamrg, ryamrgäntse, ryamrg//] (591b4L); —ryamrgae ‘prtng to
the .’ (Gloss in SHT-1738 [Malzahn, 2007b]). See also aryamarke.
ryava* (n.) ‘noble race/stock/family’
[-, -, ryavaäntse, -//ryavaänta, -, ryavaänta]. (Broomhead). From
B(H)S ryavaa-.
ryawarme (n.) ‘ryavarman’ (PN of monastic official)
[ryawarme, rywarmentse, ryawarme//] (433a19Col).
ryake (n.) ‘ryake’ (PN in graffito)
[ryake, -, -//] (G-Su18Col).
ryottme (n.) ‘ryottama’ (PN in graffito)
[ryottame, -, -//] (G-Qa6.2-3Col).
rwa, s.v. or.
rwer ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘ready, eager, willing’ [rwer ym- ‘make ready/prepare’]
arwer se ñäke Kanthäke yäkwe ‘now ready [= saddled] [is] the horse K.’ (PK-
AS-12Hb2A [Thomas, 1979:47]), waike rwer y[mi]trä • ‘he readied a lie’
(19a4C), • kartse kekmu srkalñe rwer nesau m pr[sk]au [2] ‘death [is] well
arrived; I am ready and do not fear [it]’ (372a4C), [w]tsi yoktsi rwer ymttsi
omttsate • ‘he began to make ready the food and drink’ (375b1L).
re 57
TchA rwar and B rwer reflect a PTch *rwer, a derivative of PIE *haer- ‘±
fit together’ [: Avestan arnte ‘they attach themselves together firmly,’ Armenian
a:nem ‘make,’ Greek ararísk ‘fit together,’ etc. (P:55-56; MA:362)] (VW,
1941:14, 1976:169). Like ykuwer ‘arrival’ from the preterite participle yku ~
ykuwe- ‘gone,’ we presumably have a nominal derivative from the preterite
participle of a verb that has otherwise disappeared in Tocharian (because of a
homonymic clash with r- ‘cease’?). The existence of the synonymous arwre
(< *arwro-) might suggest an old paradigm with a nom. sg. *-r, acc. sg. *-orm.
See also arwre.
re ‘monk’ (??) or ‘Agnean’ (???)
/// aumo=re to [lege: no?] ce /// ‘the/personal(?) re however …’
(572.1a2A), [kuala]mläe are /// ‘the re-X of the healing root’ (624a3C),
päklyo [sic] lantuññeu are /// ‘listen, O royal re-X …’ (345b5L). [The
second and third examples (aré, not $ re) would appear to be the first members
of compounds.]
/Meaning and etymology uncertain. This TchB word is usually taken to be
the equivalent of TchA ri. Despite the latter’s better attestation, it has drawn
very different interpretations.
(1) On the basis of, : 51 ta yärma ta ñi ca kvvii ret[w]e[ya :] me
pältsäk ye ri-käntw ritwässi kanaäl [: ok-yo nu m]sk[i] tk pa kvvii
retwe ‘accordingly to this my kvya composition, [my] spirit and thought were
directed toward composing; by the medium of the ri language with poetical
form; very difficult was such a kvya composition’ (A-229b7-230a1 [Siegling’s
reconstruction]), it has been taken as the self-designation of the Tocharian A
language (and thus the very fragmentary ri-ype would be the ‘Kingdom of
Agni’) (so Sieg, and Carling, Pinault, Winter, 2009:49). Etymologically it would
be PTch *rye-, an adjective regularly derived from *rke-, the name of the
capital city (Chinese Yanqi, Khotanese (adj.) Khotanese argna-, Sogdian
(adj.) ’rkcyk; Sanskrit Agni, Tumshuqese (adj.) agñya- would have to come from
a different word, see discussion s.v. akeññe).
(2) On the other hand, it is also once (A- 252b7/8) clearly opposed to rddhe
‘(lay) believer,’ thus matching B(H)S ry
‘monks’ as opposed to rd-
dhn ‘lay-believers.’ On this basis it has been supposed that TchA ri means
an ‘ordained beggar monk’ (rya- = bhiku- as a noun) and ‘Aryan’ (as an adjec-
tive) and is from a Prakrit descendant of B(H)S rya- (via *rža-) (so Winter
[1952], K-T, Bailey [1967:9], VW:623 [with references]). TchA ri-ype and
TchA ri-käntu would refer then to India (‘rya-land’) and Sanskrit (‘rya-
tongue’) rather than to Tocharian A. Under this view, it has been seen as a
descendant from Sanskrit rya-, via a Prakrit intermediary *rža-. (See also
aiya.)
The TchB contexts of re, limited as they are, would seem to favor a meaning
‘monk’ or the like over ‘Agnean.’ However, TchA ri and B re are perfectly
regular reflexes of a PTch *rye, as above, which can not have come from the
hypothetical *rža- for phonological and chronological reasons. So perhaps we
have instead *rk- + iye ‘he of the (holy) obligation’ (much like one who is in
holy orders). (If so, see further s.v. 2rk-.) TchA ri-ype and TchA ri-
58 rsk-
Perhaps Winter (1991:157) is right in seeing this a three member compound, i.e.,
*- (q.v.) + lye- + wäce. See also allek and wate.
wi, api.
we* (n.) ‘grandfather’ (?)
[//wi, -, -] aieny=alek yku wi pcer saile/// (289b3C/L). It should be noticed
that Thomas (1988) takes wi to be a genitive singular and the whole phrase to be
a miswriting for *wi mcer. He cites another source where we mcer is to be
found. He also equates B we with TchA p but the latter seems rather to belong
with B ppo. Semantically cf. orotstse-pcer, q.v.
From PIE *h2euh2o- ‘grandfather’ [: Armenian hav ‘grandfather,’ Latin avus
‘grandfather, ancestor,’ Latin avunculus ‘mother’s brother,’ Old Prussian awis
‘uncle,’ Lithuanian avýnas ‘mother’s brother,’ OCS *uj" ‘uncle,’ Old Irish áue
‘grandson, nephew,’ Gothic awo ‘grandmother,’ Welsh ewythr (Proto-Celtic <
*awen-tro-) ‘uncle,’ Hittite huhhas ‘grandfather,’ etc. (P:89; MA:237-238)]
(Thomas, 1980). See also orotstse-pcer (s.v. pcer).
irvt* (n.) ‘benediction’
[-, -, irvt//] ysaparsa yey irvt wei te epiktene su oko[rño] päs
pyautka ‘he went near and said a benediction; in the meantime the porridge
became ready’ (107a3L). From B(H)S rvda- (so Krause, 1954; not in M-W
or Edgerton).
ce (nf.) ‘head’
[ce, -, cE ~ cE-C ~ L-Col//ac, -, stä] atsa = B(H)S -ira- (251a5E), atsa
= B(H)S murdhani [sic] (545b1E), papyko po läklentats • ‘a head battered
by all sufferings’ (220a5E/C), m ww[lau osne malle] ‘[one is] not to sit in a
house head covered’ (321b2E/C), ssa yok ‘hair on the head’ (603b4C), prp-
mahur ssa tässte ‘he set the diadem on [his] head’ (109a5L); —acae* ‘prtng
to the head’ (W-5a3C); —aca-sanpalle ‘head-salve’ (W-18a4C). The
perlative singular is never the expected *(c)sa, but rather tsa or ssa.
Etymology uncertain. This word is usually taken to be a derivative of some
sort from the widespread family of PIE *haek- ‘sharp, edge’ (P:18ff.; MA:237;
this explanation goes back to both VW [1941:14-5] and Pedersen [1941:262]).
VW’s explanation (1976:171) is that we have *haekst-, with zero-grade of the
suffix compared to Greek akost% ‘barley’ (as the ‘pointy’ grain or the like). He
would also compare Lithuanian akštìs ~ akstìs ‘a kind of skewer,’ Russian ost’
‘point, awn,’ Welsh eithin (< *haekstno-) ‘gorse’. Without the *-t- we have
Greek ákhn ‘chaff’ (< pre-Greek *ak-s-n-), Latin acus (gen. aceris) ‘chaff,’
Gothic ahs (gen. *ahsis) ‘ear [of grain].’ He would see ce as the reflex of a
PIE *haekst-en- ‘point, summit’ > ‘head.’ The phonological equation is impec-
cable, but the semantic one less so. All the other derivatives of *haek-es- mean
‘point, awn, sharp plant part.’ They do not mean ‘summit.’ It would be better to
start from ‘awn’ or ‘ear (of grain)’ as in Russian or Gothic. The same semantic
development is to be seen in Cree and Ojibwa (cf. Cree mistikwa`, both ‘ear of
corn’ and ‘someone’s head’ [Pentland, 1977:225]). Admittedly the semantic
transfer from ‘ear of corn (i.e., maize)’ to ‘head’ would seem to be a trifle more
likely than ‘ear’ (of other grains) to ‘head.’ Alternatively one might see a con-
nection instead with with *h2óst ~ h2ést- ‘bone.’ #ce might be from either
62 twi*
*h2est%is or *h2est%n (see further s.v. yo ‘bone’). The semantic derivation would
have been something on the order of ‘(particular) bone’ > ‘bone (par excellence)’
> ‘skull’ > ‘head.’
twi* (n.) ‘twi’ (PN in graffito)
[-, twintse, -] (G-Su3Col).
magupti (n.) some medical ingredient
[magupti, -, -//] (501a6C).
rayrite* (n.) ‘± objects of the sense-organs’
[//-, -, rayrite] (177b1C). From B(H)S *raya-rita- (compound not in
M-W or Edgerton).
( )
rai (postposition) ‘concerning’
klaiññe cau rai ‘concerning womanhood’ (400b2L), /// karu
tse rai /// ‘con-
cerning pity’ (IT-154b4C); —raye ‘prtng to attachment’ (194b2C/L); —
raytstse* ‘id.’ (194a5C/L). From B(H)S raya-.
s (n.) ‘(she-)goat’
[s, asantse, s//] kapyri … asantse añ rwai awr ‘the workers ate their
own goat cheese’ (SI B Toch. 9.11Col [Pinault, 1998:4]); —aitstse* ‘goat-’:
aicce ala wästa-pkuwe aiyye plyeksa ‘he sold an ovicaprid, a goat buck,
twice-combed’ (SI B Toch. 9.5Col [Pinault, 1998:4)].
TchA s ‘goat’ and B s ‘(she-)goat’ reflect a PTch *s(ä) ‘goat.’ Further
etymology is uncertain. It is usually assumed that this word is a borrowing from
some Middle Iranian source. If so, one might compare Middle Persian azak
‘goat’ [: also Sanskrit ája- (m.) ‘buck,’ Sanskrit aj- (f.) ‘goat’ (P:6-7; MA:229)]
(VW: 623)]. However, it is hard to see why the putative Old or Middle Iranian
source would not have given a TchB *ese(k) or even *etsek or the like.
Recognizing the difficulty with the initial vowel, Van Windekens invoked a
hypothetical Iranian form with a lengthened grade, such as is seen in Baltic ožys
‘he-goat’ or Slavic (j)azno ‘animal hide.’ However, if one believes in Winter’s
Law for Balto-Slavic, the long vowel is the result of regular phonological
lengthening before a PIE plain voiced stop, and, if one does not believe in it, one
has to assume instead widespread, productive lengthened grade formations in
those branches of Indo-European. In either case, it is overwhelmingly probable
that the long vowel of Balto-Slavic is an inner Balto-Slavic innovation. In any
case, no lengthened grade forms of this word are found in either Indic or Iranian.
That s is old in Tocharian, whether by inheritance or borrowing, seems certain
because of the derived adjective, aiye, with the completely non-productive
denominal adjective suffix, -iye. Further evidence of the antiquity of s in
Tocharian is provided by the derivative, aitañ ‘animal hair,’ q.v.
I suggest we consider the possibility of a either a protodynamic or akrostatic
root noun in Proto-Indo-European *h1óss (*h1s), acc. *h1ósm, gen. *h1ésos or
*h1sós, with a meaning ‘sheep/goat.’ The Tocharian word for ‘goat’ and its deri-
vatives would result from the generalization of the vowel of the nominative
singular and, eventually, a semantic restriction to ‘goat’ (but note the generaliza-
tion of meaning in aitañ). The word family survives in Anatolian in a deri-
vative, esris ‘±fleece,’ and possibly in another, aswar ‘(sheep)fold’ (see Kloek-
horst [2008:261, 219-220]). Perhaps we can go further and take *h1s to be an
²s- 63
animate root noun derived from *h1es- ‘be.’ *H1s would then have been
originally ‘being, creature’ before being specialized to ‘sheep/goat.’ See also
aiye, asantaññe, and aitañ.
¹s- (vi/t.) G ‘dry out, dry up (intr.), parch’; K2 ‘dry out, dry up (tr.)’
G Ps. IV /oso-/ [MP -, -, osotär// -, -, osontär; MP //-, -, osyentär]: : wrotsana
ckenta kaumaiño samudtärnta kätkron=epikte kaunts=osonträ : ‘great rivers
and pools between deep oceans are dried out by the sun’ (45b7C); Pt. Ib /s -/ [A
//-, -, asre]: /// yolmi asre [for asri?] /// ‘the pools [are] dry’ (387.1b2C); PP
/su-/ (?): : aswa [lege: aswi?] lymine yokaisa ‘lips parched by thirst’ (IT-1b1C).
The shape of the preterite participle is not expected. One would expect
*sauwa. Perhaps aswa is by metrical shortening (so hesitantly, TVS).
K2 Ps. IXb / säsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, sää//-, -, säske; nt-Part. säeñca]: ///
olyapotse mka eu ko[r] sää • ‘eating too much dries out the throat’ (ST-
a1/IT-305a1C), eme stm kleae säeñca po 16 ‘alone drying out the klea-
tree completely’ (29b2C).
AB s- reflect PTch *s- whose nearest relative is Latin re ‘am dry’ and its
adjectival derivative Latin ridus ‘dry, arid.’ It is noteworthy that Class III
present in Tocharian (TchB oso-, TchA asa- < *haes-h1-ó-) is the equivalent of
the eh1-stative seen in Latin r-- (has-eh1-). Tocharian shows an old middle
formation, Latin an active. More distantly related are Greek áz ‘dry’ (tr.), Greek
áza (f.) ‘dryness, heat,’ Czech and Polish ozd ‘malt-kiln,’ and Czech/Slovak
ozditi ‘to dry malt’ (< *azdye/o-). Latin and Tocharian may show a lengthened
grade (*has-eh1-) while Greek and Slavic show the remnants of a de/o-present
(*haes-de/o-) (VW, 1941:8, 1976:169; cf. P:68-69; MA:170; cf. LIV:257f.;
Ringe, 1991:86). The problem, as Melchert points out (p.c.), is that we cannot be
sure that a PIE *has- would have given Latin (and pre-Tocharian) *s-.
Certainly it is likely that a long *-- remains uncolored by a preceding laryngeal
in Anatolian (cf. Hittite hist- ‘bone-,’ also ‘mortuary shrine, ossuary’ from
*h2stoyo-, though Puhvel, 1991:321-323, considers the Hittite -i- to be
anaptyctic in origin, the original being *h2stoyo-). Alternatively we can start (as
LIV:257f. does; so also Kloekhorst, 2008:318) with *haeh1s-. See also asre.
²s- (vt.) ‘bring, fetch’
Ps. IXa /s-sk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, ä//]: mäkte nau weñm bhavggärana
kautatsy ä vajropame [samdhi] ‘as we said earlier: in order to destroy the
bhavgra-kleas he brings the vajropame-samdhi’ (591a4L); Ko. II /s’ä/e-/ [Inf.
tsi]: []ntsesa watslai premane war tsi yakne yamaä ‘he does [it this]
way to fetch water, bearing a watslai on [his] shoulder’ (91a1C); Ipv. I /ps-/
[ActSg. psa, MPPl. psat]: • tanpates kkone tka wentsi m rittetär te ka
past tam ka past • ‘[if] one is in [scil. enjoying] the invitation of benefactors,
it is not appropriate to say: bring it hither and bring it thither!’ (331b4L).
Etymology uncertain. It is possible that we have here the locative particle *
‘near, on, away,’ q.v., verbalized by *-s- like 2kätk- ‘lower’ is from *kat-ske/o-,
and most particularly like wäs-, the suppletive preterite of ai- ‘give,’ is from *wi-
‘away’ + the verbalizer *-s-. Also possible is VW’s suggestion (624) that we
have hear a borrowing from some Iranian source, e.g., Khotanese hayz- ‘drive,
conduct, transact, make’ from Proto-Iranian *az- (< PIE *hae- [see k-]). How-
64 sakhyai
•I•
i- (vi.) ‘go, travel’
Ps. I /yä - ~yän’ä/e-/ [A yam, yat, ya//ynem(o), yacer, yane; AImpf., see
below; nt-Part. yneñca; m-Part. ynemane; Ger. yalle, see below]: • paptkorme
yän [•] = B(H)S vire
ayitv carati (U-25b3E/IT-164b3]), wnolme nraine yan
[yan = B(H)S upaiti] (16a4C), : tsa su ya ñäkcye aie ‘by it [the divine way]
he goes to the divine world’ [ya = B(H)S gacchati] (23a3C), po yane samud-
tärc aiwol 27 ‘they all [scil. streams of water] go directed to the ocean’ (30a8C),
tume c[ai] brhma
i tot ike-postä ynemane Ara
emiñ lnte yapoyne kame
‘then these brahmans, going place to place, came into king A.’s kingdom’
(81b2C); Ko. I (= Ps.) (Opt. = Impf) [Inf. yatsi]: sakrmi yatsi omtsate ‘he
began to travel to the monastery’ (109b1L); Imperfect /yéi-/ [yaim, yait, yai ~
yey(o)//yeyem (?), yaicer (?), yeye ~ ye]: tu okorñ[ai] srañciye tappre
i- 65
kau yey ‘they boiled the porridge and it went up high’ (107a1L); Ipv. sg. /pä/,
pl. /päcísä/ [pcso ~ cisso]: päst pa ñy ostame 23 ‘go away from my house!’
(23b6C), [tus]ksa nai yes ñ yaitkorsa pcso Ara
emiñ lnte ‘go you then by my
command to king A.!’ (81a5C); Pt. I/III /mäs- ~ mäs -/ [-, masta, masa (~massaL)
(ms-ne)//]: Nnda cla okorñai Nandbala ty erka postä ms-ne ‘Nnda
lifted the porridge and her sister Nndabala followed [lit. went after] her’
(107a7L), meñe mekine massa [sic] ‘the month went in a lack’ [= ‘the month
ended in a deficit’] (433a10Col) [see also mit-]; PP /yäkú-/ ‘gone’ (N-ne yku
‘directed towards’): [waipt]yar yksa = B(H)S virt (11a5C), totte ykuweo =
B(H)S pragam (30b4C). May be construed with an accusative of direction.
—yalle ‘accessible’: [y]t[]rye emeskepi yalya ‘a way accessible to a single
[person]’ (555a4E), mäntrkka yale = B(H)S eva gantavya (547b5C); —yalñe
‘(a) going; journey’: ompostä … yalñe = B(H)S anugama- (41b3C), päst yalñe =
B(H)S yna (543a6C), yalñene = B(H)S gate (547b2C); —yalñetstse* ‘± one
taking a journey’ (?): (531b2C); —yalñee* ‘prtng to going’ (109a6L); —
ykuwer* (n.) ‘arrival; departure’ (i.e., movement into or out of): • maskwa[tstsai]
ytri ykwerme • = B(H)S viama mrgam gamya (305a3C), yñakte
ykuwerme = B(H)S dev gatv (198a5L).
TchA i- ‘id.’ and B i- reflect PTch *i
ä- from PIE *h1ei- ‘go’ whose athematic
paradigm was presumably *h1éimi ‘I go,’ *h1éiti ‘he goes,’ *h1imé ‘we go,’
*h1yénti ‘they go’ (and a singular imperative *h1i-dhí) [: Sanskrit émi, éti, ima,
yánti, sg. imperative ihí, Avestan aiti, yeinti, Greek eîmi ‘will go,’ eîsi, ímen,
ísi, sg. imperative íthi, Latin e (with a thematic ending), t, mus, eunt (with
analogical full-grade), Old Lithuanian emi, eti, eimè (with analogical full-
grade), Hittite sg. imperative t, Hieroglyphic Luvian 3rd. sg. iti, etc. (P:293-294;
MA:228; LIV:232f.)] (Sieg and Siegling, 1908:926, VW:183). TchA yäm, yä
(plural: ymäs, yiñc), B (singular) yam, ya reflect a putative PIE *h1imi, *h1it(i),
*h1imesi, *h1yénti with generalization of the zero-grade rather than, as in Latin or
Lithuanian, the full-grade. The TchB second person plural, yacer, reflects PIE
*h1ite + the mysterious -er. In TchB we have an extended stem yne- in the first
person plural, third person plural, present participle and derived verbal adjective
(ynem, yane, ynemane, ynca). This stem reflects a putative PIE *h1i-ne/o-
similar, except for the ablaut grade of the root, to Old Latin prod-nunt or
Lithuanian einù (Krause and Thomas, 1960:198). The addition of such a stem to
the paradigm of i- allows the differentiation of first and third persons plural from
the corresponding singular forms.
The imperative forms (sg.) pa (TchA pi) and (pl.) pcso (~ cisso) (TchA pic
~ picäs) reflect p(ä)- (the regular prefix of the Tocharian imperative) + PIE
*h1idhi and *h1ite respectively. PIE *-VTi in word-final position regularly gave
Tocharian - (cf. the 3rd. sg. ending - in A from PIE *-eti). In the plural *h1ite >
*p-yäcä + the usual plural imperative *-sä, whence *päcäsä > *pciso (see
Jasanoff, 1987:106ff). The imperfect stem (B yai-, TchA ye-) reflects PTch *yi-
from PIE *h1i-yeh1-, the singular of the optative plus PTch *-- the regular
imperfect/optative marker, itself the generalized descendant of PIE *-ih1-, the
zero-grade of the optative suffix found in the dual and plural. Similarly formed is
the imperfect of ‘to be,’ namely B ai-, TchA e- from PIE *s-yeh1- + later --
66 ikante
(Adams, 1988c:98). The preterite participle stem yk- reflects the zero-grade of an
élargissement of *h1ei-, namely *h1eigh- [: Armenian ianem (aorist ) ‘climb
up,’ Greek oíkhetai (~ Hesychian eíkhetai) ‘goes away,’ Lithuanian eigà (f.)
‘way, course’ (P:296)] (VW, 1941:169, 1976:598). See also tällaiknantsa.
The preterite mäs- is (as if) from PIE *mus(-)-, an intransitive use of *meus-
‘move, take’ (VW:291-292). Further s.v. mus-. See also ynamo, ynuca,
ytrye, ykwee, ymiye, iy-, mit-, probably aiñye, possibly imne.
ikante (ordinal number) ‘twentieth’
[ikante, -, -//-, -, ikañce] [ikä]nte uktänte ‘twenty-seventh’ (135b3A).
Probably we have in ikante a PIE *wi(h1)dkmt-ó-, a simple thematicization of
the word for ‘twenty’ and precisely what we expect for the oldest level of ordinal
formation (cf. kante ‘tenth’ to ak ‘ten’ from *dekmt-ó- and *dékm(t) respec-
tively). Tocharian B, then, preserves what is probably the oldest PIE situation
with regard to the ordinals of the decades. Both Greek and Sanskrit, otherwise
very conservative here, have innovated by adding the newer cardinal suffix *-to-
in place of *-o-. Very different is Winter (1991:116-117) who takes ikänte to be
from cluster-simplification from *ikäñcte where *ikäñc- is the expected form for
‘twenty’ and -te is the regular ordinal suffix. The -kiñci or TchA that forms the
ordinals of decades (though wikiñci* ‘twentieth’ happens not to be attested) is a
newer formation, reflecting a putative PIE *-kmtiyo-.
ikä (number) ‘twenty’
waimene ikä pkrsa wäntärwa ‘know the twenty difficult things!’ (127b3E),
ikä kuntsa .uktañce [me ne a]k-twerne ‘in the twenti[eth year of] the
regnal period, in the seventh month, on the fourteenth [day]’ (LP-5a5Col); —
ikä-e ‘twenty-one’; —ikä-wi ‘twenty-two’ (ikante-wate* ‘twenty-second’);
—ikä-trai ‘twenty-three’ (ikante-tr te* ‘twenty-third’); —ikä-twer ‘twenty-
four’ (ikante-tarte* ‘twenty-fourth’); —ikä-pi ‘twenty-five’ (ikante-pinkte*
‘twenty-fifth’); —ikä-kas ‘twenty-six’ (ikante-kaste ‘twenty-sixth’); —ikä-
ukt ‘twenty-seven’ (ikante-uktante ‘twenty-seventh’); —ikä-okt ‘twenty-
eight’ (ikante-oktante ‘twenty-eighth’); —ikä-ñu ‘twenty-nine’; —ikä-
pikwalaññe ‘[one] twenty years old’ (the legal age for Buddhist ordination): 71
se amne menki-kä pikwalañepi onolmentse wasapt yamaä pyti
‘whatever monk ordains a being of less than twenty years of age, pyti’ (IT-
246a1C/L).
TchA wiki ‘id.’ and B ikä would appear to reflect something on the order of
PTch *wi
kän which in turn is from a PIE *(d)wi(h1)dkmti, a compound of
*(d)wi- ‘two’ (with or without an explicit dual marker *-h1-) + *d(e)k(o)mt- ‘ten’
+ *-i a marker of the dual. (If the original form was *widkmti, the *-d- was lost
early with accompanying lengthening of the preceding vowel.) Outside of
Tocharian one should compare (P:1177; MA:404): Sanskrit viatí-, Digoron
Ossetic insäj, Khotanese bistä, Avestan vsaiti (in Sanskrit the number has been
converted into a regularly inflected i-stem; the variation in Indo-Iranian between
*vin- and *v- may be due to different treatments of the anomalous cluster *-dk-
[Mayrhofer, 1976:198]), Armenian k‘san, East Greek (here Homeric) eîkosi (<
*ewkosi where the -o- is analogical after the higher decades and the prothetic e-
is mysterious), Doric (w)kati, Latin vgint (with secondary -g- [another special
Ikvku* 67
development of *-dk-?] and regularized dual ending [as if from *-ih1]), Old Irish
fiche (gen. fichet < *wikmt-s, -os, with loss of *-d- but no lengthening of the
preceding vowel), Albanian zet (< *wikmti, again with no lengthening of *-i-).
Whether the PIE preform that gave ikä and wiki ended in *-mt or *-mti is a
matter of some controversy (Pedersen, 1941:253, VW:572, and Hilmarsson,
1989a:121-125, opt for the former, Lane 1966:219, opts for the latter). Probably
the word for ‘twenty’ was explicitly marked as a dual while the less-marked
singular (‘ten’) and plural (‘thirty,’ ‘forty,’ etc.) were not explicitly marked for
number (just as in Indo-Iranian) and that final *-mt and *-nt in these forms were
lost without a trace in Tocharian. Compare. *dékmt ‘ten’ > B ak, TchA äk.
However *-nti (including *-nti < *-mti) was subject, after original *-nt had been
lost, to a facultative apocope of *-i (one might compare Latin -it from *-eti
and -unt from -onti and similar phenomena in Celtic and Slavic [Cowgill,
1975:56-57]). Where *-i remained we have -ñc (as in the fuller forms of the
TchA third person plural ending), where *-i was lost we have *-nt > *-nn > *-n
(in B), > *-yn > *-y (in A). Thus PTch *wi
känt gives ikä in B but *wikäyn >
*wikäy > wiki in A (see Hilmarsson, 1989a:123). Not with Winter (1991:116-
117) a back-formation from ikante ‘twentieth’). See also ikante; also wi, ak,
and kante.
ke (nnt.) ‘place, location; position’ (mäkceu ike ‘where(ever)’)
[ke, -, ke//ykenta, -, ykenta] snaice tallnt ikeme ‘from a poor, miserable
place’ (31b5C), añ mäskelye yakene [lege: ikene] ‘in his appointed place’
(108a3L), le-taäntse kene ‘in the place of the mountain-commander’ (LP-
3a1Col); —mäkceu-ykee* ‘prtng to which place’ (41a3C); —ykentae* ‘prtng
to places’ (213a1E/C); —yke-postä ‘place by place, one after the other, bit by
bit, immediately following behind’: sa kenä yke-postä po wars=ite ‘bit by bit
this ground [becomes] completely full of water’ (407a5E), : po to yke-postä
[weññane] neske ram no ñatä[r su srukalñe] onolme : ‘in all such places,
one after the other, death seeks beings [as] tribute’ (45b4C), tume c[ai]
brhma
i tot ike-postä ynemane Ara
emiñ lnte yapoyne kame ‘then these
brahmans, going place to place, came into King A.’s kingdom’ (81b2C).
TchB ke presumably reflects a PTch *wi
äike from PIE *weikos- (nt.) most
closely related to Gothic weihs (gen. weihsis) ‘village’ [: Sanskrit ví- (f.)
‘habitation, house,’ Avestan vs- ‘house, village, clan,’ Greek oîkos (m.) ‘house,’
Latin vcus ‘village, part of a town,’ and the widespread *weiks-poti- ‘± head of
the clan’ (P:1131; MA:622; de Vaan, 2008:675)] (VW, 1941:24, 1976:184).
See also yke.
ikne, yakne.
iknaike, yakne.
ikraiti, yäkraiti.
iku* (n.) ‘sugar-cane’
[-, -, iku//] (Y2-b1C/L [Broomhead]). From B(H)S iku-.
Ikvku* (n.) ‘Ikvku (PN)
[-, -, Ikvku//] (IT-85b4C); —ikvkuññe* (adj.) ‘prtng to the (family of)
Ikvku’: (162b1C), (Broomhead). From B(H)S Ikvku- (cf. TchA Ikvku).
68 ikau
the relative *kwi- or *kwu- + se or mäksu ‘who, what’ (both relative and inter-
rogative), q.v., a collocation on PIE *men- + *kwi-/kwu- + s, One should note
particularly that the adverbial relative mäkte ‘as, how’ (< *men-kwi-td is to
mäks ‘who, what’ as the adverbial relative inte ~ ente ‘if, when; where’ (<
*onV-td) is to intsu. See also ente, inte, and entwe.
intsau* (n.) ‘± block of wood’
[-, -, intsau//] ynemane intsau ktsa eanmusa ama=nepre poyintse :
‘moving, having bound a block of wood to [her] stomach she approached the
Buddha’ (18b8C).
Etymology uncertain. VW (1964b:612, 1976:184) suggests descent from PIE
*haeidh- ‘burn,’ more particularly a derivation from a nasal-infix present *hai-n-
dh-. He notes Sanskrit édhas- ‘fuel’ and Greek kâlon ‘wood, timber’ (if the latter
is related to kaí ‘burn’ [Frisk, 1960:765-766]).
ipäeñca, s.v. yäp-.
iprer (~ ipprer ~ eprer) (n.[m.sg.]) ‘sky, air, atmosphere’
[iprer, ipreräntse, iprer ~ ipprer ~ eprer//] iprerä aiesa ‘by heaven and the
divine world’ [= ±‘by all heavens’] (THT-1859b4A), yai kauc iprerne ‘he went
high in the air’ (82b5C), ketsa eprerne wat = B(H)S avanau gatane [lege:
gagane] v (195a4L), s rano äp ipreräntse nte snai tärkarwa astare klautka •
‘and also the surface of the sky turned cloudless and pure’ (350a4C), iprer =
B(H)S gaganam (535a5C); —ip(p)reräe* ‘prtng to the sky or air’ (374.dC).
The interchange of initial i- and e- is presumably the same as that which we
see in ente ~ inte ‘if, when’ or between singular ewe ‘skin, hide’ and the plural
iwenta: unstressed initial e- is facultatively changed to i-. The medial -ppr- is
presumably more original, the more usual -pr- resulting from actual or merely
graphic cluster simplification. The underlying form of this word would then be
*epprér (though this particular configuration is nowhere attested).
TchA shows the obviously related eprer ‘id.’ (and the derived adjective
epprei [sic]), surely a borrowing from B ep(p)rer. The TchB epprer is pre-
sumably, with Poucha (1930:322), from PIE mbhró- (m./nt.) [: Sanskrit abhrá-
‘cloud,’ Avestan awr'm ‘cloud,’ Latin imber ‘rain,’ Greek aphrós ‘foam’ (all
‘visible air’ of some sort) (P:315, MA:477)], or *ombhró- [: Sanskrit ambhrá-
‘sky’ (Martirosyan, 2010:50)] beside the full-grade *nébhos- (nt.) [: Sanskrit
nábhas- ‘vapor, cloud, mist’ (later also ‘heaven, air’), Avestan nabah- ‘air,
heaven,’ Grk néphos ‘cloud, mist,’ Old Irish nem ‘heaven,’ Latin nimbus ‘(dark)
rain-cloud’ (with perseverative nasal), OCS nebo ‘heaven,’ Lith debesìs ‘cloud,’
Hittite nepis- ‘heaven’ (P:315, MA:110)]. The expected PTch *-mpr- has been
replaced by the assimilated -ppr- (cf. the discussion at ette and perpette). To
*eppre has been added the collective suffix -r. Certainly not with VW (181)
from PIE *per- ‘point,’ nor is it a borrowing from Middle Iranian *a{ra- ‘cloud’
as he earlier suggested.
imassu, s.v. me.
imne (n.) the designation of some sort of household official or servant (so Sieg and
Siegling, 1953:322)?
[imne, -, -//] • tane imne weä • ‘now the imne speaks’ (520b7C). Etymo-
irand 71
logy unknown. Just possibly it is an old participle to i-, q.v., and thus ‘one who
goes’ (‘herald’?).
me (nm.) ‘consciousness, awareness; thought; memory, recollection’
[me, imentse ~ ymentse, me//mi, -, -] [ru]pme pal[sk]o talää twra
ymentse moññane ‘from form he raises up the spirit on the four modes of
consciousness’ (10b8C), • kuse amne naumye naumyesa maskää pärkwe
imesa s naumye päst [t]ärkanalle ‘whatever monk exchanges jewel for jewel
with the thought of profit, [he is] to give [it] back’ (337a3/4C), wtsie ime
yamayenträ ‘they did not have a memory of eating’ (431a1C), paalñee ime =
B(H)S rak smrti (542a6C); —imee ‘prtng to awareness or thought’ (S-
8a5/PK-AS-4Ba5C); —imassu ‘mindful, aware, judicious; cautious, prudent’:
imassu = B(H)S smrta- (8b7C), ymassonte (12b8C), wtsi yoktsine ymassu
mäskelle ‘[he must] be mindful of food and drink’ (559b4C).
TchB ime reflects PTch *wi
äime or *yäime. In either case the related TchA
ime ‘id.’ is clearly a borrowing from B. Extra-Tocharian connections are less
certain than sometimes assumed. VW (19661a:436-7, 1976:184) implicitly
assumes PTch *wi
äime and relationship with to Sanskrit vidmán- ‘knowledge’,
and Greek ídmn ‘instructed in, knowledgeable in,’ and (Hesychian) ídmn ‘care,
consideration,’ nominal derivatives of the widespread family of PIE *weid-
‘know, see’ [: Sanskrit vétti ‘knows,’ Greek eídomai ‘appear,’ Latin vide ‘see,’
German wissen ‘know,’etc. (P:1125-1127)]. VW takes me to be from a nomina-
tive singular *weidm(n).
Also possible is Benveniste’s suggestion (1936:236) of a connection with
Armenian imanam ‘reflect, imagine’ and Latin img ‘image,’ Latin imitor ~
imit ‘imitate,’ Latin aemulus ‘emulating, rivaling.’ The phonology of such a
derivation is difficult, however. A putative PIE *haimó- would give TchB
**yame while OIE *haeimo- would give **aime. See also possibly we
‘learnèd.’
iy- (vi.) ‘go, travel’; (vt.) ‘lead, cause to go’
Ps. V /iy-/ [A -, -, iya//; AImpf. -, -, iyoy//]: : kokaletstse yoy s Prasenac
walo ot • ‘then king P. was traveling by wagon’ (5a2C); Ko. V (= Ps.) [//-, -,
iya]: ontsoyttñesa allokna retke iya ypaunane mka wnolme kause :
‘[when kings] out of insatiableness lead the army into other lands, they kill many
beings’ (2b8=3a1C).
In part at least a synonym of i-, q.v. TchA y- ‘id.’ and B iy- reflect a PTch
*(y)iy-, a reduplicated athematic present like the subjunctive (relegated present)
tätt- ‘set, place’ (see s.v. t-). The loss of reduplication in TchA in both y- and
t- is morphologically regular. PTch *(y)iy- is (as if) from PIE *yiyeha- a
derivative by reduplication of *yeha- ‘± go, travel’ [: Sanskrit y$ ti ‘goes, travels,’
Lithuanian jóju (inf. jóti) ‘ride,’ Lithuanian jódyti ‘ride about,’OCS jado} (jachati)
‘travel,’ etc. (P:296; LIV:309f.)] (cf. VW:589, though with very different details).
See also perhaps yateññe.
irand (n.) ‘castor-oil plant (Ricinus communis Linn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[irand, -, -//] (Stein Ch.00316.a2-a6/IT-306a6C [Carling, 2003a], P-1a5C). From
B(H)S era
a-. See also hirant and era
ae.
72 irypath*
Iranian *išt- with various derivatives. The Tocharian word is surely an early
borrowing from Avestan (or some similar eastern Iranian language) ištyám
(different in details, Pinault, 2006:171). Along with the inherited Tocharian aise
‘(eathen-ware) pot’ we have Indo-Iranian and Tocharian evidence for a PIE
*haeis- ‘fire (clay)’ (related to *haeidh- ‘burn’) with derivatives *haisti- and
*haoiso- respectively. Old Norse eisa ‘glowing coals, fire’ and Middle Low
German se ‘forge’ (whence Modern German Esse) probably also belong here.
Icake and aise.
Iapake* (n.) ‘Iapake’ (PN)
[-, Iapakentse, -//] (TEB-74-06/THT-1574Col).
i, s.v. yiye.
icake, icake.
iwarka, ywarka.
isapar, ysapar(sa).
isäpe, ysape.
isälye, ysalye.
iskil (n.) ‘?’ (PN?)
[iskil, -, -//] tarmawirñe iskil parra iya tu cempa yakwi trai stare-me (LP-
15a2/4Col).
istak (adv.) ‘suddenly’
istak tka cakra[vrt] 44 ‘suddenly he was a cakravartin’ (37a8C), tesa ni
istak ast[are] ‘[if] he should wash thusly, suddenly [he will] be clean’ (P-2b6C).
The accusative of yast ‘precipice,’ used adverbially, + the strengthening
particle k(ä). Not with VW (184) y(n)- ‘in’+ -st-, a derivative of ‘stand’ + the
strengthening particle k(ä). See also yast and k(ä).
istr ‘?’
/// k[e] tättrme anaiai istr ompä/// (IT-163b4E).
ispek (adv.) ‘nearby, close to; concerning’
///ne Brahmadatte ñemtsa walo mäskträ ispek pä ‘and king B. by name found
himself nearby’ (349b3C), nerv
äai rntse kame ispek cai ‘concerning them,
they went to the nirvana-city’ (PK-AS-16.3-a1/2C [Pinault, 1989:156]). A
compound of y(n)- ‘in’+ spe ‘near’ + the strengthening particle k(ä), qq.v. See
also particularly ysape.
•U•
uttarakuräe* (n.) ‘dweller in the northern district’
[//-, uttarakuräets, -] (IT-11a6C]). Derived from an unattested *uttarakur,
itself from B(H)S uttarakuru-.
Uttaraphalgui (n.) ‘Uttarphalgu’ [a lunar mansion]
(M-1b9/PK-AS-8Ab9C). From B(H)S uttarphalgu
-.
uttarskä* (n.) ‘monk’s overgarment’
[-, -, uttarskä//] (KVc-4b3? [Schmidt, 1986]). From B(H)S uttarsaga-.
74 Uttare
‘see,’ Gothic witan ‘know,’ Lithuanian pavýd^ti ‘to see,’ OCS vid@ti ‘id.,’ etc.
(P:1125-1126; MA:337)]. Particularly one might compare the Vedic Sanskrit
vidú- ‘wise, intelligent, heedful’ and Gothic witu-bni ‘knowledge, recognition,’ of
which *widw-ó- would be a thematicization. Not with VW (539) from *dwen- as
in Old Latin duenos, later Latin bonus ‘good.’ Such a derivation is phonologically
impossible and semantically unlikely. See also possibly me.
uir (n.) ‘fragrant root of the vetiver or cuss-cuss grass (Chrysopogon zizanioides,
Vetiveria zizanioides, or Andropogon muricatus)’ (a medical ingredient)
[uir, -, -//] (500a5C). From B(H)S ura-. See also wirä.
u r ‘± top-knot,’ only attested in the compound u r-mahr* (n.) ‘± top-knot
crown’
(71a4C). Presumably from a Prakrit variant of B(H)S u
a-. Cf. TchA unr,
Khotanese unra-, Uyghur ušnir.
umakatäe* (adj.) ‘prtng to the first stage of the nirvedha-bhgya’
[f: umakatäa, -, -//] (554b4E). An adjective derived from an unattested
*makat from B(H)S magata-.
ustama* (n.) ‘last [thing], utmost [thing]’ (??)
[-, -, ustama//] /// ustamame ys-yokä/// (566b7C). If from Khotanese ustama-
‘id.’
utsahm* (n.) ‘encouragement’ [utsahm ym- = B(H)S utshaya- ‘encourage’]
[-, -, utsahm//] (KVc-18b1/THT-1110b1C [Schmidt, 1986]). Cf. B(H)S uts-
haya- ‘encourage.’
• R
•
rddhie (~ räddhie) (adj.) ‘prtng to magic’
[m: r
ddhie, -, -//] [m: -, -, räddhiai//] (108b8L), räddhiai maiyy[a]sa ‘with
magical force’ (THT-3596a1C). See raddhi.
rapak (n.) a kind of medicinal plant
[r
apak, -, -//] (499a5C). From B(H)S rabhaka-.
rivada* (n.) ‘r
ivadana (~ r
ipatana)’ (PN of a deer-park in Benares where the
Buddha preached)
[-, -, r
ivada//] (112a3L). From B(H)S rivadana- (~ ripadana-) (cf. TchA
riwata).
•E•
eke (a) (preposition) ‘up to (and including), until’; (b) (adv.) ‘even’; (c) (conj.)
‘until’
(a) : abhijñänta dhyananma ero eke ywrco tsälpo sasrme : ‘[those
who] have called up [higher] knowledge and meditations [are] up to half-saved
78 essalñe
Lithuanian akìs ‘eye’ (dual akì), OCS oko ‘eye’ (dual oi), Albanian sy (<
*h3okwi- + -u ?), etc. (P:775-777)] (Meillet, 1911:150, VW:141; MA:188).
Tocharian would seem to reflect a neuter *h3okw (dual *h3okwih1). Also yne,
eaiwenta, tärrek, and pratsko.
ekaññi (n.) ‘possession’
[ek(añ)ñi, -, ek(añ)ñi//-, -, ekñinta] lnte spakt ypoye pauye añmantse=ekñi
kurpelle ‘[the householder is] to be concerned [for] the service to the king,
national taxes, and his own possessions’ (33a6C); —ekaññiññe ‘id.’: orocci …
ekñiññesa tsmenträ ateñ ‘the great grow rich with possessions’ (521b4C),
ekañiñenta kakrauparme = B(H)S bhogn vai samudnya (IT-114a4C); —
ekaññiññentatstse: ‘having possessions’ (561a1C).
Contra VW (175) ekaññi is related to TchA akätsune ‘possession’ but not to
TchA ek ‘nourishment’and thus not ultimately related to PIE *haeik- ‘± be in
possession of,’ though the semantics would admittedly be attractive. TchA
akätsune and B ekaññe ~ ekaññi would appear to reflect a PTch *ekäñye-.
Very tentatively one might suggest a putative PIE *haonyo- ‘what is driven’ >
‘herd’ (for the semantics one should compare Greek agél ‘herd’) > ‘possessions’
(of an originally pastoral people). The semantic history proposed here would be
similar to that of English chattle. See the next entry and also possibly k-.
ekaññe* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘possession, property, equipment’
[-, -, ekaññe//-, ek(añ)ñentats, ek(añ)ñenta] ekñenta lyi no alyekäs cowai
tärkana ‘possessions, however, thieves steal from others’ (33a4C), dpmale
ekaññe wasa ‘she gave the equipment for the lamp’ (Qumtura 34-g1C/Col [Pinault,
1993-94:175]); —ekaññee ‘prtng to possessions’ (330a4L); —ekaññetstse
‘having possessions, affluent, wealthy’ (375a4L) See s.v. ekaññi.
ekamätte (adj.) ‘future’ (lit. ‘the un-come’)
[ekamätte, -, -//ekamäcci, -, ekamäcce] [f: -, -, ekamäccai//] ekamäcai preyaine
‘in a future time’ (27a3C), kätkor ekamätte karsatsi ‘to know past and future’
(PK-AS-16.2b5C [Pinault, 1989:156]). Privative of käm-, come,’ q.v. (see Hil-
marsson’s discussion, 1991:105-106).
ekalätte (adj.) ‘± intolerable, unbearable’
[ekalätte, -, -//] (IT-51a2E). Privative of 1käl- ‘bear, tolerate,’ q.v. (see Hilmars-
son’s discussion, 1991:96).
ekalymi (postposition/adverb) ‘in the power of, subjected to, dependent on [with
genitive]’ [NOUN-acc. ekalymi ym- ‘subject’]
: pelaiknetse ekälymi nestsi preke 12 ‘[it is] time to be subject to the law’
(281a4/5E), : tañ ekalymi ñä c artaskemar säsweno : ‘I [am] in thy power; I
acknowledge thee [as] lord’ (44a1C); —ekalymiññe* ‘subjection’: snai mäktauñe
ekaltse sporttotär ekalymiññene ‘he dwells in the incomparable subjection of
passion’ (A-2b2/PK-AS-6C-b2C [CEToM]; —ekalymiññetstse only attested in the
derived abstract: ekalymiññetsäññe* ‘± power, strength’ (or something like ‘sub-
jugation of self’?): /// [kre]n[t] spelkk[e]me wai añ ekalymiññetsäñeme se
bodhisatvets [ts]rwa ‘from the good zeal and his own strength and the joy of
the bodhisatvas’ (600a1C). A compound of the intensive prefix e(n)- (here
retaining much of its original locative force ‘in’) + kalymi ‘direction,’ qq.v. (see
Hilmarsson, 1991:170).
80 Ekarike
‘ox’ and B okso ‘id.’ from PIE *ukws-). Thus it would appear that we have a
derivative of PIE *h3okw- ‘see,’ most similar to that seen in Greek ópsomai ‘I will
see.’ The original meaning of this verbal noun must have been something on the
order of ‘manifestation’ or ‘appearance.’ See also ek.
ekinekäññe* (adj.) ‘prtng to a dove’
[f: //ekinekäññana, -, -] ekinekañana misa (ST-a6/IT-305a6C). An adjective
in -ññe from an unattested *ekinek(e) ‘dove,’ a borrowing from Middle Iranian
*axšinaka- (cf. Ossetic axsinäg or Khotanese aänaka- ‘dove’ [Schwentner,
1956:238]).
ek- (vt.) ‘take, grip, seize; conclude; understand’
Ps. IXa /ekä sk’ä/e-/ [MP ekaskemar, ekastar, ekastär//ekaskemtär, -,
ekaskentär; MPImpf. -, -, ekaitär; nt-Part. ekaeñca; m-Part. ekaskemane;
Ger. eka(äl)le]: tu mane ekastär nuskaä-ne ‘he takes it in [his] fist and
squeezes it’ (334a4E/C), kuce satä tu anlñe ekastär • ‘whatever he exhales,
he takes it [as] inhalation’ (41b2C), caumpa esa waamñe ekaitär ‘together
with him he concluded a friendship’ (PK-AS-16.3b6C [Pinault, 1989:157]); Ko. I
/ekä -/ [MP -, -, ektär// -, -, ekantär; MPOpt. eñcmar, eñctar, eñctär//; Inf.
ektsi; Ger. ekalle]: saswe wess eträ ‘the lord will seize us’ (79a5C), iläana
sälye no [sic] prkre ysomo eñcmar ‘may I grasp together the lineaments of
moral behavior!’ (S-4a3/PK-AS-4Aa3C); Ipv. III /péks-/ [ASg. peksa; MP Sg.
peksar; MPPl. peksat]: [: u]psake ñä pesa aul warñai saim ne[s-tsico
ñi :] ‘take me [as] a lay-brother to be for me a life-long refuge!’ (48b3C); Pt. III
/ekäs-/ [MP eksamai, eksatai, eksate//eksamte, -, eksante]: ñakti arju-
stm nemar-ne cau eksate ‘the gods bent down the arjuna-tree to him and he
grabbed it’ (107b4L); PP /eku-/: pyapyai eko ‘having grasped the flowers’
(IT-14b3E), ñi se pilko ste prkr=eku : ‘this is my view firmly held’ (23b4C),
ñu[ltse] kwärsarw=ekwa ke : ‘nine thousand leagues bounding the earth’
(45b3C); —ekorme: aakulane eko[r]me = B(H)S prnte grhtv (530a3C);
—ekalñe: (see separate entry below).
TchB ek- is related to TchA ets- ‘id.’ in that the latter is from *eks-, a
generalization of the preterite stem and probably the present also (regularly
corresponding to B ekäsk’ä/e- would be *ekäs’ä/e- which would have given
*eks’ä/e-). PTch *ek- is, as has long been supposed (in embryo first by Meillet
and Lévi, 1912:28), from Proto-IndoEuropean *h1nk-, the zero-grade of *h1nek- ~
*h1enk- ‘± reach, achieve, take’ [: Sanskrit anóti ‘reaches, comes to, gets,’
Avestan -ašnaoiti ‘id.,’ Sanskrit náati (~ nákati) ‘reaches, obtains,’
Avestan -nasaiti ‘id.,’ Greek enegkeîn (< *h1neh1nke/o-), the suppletive aorist to
phérein ‘carry, bear,’ Latin nanci ‘light upon, obtain,’ Old Irish ro-icc ‘reaches,’
Old Irish do-icc ‘comes’ (< *h1nk-), Lithuanian nešù ‘carry, bear,’ OCS nes
‘id.,’ etc. (P:316-318; LIV:250f.)] (VW:179-180; MA:35). The derived noun
eñcäl, if it belongs here, suggests an old thematic present or subjunctive
*h1nke/o- at some point in the history of Tocharian. Beekes (2010:422) suggests
that there were actually two PIE roots involved, *h1nek- ‘carry’ and *h2nek-
‘reach, obtain.’ If so, the Tocharian verb is surely from the latter, though they
would both have the same phonological outcome.
82 ekatkre
See also ekäl, ekalñe, okor (< Proto-Tocharian *ekor but with regular
rounding of e- before the -o- of the next syllable; the preterite participle ekor has
its initial en- restored analogically), probably eñcäl and okorño, and possibly
entse and eñci.
ekatkre (adv.) ‘± deeply’ (?)
kucen=ekätkre sanuññe /// (254a3A), 8 ket ekätkre sanuññe ärpä [lege:
ärpä] pärnac waämñe pile ñäträ (255a5A). If a derivative of kätkare
‘deep,’ q.v. (see Hilmarsson, 1991:174).
ekarstatte (adj.) ‘± uncuttable’
[ekarstatte, -, -//] ekärsttte (136b5A). Privative of kärst- ‘cut off,’ q.v. (see
Hilmarsson, 1991:72).
ekalñe (nnt.) ‘grasping at or clinging to existence; adherence, attachment; assump-
tion, taking to oneself’
[ekalñe, ekalñentse, ekalñe//-, ekalñentats, ekalñenta] ekalyñentse =
B(H)S updna- (156b5C), [akai]-p[i]lkontse ekälyñeme = B(H)S mithy-
drisamdnt (IT-260a3C), kuse cek-warñai lakle ste tuntse arm po ekalyñe te
ek karsoym ‘whatever suffering there is whose whole origin is clinging to
existence, may I know it!’ (S-3a2C); —ekalñee ‘prtng to clinging to existence’
(204b3C), [e]kalñ[e]e pwrasa säl[pamane] ‘burning in the fires of worldly
attachment’ (IT-201C [!]); —ekalñetstse* ‘id.’ (PK-NS-53-a2C [Pinault, 1988]).
The regular abstract of the subjunctive stem of ek-, q.v. Also ekäl.
ekalpatte (adj.) ‘unachieving, not having achieved’
[ekalpatte, -, -//-, ekalpaccets, -] (K-6b6/PK-AS-7Fb6C). Privative from
kälp- (see Hilmarsson, 1991:73-78), representing an older subjunctive stem (one
still attested in Tocharian A).
ekäl (n.) ‘feeling, passion’ [i.e., ‘that which seizes one’]
[ekäl, ekalntse, ekäl//ekalwa, -, ekalwa] pälketär-ne po kektseñe antpce
ramt ekältsa [39] ‘his whole body blazes with passion like a firebrand’ (8a5C),
ekäl = B(H)S raga- (8b6C), ekäl = B(H)S sarga- (534a3C), ekaltse (PK-
AS-6Cb1C [CEToM]), po ekalwa yaika srotpattiññe perne kalpa ‘he destroyed
all passions and attained the rank of a srotaptti’ (109a9L); —ekale* ‘prtng to
passion’ (278b2C); —ekalsu* ‘± passionate’ (575b1C); —ekaltse ‘passionate’
(CEToM]). A nomen actionis from the subjunctive of enk-, q.v.
ekältsatte (adj.) ‘unpoured, unoppressed (?)
[ekältsatte, -, -//] (THT-1182b7C). In a Classical text one might have expected
ekaltsatte. A privative of 1kälts-, q.v.
ekaucar (adv.) ‘aloud, publicly’
/// auntsante wetsy ekaucar to re[kauna :] ‘they began to say publicly these
words’ (25b7C). The intensive prefix e(n)- + kauc ‘high,’ qq.v., + -r (see
Hilmarsson, 1991:174-175).
eklyauätte* (adj.) ‘unheard (of)’
[-, -, eklyauäcce//] eklyauäcce = B(H)S ananurutam (30b3C). Privative of
klyaus- ‘hear,’ q.v. (cf. Hilmarsson’s discussion, 1991:109-110).
ekwaññe, s.v. next entry.
ekwe (~ ewe) (n.[m.sg.]) ‘man’ (as opposed to woman)
[ekwe, ekwentse, ekwe/ekwene, -, -/-, -, ekwe] klye rano treksate
eñcare 83
TchA *añcu (id.) (attested in the derived adjective añcwi) and B eñcuwo
(iñcuwo is variant on the same order as inte is to ente, q.v.) reflect PTch
*eñcäuwo or *eñcäwo. The extra-Tocharian connections are complex. The
Tocharian words have usually been connected with Ossetic ændon ‘steel’ but the
divergence of the medial clusters is problematic. Ossetic ændon is presumably to
be con-nected with Khwaresmian andn ‘fetters’ (< *‘irons’), Persian
hund(a)wni ~ hind(a)wn ‘steel,’ Marco Polo’s ondanique ‘steel,’ etc., all
ultimately from hindu-n-, reflecting the prestige of Indian wootz iron in the
medieval and early modern period. Elsewhere in Iranian ‘iron’ reflects
descendants of (putative) Proto-Iranian (1) *anuwan- (Khwaresmian hnu [with
some irregularities]), (2) *awana- (Khotanese hana-, Ossetic æfsæn), (3)
*awanya- (Sogdian spen, Waxi (y)šn, Shughni sipin), (4) *una- (Turfan
Middle Persian ’’hwn, Turfan Middle Parthian ’’swn, Zoroastrian Pahlavi ’syn,
Balochi sin). The first of these reconstructions, if allowed, is a perfect match for
the Tocharian forms. The others would represent various productive
morphological derivatives of Proto-Iranian age of *anuwan- (with dissimilatory
loss of the first *-n-). From a phonological point of view the word may have
been borrowed from Proto-Iranian into Proto-Tocharian or vice versa but, in
either case, the borrowing would have been very early.
One would expect the transmission of a culture word to have been from west to
east but, while an *anuwan- is etymologically opaque on the Iranian side, a
Proto-Tocharian *encuwn- does have a possible etymology, in PIE terms *h1n-
heweha(-n)- ‘what is poured in,’ i.e., ‘cast iron’ (cf. German Guß-eisern ‘cast
iron,’ as already in nuce VW:146). Such a scenario might be strengthened by
consideration of another set of Central Asia ‘iron’ words. Ossetic cwan, Russian
ugún, Ukrainian aún ~ awún, all ‘cast iron,’ represent borrowings from some
Turkish source, cf. Chuvash ugun, Balkar coun, Jagatai üjün/ojn, Karaim
ojun (and a multitude of similar forms, cf. Clauson, 1972:403), possibly from a
Proto-Tocharian *encuwn-, or the like, with loss of the unstressed first syllable.
Pinault (2006:184-189) would like to combine Sanskrit au- ‘stalk of the soma
plant’ (= ephedra in his view) and Tocharian eñcuwo because the marrow of
those stalks were of a rusty red color. Most speculative.
eñwetstse (adv.) ‘anew’
: kreñc no c[ai po] kr[e]ntäne arsäske-ne eñw[et]sts[e] 70 ‘for the good
[buddhas] are making [it] known anew to all the good’ (5b1C). The empha-
sizing prefix e(n)- + ñu ‘new,’ qq.v., + the adjective forming suffix -tstse (cf.
Hilmarsson’s discussion, 1991:175).
etakätte (adj.) ‘unchecked, unhindered’
[etakätte, -, -//] = B(H)S apratibaddha- {7a4C}, Gabain/Winter:12 ([in
Manichean script] ’yt’ngk’ntyy [sic]). The privative of täk-, ‘hinder, check,’
q.v. Cf. TchA atäkät (and see Hilmarsson, 1991:96-97).
ette (~ ette) (a) (adv.) ‘down’ [ette ‘downward’]; (b) ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘lower’
(a) ette särwna ‘with lowered/downcast face/eyes’ (PK-AS-12Db3A [Broom-
head]), 31 kauc ette kluttakentär to pwenta ckr ente sprta • … to klutta-
kentär kaucme nänok ette <:> ‘up and down turn the spokes if/when the wheel
turns; again they turn from up downward’ (30b6/7C), p[i]-känt=ette kw[ärsar-
86 Ettukne
wa] ‘five hundred leagues downward’ (45b2C), klpsa paineme ette kloyomane
‘falling down on [his] face’ (88a2C), parso ette paiyka ‘he wrote down a letter’
(492a2Col); (b) pärke ette cmelne tmaskenträ ‘they dissolve and are reborn in a
lower birth’ (K-7b3/PK-AS-7Gb3C); —ettesa ‘under’: vidydhare ettesa paiyne
etswai pikalle ‘a vidydhara [is] to be painted nearby, under the feet’ (M-
3a4/PK-AS-8Ca4C).
Probably related to TchA ñc ‘id.’, and to Sanskrit adhá ‘below’, Avestan
ad'& ‘below’, Armenian 'nd ‘under’ (VW:163, MA:611). The TchB form would
be the exact equivalent of the Indo-Iranian and Armenian ones, i.e., all would be
from PIE *ndhós. TchA -añc ‘to, beside,’ as also Sanskrit ádhara, Avestan
aar, Latin nferus, all ‘lower, inferior,’ as well as the Germanic group
represented by New English under would reflect different formations from PIE
*ndh-. If not to be read everywhere as ente, the TchB form is slightly irregular in
that PTch *-nt- has become -tt- rather than remaining, though the same change
seems to have occurred in the history of perpette, q.v.
Ettukne (n.) ‘Ettukne’ (PN in administrative records)
[Ettukne, -, -//] (SI B 12.3Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
etr waitstse* (n.) ‘indifferent’
[f: //-, etriwaitstsnats, -] weñau … krenta yolainats etrwaitstsnats rano ‘I
will speak of good [deeds] and evil together with those which are indifferent’ [=
B(H)S avykrta-] (K-2a4/5/PK-AS-7Ba5C [CEToM]). An adjective which
looks to be derived from an unattested noun *trwo, a doublet of the attested
traiwo, itself derived from the verb triw- (see Pinault, CEToM). See also triw-
and traiwo.
Etrie* ‘Etrie’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, Etrii, -//] (490a-II-4Col).
etre (n.) ‘hero’
[etre, -, -//etri, -, etre] brhma
i m lñc wrocci m etri ‘[no] brahmans, no
great kings, no heroes’ (46b4C), : ry wetñco etri /// ‘old/adult men (?), war-
riors, heroes’ (47a8C); —etreu* ‘heroic’: war[a]alyñ[ee e]trentä (PK-AS-
6B1aC [CEToM]); —etreuññe*E ‘heroic’: etreuññai meyys ‘by heroic might’
(274b2A).
TchA atär ‘id.’ (denominal adjective aroñci) and B etre reflect PTch *etre
whose further connections are unclear. It seems possible to take this *etre to be
from PIE *haot-ro- and related to TchA täl ‘man’ which would then be from
*haet-lo-. It is possible that this *haetlo- is in turn cognate with Greek atalós
‘tender, delicate’ (of children and adolescents), Greek atáll ‘skip about
youthfully, gambol; bring up a child, rear, foster’ (this latter meaning may be a
different word related to PIE *atta ‘father’ and only secondarily associated with
‘gambol’). The notions of ‘hero’ or ‘man’ are often derived from ‘be active,’
‘have youthful strength,’ and the like (Adams, 1987b). Alternatively Pinault
(2006:171-175) suggests that the Tocharian is *hxotr-o- (my symbols) and related
to Avestan rauuan-, Sanskrit átharvan- ‘priest.’ In each case we have ‘some-
one of superior force.’ Perhaps we should reconstruct *hxothx-r ‘superior force’
(with two laryngeals so as to explain the voiceless aspirate in Indo-Iranian).
Winter (1971, following a suggestion of Bailey’s) suggests that *etre is an early
¹e(n)- 87
borrowing from an Iranian *atara-. Not with VW (152) a compound of the inten-
sive prefix e(n)- + something like Sanskrit turá- ‘strong, powerful.’ Such a pre-
form should have given A *otär, B *otre.
etrekätte (adj.) ‘not sticking to, unattached’
[etrekätte, -, etrekäcce//etrekäcci, -, -] (248a3E). The privative of trek-
‘adhere, stick to,’ q.v. (see Hilmarsson, 1991a:98).
en- (vt.) ‘instruct, teach; punish’
Ps. IXa /énäsk’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, enästär//-, -, enäskentär; MPImpf. -, -, enäitär; nt-
Part. enäeñca; m-Part. enäskemane; Ger. enä(äl)le*]: enäitär lwsa su
aksai-me pel[aikne] ‘he instructed the animals and announced to them the law’
(575a2C); Ko. IXa (= Ps.): [MP, - enastar, -//(see abstract); Pt. IV /énä-/ [MP -
, -, en(ä)ate//-, -, enäante]: : tume lyama asnne enate-me : ‘then he sat on
[his] seat and instructed them’ (12b3C); —enäälñe ‘instruction, teaching,
doctrine’: : ysomo sankatse ra reki m=sate sam m[] ra ñy enälyñe : ‘he did
not take the word of the united community; likewise he [did] not [grasp] my
teaching’ (42a7C), ñakt[e]ntse en[ä]lñene = B(H)S buddhasana- (U-11b1C
/IT-260b1]), ñaktentse enasälñene • (THT-1355b4A); —enäälñee ‘prtng to
instruction, doctrine’: enäälñ[ee] = B(H)S anusani (527b2C).
Etymology unclear, though there are many suggestions. TchB en- is clearly
related to TchA en- ‘id.’ but the details of that relationship are unclear. They
cannot both reflect any PTch antecedent; one must be borrowed from the other,
but the direction of the borrowing is not self-evident. VW (177-178, following
Bailey, 1957:41; also Puhvel, 1984:62) assumes that the B word is borrowed
from A and the antecedent PTch *in- is related to Greek aînos ‘tale, story;
decree,’ Greek ainé ‘tell, speak; praise; glorify [god],’ Middle Irish óeth (m.)
‘oath,’ Gothic aiþs (m.) ‘id.’ (added to the Greek words by Pokorny [11]), and
Avestan ara- ‘instruction’ (added by Bailey and VW). Puhvel (1984:271)
would add Hittite enant- ‘tame(d)’ (< *ain-ant-, taking the *ain- underlying
Hittite, Greek, and Tocharian to be ‘be agreeable.’ (The Hittite enant- might just
as easily be an extended adjective in -ant- as a participle [Melchert, p.c.].)
If the borrowing is from B to A (a far more common occurrence), then PTch
*en- might be related to Hittite annanu- ‘train (of both craftsmen and animals)’
(Krause, 1960:57). Since the Tocharian word is attested only in the causative and
since Hittite annanu- is often taken as the causative of anniya- ‘carry out,
execute’ (Kloekhorst, 2008:177 rejects any connection of anniya- with annanu-),
Melchert suggests (p.c.) that the PTch *enäsk- might be the remade causative of
the mone type. That is, it would represent a virtual *h1onhxeye/o- (MA:87). The
second laryngeal is required to explain the geminate -nn- in Hittite and the lack of
lengthening in the first syllable of Sanskrit anas- ‘burden.’ Another possibility is
a relationship with Hittite hann(a)- (Lycian qã-) ‘impose, lay on, charge’ from
PIE *h2enhx- (so TVS). Finally, Kloekhorst (2008:177) takes both the Tocharian
and Hittite to reflect a PIE *h3en-.
¹e(n)- an intensifying prefix.
For a discussion of the form see the following entry. With the vowel e- we
have: ekalymi, ekatkre, ekaucar, eñatketstse, eñwetstse, etrwaitstse, enerke,
enestai, enmetre?, epikte?, eprete, eplyuwai, emparkre, -empruko, eraitwe,
88 ²e(n)-
elauke, eweta, eatkai, ee, eerñe, etsarkälle and etsuwai. With the vowel -
(when unstressed, written <a>) we have: anaiai, aknmi?, akre?, akai,
apkärtse, apkai, aplc, amsko, ayto, akr. With ai- (< *ei-) we have:
aikne and aiksnar. With the vowel o- we have: okarño?, okor?, ompals-
ko(ññe), ompostä, omotruññaie?, omprotärtstse, orkäntai?, oonai, oäle?
TchA a(n)- and B e(n)- reflect PTch *e(n)-. It was originally a locative prefix
meaning ‘± in’ (and certain forms which contain it still have traces of that
meaning remaining, cf. ee ‘together,’ i.e., ‘in one’) from PIE *h1n- or *h1on- (or
both) and related to B yn- ‘in’ from PIE *h1en. More s.v. ene. See also
Hilmarsson, 1991.
²e(n)- ‘un-, in-’ (negative prefix)
Like the homophonous intensifying prefix (see previous entry), the vowel of the
negative prefix is e-, - (when followed in the next syllable by an --) or o- (when
followed in the next syllable by an -o- or, occasionally, when followed by a
labial, e.g., ompakwättäññe). When and where we find the -n- is less clear. It
always occurs before vowels and before labials (as -m-) but sometimes occurs
and sometimes does not before dentals and velars. It seems likely the nasalless
variant arose before sibilants and perhaps by dissimilation in words with a closely
following -n- (as in akntsa) but, in any case, both the variant with and the
variant without the nasal have been extended into each other’s territory.
Otherwise, Hilmarsson, 1991.
With the vowel e- we have: ekatkatte, ekamätte, ekalätte, ekwalatte, ekarstatte,
ekalpatte, eklyauätte, eñcare, etakätte, etrekätte, enersäk, empakwatte,
empalkaitte, empele, elykatte, euwatte, epirtatte. With the vowel (when
unstressed, written <a>) we have: akkatte, akaukatte, akntsa, akraupatte,
aklautkatte, atkatte, atmo, atraikatte, ankätte, anyätte, anaikte, anaiwa-
tstse, anautatte, apätte, amntatte, amllatte, amaukatte, amplkätte, aytai-
tstse, aymätte, allätte, awskatte, awlwätte, aspwatte. With the vowel ai- (<
*e-yä-) we have: aikatte, aitkatte, ainmitte, airpätte and aiskatte. With the vowel
o- we have okipe, okrotte, onuwaññe, ontsoytte, ompakwättäññe.
TchA a(n)- and B e(n)- reflect PTch e(n)- from PIE *n- [: Sanskrit a- ~ an-
(before vowels), Avestan a- ~ an- (before vowels), Greek a- ~ an- (before
vowels), Latin in-, Gothic un-, Old Irish in- ~ e- ~ an-, etc., all ‘un-’ (P:757-758;
MA:395)] (VW:156-157, with differing details). See also Hilmarsson, 1991.
ene(-)e- ‘?’
///y·smnt r pilke ene·e/// [ene[w]e /// ?] (340b7A).
eneka (adv./postposition) ‘inside, within, herein, among’ [enekme ‘from
within’; eneka ‘inwards’]
lwas=nek ‘among the animals’ (588a4E), • eneka pasprtau cwi maim
palskw attsaik • ‘completely inward [have] turned his thought and spirit’ (41a2C),
trone eneka ‘inside the cave’ (46b5C), enek[me] indrinta pärnñana
viain[ta] karsoym auspa ‘may I know better the sense-organs from within and
the external sense-objects!’ (S-5b4/PK-AS-5Bb4C), enekme pälyalñe
‘torment from within’ (IT-133a1C); —enekññe* ‘internal’ (181b3C). Ene +
the intensifying particle ka, q.v
enele 89
campa enele pañäkti epiyac [sic] kälaälyi ‘buddhas like the sands of the
Ganges River buddhas [are] to be remembered’ (552b1/2E), [e]ne[l]e = B(H)S
samau (16a4C); —enele* ‘±companion’: /// [p]lme aumontse ek <•> temai
[lege: teme] - enelentse wräntsai welläññentse ‘… always of/to an excellent
man; thus to the answer of [his/this?] companion’ (?) (258a3A)
Though the last word of the Tocharian phrase in 251a2 is very clearly written
as sm, it must be an error for s. The Tocharian phrase-by-phrase gloss is very
literal and follows the syntax of the original as much as possible. Thus enele is,
as we would assume on the basis of its other occurrences, is the equivalent of
B(H)S -sama- and sm, in error for s, the equivalent of B(H)S ripu-. It is
apparently on the basis of equating sm with -sama- and enele with ripu, that
Broomhead suggests that enelentse in 258a3 is the genitive of a noun enele
‘opponent.’ Rather it must be a noun enele ‘±companion.’
ene- (see ene) + le ‘with.’
enestai (adv.) ‘in secret, secretly’
yops=ttsna wa[r][aine •] - - [e]nestai naumyen=epa - - •] ‘he entered
into the thick groves; secretly …… jewel- …’ (338a1A), enestai = B(H)S rahasi
(U-15a3E), • kwri cau kalla naumiye tukäskenträ enestai • ‘if they find this
jewel, they hide it secretly’ (231b3/4C/L), 72 [ai]yai klainmpa enestai aiporne
a[mä] /// ‘he will sit secretly undercover with a nun or a woman’ (IT-129b4C);
—enestai-koagat-laka ‘cryptorchid laka
a’ (PK-NS-108b2?).
Probably from *ene ‘in’ (see ene) plus *sty(ä) ‘± secret’ [: Sanskrit styát
‘secretly,’ Sanskrit styú- ‘thief’ and, a bit more distantly in Sanskrit tyú-,
Avestan tyu- ‘thief,’ OCS taj ‘secretly,’ taj ‘hide, dissimulate,’ tat" ‘thief,’
Hittite tya- ‘steal,’ etc., all from PIE *(s)teha(y)- (P:1010) (Melchert reconstructs
*(s)teh2-ye/o- ~ *(s)teh2-yu- [1984:39])] (VW, 1971d:452, 1976:178-179;
MA:543 [starting from *(s)teh4-]). Hilmarsson (1991:173-174) takes it, on the
other hand, to be *e(n)- + a Tocharian cognate of Greek nóstos ‘homecoming’ (<
*nes-, see s.v. nes-), comparing for the semantics German heimlich ‘secret’ (adj.)
and Geheim-nis ‘secret’ (noun). See also ene.
enaiwaññe, anaiwaññe.
enteE-C-L ~ inteC-L (conj./interrogative adverb) (a) ‘where’; (b) ‘where?’; (c) ‘when’;
(d) ‘when?’; (e) ‘if, whenever’
(a) [e]pyac klle ente tem[e]ñ stamäle ‘he [is] to remember where [he is],
consequently, to be placed’ (10b6C), : mka omp snnma ent=kn[tsañ
yama]skenträ 5[3] ‘many dangers there [are] where fools act’ (44a6/7C);
(b) ente tetriku se aie = B(H)S yatra m ham ida jagat (148a4E), • tume
purohite p[r]e[ka]n-ne [p]o[ks]e-[ñ] pala ente nai ñake mäñc[uke] /// ‘then the
purohita asks him: “tell me, pala, where now [is] the prince …?” ’ (520b8C), ente
= B(H)S kuttra (SI P/65b1, a2A [Pinault, 2002b:314]);
(c) ente aul cwy ra : ‘when his life shall cease’ (29b7C), 31 kauc ette
kluttakentär to pwenta ckr ente sprta • ‘the spokes revolve high and low
if/when the wheel turns’ (30b6C), añ mäskelye yakene ente maitare aklyalye
po ee kraupäare ‘when they had come to their proper place, they gathered
together all of the disciples’ (108a3L);
(d) ente kallau tu lktsi : ‘and when will I get to see it [again]?’ (46a5= 47b2C);
entwe 91
kuse and s. One might also compare Attic enteûthen, Ionic entheûten from
*enthe + u + -then.) VW (1941:20, 1976:145-146) is also possibly right in
connecting these Tocharian words with Germanic *anda ~ *unda ‘and’ (English
and, German und) from *h1ondha ~ *h1ndha (but only for the first part, as the
Germanic *-d- must reflect some sort of locative particle as in Greek éntha).
See also ente and intsu.
endretstseññe (adj.) ‘prtng to Endere’
[endretstseññe, -, -//] e[nd]re[tst]se[ñ]ñ[e] Kemakule wasa … ‘Kemakula from
Endere gave …’ [endretstseññe = Kuci-Prakrit edeladañe] (SI P/141
[Schmidt, 2001:17-18]). An adjectival derivative of unattested *Endere, or the
like, the name of a city on the south side of the Tarim Basisn.
enmetre (n.) ‘± bark’
[enmetre, -, -//] • palai wtsiko enmetre • (500a8C) [In a list of medical
ingredients]
In his discussion of the passage where this hapax legomenon occurs, Maue
(1990) takes enmetre as unmatched by anything in either the B(H)S or Khotanese
equivalents. However, the three versions of this medical recipe are otherwise
identical. Thus, I take enmetre to be part of the phrase palai wtsiko [=
witsako] enmetre and the equivalent of the corresponding single word bl of
bla in B(H)S or the bela of the Khotanese. (One should note that B(H)S bl
and Khotanese bela do not refer to the same plant. B(H)S bl is ‘Pavonia
odorata Willd.’ [and the equivalent of Khotanese bilva] while Khotanese bela is
‘Aegle marmelos Corr.’ [the equivalent of B(H)S bila!]. Clearly there is potential
for some confusion in translation here.)
TchB enmetre must be a specific part of this plant or of its root. The structure
of the phrase must be [[palai wtsiko] enmetre] ‘the enmetre of the pal-root’
(whatever the internal structure of the phrase we would expect *wtsikai rather
than wtsiko). One of the medically significant portions of A. marmelos is its root-
bark (Chopra, 1956:8). Thus enmetre is likely to be ‘bark.’ See also lasto.
Morphologically enmetre must be enm-e-tre (-e- = the thematic vowel, -tre =
the ‘tool’ suffix [< PIE *-tro- or *-dhro-] as in tre [< *wetre] ‘grain’ [<
*‘Lebensmittel’] from w- ‘live’ or tsartre ‘extract’ from tsär- ‘separate’). If
the order -nm- is original, we might have *e-nm- with the prefix *h1n- plus either
*nm- or *Tm-. The obvious choice would seem to be *h1ntm(h1)- ‘cut in, cut off’
[: Greek támn (only Attic témn) ‘cut,’ tmsis ‘cutting,’ ténd ‘gnaw (at)’ (<
*tem-de/o-), ténth ‘id.’ (< *tem-dhe/o-), Latin tonde ‘shave, shear, clip; mow,
prune, reap; browse (on), crop,’ Latin templum ‘temple’ (< ‘consecrated ground’
< ‘space marked out [= cut off] by the augurs for the auspices’), Lithuanian tinù
(tìnti) ‘whet’ (< *tem-ne/o-), Old Russian t"nu ‘strike’ (P:1062-3)]. Thus
*h1ntm(h1)-o-tro- would be ‘material for cutting in,’ i.e., ‘writing material.’ An
obvious extra-Tocharian cognate would be Greek entémn which, among other
meanings is ‘engrave, inscribe.’ Other verbs for writing derived from the notion
of cutting or scratching (on a surface) are Latin scrbere, Greek gráph (cf.
English carve), and write itself (cf. German reissen ‘tear, rip, rend, slit’). Bark
was a medium of symbolic representation in much of prehistoric Europe.
Witness the history of book and its Germanic cognates (from *bhehaos ‘beech’
ep(-) 93
since beech-bark was the preferred medium of writing) or consider the polysemy
of Latin liber, both ‘inner bark of a tree’ and ‘book.’ A pre-Tocharian
*h1ntm(h1)-o-tro- ‘engraving material’ would be in the same tradition.
enmer (n.) a medical ingredient
[enmer, -, -//] (W-40a5C).
enmelya* (nf.) a species of plant?
[-, enmelyantse, -//] arkwaññai enmelyantse wkte (W-2a3/4C).
entse (n.[m.sg.]) ‘greed, envy; selfishness’
[entse, -, entse//] • tanpatentse ostwasa ekñintasa entseño mäntañyentär emi :
‘some became evil-minded out of envy for benefactors, houses, and possessions’
(31b7C), entsesa attsaik ene wawla ‘through greed [are their] eyes completely
covered’ (K-6a2/PK-AS-7Fa2C); —entsee ‘greedy, envious’ (K-6a4/PK-AS-
7Fa4C)
TchB entse and TchA ets ‘id.’ are clearly related. VW (1968:65-6,
1976:180) takes the TchA word to be a borrowing from B and for the B word to
reflect a putative PIE *h1onktyo-, a derivative *h1onk- ‘take, grasp’ (B ek-, q.v.).
Hilmarsson (1986a:282) prefers to consider the A word an inherited cognate of B
entse, both from PTch *ekse reflecting a putative PIE *h2onh-s-o- (for the type,
see Adams, 1985c), a derivative of *h2énhos (nt.) [: Sanskrit ahas- ‘fear,
anxiety; constriction,’ Avestan zah- ‘need, trouble,’ Old Norse angr ‘grief,
sorrow; repentance’] or *h2énhs (m.) [: Latin angor ‘anguish, compression of
the throat’]. With other extensions of *h2énhos we have OCS zost"
‘narrowing,’ Lithuanian añkštas ‘narrow,’ and OHG angust ‘fear.’ All of these
of course are derivatives of what is normally reconstructed as *h2enh- ‘be
narrow’ [: Greek ánkh ‘tie up, make tight, constrict, strangle,’ Latin ang ‘id.’
(P:42-43)]. Puhvel (1991:67-68) starts from a *h2em-h- which, with a nasal-
infix present, gave 3rd. sg. *h2mné-h-ti-, 3rd. pl. *h2mmnhnti. Such forms
would have given pre-Hittite *hamnekzi, hamankanzi from which we have by
analogical spread of the -n-, the actual Hittite paradigm Hittite ham(m)enk- ~
ham(m)ank- ‘tie; betroth.’ See also next entry and possibly ek-.
entsesse (adj.) ‘envious, greedy’
[entsesse, -, -//] Priyadeve ñemttsa rehi ey eatkai te ekaññetstse olya-
potstse sa [lege: su] no entsesse • ‘there was a merchant, P. by name; [he was]
very rich and full of possessions; however, [he was] envious’ (375a4L); —
entsesñe* ‘greed,’ only in the adjective: entsesñee ‘± envious, greedy’: entses-
ñee sananämpa m [palsko tär]ko [wräntär] (K-5b5/PK-AS-7Eb5C). An
adjectival derivative of entse, q.v. For the formation, see Winter (1979).
ep(-) (n.) ‘±(rude) dwelling’ (?)
[//-, -, epanma or epanta (?)] yops=ttsna wa[r][aine •] - - [e]nestai
naumyen=epa - - •] ‘he entered into the thick groves; secretly … jewel- …’
(338a1A). Since these two padas are the third and fourth (and final) ones in a
loka that describes the subject of the jtaka’s becoming an ascetic in the forest
(and since the next loka, though mutilated, clearly is on a different topic—the
acquisition of disciples), we would expect the fourth to be clearly a final
comment on becoming an ascetic. I tentatively restore it to: [wiya] enestai
naumyen=epa[nmane] (or epa[ntane]?) ‘he dwelt secretly [ in isolation?] in
94 epastye
the bodhisatva descended’ (107b4L); (d) snai epikte bramñikte krpa ‘without
an interval the brahma-god descended’ (107a8L).
Etymology unknown. VW (1941:21, 1976:180-181) suggests that we have
here the TchB intensive prefix e(n)- + PIE *bh(e)ng- ‘break’ (< *bhe(n)g- ‘break,’
more s.v. pkante) + an adjective-forming -to-. Winter (1983), adding TchA
opänt- ‘in the middle,’ assumes the same intensive prefix e(n)- + PTch *pi
äkte
‘fifth’ (< PIE *penkto-), as the ‘fifth region’ (after the four cardinal directions).
Neither suggestion carries conviction.
epiyac (n.) ‘± memory,’ only attested in the phrasal verbs (a) epiyac käl- ‘remember,
recall’ and (b) epiyac ym- ‘cause to remember, recall to someone’
(a) • ykk ñi kälstär epyac poyy añmlake : ‘still the merciful Buddha
remembers me’ (22b8C), • tu epiyc klorme = B(H)S tat sasmrtya (251a3E),
artsa [kau epi]yac kalalyñee yakne • ‘the way of remembering each day’
(552a3E); (b) krentauna epiyac yamastär-n[e] ‘he has him recall virtues’
(522a1C), /// [e]pyac ek pymtsa[t] /// ‘always remember [this]’ (IT-73b2C); —
epyacäññe ‘souvenir, memento’: /// Yasodharañ sukna wean-ne arya ce
hr saswe epiyacäññe lyw-c ‘he gives [it] to Y; he says to her: beloved, the lord
sent this necklace to thee [as] a memento’ (PK-AS-15C-b4C [Pinault, 1989:189]).
TchA opyc ‘id.’ and B epiyac reflect a PTch *epiyc presumably from a
Middle Iranian source similar to Pahlavi a{yt, Turfan Pahlavi ’by’d, Khotanese
byta- (Hansen, 1940:151, Bailey, 1967:260, VW:634). Hilmarsson (1986:56
and 1989b) reconstructs a Middle Iranian *abiyti- though there is no direct
Iranian evidence for an i-stem. We must assume, I think, that a Middle Iranian
*abiyta- was borrowed as *epiyt sufficiently early that it was assigned to the
Tocharian reflexes of PIE ti-stems which had a productive alternation of stem
final -t ~ -c (e.g., plce, but acc. pl. pltä), whence the accusative singular
*epiyc reflected in B epiyac, TchA opyc.
epe (conj.) ‘or; otherwise’
: mai ñi tka laitalñe wrocc=asnme lantuññe : epe wat no aulantse ñytse
ñi ste nesalle : [epe wat no = B(H)S athavpi] ‘will there be a falling by me from
the great royal throne? or is there to be to me a danger to [my] life?’ (5a4C),
lwsane wat no pret[e]nne wat tänmaskenträ epe yñakte ym[na] wat ‘they
are [re-]born among animals or pretas or among gods and men’ (K-7a5/PK-AS-
Ga5C), se ñisa [sic] plme rke tka cwi aicer epe tuwak ñi aicer ‘[if] this
seer is better than I, give [it] to him; otherwise, give it to me’ (107b1L).
Etymology obscure. TchA also has epe ‘or’ and it is to be presumed that it is a
borrowing from B (so VW:180). VW takes B to reflect a PIE *h1o-w where the
-w is the PIE *w see in Sanskrit v, etc., and the *h1o- is a pronominal stem.
Aside from the difficulties of formation, a *h1ow should have give B *eye and
certainly not epe.
eprete (adj.) ‘resolute, steadfast’
[eprete, -, - (voc. epreta)//epreti, -, eprete] aräñcaccu epreta (241a2E); —
epretäññe ‘resolution, fixity of purpose, steadfastness’ (46a3C). The intensive
prefix e(n)- + *prete ‘± decision, resolution,’ the unattested TchB counterpart of
TchA pratim (the latter borrowed in B as prati, q.v.). See VW:386 and
Hilmarsson, 1991a: 176-177. LIV (493) plausibly suggests a relationship with
96 eprer*
Blažek (1995) suggests a connection with Slavic *upr@m!j" ‘sincere’ (e.g., Old
Czech upiemý). Both would reflect *(o)n-prmo-. The meaning and morphology
are attractive, but the final -n of the Tocharian is not well motivated. Not with
VW (177), following an earlier suggestion of Smith (1910:10), who takes it as the
intensive prefix e(n)- + some derivative of *bher- ‘bear.’
eye* (n.) ‘sheep/goat’ (?)
[-, eyentse, -//] • ot ñwe prast eyetse /// ‘then [he is to make] a new sleeping-
mat of sheep’s [wool]/goat [hair]’ (326a1L). This passage would seem to
correspond to Ni#sargik 13 of the Prtimoka (so Sieg and Siegling, 1953:210)
and eye[n]tse [ykwa] (or the like) to B(H)S e akaloman-.
If correctly identified as to meaning, eye ‘sheep/goat’ may reflect PIE *h1oyós,
an agentive derivative of *h1ei- ‘go.’ The semantic development would be like
that of Hittite iyant- ‘sheep’ which is, in origin, the present participle of Hittite i-
(PIE *h1ei-) ‘go,’ or Oscan eítiuvam ‘pecuniam,’ another derivative of PIE *h1ei-
‘go.’ From a different verb but with a similar metaphor (i.e., ‘moveable chattels’)
we have Greek próbata ‘cattle; sheep.’
eynke, ainake.
Er (n.) ‘Er’ (PN)
(289b2C/L). From an Uyghur word for ‘man.’
er- (vt.) ‘evoke, call up, produce, bring forth, yield, cause’ [karu er- ‘have mercy’]
Ps. VIII /ers’ä/e-/ [-, -, erä//-, -, erse; MP -, -, ertär// -, -, ersentär; MPImpf.
// -, -, eryentär; nt-Part. ereñca; Ger. eralle]: : wnolmi [tan]e snai spelke m
mrauskalñ=ersenträ 90 ‘beings here [are] without zeal and do not evoke aversion
for the world’ (3a6C), emi ysaly=eryentär ‘some produced discord’ (31b7C),
[takar]käñ=ereñca = B(H)S prsdika- (524b7C); Ko. I /érä-/ [MP ermar,
ertar, ertär// -, -, er(ä)ntär; AOpt. -, -, eri//; MPOpt. erimar, eritar, eritär//; Inf.
ertsi; Ger. er(äl)le*]: /// mrauskalläññe m erträ ‘he will not evoke aversion
against the world’ (THT-3198b1? [TVS]), ///ästsi yelänn-er ‘… may appear
among the worms’ (IT-163b2E), : waimen=ertsi krentauna /// ‘[it is] difficult to
produce virtues’ (IT-24a2C?); Ipv. III /pérs-/ [Sg. persar; Pl. persat]: persar ñakta
karu ‘O God, call up pity’ [= ‘O God, have mercy!’] (THT-3596b1C), pelaikn=
aki karttse palkas cewne persat takarkñe 51 ‘look with favor on the
announcers of the law; call up [some] faith in it!’ (19a2C); Pt. III /eräs-/ [MP
ersamai, ersatai, ersate// -, -, ersante]: 29 kalpa takar[käññe] tarya naumyentane
ersat=kl[k :] ‘he attained faith and evoked a wish for the three jewels’ (42b8C);
PP /eru-/; —erorme: erorme = B(H)S utpdya (IT-187a2C); —erälyñe*
(Kvc-24a3/ THT-1115a3C). The present is active or medio-passive while the
subjunctive and preterite are only medio-passive.
TchA ar- and B er- reflect PTch *er- from PIE *h1or- (the Anatolian cognates
rule out an otherwise possible *h3er-) [: Sanskrit íyarti ‘sets in motion,’ r
óti ~
r
váti ‘raises, moves’ (intr.), Avestan ar- ‘sets in motion,’ Armenian y-a:nem
‘rise, stand’ (intr.), Greek órnmi ‘urge on, incite, make rise, call forth,’ Latin
orior ‘rise, stand up, arise,’ Hittite ari ‘rises,’ ari ‘arrives, reaches,’ artari
‘stands up,’ arnuzi ‘sets in motion’ (P:326ff)] (Meillet in Hoernle, 1916:378,
VW:148, Hackstein, 1995:47ff.; MA:506; LIV:299ff.). Within Tocharian we
should note AB r- ‘cease’ from * + *h1r- (the *se/o-present of er- is matched
erkatte 99
by the *se/o-present of the causative of r-). The semantic match of PTch *er-
with Greek órnmi is particularly strong. See also eruki, r-, rsk-, or-, ere,
orotstse.
era
ae (adj.) ‘prtng to the castor-oil plant (Ricinus communis Linn.)’
[eraae, -, -//] (497b3C). An adjective from an unattested *era
from
B(H)S era
a-. See also irand and hirant which also reflect B(H)S era
a-.
ere (n.[m.sg.]) ‘appearance, color (of complexion)’
[ere, -, ere//-, -, ere] walo olyapotse läklessu ere päst spark-ne ‘the king [was]
suffering very much and his color was gone’ (99a1C), erene kartstsa werene
kartstsa ukene kartstsa ‘good in appearance, good in smell, good in taste’
(107a4L), [mare] ere = B(H)S snigdha[var
a] (524b7C), ere = B(H)S bimbam
(U-1a4C/IT-233a4]), /// eretsa tsaräk[ka]tsa l/// (566a6C).
TchB ere reflects a PIE *h1ores- ‘± what is raised or called up, what is made to
appear’ and is the exact formal equivalent of Greek óros (nt.) ‘mountain.’ On the
basis of the admittedly somewhat doubtful accusative plural ere (566a6), it
would appear that this PIE neuter s-stem has been reinterpreted as a thematic
noun, presumably masculine. The old plural *h1oresha is to be seen, with the
addition of the productive -na, in ersna ‘form,’ q.v. The TchA equivalent, arä,
reflects a putative PIE *h1or-no or perhaps *h1or(e)s-no- (cf. Krause, 1952:224,
VW:149). See also er-, ersna, and erepate.
erepate (n.[m.sg.]) ‘form’
[erepate, erepatentse, erepate//-, -, erepatenta] yolai erepate = B(H)S virpa
(5b8C), cai ñake amñe erepatesa tsäksenträ ‘they now burn in monastic form’
(431a2C), [erepa]tentse = B(H)S rp
i (IT-149a5C).
TchA arämpt (pl. arämptäntu) and B erepate are both dvandva compounds
with arä/ere (see previous entry) + PTch *pte. It is at least probable that
Pisani (1942-43:28; followed by VW:149) is correct in relating this *pte with
Sanskrit bh$ ti- ‘splendor, light,’ a ti-abstract from PIE *bheha- ‘shine’ (P:104).
VW refines the equation by pointing out that the Tocharian forms demand a
*bhehato- rather than *bhehati-.
eraitwe (postposition) ‘by use of’ [with comitative]
amññempa eraitwe cimpim palsko ytässi stre ymtsi ‘by use of monas-
ticism, may I tame [my] spirit to make [it] pure!’ (S-4a3/PK-AS-4Aa3C). The
intensive prefix e(n)- (which here retains some of its prepositional force) + raitwe
‘use, means,’ qq.v. (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:177).
*erk (n.) ‘testicle’ (?)
See Erkañcike, erkatte, erkantse, erkatse, Erkatätsole.
Erkañcike (n.) ‘Erkañcike’ (PN in administrative records)
[Erkañcike, -, -//] (SI B Toch. 12.2, 4CoL [Pinault, 1998:16]). In form it looks
to be a diminutive of erkantse, q.v. (particularly if the accusative of the latter is
*erkañce).
erkatte ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘scornful, hostile, unable to get along, angry, unfriendly’
[NOUN-acc. erkatte ym- ‘to treat badly, mistreat’]
• taiknes=erkatte lñc mäsketr ontsoytñesa 60 ‘thuswise kings find themselves
vexed because of [their] insatiability’ (22a4C), : ñä weñ=erkatte rekaunasa tsok-
sa-ñ mka : ‘he spoke to me angrily and berated me with many words’ (23b6/7C),
100 erkatteañ
ymate ñi erkatte lyautsa-ñ päst añ ypoyme ‘he treated me badly and exiled
me from his land’ (81a3C), mäkte Samantatir sakrm pikwalañe ka ans erkatte
e-ñ ‘how my monastery S. was for years miserable and detestable’ (PK-DAM.
507-a2/3Col [Pinault, 1984a:24]); —erkattäññe ‘anger, vexation, displeasure’: :
erkatñe tallrñe snai ke wärpanaträ tne pi to cmelane 25 ‘vexation and
misery without number he suffers in these five life-forms’ (42b3C), erkätñe
(123b1E); —erkattäññetstse ‘having anger, displeasure, unfriendly’ (89b3C,
246b1E).
TchB erkatte is normally equated with TchA erkt ‘disdainful’ and the derived
abstract erktune ‘disdain.’ However, any such equation, even of borrowing, is
phonologically difficult (neither the initial or medial vowels match for an
inheritance; nor are the medial vowels compatible from the point of view of
borrowing). In addition, while some of the attestations of B erkatte are
compatible with a meaning ‘disdainful,’ not all are. Probably we should not
attempt to equate the two words, but take them as different (faux amis) though
approaching one another both phonologically and semantically.
Winter takes TchA erkt to be from *a-yärk-t- ‘±disrespectful,’ another
privative to be put beside asinat ‘insatiable’ and atäkat ‘unchecked.’ On the
other hand, the indeclinability of the B word separates it from the common class
of deverbal privative adjectives in Tocharian B (e.g., aymätte ‘not to be done,’
etakätte ‘unhindered’), as does its accentuation (it is /erkä tte/ rather than the
**/erä kätte/ of a privative). Perhaps the TchB erkatte is an adjectival derivative
of *erk ‘testicle.’ The semantic development must have been something on the
order of *‘coital excitement/rut’ > ‘passionate rage.’ One sees the same develop-
ment in Hittite argatiya- ‘stoop to rage, come to violence’ (Puhvel, 1984:147-
148) or German Ärgernis (VW, 1941:22, 1976:182). This particular semantic
development is discussed more generally by Watkins (1975). Cf. Adams (1987a:
4-5). See next entry; also possibly erkatse.
erkatteañ (adj. [pl.]) ‘± quick to anger’
[//erkatteañ, -, -] /// ampoi erkatteañ /// ‘[those] haughty and quick to anger’
(575C). A derivative of the previous entry. For the formation, see Winter,
1979).
erkantse (n.) a medical ingredient, possibly ‘salep’ (‘meal, starch, jelly, or drug
made from the dried tubers of various orchidaceous plants’ [paraphrased from the
OED])
[erkantse, -, -//] erkäntse yasoñña kremya tsäkanta pypyo (W5a6C) [also
W1b3C, W6a5C, W22a2C]. Though it looks like a genitive singular of a noun
*erk, everywhere it occurs it would appear to be just another ingredient in a
medical recipe; nowhere does it appear to be a dependent genitive. Like
mutkntse, q.v., however, it may be nominative hypostatized from a genitive.
Whatever its exact morphological structure, it is likely to be a derivative of *erk
‘testicle.’ For plant-names derived from a word for ‘testicle’ we need think only
of Greek derived orchid, English dogstones (designation for various orchids),
Sanskrit mukaka- (a kind of tree in the medical literature), Albanian herdhaqen
(lit. “dog’s testicles”) ‘spindle-tree’ (Euonymus europaeus), or ‘broom-rape’
(genus Orobanche). See also Erkañcike, erkatse, and erkatte.
erkau* 101
( )
erkatse (adv.) ‘± painfully’ (?)
[m. erkatse, -, -//] /// tso staukkanatär-me le yasar kalträ klainats pretsa
ynmñ yamasträ 3. mäntak no tso erkatse sa[lpä] /// ‘their abdomen[s] [sg. in
Tocharian] swell up; likewise [their menstrual] blood stands still (i.e., is
obstructed); it appears to women [that they are] pregnant; furthermore the
abdomen burns erkatse’ (?) (FS-b5/IT-305b5C).
Carling (2003a:91) suggests ‘burning hot’ as a translation for erkatse.
However, salpä by itself would seem to cover that meaning. The B(H)S
parallels she adduces suggest other possibilities, such as ‘nauseous,’ ‘stiff,’ or
(most likely) ‘painful.’ TchA arkäts (TchA 388b1) is surely cognate but its
own occurrence is less informative than the one occurrence in Tocharian B.
Formally it would seem to be a derivative of *erk ‘testicle’ though the meaning
would seem to be distant.
erkse* (n.) a medical ingredient
[//erkasenta, -, -] //weñ erkasenta lni yamaälona (W2a6C).
Erkätsole (n.) ‘Erkätsole’ (PN in monastic records)
[Erkätsole, -, -//] (491a-I-1Col). In form it would appear to be a derivative of
some sort of the previous word. If ultimately from *erk ‘testicle,’ we could
imagine a proper name such as ‘Stallion’ or the like (cf. Old English Hengest for
the name, Lithuanian erž; ilas ‘stallion’ for the formation).
erkent- (adj.) ‘black, dark’
[m: -, erkeñcepi, erkent//] [f: // -, -, erkenta] erkenta yakwme orpo[r] ‘a bag
[made] of black wool’ (M-3b7/PK-AS-8Cb7C), erkeñcepi kuñctäntse alype ‘an
oil of black sesame’ (W-22a4C).
TchA arkant- and B erkent- reflect PTch *erkent- but futher connections are
not clear. These forms are usually taken to be from a putative PIE *h1rgw-ont-
‘dark’ [: Sanskrit rájan- ‘night,’ Greek érebos (nt.) ‘darkness of the underworld,’
Armenian erek ‘evening,’ Gothic riqis (nt.) ‘darkness,’ Greek orphnós ‘dark’ (<
*h1orgws-no-), and TchB orkamo ‘dark’ (< *h1orgwmon-) (P:857)] (VW:149-
150). However, one might expect the Tch words to have had *-kw- rather than
just -k-. Beekes (2010:1114) is dubious about the Greek-Tocharian equation;
Martirosyan (2010:260) sees it as a possibility only. The simple -k- gives support
to Hilmarsson (1996:171 and 1989b:105-108) who suggests that we have *h2r-
ont-, the word that usually gives ‘silver’ (see further s.v. rkwi). Semantically he
adduces the not unusual change of ‘shining’ > ‘shining black’ > ‘black’ (one
might compare the etymological connection of English black and English
bleach).
erkau* (n.) ‘cemetery’ (whether singular or plural)
[-, -, erkau//-, -, erkenma] [e]rkaune ts[i]pä ‘he dances in a graveyard (118a7E),
• alyekepi käryorttante ana sruka tu erkenmasa alre kenek r aipar-ne ‘the
wife of another merchant died and they laid her in the cemetery and covered her
with a cotton cloth’ (560a2/3C).
In TchA we have the adjective, derived from the TchA plural, arkämni. All
this suggests a PTch *erkemän-. (The development of *a (< PTch *-e-) in an
internal syllable preceded by an initial syllable with -a- or -- to ä in a closed
syllable in Tocharian A is regular). The relationship between singular erkau and
102 eruki*
plural erkenma is similar to, but not exactly, that obtaining between singular
anmau ‘fetter, bond,’ plural änmnma, q.v. For the phonological development
of *-m- to -w-, see Hilmarsson (1991b:152-153) and Adams (1992). VW (1971c:
157, 1976:150) is probably correct in further relating this etymon to PIE *h2org-
seen in Old Irish org- ‘strike, kill,’ Hittite hark- ‘perish,’ hark(a)nu- ‘destroy.’
That the Tocharian word here is usually a plurale tantum supports a derivation
from *h2org-: the original meaning would have been *‘the (collective) dead’ <
*‘the perished’ (as cogently pointed out by Melchert, p.c.). The Tocharian
singular would be in origin a backformation.
Hilmarsson (1991b:149-151) proposes that the cemetery Tocharian speakers
envisioned was not a graveyard (for inhumation) in the strict sense but rather a
place where the dead were left on wooden structures to be devoured by carrion-
birds as in Iranian custom. If Hilmarsson (1991b: 149ff) should be right about
the kind of cemetery the Tocharian-speakers spoke about, he may be right that
erkenma are the wooden platforms on which the bodies were laid. He suggests a
derivation from PIE *h3re- ‘extend, direct, stretch (over a surface).’ Particularly
he would compare Latin regimen (nt.) ‘direction, directing.’ Both Tocharian
erkau and Latin regimen could be from PIE *h3reomn. However, the archeo-
logical evidence strongly suggests inhumation as the preferred form of burial and
thus Hilmarsson’s proposal loses much of its cogency.
eruki* (n.) ‘one who provokes’
[//-, -, eruki] [so]motkäñe mâ ce eruki (THT-2237b1C/L) (cf. Peyrot,
2008:96).
eraitsñe, s.v. airaitstse.
( )
ersakñe* (n.) ‘± help’ (Winter, p.c., suggests ‘tightness’)
[-, -, ersakñe//] kwaräm wärñai ersakñene tekanmane kartse ‘good in [cases]
for the help in sicknesses of … tumor, etc.’ (Y-1b5C/L). For the meaning see
Malzahn 2002/03:215-216: fn. 6. In form a derivative of ersäk; further
etymology unknown. See also ersäk and enersäk.
ersäk (adv.) ‘?’
[ke]ktseñ lk[]i - - - rsäk skeyentse r (242a1C), ///ne ca
li waikiññe
pekepa [sic] tasemane mcukantats ckckane ersak a/// (589b5C). In the
first instance it is not clear whether we have [e]rsäk or [ene]rsäk; in neither
case is the context helpful in determining the meaning. See Malzahn’s discussion
(2002/03:216, fn. 6; [Winter, p.c., suggests ‘tight’]). Surely, whatever the
meaning, related to both enersak and ersakñe, qq.v.
ersna (n.[pl.tant.f.]) ‘form, shape, beauty’
[//ersna, ersnats, ersna] [snai] ersns ste [lege: snai-ersn sste]; snai-ersna =
B(H)S virpa (5b6C), poyintasa tañ yaitwa ersna ‘with buddhas [is] thy form
decorated’ (74b3C), ñem ersna kselñeme = B(H)S nmarpanirodht (157b1?),
tume oäp no ñakti klyowonträ [sic] snai ersna ‘moreover the gods are called
“formless” ’ (K-2a3/PK-AS-7Ba3C); —ersne ‘prtng to form’ (PK-NS-53-a1C
[Pinault, 1988]); —ersnssu ‘well-formed, shapely, pleasing, handsome, beauti-
ful’: yelmecce ersnssonto aiempa ‘with a world of sensual pleasure and
form’ (41a5C), ersnsu [sic] = B(H)S abhirpo (524b2C).
ewe 103
The old plural of ere ‘appearance’ (< *h1oros), namely *er(ä)s (< *h1oresha),
recharacterized by the productive plural morpheme -na. More s.v. ere.
El (n.) ‘El’ (PN)
[El, -, -//] (289b2C/L). From an Uyghur word meaning ‘stem’?
el- (vi.) ‘lean’ (?)
Ps. II /el-’ä/e-/ [nt-Part. elyeñca*]: alyekepi kektsenne • elyeñcai te • mäktu •
lkaä [sic] = B(H)S pararaye • duraka[] tat • yat • ikate (545b5E).
This hapax legomenon happily appears as the gloss to a Sanskrit word.
Unfortunately the word it glosses is as obscure as elyeñcai. It is clear by the
Tocharian glossator’s choice of a present participle that the Sanskrit duraka[] is
either a verbal adjective (dur-aka) or a “quasi-gerund” (dur-aka) such as are
discussed by Edgerton (1953:120). The whole of the preserved portion of the
verse in which duraka occurs (with corrections): parasya nma skhalitani
payati : svayañ ca tev eva padeu vardate : pararaye duraka tat yat ikate ///
Unfortunately, there is no verbal root dur-. Perhaps we should read kuraka as
<ku> and<du> are graphically similar. Kuraka would be from BHS kurumi ‘I
do’. The Sanskrit would be, ‘what he sees, the one who makes do in leaning on
another, …’ (the tat-clause is appositive to yat, the main clause is lost in the
lacuna). The Tocharian would be more simply, ‘what he sees, the one leaning on
the body of another, …’ Further connections are unknown. [Not in TVS.]
elauke (adv.) ‘far, distantly’
kuse äktlyenta skente etsuwai elauke wat ‘which seeds are found near or far?’
(KVc-30a3/THT-1121a3C). From 1e(n)- ‘in’ (in its intensive, elative meaning)
+ lauke, qq.v. (Hilmarsson, 1991: 170-171).
elya- some sort of foodstuff (?)
[ws]wa pi cakanma elya·e/// (460a4Col).
elyeñcai, see el-.
elykatte (adj.) ‘not lying down’
THT-1271a2? (TVS). A privative of lyäk-, q.v.
ewalkaitte (adj.) ‘?’
tusa ket=ñme nestsy ewalkaitte ta/// ‘therefore [the one] to whom [will arise] the
desire to be ewalkaitte …’ (PK-AS-7Oa3C [CEToM]). Taken by CEToM to be
a phonological variant of empalkaitte ‘unconcerned.’ However, the laxing of /p/
to /w/ normally occurs only after the stress, not before it as here. The meaning is
not determinable from the context. So perhaps a derivative of a verb *wälk- of
unknown meaning.
ewe (~ iwe) (n.) ‘inner skin, hide; leather’
[ewe, -, ewe//ewenta, -, -] 16 [kektse]nne ewe passre-ne amne • ‘they flayed
the hide on his [still] living body’ (235a3C), ika[ñce pi]nk[c]e uk-kaunne ewe
kektsentsa [tänmastär-ne] ‘in the twenty-fifth week the inner skin appears on his
[scil. the embryo’s] body’ (603a4C), te ee pepakorme aiye iwene taale
‘having cooked this together, [it is] to be put on a goat hide’ (W-40a5/6C), ///
[ra]mt eweme /// ‘like [a charioteer who cuts (something)] from leather’ (ewe =
B(H)S cara
a-) (IT-554b2? [Peyrot, 2008b:87-88]).
From PIE *h1owes- (nt.) ‘± covering,’ a derivative of *h1eu- ‘put on (of
clothes, shoes)’ [:Avestan aora- ‘footwear,’ Armenian aganim ‘put something
104 eweta
on,’ Latin exu ‘take off,’ Latin indu ‘put on,’ Latin induviae ‘clothes,’ Latin
induvium ‘bark,’ Latin exuviae ‘slough (of a snake),’ Latin men ~ mentum ‘fat,
omentum,’ Lithuanian aviù ‘wear shoes,’ aunù ‘put on shoes,’ OCS obuj ‘put on
shoes,’ Hittite unu- ‘adorn,’ etc. (cf. P:346; Kloekhorst, 2008:919-920)] (VW,
1963b:40, 1976:183; MA:522). The o-grade in the neuter s-stem is not common
but surely attested in Latin onus ‘burden’ from *h1onhxes- (see s.v. en-) or TchB
ere, q.v. The initial *h1- or *h1eu- is assured by the lack of any initial laryngeal
in Hittite unu(wa)- (Melchert, p.c.). See also possibly aiyyer.
eweta (adv.) ‘in conflict, in strife [with]’ [with the comitative]
kete no ñme w aulare eweta tarkatsi amñana w kwr tainaisäñ ñemtsa
näsait yamale … eweta /// ‘to whom [there is] the desire to set at strife two
companions, two human skeletons [are taken] and in their two names the spell
[is] cast …’ (M-3a7/PK-AS-8Ca7C), mpäl-uke salyi pä malkwermpa eweta
‘vinegar-taste and salt [are] in strife with milk’ (ST-a6/b1/IT-305a6/b1C); —
ewetaitstse* ‘± fighting’ (see Hilmarsson, 1991:179; PK-AS-17J-a6C [Broom-
head]) The intensive prefix e(n)- (here retaining much of its original prepo-
sitional meaning) + weta ‘conflict,’ qq.v. (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:179).
ewepe (or ewee?) (n.) ‘?’
[ewepe, -, -//] In a list of medical ingredients (P-3a6/PK-AS-9Aa6E).
eatkai (adv.) ‘± very’
Priyadeve ñemttsa rehi ey eatkai te ekaññetstse olyapotstse sa [lege: su] no
entsesse • ‘P. by name was a merchant; [he was] very rich and had many posses-
sions but he was greedy’ (375a4L). The intensive prefix e(n)- + -ätkai, the
accusative singular of a deverbal noun *ätk-, a derivative of 1kätk- ‘pass over.’
The formation is the same as is seen in eplyuwai or etsuwai, qq.v. (cf.
Hilmarsson, 1991:177).
eanetstse, s.v. ek.
euwatte* (adj.) ‘not having eaten, having gone hungry’
[f: -, -, euwacca//] • tu amnets päst aii wtsi • ty no trite kau ai •
euwacca mäskträ • ‘she gave it away to the monks to eat; for her, however, [it
was] the third day [that] she had gone without eating’ (IT-248a3/4C). A priva-
tive from uw- ‘eat,’ q.v. (cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:72-73).
ee, ee.
e-aiwenta* (n. [pl. tant.]) ‘±glances’
[//-, -, e-aiwenta] täwañana e-aiwentasa ‘with loving glances’ (?) (386a4C
[Broomhead]). A compound of e, dual of ek ‘eye’ and aiwenta, qq.v.
epee (n.) ‘spreading hogweed (Boerhavia diffusa Linn. [aka boerhavia
procumbens])’
[epee, -, -//] gandhakri klyotañ epee (501a5+500a7C). For identification
and discussion (= Sanskrit punarnav), see Maue, 1990:163. Another word
meaning ‘hogweed’ is wärcik, q.v. Etymology unknown. It is the semantic
equivalent of Khotanese aite (var. aute, ete, etc. [Bailey, 1979:48]) and one is
tempted to see some sort of phonological relationship as well but what exactly it
might be is unclear.
e-lmau, s.v. ek.
etsuwai 105
towards the sisters’ (107a5L). The intensive prefix e(n)- + tsuwai, qq.v. (cf.
Hilmarsson, 1991: 179).
• AI •
ai- (vt.) A ‘give; [with money, etc., as direct object] pay out’; MP ‘take for oneself’
Ps. IXa / isk’ä/e-/ [A aiskau, *aist (aista-ne), aiä//aiskem, aicer, aiske;
AImpf. -, -, aii// -, -, aiiye; nt-Part. aieñca [voc. aieñcai] (see also
aieñcaññe below); m-Part. aiskemane; Ger. ai(äl)le]: t okorñai pintwt
aiskem ‘we give the porridge [as] alms’ (107a6L), aiske yoktsi stk-onwaññe
aula-onkrocce ‘they give the immortal medicine of everlasting life [to him] to
drink’ (PK-NS-99a2C), [eanai]säñ win=aieñca = B(H)S nayanbhirma
(524b5C), ce peri nesem tu päs aiskem-ne ‘that which we owe we will give back
to him’ (PK-DAM.507-a9Col [Pinault, 1984a:24]), säkw-aieñcai ‘fortune-
giving’ (229b4A); Ko. I /yä -/ [A yu (ayu-ne), ait, ai// -, -, ai; MP aimar, -,
aitär//; AOpt. -, -, *yi (ayi-ne)//; MPOpt. -, -, aytär//; Inf. aitsi; Ger. aille]: 81 ket
ait yoktsi stk=onwaññe pelaiyknee [•] ‘to whom thou givest to drink the
immortal medicine of righteousness’ (212b3/4E~C), : pelaik[n]e klyautsi yor
aitsi ‘to give the gift of hearing the law’ (23a7C), kuse pi ksa ayi-ne pelaikne
klyautsi ‘who might give him to hear the law?’ (99a4C), arañcn=aitär …
läklenta ‘if he takes these sufferings into his heart’ (591b7L); Ipv. /pete-/ [sg.
pete; pl. petso ~ petes]: pelaikne klyautsi nau pete-ñ ‘give me to [i.e., let me]
hear the law!’ (100a6C); Pt. I(sg.)/III(pl.) /wäs -/ [A wswa, wssta, wasa (ws-
ne) ~ wsaCol/ /wasam ~ wsamCol, -, wsarE ~ wsre ~ wsareCol] entwek yor m
wasa 10 ‘he did not, then, give a gift’ (49b2C), /// wswa wi ankä ‘I gave two
pounds’ (470a2Col), sakaketsa kune wasam 6000 (490b-I-4Col), karstatsi
wssta stä ‘thou hast given [thy] heads to be cut off’ (S-8a3/PK-AS-4Ba3C),
Kemakule wasa … tarya känte [kunes] ‘K. paid out 300 [kunes]’ (SI
P/141 [Schmidt, 2001]). [See Peyrot (2008:155) for a discussion of the dif-
ferent forms of the preterite]; PP / yu-/: se ud Wäryarucintse yu ‘this udna
[was] given by V.’ (PK-Dd7Col); —yorme; —aieñcaññe ‘giving’: pontats
aieñcaññe kärtsee ‘to all giving the good’ (AMB-a4/PK-NS-32C) [a deriva-
tive of the active present participle]; —ailñe ‘gift, gift-giving’: ailñe = B(H)S
dya (21a2C), ailñe = B(H)S dna (23b7C), • a varginta karyor pito misko ailñe
yamayenträ • ‘the a vargikas were dealing in buying, selling, giving in trade’
(337a2C), ak pärkwänta katre ailñesa yänmä wnolme ‘a being achieves
the ten benefits through giving an umbrella’ (K-9a5/PK-AS-7Ia5C); —ailye
‘payment, giving,’ attested in the compound ailye-ses* ‘fine’: Yurpkai wsar
… ailye-sesamae wyaisa ‘the inhabitants of Y. paid with the expenditure of a
fine’ (THT-4059a2/3 [Schmidt, 2001:22]).
One should note that with ai- are formed periphrastic causatives to klyaus-
‘hear,’ yok- ‘drink,’ and uw- ‘eat,’ e.g., ket ait yoktsi stk=onwaññe pelaiyk-
nee lyaitke teki mantanta äp srukentär cai ‘to whom thou givest the
righteous, immortal medicine to drink, they will avoid sickness and never die’
aik- 107
spelling aikarua, the stress being on the antepenult. If correctly identified as to
meaning, a derivative of the previous entry.
aikeca ‘?’
/// pas aikeca • cisa /// (618b2C)
aikne (n.) ‘duty’
[aikne, -, aikne//] /// aikne cp aksää/// ‘he instructs him in [his] duty’ (587.
1b1A), tusksa aikne äñ yolaina ymornta • nktsy aiaumyepi ‘thus [it is] the
duty of the wise man to reproach his own evil deeds’ (K-3b3/PK-AS-7Cb3C).
The intensive prefix e(n)- + yakne ‘way,’ qq.v. (see Hilmarsson, 1991:161).
aiksnar (adv.) ‘(all) together’ [aiksnar mäsk- ‘come together, assemble’]
: kee aiksnar wä[ntoo swñcaintsa cwi ye]t[se] yse 28 [Thomas, 1983:197]
‘and a fathom’s [width] of rays covered his golden skin altogether’ (30b1/2C),
aiksnar mäskenträ = B(H)S sabhavanti (156a5C). The intensive e(n)- +
yäksn-, present stem of yäks- ‘grasp, enfold,’ qq.v., + -r (see Hilmarsson, 1991:
161-162).
aicärke (n.) ‘?’
In a list of medical ingredients (W-38a5C).
aiñye* ‘passable, traversable,’ only in the compound somo-aiñye ‘only passable’ (or
‘traversable only by one’ or ‘only by the Buddha’ = B(H)S ekyana-)
[f: -, -, aiñyai//] : sanai ytri källtsi sportotär somw-aiñyai ytrye : ‘the only
passable way turns to achieve the sole road’ (29b3C). A putative PIE *h1oin-
ihxo-, an o-grade derivative of *h1ei-n-, itself an élargissement of *h1ei- ‘go’ (see
s.v. i- ‘go, travel’) with VW (140), who is right to adduce the type of Greek
hágios ‘venerandus’ as an example of the same *-ihxo-.
aitkatte* (adj.) ‘unintended’
[-, aitkaccepi, -//] = B(H)S karmscetanika- (scetanika- ‘intentional’) (IT-
9b4C); —aitkattäññe ‘± state of not being intended’ (293a1C). A privative
from yätk-, q.v. (Not with Hilmarsson, 1991:56, from wätk-).
aittaka (adv./postposition) ‘directed to(wards)’ [with dative or locative]
/// [ym]utts[i]nts[o] yt[]rye mkte [sic] yolme aittaka : ‘as the way of the
waterfowl (?) [is] directed toward the pool’ (29a3C), : mäkte wranta ckentame
krpa kwri Gkne [ait]t[a]ka … po yane samudtärc aiwol 27 ‘as the
waters from the rivers, if directed to the Ganges, descend and all go towards to
the ocean’ (30a8C). In origin, aittä + the strengthening particle ka, qq.v.
aittä (adv.) ‘± forth’
/// amne ey aittä maittär /// ‘he was a monk; they set forth’ (582a1L).
Perhaps a PIE *h1ói-tw-om a verbal noun ‘± a going’ from *h1ei- ‘go’ (cf.
Oscan eituam ‘pecuniam’ < Italic *ei-tu--, English oath from *h1oi-to- if it
belongs here [Puhvel, 1991:9-10, would put oath with Hittite hai- ‘believe, trust,
be convinced’]). The -n would be the same as we see in postä ‘after.’
Otherwise VW:140. See also the previous entry.
ainake (adj.) ‘common, base(-born); mean, bad’
[m: ainake, -, ainake//ainaki, ainakets, -] eynke (274a3A), ainkenme
(THT-2382, frgm. c-a3C), [• m lre yam]tär aumo ainake • ‘may he not
love a common man!’ (308a3C), kete [ñm]e [tsä]lptsi lwññe cmelme [sic]
ainake ‘to whomever [is] the desire to be freed from the common, animal birth’
110 aineye*
abstract used adverbially) of aiw-, q.v. Compare the TchA yul ‘id.,’ the
perlative of an l-stem abstract derived from the related yu- ‘be turned toward, be
directed toward.’
aiamo (adj.) ‘wise, clever, intelligent’
[ai(a)mo, ai(a)mopi, -//ai(a)moñ, aimots, -] • aimw akn[]tsa wat tpi
ksa p m=lä mäskentär : ‘wise [man] and fool, the two are not distinguish-
able’ (28b3C), cau aiamo anmaume tsälpoo = B(H)S ta dhram ban-
dhann muktam] (U-18b4C). An adjectival derivative from the present/
subjunctive stem of aik- ‘know, recognize,’ q.v. (as if PIE *haeikemon-). See
also the next entry.
aiamñe (nnt.) ‘wisdom’
[aiamñe, aiamñentse, aiamñe//aiamñenta, -, aiamñenta] aiämñe (IT-75b2E),
aiamñe spakt lek ompalskoññe cowai ram no tärkana-[m]e pälskoana
krentauna ‘wisdom, service, likewise meditation, he robs them of all spiritual
virtues’ (15a8=17b1/2C), täry-aiamñe = B(H)S traividya (31a6C), aia[mñ]e =
B(H)S vidy (171a3C), aiamñesa = B(H)S jñna- (200a4C/L), aiamñesa = B(H)S
prajñay (308b2C), ai[amñe] = B(H)S -viaya (541a6C/L), aiamñentse
kätkarä[ññ]e = B(H)S buddhigm-bhryam (IT-16a5C); —aiamñee ‘prtng to
wisdom, knowledge’: aiamñee = B(H)S prajñ- (12a6C), aiamñee = B(H)S
mati- (PK-NS-306/305b1C [Couvreur, 1970:177]); —aiamñetstse ‘one who has
wisdom’: waamñe [ya]mtär l[e] aiamñets[e] = B(H)S sakhyakurvta sapra-
jña (308a1C). An abstract in -ññe from aiamo ‘wise,’ q.v. (as if a PIE
*haeikemnyo-). See also le-aiamñetstse, s.v. ale.
aii (adj.) ‘knowing’ [po-aii ‘all-knowing,’ an epithet of the Buddha (= poyi, q.v.);
aii ym- ‘± make appear, make known’]
[aii, -, aii//] menak yamää po-aiyi po ärsa ‘the all-knowing one made a
comparison; he knew everything’ (407a4/5E), /// yapoy aii ymtsi mäkte nau ‘to
make the land appear as [it was] before’ (A-4a2/PK-AS-6Da2C), po-aiintsa =
B(H)S sarvbhijñena (IT-38a1C); —aiiññee*, only in the compound po-
aiiññee ‘prtng to the Buddha’ (73b3=75a4C). An adjectival derivative (=
nomen agentis) of aik- ‘know,’ q.v. Cf. ki to 1ks-, naki to näks-, ymi to
ym-, and salpi to sälp-. See also poyi.
aiai, only in the phrases:
(a) aiai ym- ‘take care, take care of, handle, treat (of), pay attention to’: [:]
ompakwättñe aul[antse ymate su ai]ai ‘he treated of the unreliability of life’
(3b3C), : ymat=aiai tu tallontsai tä[waññeñcai palskosa Mahkyape 60]
‘M. treated the suffering one with a loving spirit’ (25a6C), aiai yamaskeman[e] =
B(H)S parihryam
a [sic] (532b5C); —aiai-yamalñe ‘prudence’ (508a4C/L);
(b) aiaisa mäsk- ‘± take notice of’ (?): ///me wär r kuän-ne • täne amc
aiaisa näsketär [lege: mäsketrä] (PK-AS-12Jb2A [Thomas, 1979:9]), läc kañcuki
• täne lntsa aiaisa näske/// (PK-AS-12Jb3A [ibid.]).
TchA ee (~ ie) in the fixed formula ee ya- ‘take care of, handle, treat’ and B
aiai reflect a PTch *iai, an old nomen actionis from aik- ‘know’ (one might
compare lukaitstse ‘illuminating’ from an old *lukai to luks-. Also anaiai
and possibly the next entry.
oap 113
•O•
o(-)pätsa, see opätsa.
oapE-C-L ~ auapC-L-Col (adv.) ‘more (than), over and above’ [tume oap
‘moreover’]
• posa auap pos=olypo pome wktär- se yakne • ‘more than all, over all,
and from all, this manner of thine distinguishes itself’ (231b4C), amnentse
we<r> meñtsa auap kkone lamatsi teri m ste : ‘and there is no way for a
monk to stay more than four months by invitation’ (331a5L), sak ceu palsk[o] päst
114 ome
k[au]ä cämpamñe [mä]sktär-ne oap ‘good fortune destroys this spirit; its
power became greater’ (A-2b2/PK-AS-6Cb2C), ptrka oap m tärkanat ‘let
[them] through; more do not let through!’ (LP-9a1Col), aultsa auap pamar
läana sälyaino ‘throughout life may I practice more the lineaments of good
behavior!’ (S-3a3C), oap tatkarme = B(H)S abhibhya (U-2a4/PK-AS-
1Aa4C); —tume oap ‘moreover’: tume oäp no ñakti klyowonträ snai
ersna ‘moreover, the gods are called “formless”’ (K-2a3/PK-AS-7Ba3C).
Given that oap ~ auap are used interchangeably with ap in the formulaic
caravan passes (‘this [amount] let through; more [oap ~ auap ~ ap] than this
do not let through!’), it seems reasonable to assume that oap is a compound of
o- ‘above’ + ap ‘more, and’ (see ap and äp), cf. English moreover. For
o- and its interchange with au-, see next entry. The necessity for taking into
account the synonymous ap excludes VW’s suggestion (336) that oap is o-
+ the particle pi found otherwise only in TchA with compound numbers.
omeC ~ aumeC (adv.) ‘(from) above’
pernerñee Sumersa täprauñentats [tä]rne[ne] masta [o]me snai wace [p]o
[wnask]au[-c] ‘thou hast stood on the summit of the heights over glorious
Sumeru; I honor thee above [as one] without a second’ (203a4/5E/C), i[m m]
prkre aipu no icemtsa ome m ymu ‘but the roof [is] not solidly covered;
[it is] not made with clay above’ (A-2a5/PK-AS-6Ca5C).
The balance of the chronological evidence suggests that oap and ome
are earlier forms than auap and aume, though in Classical and Late texts they
are found side by side (Peyrot, 2008:91-92). O-me matches TchA eäk ‘on
top of’ except for the addition of the emphasizing particle -k(ä) in the latter.
They both must go back to a Proto-Tocharian *onä. (One should note that
despite its shape, TchA eäk probably has nothing directly to do with B eke
‘while’ as is usually supposed.) B o- and TchA e- reflect PTch *on(u)ä and
this in turn must be from a PIE *hae/onu-dhi ‘above, on high,’ composed of a
form of the locative particle *hae/onu ‘up, above’ [: Sanskrit ánu ‘along, after,
over, near, etc.’, Avestan ana ‘over, along,’ anu ‘after, corresponding to, over,’
Greek ána ‘over, along,’ án ‘up(wards),’ Latin an-hl ‘puff, pant,’ Gothic ana
‘on, over, against,’ Lithuanian anót(e) ‘corresponding to,’ etc. (P:39-40;
MA:612)] and the “locative deictic” *dhi. (Final *-dhi and *-ti give PTch *-ä,
cf. Jasanoff, 1987: 108-111.) We can compare the similar Greek ánthe(n) ‘from
above’ (Adams, 1990b:79-81). Not related to omp. See also auaine and
aumiye.
-ok, 2auk.
okaro (n.) ‘sweet flag (Acorus calamus Linn.)’ [Filliozat] or ‘aloe (Aquilaria
agallocha Roxb.)’ [Pinault] (a medical ingredient)
[okaro, -, -//-, -, okronta] (P-1b2C, Qumtura 34-g5C/Col [Pinault, 1993-94:175]).
If Acorus calamus, this word would be synonymous with the borrowed vaca.
Etymology uncertain. VW (330), assuming Filliozat’s identification, takes this
B word to be related to TchA okar ‘plant.’ However, such an identification raises
both phonological and semantic difficulties not sufficiently appreciated. If
Pinault is right as to the meaning, then it is obviously the equivalent of B(H)S
agaru ‘aloe’ and is presumably cognate with it through some chain of borrowing.
okt 115
*ocht < *ocht < *ocht), Gothic ahtau, Lithuanian aštuonì, all ‘eight’ (P:775;
MA:402-403)] (Smith, 1910:13, VW:332-1, though details differ—particularly
there is no reason with VW to see the B word a borrowing from A). PIE *-u
regularly gives PTch *-u (Adams, 1988c:19) whence the rounding of the initial
vowel. This PTch *-u is also to be seen in TchA oktuk ‘eighty’ and probably in
the rare B oktunte ‘eighth’ (see s.v. oktante). The form of the word ‘eight’ has
influenced the shape of seven in B. Thus we have ukt with a rounded vowel and
with a -k- unlike TchA pät which is more regularly from PIE *septm$.
Otherwise, Winter, 1991:110-112. See also oktatstse, oktante, oktamka, and
oktr.
oktaka, oktamka.
oktante (~ oktunte) (adj.) ‘eighth’
[m: oktante (~ oktunte), -, oktañce//-, -,oktañce] oktunte [sic] (199a4L),
oktañ[c]e mene ‘in the eighth month’ (LP-58a2Col). TchA oktänt and B
oktante reflect PTch *oktänte, a rebuilding of the PIE ordinal *hxoktwo- (P:775)
on the basis of analogy with both ‘seventh’ (PIE *septmto-) and ‘ninth’ (PIE
*newmto-). The once attested oktunte may reflect the early PTch cardinal *oktu,
but more likely it is an analogical reshaping on the basis of ñunte ‘ninth’ (Winter,
1991:138). See also okt and oktaka.
oktamkaC ~ oktakaCol (number) ‘eighty’
/// laknta yetwy oktamka : (IT-272a3C); —oktakar ‘by eighties’ (K. T.
Schmidt, 1985:766, fn. 12). The once attested oktamka obviously shows the
analogical influence of the word for ‘ninety,’ ñumka. The more common oktaka
is formed analogically to uktaka ‘seventy’ (see Peyrot, 2008:130-131). One
should compare the differently formed TchA word oktuk which shows the usual
decade forming suffix added to the early PIE shape of the cardinal *oktu ‘eight.’
Cf. Winter, 1991: 121. See also okt and the previous entry.
Oktale (n.) ‘Oktale’ (PN in administrative records)
[Oktale, -, -//] (SI P/117.5Col [Pinault, 1998:15]).
oktake* (n.) designation of some festival
[-, -, oktake//] oktakene ploryaces mot kärym ‘in oktake we bought alcohol
for the musicians’ (PK-DAM.507Col] [Carling, 2000:275]).
Carling takes the word to be the designation of some sort of festival. It looks
like it might be some sort of derivative of okt ‘eight,’ q.v. Perhaps a diminutive,
‘the little eight,’ but not knowing anything about the festival or its history, the
reason for such a name is uncertain. Perhaps the equivalent of either Sanskrit
aak ‘the eighth day after the full moon (particularly of the months Hemanta
and iira) when ancestors are honored’ or (suggested by Pinault, 2008:390)
aam- ‘the eighth day of the lunar half-month.’
oktatstse* (adj.) ‘having eight parts, eightfold’
[m: -, oktaccepi, oktacce//] [f: oktatstsa, -, oktatstsai//] : palkas oko oktacepi
savarntse ‘behold the fruit of the eightfold savara!’ (23a2C), oktacce klyom-
mo pa[][mai] ‘I practiced the noble eightfold [way]’ (PK-DAM.507 (40-
42)-b6L [Pinault, 1994:102]). An adjectival derivative in -tstse from okt ‘eight,’
q.v. Cf. TchA oktats ‘id.’ which would appear to be from a PTch *okttse rather
than the *oktätstse which lies behind the B form (cf. Winter, 1991:146-147).
okipe 117
‘seizer’ which would seem to be a sensible designation of the elephant with its
prominent, prehensile trunk. Alternatively -mo might be the same possessive
suffix we see in klyomo ‘noble’ (< *‘having fame’) and what precedes it a PIE
*haongul-, parallel to the *haengur- that lies behind kär ‘tusk,’ q.v.
Given that elephants are not native to Inner Asia, a borrowing into Tocharian
from some non-Indo-European language would seem to be likely, but no putative
source for such a borrowing has been identified. (Not with Ivanov [1985:412-
413] should we see the Tocharian word for ‘elephant’ borrowed from the same
Austro-Asiatic source as the Chinese word for ‘ivory’ unless we can place pre-
Tocharian speakers in some sort of geographical proximity with speakers of an
Austro-Asiatic language.)
okrotte* (adj.) ‘immortal’ (or okrotstse*?)
[m: -, -, okrocce//] okrocce cew ken[e] ‘in this immortal place’ (390a3E).
Largely synonymous with onuwaññe, q.v.
TchA okrac ‘id.’ (indeclinable) and B okrotte (if that is the correct
nominative singular) reflect PTch *okrotte. (The dissimilation of *o…o to o…a
in TchA is perfectly regular—one should compare TchA orpak ‘platform,’ B
orpok, TchA okaläm ‘elephant,’B okolmo.) Surely, with Hilmarsson
(1986a:252-262, 1991:155-156), it is to be taken, in origin at least, as the
privative of AB kwär- ‘age, grow old,’ q.v., whatever the latter’s exact origin is
(PIE *erha- ‘be/grow old’ or, Hilmarsson’s choice, *dhgwher- ‘perish’). The
details, however, are not clear. Perhaps exceptionally we have in origin a
privative built on a present stem, i.e. *ekwrette. In the closed, word-internal,
syllable *-kwret- the *-w- caused rounding of the *-e- even when it did not in the
open final syllable of ekwe ‘man.’ Because the privative had become
semantically detached from the rest of the paradigm of kwär-, it was not subject
to analogical replacement by -e-. The resultant -o- caused rounding of the initial
*e-. VW (338) also takes this word to be a derivative of PIE *erha- but the
details are very different.
oñi* (oñiye?) (n.) ‘hip’
[-, -, oñi//] oñine []ts[e] : indrine • arane pipikne lakle wikaä ‘it drives
away the pain in the hip, the shoulder, in the penis, in the heart, and in the breast’
(oñine = B(H)S ro
i-) (PK-AS-2A-a6C/L [Carling 2003b:48]). The reading oñi,
rather than Filliozat’s [r]oñi, seems assured by a close look at the facsimile
published by Filliozat. Hence this is not a borrowing from B(H)S ro
i but rather
a native word. For further discussion of this passage, see s.v. pipik.
Etymology uncertain. A mechanical reconstruction to Proto-Indo-European
would yield *uhxnih1en-. Semantically it would be appropriate to associate this
Tocharian word with Sanskrit rú- ‘thigh, shank’ and Latin vrus ‘knock-kneed,’
Latin vra ‘a forked pole or wooden horse for spreading nets on,’ vricus
‘straddling’ (cf. de Vaan, 2008:655). The connection can be made if we suppose
a PIE *wéhar, gen. *uhanós. If the Tocharian meaning is original, a further
connection with Hittite wahh- ‘turn’ is conceivable. Pinault (2006:175-179)
prefers to take this as a borrowing from the unknown language of the Bactria-
Margiana-Archeological-Culture; Sanskrit
i- (1) ‘part just above the knee’ and
(2) ‘lynch-pin,’ presuming it had a more original meaning ‘hip,’ would also be a
120 oñt*
borrowing from the same language. This solution seems very hypothetical at
several levels (and begs the question as to why so basic a word would be
borrowed in any case).
oñt* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, oñt//] kuse oñtn[e] kärtkää /// ‘whoever defecates [??] in the oñt
(259a1A). Rather than a locative singular, it would be possible to take oñtne as
an accusative dual.
ot (adv.) ‘then’ [both temporal and final]
ot wärsa plewe ra ken mai[wte] • ‘then the earth shook like a raft on water’
(338b1A), /// parkän-me te ot pontso yes cenäco : ‘[if] they ask you, then tell
them this’ (7a2C), /// kärstau em ot su me[strä olyapotse] = B(H)S chinnka
ocate bhram (13a4C), te yamcer yes ot t ptrai warpoymar • ‘may you do
this, then may I enjoy/receive this alms-bowl’ (20a5C), 23 a[l]l[o]kn=ostwaco
mas=#nande ot pintwto : ‘then to other houses went . [for] alms’ (23b6C); —
otak ‘id.’ (ot + strengthening particle -k(ä)) (109b8L, 462a5Col, SHT-1708
[Malzahn, 2007b]).
Meillet (in Hoernle, 1916:381, also VW:344) takes ot to reflect a putative PIE
*haet + u with the same *haet that underlies Latin at (< *ati) ‘moreover, yet,’
Greek atár ‘on the contrary, nevertheless,’ and Gothic aþþan ‘but,’ and that PIE
particle *u that, as an intensifier and marker of old information, is historically a
part of so many resumptive pronouns/adverbs in correlative constructions in
Tocharian (see s, mant, and tot). However, there is no good evidence that a
PTch initial *- (from PIE *hae-) would be rounded by a *u and the semantic leap
from ‘but, moreover’ to ‘then’ is not a small one. I would prefer to start from
*utha + u, where *utha is also the ancestor of Avestan uiti ‘so’; the phonological
development is absolutely regular and the semantic change a small one.
oniwe* (adj.?/n.?) ‘?’
oniwe tai eneka ts=aawona • lykaka(na) mant ra ya(sa)r spalyco ätkaryai
(•) (PK-AS-7Ma1C [CEToM]). A hapax, in a cluster of such, of unknown
function or meaning.
onuwaññe (a) (adj.) ‘immortal, eternal’; (b) (n.) ‘immortality’
Adj. [m: on(u)waññe, -, on(u)waññe//] [f: -, -, on(u)waññai//] N. [-, on(u)wañ-
ñentse, on(u)waññe//] (a) [m] s nesä kuse onwaññe tkoy 80 ‘there is no one
who is [lit. may be] immortal’ (2a2C), 81 ket ait yoktsi stk=onwaññe pelaiyk-
nee ‘to whomever thou dost give the immortal remedy of the law to drink’
(212b3/4E/C); (b) : onwaññentse se twere tk
endryets 12 ‘this [is] the door to
immortality for those with sharp senses’ (41a5C). Largely synonymous with
okrotte, q.v.
Probably (following Hilmarsson, 1986a:28, also 1991:157, though the details
differ) we have here a descendant of a putative PIE *nhawnyo- (?) [: Old Irish
naunae (f.), Welsh newyn (m.) ‘starvation’ (< *n'wenyo-), Breton naoun ‘id.’ (<
*n'weno-?) (so P:756)], a derivative of *nehaw- ‘perish; lack’ (more s.v. naut-).
The exact shape of the preform for both Tocharian (Hilmarsson would start from
*-nuhanyo-) and Old Irish is difficult. It is perhaps the case that the Celtic forms
represent a PIE *nowhan(y)o- while the Tocharian ones reflect a verbal stem
*nuha-eha-, seen otherwise in TchA nwm ‘sick,’ plus the common adjectival and
ontsoytte 121
abstract forming suffix -ññe. In any event, not with VW (336- 337) related to
we ‘capable.’ See also naut-.
onolme (~ wnolme) (nm.) ‘creature, (living) being; sentient creature; person’
[onolme ~ wnolme, onolmentse ~ wnolmentse, wnolme ~ onolme ~ onolme//
onolmi ~ wnolmi, onolmets ~ wnolmets, onolme ~ wnolme] [po tete-
mo]äts onolmets srukalñe p ek ‘and to all born beings [there is] always
death’ (2a3C), wnolmentso = B(H)S nr
am (3a4C), onolme = B(H)S jantu (8b6C),
wnolme = B(H)S pr
inam (11a8C), pi [lege: pi] cmelae onolmets ‘of
the beings of the five births’ (369b1C), wn[o]lme = B(H)S pudgala (524a4C),
onolmi = B(H)S jana (IT-26b3C); —onolmee ‘± prtng to a being, etc.’
(150a4C).
In onolme we have a derivative of the verbal root *n- ‘breathe’ (cf. ansk-)
by the addition of the same abstract forming suffix *-elme seen in syelme ‘sweat’
from *sye-). A PTch *n-elme would give regularly onolme by Mutual Rounding
(Adams, 1988c:21). Semantically we have *‘breathing’ > *‘breather’ > ‘living
being.’ The etymology goes back in nuce to a suggestion of Meillet’s (in
Hoernle, 1916:381, also VW:335-336). VW cogently compares Sanskrit pr
in-
‘having breath, breathing, living; living being, human.’ Not with Hilmarsson
(1986a:199) from *h1e/on- ‘in’ + *lme ‘living being.’ Somewhat better is
Rasmussen’s revision (1988) whereby we have *haen ‘on’ + *haolmo- (itself from
*haonmo-, a derivative of *haen- breathe’) ‘he whose breath is on him; dessen
Atem anwesend ist’ but the form and semantics seem more complex than is
necessary (but cf. Martirosyan, 2010:416). More s.v. ansk-.
onmiñ* (n.[pl. tant.]) ‘regret, remorse, repentance’ [onmi ym- ‘repent, feel
remorse’; onmi käl- ‘induce remorse’]
[//-, -, onmi] : m walke ke ñi ksemar tu-postä onmi tka-me : ‘[it is] not
long and I will be extinguished; thereafter you will have regret’ (29a8C), su
onmi ymate kawte-ne añ[m][lake] ‘he repented and the merciful one
loved him’ (34a2C), onmi [= B(H)S kaukrtya-] (THT-1579b3C [Ogihara,
2012:172]); —onmie* ‘prtng to remorse, remorseful, repentant’ (TEB-64-
05/IT-5C/L) (Broomhead); —onmissu* ‘remorseful’ (521b7=K-5a3C).
Formally identical with TchA onmi ‘id.’ One may suppose that either B has
borrowed from A or A from B but the direction of the borrowing and further
connections, if any, are uncertain (Hilmarsson, 1986a:57 “unclear”). Most pre-
vious suggestions have been on the basis that the final - is part of the base, but
Winter (p.c.) points out that it far more likely to be the accusative plural ending
(cf. onmie and onmissu without it). Hilmarsson (1991:160) suggests that we
connect this word to mi- ‘damage,’ but the semantic differences are great.
ontsoytte (adj.) ‘insatiable, unsatisfied’
[m: ontsoytte, -, ontsoycce//] [f: -,-, ontsoyccai//] ontsoyce lklñe 20 = B(H)S
asecanadaranam (U-25b5E/IT-164b5]), [yärpo]ntasa ontsoyte tarya witska
nautässi ek sp[e]lkessu ‘unsatisfied with meritorious works, may I always [be]
zealous to destroy the three roots’ (S-6b5/PK-AS-5Cb5C); —ontsoytñe
‘insatiability’ (11b2C); —ontsoytñee ‘prtng to insatiability’ (33b1C). The
privative of soy- ‘satiate,’ q.v. (i.e., en- + soy- where the first -o- of ontsoytte is
122 op
due to o-umlaut and the first -t- is epenthetic). Cf. TchA asinät ‘insatiable’ from
sin- ‘satiate’ and Hilmarsson, 1991:84-85.
op (n.) the designation of some sort of foodstuff (‘fat’? or ‘fat’ and also ‘larder’?)
[op, -, op//] wer meñantse-ne trukle aari Sarwarakite wasa || kantine wlene
ro-kant[i] yikye wra cakanma kas tom || pa - - - (-)nte wra cakanma ||
opi ck pi tom ‘on the fourth of the month, [as] provisions, the acarya S. gave,
in bread and edibles, flour for ro-bread four cks and six tau … four cks and
for (the) op one ck and five tau’ (433a15-17Col), o [lege: op?] no mi[t wa]t ma
[lege: m] arañc k[]t[k]ästär ‘however neither op nor honey gladdens the heart’
(591b7L).
If correctly restored at 591b7, op would seem to indicate that the -i- of opi
(433a17) is secondary (*-ä- > -i- in the environment of a palatal) as it is in the
dative ski ‘for the community’ (nom./acc. singular sk) in the same docu-
ment. In 591b7 it is clear that op is something to eat that is good and/or rich. At
433a17 op may be parallel to the preceding ro-kanti and if so it would surely be
some sort of (rich?) breadstuff but the intervening lacuna invites caution.
If the meaning has been correctly identified, perhaps we have PIE *h1op-ú-
‘fat’ [: Hittite appuzzi- (nt.) ‘animal (sheep) fat, tallow’ which Puhvel (1984:
103ff.) relates to Latin opmus ‘fat’ (< *opi-pmo-, where *-pmo- is ‘fattened’)
and Latin adeps ‘suet, lard’ (< *ad-op-); from *ad-op-eko- are Armenian at‘ok
‘full, fat, abundant, fertile’ and Roshani aawo ‘piece of lard’ (Witczak,
2003:86). Possibly we should add here Lithuanian apstùs ‘abundant’ (if the latter
is not from *h1op-sth2-u- with Fraenkel, 1962:14—more s.v. epastye). All of
these in Puhvel’s view are derivatives of a PIE *h1ep- ‘grease’ and separate from
*h3ep- ‘work’ [: Latin opus, operr ‘be active,’ Sanskrit ápas ‘work,’ pas
‘sacrificial act,’ etc. (P:780)]. For the etymology, see Adams, 1990b:82,
MA:194.
opätsa (adj.) ‘not jealous’ (??)
[f. opätsa, -, -//] war niset yamääle sarwana likale o(-?)pätsa mäskedra ‘water
is to be bespelled; one is to wash the face; he/she becomes unenvious’ (SHT 1,
146, plate 26 [Malzahn, 2007c]). o(-?)pätsa is Malzahn’s transcription. I am
assuming we have either opätsa or ompätsa. Anything else would disallow the
meaning and etymology proposed. Malzahn suggests that o(-?)pätsa is a nega-
tive adjective like akntsa ‘ignorant, foolish.’ The context suggests that the ad-
jective, while negative in form, is positive in effect; the next comment is that
somone who is evil-minded is becoming friendly (tesa mamantopälsko takäre
[sic] mäsketra).
Thus the possibility arises that we have o(m)- + päts, the Tocharian B equi-
valent of TchA päts ‘jealousy’ (Malzahn, 2007c:305). One might furthermore
think of a connection of päts- (as *ph1i-tyeha-) with PIE *peh1(i)- [: Sanskrit
pyati, Gothic faiada ‘be blamed,’ fijan ‘hate,’ English fiend (P:792-793,
LIV:415)].
opi, op.
opp läñ* (n.pl.) ‘± threads’ (?)
[//-, -, opplä] • pañäkte alyekä kca stm ñor nida raksate lyama • Kodye
rano alyekä kca stm ñor oppläntsa nida raksate lyama • ‘the Buddha
opploñ* 123
spread out [his] sitting-mat under some tree or other and sat down; likewise did
K. spread out a sitting-mat oppläntsa under another tree and he sat [on it]’ (IT-
247a4/5C).
This is obviously a doublet or phonological variant of the following entry but
its exact meaning in this context is difficult to discover. It is often taken to be
‘row’ or ‘series’ or the like but such a meaning is not compelling in the context
and not likely to be a translation of B(H)S gu
a- which its doublet opplo
glosses. Perhaps, as Melchert suggests (p.c.), it may be that the point of the
passage is that K’s sitting-mat is (appropriately) more humble than that of the
Buddha or (inappropriately) more opulent. A ‘sitting-mat of threads’ could be, in
the first case, one so worn as to be threadbare or, if sitting-mats were commonly
made of straw, one made of cloth and thus of unseemly opulence. Hilmarsson
(1991:142) reaches entirely different conclusions and takes the word to mean
‘cover’ vel sim. See also the next entry.
opp loñ* (n.pl.) ‘± threads, cords’
[//-, -, opplo] pässaksa opplo tetarkuwa rano = B(H)S [ml]gu
a-
parikipt api ‘like ones invested with the marriage-threads,’ i.e., ‘marriageable
women’ (542a4C); —opp lotstse*: (see discussion below); —opp loe: (see
discussion below).
This line is given here as it was written by the original scribe of the MS. This
rendition was apparently very literal, a word for word equivalence of the Sanskrit
text it glosses. It has been heavily, and confusingly, corrected (or perhaps better,
revised) by a second hand, presumably to provide a more intelligible rendition.
Preceding pässaksa the corrector has written opplocce below the line; the
original opplo has been struck out and below written e palsa wat. Sieg,
Siegling, and Thomas’ reconstruction (1953:339, fn. 11 & 12), attempting to take
all of these revisions into account reads: pässaksa [pässak]e palsa wat
opplocce tetarkuwa rano. However, the second pässak has to be supplied by
Sieg, Siegling, and Thomas and it seems better to me to assume that we have here
two attempts at correction or revision. In the first revision the original was
amplified by adding -e palsa wat, giving: pässaksa opploe palsa wat
tetarkuwa rano ‘like [those] entwined [vel sim.] by a garland or a cord [vel sim.]
of opplo ( = ‘threads’?). Perhaps thinking this revision too involved, the
corrector went back to the original but struck out opplo and inserted the more
idiomatic derived adjective opplocce (an acc. pl. in -e replacing the acc. pl.
fem. as often occurs) before its head noun. Thus we have: opplocce pässaksa
tetarkuwa rano ‘like [those] entwined [vel sim.] by a garland of opplo (=
‘threaded garland’?).’ In any case B(H)S ml- was seen as the equivalent of
TchB pässak, -gu
a- of opplo and -parikipt of tetarkuwa.
Etymology unclear. It might be that we have an old compound of *h1opi- +
pulu- or *pilu- ‘hair’ [: Old Irish ul (< *pulu-) ‘beard,’ Latin pilus ‘body hair’ and
Sanskrit pulak ‘the bristling of the hairs of the body due to pleasurable
excitement’ (P:850; MA:251)]. (For parallels for the semantic change ‘hair’ >
‘thread,’ see Adams 1988a). The original meaning of the compound might have
been ‘over-thread’ or the like, a possible designation for a particular kind of
thread or of cord (Adams, 1990b:82-85). VW (339) is certainly wrong to think
124 om
1989]); —omte ‘id.’: mäkte omte tañ maiyyane sakantse spelke kualapk
ayto tka ymtsi ‘so here in [his] strength will he be able to establish zeal and
good behavior in the community’ (TEB-74-7/THT-1574Col). A compound of
omp ‘there’ + the neuter deictic pronoun te, qq.v.
omp ~ omL (adv.) ‘there, at that place’
[s]t[]m ñor ek su mäskträ omp akallyets pelaikn=ksai [:] ‘he was
always under the tree, there he expounded the law to [his] disciples’ (3b3C), :
kwri war tka yolmene winññenträ omp lwsa lakä warñai : ‘if there is
water in the pool, the animals, the fish, etc., will enjoy themselves there’ (11b4C),
/// saryat=ompä poyintse as spe kenne witska <70> ‘he planted there near
the Buddha’s seat the roots in the ground’ (388a2E). Om(p) is the apocopated
variant of ompe, q.v., just as ket ‘whose’is the apocopated variant of kete ‘id.’
For a discussion of the chronological distribution of omp and om, see Peyrot
(2008:67-68); in Classical Tocharian B om occurs only before no and omp
elsewhere. See also ompe and omte.
ompakwättäññe* (n.) ‘untrustworthiness, unreliability’
[-, -, ompakwättäññe//] [:] ompakwättñe aul[antse ymate su ai]ai ‘he treated
of the unreliability of life’ (3b3C). This is clearly the abstract noun derived from
empakwatte ‘unreliable’ but the difference in the rounding of the initial vowel is
unexpected. Hilmarsson (1986a:58) would see a change of *emp- to omp- as
quasi-regular, but the abstract and its underlying adjective might be expected to
act alike even in quasi-regularity.
ompalsko (n.) ‘± meditation’
///m· ompalsko s rke (360b4C); —ompalskoe ‘prtng to meditation’: tsirauw-
ñee kaun ya ompalskoe mrestwe pakä ysomo ‘it kills the bone of energy
and cooks [it] together with the marrow of meditation’ (S-4b1/PK-AS-4Ab1C).
The intensive prefix e(n)- (here showing rounding due to the labial environ-
ment) + palsko ‘thought’ (itself a derivative of pälsk- ‘think’), qq.v. (cf.
Hilmarsson, 1991:133). The TchA equivalent, plyaske, is an independent deri-
vative of pälsk-. See also the next entry.
ompalskoññe (~ ompolskoññe) (nnt.) ‘meditation, contemplation’
[ompalskoññe, -, ompalskoññe//ompalskoññenta, -, -] lentse trokne lyam=
ompalskoññe ‘in a cave of the mountain he sat [in] meditation’ (4b7C), ompal-
skoññe päst prakää natkna lauke aiamñe yarke peti ñatär ‘he inhibits
meditation, presses far [away] wisdom, and seeks honor and flattery’ (33b2/3C),
kalymisa ompalskoññe oktante [kalymisa ompalskoññe = B(H)S samyaksamdhi]
(112b5L), • ompalskoññe yänmaä = B(H)S [sa]mdhim adhigacchati (U-
9a2C/IT-26a2]), ompolskoññe (SHT-2250 [Malzahn, 2007b]); —ompalskoñ-
ñee ‘prtng to meditation, meditative, pensive’ (73b5C, 281b4E). The previous
entry ompalsko ‘id.’ to which the abstract suffix -ññe has been added.
ompe (adv.) ‘there’
/// maci wa ompe /// (123a5E); —ompek ‘± right there’: cew ymorsa ompek
ra tsa tänmaskenträ ‘by that deed they are reborn right there’ (K-2b1/PK-AS-
7Bb1C). Etymology uncertain. When compared to omp, clearly ompe is the
older, fuller, form and thus must be our etymological starting point, thus ruling
out most of the theories recounted by VW (334), including his own. Hilmarsson
126 ompostä
was to you concern for honor and flattery, rather you yourselves should have
stayed sitting at home [i.e., not have become monks]’ (33a7C);
—olyapotstse ‘more, very’: amñe cmeltse yänmalyñe olypotse pä waimene
‘achieving human birth [is] very difficult’ (295b5A), akwatse pilko olyapotse =
B(H)S atk
acakua (545a1E), 69 kwrentär lnte kokalyi olyapotstse
pärsñci ‘the wagons, very colorful, of the king age’ [olyapotstse = B(H)S su-]
(5a8C), olyapotstse welñe = B(H)S adhivacana (170a6C), [olya]potstse = B(H)S
bhram (305a4C), mäkte ost karttse aipo swese m olypotse kaun ‘as a house
well covered the rain does not harm much’ (A-2a1/2/PK-AS-6Ba1/2C), olya-
potstse waime[n]e = B(H)S sudurharam (IT-101b1C), [olyapo]tstse ktke
aiaumyi = B(H)S abhinandanti pa
it (IT-101b2C), teksa-ne ka no mrauskate
olypotse s tka pudñäkte ‘but no sooner did it touch him [than] he became very
weary of the world and he became a buddha’ (K-11b3/PK-AS-7Nb3A); olyapo-
tsek ‘more, very’: (IT-106a3E); —snai-olyapo ‘± incomparable’: se t uwa
okorñai snai olyapo aiamñe su yinmä ‘[if] he eats this incomparable
porridge, he will obtain wisdom’ (107a2/3L). olya ‘more’ + po ‘all,’ qq.v.
See also previous entry.
olyartse (adj.) ‘superior’
: srukalñe=me kos ra [añmts=]ol[y]a[r]s[e] ñi [tu]sa lre sta[r-ñ] : ‘as long
as the idea of death [is] superior to the self, therefore it [is] dear to me’ (PK-AS-
7Na6/7 [CEToM]). A derivative of olya, q.v.
olyi* (nf.) ‘boat’
[-, -, olyi//] : Gkne olyisa tseñe kätkäar • ‘cross the stream of the Ganges by
boat!’ (296b4L), kektseñäai ols[a] ‘by the bodily boat’ (564a3C), kauc-wär
olyi ä ñoru-wär wat ‘[if] he guides a boat upstream or downstream’ (PK-AS-
18A-b4/5C [Pinault, 1984b:377]).
Etymology uncertain. Traditionally it has been compared with TchA olyi ‘id.’
However, as Hilmarsson points out (1986a:33-34), what we actually find in TchA
is olyik in an obscure context (TchA-29b2). It is possible, but by no means
assured, that we should divide olyik as olyi + -k, an intensifying particle. Since
Hansen (1940:151; also VW:334) this word has been connected with Lithuanian
aldijà ‘boat,’ OCS ladiji ‘id.’ However such an equation is impossible (cf.
Hilmarsson (1986a:196) since the acc. sg. in Lithuanian is al;dij indicating a
short first syllable in Proto-Balto-Slavic and thus must reflect *hxoldh- rather than
the *hxold- demanded by Tocharian.
Perhaps olyi reflects a putative PIE *h2(o)uluh1en-, most closely related to TchB
auloñ ‘vessels (of the body),’ itself from a putative PIE *h2euluh1en-, related to
the *h2eulo- seen in Greek aulós (m.) ‘hollow tube, pipe, groove; flute,’ Latin
alvus (f.) ‘belly, womb, stomach; hold of a ship; beehive’ (< *aulos by
metathesis), alveus (m.) ‘hollow, cavity; trough; hold of a ship; beehive; bed of a
river,’ Hittite halluwa- ‘hollow, pit,’ etc. (more s.v. auloñ) (cf. P:88-89)]. The
original meaning would have been ‘± hollowed out log, dug-out canoe.’ See
also next entry and possibly alyiye and auloñ.
olyitau (n.) ‘boatman’
[olyitau, -, -//] • Gkne olyitau nes twe epastya • ‘thou art a boatman on the
Ganges, O skillful one!’ (296b3L). A derivative of the previous entry by means
132 olyika*
because an original ‘midnight’ has also come to mean ‘north.’ I think the
equation of ole and oale must be abandoned.
If correctly identified as to meaning, as if from PIE *h2wóselo- from *h2wes-
‘dwell, spend the night’ (cf. 2wäs-; LIV:261-262). This word may give witness to
an original o-grade present, *h2wose/o- as in Old Irish fóaid ‘spends the night’ or
Armenian goy ‘is, exists.’ See also 2wäs-, ost, and perhaps yiye.
oale* (n.) ‘north’
[-, -, oale//] kom-pirkome … omotruññaie … kom-[k]läskome … oale-
me ‘from the east … omotruññaie … from the west … from the north’ (Otani-
19.1a3/4Col [Pinault, 1998:364]); —oalee* ‘north, northern, northerly’:
[o]alee nauntaine ‘in the northern street’ (612a5C), [o]ale[]ai [kä]ly-
[m]ine ‘in the northern direction’ (509b4C/L). The crucial evidence for the
meaning of oale comes from the Otani MS, where it is clearly one of the
cardinal directions and equally clearly not ‘west.’
Winter (1988:785-787) relates this word to TchA direction word uliñc which
he takes to mean ‘west’ though to my mind ‘northeast’ would seem to be more
likely in the admittedly fragmentary contexts in which it occurs. In any case
uliñc is clearly a derivative, at least historically, of ul ‘mountain’ (cf. B ale
‘id.’). Taking ul/ale to reflect PIE *swelo-, he adds oale to this group as
*swelo- ‘near the mountain.’ Better would be *h1nswelo- (cf. the *h1n- in
omotruññaie ‘south’). Certainly in the geographical context of the northern rim
of the Tarim Basin, a relationship of ‘mountain’ (i.e., the Tian Shans) and ‘north’
makes excellent sense.
Not with Isebaert (1987), assuming a meaning ‘west,’ a borrowing from an
(unattested) A source and related to TchA oe ‘night’ (cf. yiye). Nor with
Hilmarsson (1991: 153-154), despite his ingenious argument, from *h1e(n)- + PIE
*skew(hx)elo- ‘covering’ [: Old Norse skjól ‘cover, hiding place’ (< Proto-
Germanic *skeula-), skáli ‘room, small building’ (< *skawalan)]. He compares
also *skeu- as in OCS s@ver! ‘north,’ Lithuanian šiáur^ ‘north,’ Old Norse skúr
‘rain-shower,’ English shower (P:597). However, all of the words meaning
‘north’ have an *-r- rather than an *-l-. He takes the Tocharian word to reflect
something like *skewhxelo- (> *äw’äle- > *w’äle- > *-äle-) but one would
expect secondary -w- to remain in Tocharian. See also ale.
oskiye* (nf.) ‘± house, hut, dwelling place’
[-, -, oskaiC ~ oskiyeL//] pä kca pkwanträ tawk oskaine wast=alyek snai ptsak
pilkosa (THT-2247a7E), [wy=ot ce]m oskai ‘he led him [to] the house’
(25a1C), : tswaiñ[e] ka yku päst krent amññeme añ oskai 60 ‘having gone
directly from a good monkish state to his own dwelling’ (44b6C), tañ paiyneai
saiym ymäskemnttär oskiye ‘we take refuge [in] the dwelling of thy feet’
(108a9L).
TchA oke ‘id.’ and B oskai- look to me to reflect a PTch *wost()kai-, a
derivative in -k- of *wost ‘house.’ The reduction of the heavy consonant
cluster in the middle of the word must be independent in the two languages as it
occurred after the change of *-st- to -t- in TchA. Hilmarsson’s suggestion
(1986a:70, following a suggestion of Emmerick’s) of a borrowing from
Khotanese ausk- ‘dwelling’ (<au> = [$]) is semantically fine but chronologically
134 ost
difficult since the Khotanese word appears only in Late Khotanese (a borrowing
by Late Khotanese from Tocharian B is conceivable). In any case, not with VW
(343) related to Sanskrit úcyati ‘be accustomed to.’ See also next entry.
ost (n.) ‘house’ [ostme länt- ‘to become a monk, to lead a (Buddhist) religious life’
(lit. ‘to leave [one’s] house’); ostme ltu ‘a monk’ (lit. ‘one who has left his
house’), contrasted with osta-meñca ‘householder, layman’ (lit. ‘house-sitter’)]
[ost, ostantse, ost//-, -, ostwa] /// msasa ost aste [:] ‘through the flesh the
skeleton [lit. house of bones] [is seen]’ (9a8C), : rine kuaine ostwane ek
yeye ce lkatsi 44 ‘they were always going into cities, villages, and houses to
see him’ (31b6/7C); —ostae ‘prtng to the house’ [cf. TchA watai]: : k yes
rintsi m campcer pel=ostae-totk-yärm [6]5 ‘why can you not renounce the
prison of [your] house [even] a little?’ (5a1C), ostaa weñña ‘inhabited/
residential area’ (PK-AS-12H-b4/5A [Peyrot, 2010:281]), ostaai weñai ‘living
in a house’ [as opposed to being a wandering mendicant] (PK-AS-16.7a4C
[CEToM]), ostaa wertsiyo ‘household’ (PK-AS-16.7a3C [CEToM]); —
ostaññe* (adj.) ‘prtng to the house’, (n.) ‘householder’ [cf. TchA wati]: •
tume cew ostaññi nksante-[ne] skarre-ne • ‘then the householders reproached
him and scolded him’ (337a5C); —ostañña* ‘female householder’: ostaññai
Tsyohkñaimpa • ‘with the house-holder Ts.’ (346b5L); —osta-meñca
‘householder’: ostä-meñca ostme ltuwe ‘householders and [those who] have
left the house [i.e., those who have become monks]’ (33b4C); —osta-memane*
‘id.’: ostä-memanentse mka kurpelle ‘a householder has much to be concerned
about’ (33a5C); —ost-ymeñca ‘house-builder, mason, carpenter’ (= B(H)S
grhakraka-) PK-AS-6Aa1C [CEToM]); —ostuwaiwenta ‘groups of houses’: //
amni no masr ostuwaiwentane kakka tko wtsico • ‘however, the
monks, while traveling, were invited into the various houses to eat’ (IT-248b5C).
TchA wat ‘id.’ and B ost reflect PTch *wost. TchA wat rather than *wot
reflects the action of -umlaut in the plural *wstw (regularly > watu). The B
plural ostwa could be either from *wstw or *wostw with the vowel of the
singular generalized. This PTch *wost is clearly cognate with Sanskrit vstu
‘house, dwelling,’ vástu ‘place, seat, thing,’ and Greek (w)ástu ‘city.’ It has been
traditional to connect this etymon with the verbal root seen in Sanskrit vásati
‘dwells,’Greek á(e)esa (aor.) ‘remain’ (always with núkta ‘night’), Old Irish
fóaid (< *h2weseti) ‘spends the night’ (cf. also foss (m.) [< *h2wosto-] ‘sojourn,
rest’), Arm. goy ‘is (present),’ Gothic wisan ‘be’ (cf. also Old Norse vist (f.) [<
*h2westi-] ‘sojourn’), Hittite hwes- ‘be (alive),’ huski- (< *hus-ske/o-). Cf. P:
1170-1171, Smith, 1910:19, VW:549, MA:281. Both Greek and Hittite presup-
pose a PIE *h2wes- for this verb, however, which appears to be incompatible with
a relationship with Greek (w)ástu. Perhaps Proto-Greek *wástu, with its
admittedly difficult root vowel, is a borrowing from some non-Greek but Indo-
European language of the Balkans which had already lost the initial laryngeal.
PTch *wostu, Sanskrit vstu, and pre-Greek *wástu might reflect PIE *h2wóstu-.
Beekes (2010:158) takes the Greek and Sanskrit to be from *weh2s-tu- and thus
unrelated to *h2wes-. See also oskiye, probably weñña and 2wäs-, possibly
yiye.
¹auk 135
• AU •
au (interjection) ‘Oh’
• tume weña au •~ watkai pi pañäkte nida ñreme kälymi raso tsamtsi •
‘therefore he said: Oh, may the Buddha command the sitting-mat from the fringe
on one span broader to grow’ (IT-247a5/6C). Etymology unknown.
¹auk (n.) ‘snake, serpent’
[auk, -, -//-, -, aukä] [ar]klo auk catä tska ‘[if] a snake, serpent, or cat
should bite’ (503a2C/L), auk = B(H)S ahi [in the calendrical cycle] (549a7C).
Etymology uncertain. Pisani (1941-42:24) connects this word with Armenian
awj ‘serpent’ (if < pre-Armenian *augwhi-) though the latter is usually related to
the family of Latin anguis ‘snake’ (cf. infra). Krause (1961) hesitantly suggests a
connection with Sanskrit ójas- ‘force’ (< *haeug- ‘grow,’cf. next entry). VW
(153) compares Greek aug% (f.) ‘bright light,’ Greek augáz ‘illuminate,’ Greek
augázomai ‘see distinctly,’ assuming TchB auk- would be to Greek aug- as
Greek drákn is to dérkomai ‘see distinctly.’ However, even if drákn is
correctly connected with dérkomai (as ‘the one with the [baleful] glance’ or the
like), it is not clear that auk would have a similar history since it is not obviously
an agent noun or a participle as drákn might be.
More likely is a connection with PIE words meaning ‘snake.’ Pokorny (43-45,
s.v. *angu(h)i-) collects a number of Indo-European words meaning ‘snake,’
‘eel,’ vel sim. which he takes to represent a single etymon (possibly two) whose
multiplicity of shapes (presence or absence of *-n-, media vs. aspirata, labio-
velar, vs. plain velar, vs. palatal) he attributes to taboo deformation and crossing.
It is better to divide this group into four etyma (MA:529-530, 264): (1)
*ha(e)ngwh(i)- ‘snake’ [: Latin anguis] (m./f.) ‘snake,’ Lithuanian angìs (f.)
‘snake,’ Old Prussian angis ‘nonpoisonous snake,’ Armenian awj ‘snake,’ OCS
*ž"- ‘snake,’ Middle Irish esc-ung ‘eel’ (< *‘water-snake,’ ung < pre-Celtic
*angwh), OHG unc ‘snake,’ and “Illyrian” ábeis ‘ékheis’ (Hesychius)]; (2) acro-
static *h1ógwhi- ~ h1égwhi- ‘snake’ [: Greek ékhis (m./f.) ‘viper’ (< pre-Greek
*éghi-), ékhidna ‘id.’ (< *ékhidnya), Armenian iž ‘snake, viper’ (< *h1gwhi-),
OHG egala ‘leech,’ Welsh euod ‘sheepworm,’ euon ‘horseworm’ (< Proto-Celtic
*egi-), Greek óphis (m.) ‘snake,’ Sanskrit áhi- (m.) ‘snake,’ Avestan aži- (m.)
‘id.’ (the lack of a labio-velar in Greek ékhis and ékhidna must be attributed to
contamination with groups three and four)]; (3) *Vnghel- or *Vnghur- (plus other
suffixes) ‘eel’ [: Latin anguilla ‘eel’ (in its form influenced by anguis), Greek
énkhels (f.) ‘id.’ (influenced by ékhis), Old Prussian angurgis, Lithuanian
ungurs (assimilated from *angurs), Finnish (borrowed from Baltic) ankurias,
all ‘eel’ (< *Proto-Baltic *anguriya-), OCS gulja ~ jgulja, Proto-Slavic
*anguri- (Russian úgor’, etc.), and Albanian ngjalë (< pre-Albanian *Vnghell-
[Hamp, 1969, though there is no reason to follow him in seeing it a borrowing
136 ²auk
from Slavic which, in any case has no similar form])]; (4) *h1ehi- ‘hedgehog’ [:
Greek ekhînos (m.), Armenian ozni (< *h1ohnyo-), OHG igil (< *h1ehlo-),
Lithuanian ežs (< *h1ehiyo-), and OCS jež"] (there is some folkloristic evidence
that the hedgehog was a snake-killer par excellence so it may be that ‘hedgehog’
is a derivative of a ‘snake’ word, but there are phonological difficulties).
Probably in TchB auk reflects PIE *h1ógwhi- ‘snake.’ Normally such a form
would have given a PTch *ekw (PIE *-i- did not cause palatalization in Tocharian
in the environment of either *-w- or *-s-; Adams, 1988c:15). auk (i.e. *ewk) is
simply metathesized (much as Proto-Germanic *aug-an- ‘eye’ is from PIE
*h3okw-; see also 2auk-).
²auk, only attested in mwk, q.v., and kossauk (s.v. kos).
Clearly the equivalent of TchA ok in m ok ‘not again’ (= B mwk). Though
given as ok in B, there is no reason it could not be auk (m + auk would give
mwk just as surely as m + ok). If so, it would strengthen VW’s comparison
(1941:78, 1976:329-330) of this etymon with Gothic auk ‘because, but, also’ and
Old Norse auk ‘also.’ Whether this particle is further related to PIE *haeug-
‘increase’ (cf. B auk-) as VW would have it is debatable. However, it would
appear that B ok has an unstressed variant wkä, q.v., which would make B auk
unlikely. See also mwk, kossauk (s.v. kos), and wkä.
¹auk- (vi.) ‘grow, increase’ (intr.)
Ko. V /áuk-/ [A -, aukat, -//; Inf. aukatsi]: ///tstsa weä aukat [t]smat ra
mka no kawtse /// ‘she says: thou wilt grow and increase …’ (516b4C); PP
/auko-/: • priya okou ñäs·o eñcike • (THT-4001a3Col).
The existence of this verb is dependent on these two, admittedly difficult, forms
(rejected by TVS). However, its existence is to some extent supported by the
apparent derivative auki, q.v. If correctly recognized, this verb is essentially
atelic (cf. the apparently telic auks-) and approximately equal to tsäm-.
TchA ok- and B auk- reflect PTch *uk- from PIE *haeug- ‘make grow, make
increase’ [: Latin auge ‘augment, increase; (rarely) grow (intr.)’ (< *haeuge-
ye/o-), Old Norse auka (a strong verb) ‘id.,’ Gothic aukan ‘id.’ (both <
*haeuge/o-), OHG ouhhn ‘id.,’ Old Saxon kian ‘id.,’ Old English acian ‘id.,’
Old Norse auka (a weak verb) ‘id.’ (< *hae/oug-eha-ye/o-), Old English ecan
‘increase in numbers’ (intr.) (< *haeug-ye/o-), Gothic auknan ‘id.,’ Lithuanian
áugu (áugti) ‘grow’ (P:84-85; MA:248)] (Fraenkel, 1932:230, VW:329).
Germanic *auk- (< *haeug-eha(-ye/o)-) is at least the formal match for Tch
auk-. See also auki, auks-, and possibly auiye.
²auk- (vt.) ‘give to drink’
Ko I /auk-/ [A aukä, -, -//; AOpt auim, -, -//; MPOpt //auimar, -, -]: mn
änme maitreyec po aietse [saim-wästec ce] satke=wkän-m=onwañ-
ñe lä sasre peleme (=wkän-m=, without sandhi, the equivalent of
ewkän-me) ‘men come to the maitreya, the refuge of the whole world; he will
give them this immortal medicine to drink; they will emerge from the prison of
the sasara’ (274b5A), /// källoim perne ñä ewim s[]tk[e] onwññe /// ‘may
I achieve glory; may I give [someone] immortal medicine to drink’ (THT-1540
frgm. f+g-a3A [Hackstein, 1995:339]), [stke kä]lloym onwaññe pelaiknee
auimar pi-cmelae ‘may I obtain the immortal righteous medicine; may I
auks- 137
give [it] to those of the five births to drink’ (FSb8/IT-305b8C). The verb is
attested once in TchA: wärp []ksissi krañcä märkampal m=ryu prata
okñä ñäktas napenäs säm okraci ‘enjoy the good law! [may he] not be long
[before] he gives gods and men this nectar!’
The meaning given here, rather than Hackstein’s ‘make flow’ or Malzahn’s
(TVS) ‘set in motion,’ would seem to be assured by both Tocharian (e.g., the
appearance in the same contexts of yoktsi ai-, transparently ‘give to drink’) and
Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit parallels. The double accusative construction is
identical to that seen in Sanskrit and, at least optionally, in Greek with ‘give to
drink’ in those languages.
From PIE *h4ogwheye/o-, the regular causative to *h4gwh- ‘drink.’ The change
of *-ogwhV- to -auk- is exactly paralleled by the development of PIE *h1ógwhis
‘snake’ to TchB auk, q.v. The secondarily athematic shape of auk- results from
the confusion at some stage of the development of Proto-Tocharian of the PIE
third person singular endings *-ei (proper to hi-verbs) and *-eyei (proper to
causatives and iteratives). Both types of course had PIE *-o- as the root vowel.
Cognates s.v. yok-.
auki (n.) ‘± increase’ [auki nes- ‘± to best, get the better of’]
[auki, -, -//] /// wñ-ne waimene ikä pkrsa wäntarwa • maiyycempa airaitsñe
auki nestsi waimene /// ‘he said to him: know the twenty difficult things! [it is]
difficult to best the vehemence of a strong [one]’ (127b3E). In TchA there is a
single attestation of the equivalent okäm (A-215b1 äptäñcä ko la klop
wraäl pät p[k mrc la]p wkñam ci okäm pätstsr ‘on the seventh day with
pain and suffering I will split thy head in seven parts [?]; set out more [?]).
Whatever the exact meaning, TchB auki and TchA okäm ‘circumspection’ (?)
reflect PTch *uk(ä)mi\ ä(n) (cf. B wki, TchA wkäm ‘distinction’ and B nki,
TchA nkäm ‘reproach’ and Adams, 1993:23-24), a derivative of auk- (TchA ok-)
‘increase, grow.’ PTch *uk(ä)mi\ ä(n) is matched by Sanskrit ojmán (m.)
‘strength,’ Latin augmen(tum) (nt.) ‘increase,’ and Lithuanian augmuõ (m.)
‘plant, vegetable.’ Not with VW (330) separated from auk- and connected to
Greek aug% ‘bright light.’ See also 1auk-.
auks- (vi.) ‘± sprout, grow up’
Ps. XIa /auksäsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, auksää//]: [o]stn=auksää s mtri /// ‘he
grows up at home; [his] mother’s …’ (121a1E); Ko. IV /auki(ye)-/ [MPOpt. -, -,
aukitär//; Inf. aukitsi]: ///sa warñai kektseñe auki[tär] /// ‘beginning with …
may the body grow’ (THT-1175a2? [TVS]), aukitsi [so to be read (TVS)] =
B(H)S vir him (IT-106b5E [see K. T. Schmidt, 1984:152]); PP /auku-/:
katriññempa klu ñi sakne auku ‘learnèd in katriya-lore I [have] grown up in
good fortune’ (89a1C).
Related to TchA ok- (cf. particularly the present oksis-) and B auks-, reflecting
PIE *ha(e)u(e)ks- ‘grow, increase,’ an élargissement of haeug- ‘id.’[intransitives:
Sanskrit ukáti ‘grows,’ Avestan uxšyeiti ‘id.’ (aorist Avestan vaxšt ‘grew’),
Greek aéksomai ‘prosper, increase (intr.),’ Gothic wahsjan ‘grow,’ Old Norse
vaxa ‘id.,’ OHG wahsan ‘id.,’ Old English weaxan ‘id.’; causatives: Sanskrit
vakáyati ‘makes grow,’ Avestan vaxšayeiti ‘id.,’ Greek aéks ‘make grow,’
Greek aúks ~ auksán ‘make grow; (later also intransitive) grow,’ Old Norse
138 auksent-
vexa ‘make grow’; and also Latin auxilium ‘help’ (P:85; MA:248; cf. LIV:288f.,
Beekes, 2010:171)] (Fraenkel, 1932:230, VW:329). It is difficult to know
exactly what the PIE paradigm looked like—even Indic and Iranian fail to agree
outside the causative. Sanskrit vakáyati, Avestan vaxšayeiti, and Old Norse vexa
agree in both form (< *wokse-ye/o-) and meaning (‘make grow’). The super-
ficially identical Gothic wahsjan ‘grow’ (intr.) must be independent, an iterative-
intensive built from the *wokse/o- that lies behind OHG wahsan, Old English
weaxan, and Old Norse vaxa. The Greek transitive Greek aéks must also be a
new formation (possibly a back-formation from the intransitive aéksomai).
Greek aúks and TchB auks- directly, and Latin auxilium indirectly, witness to a
PIE *haeuks- ‘make grow, make increase.’ That TchB auks- is intransitive may
be explained in the same way that Greek aúks also becomes intransitive in its
later history. See also 1auk-, auki, and auksent-.
auksent- (adj.) ‘±strengthening’ (?)
[//aukseñc, -, -] kukiya ñem / yenty e/// …/// (k)[]tsa kele aukseñcä ‘the
winds called (B[H]S) kukiyana- [‘giving repose to the belly’] … strengthening
(?) the stomach and navel’ (PK-AS-7Mb5C [CEToM]). Whatever its exact
meaning, a derivative of auks- (cf. infra), perhaps via a noun of the tomos-type
(so CEToM).
auñento (n.) ‘beginning, initiative’
[auñento, auñentantse, auñentai//] aytocä auñentatse ‘inclined to initiative’
(561a3/4C), auñento (PK-AS-12B-b4A), [: snai-yko]rñe [au]ñento ste po kren-
taunats : ‘diligence is the beginning of all virtues’ (12a1C); —tw=auñentai
‘thereupon’: 66 tw=auñentai [pä] weña tarya lokanma to ‘thereupon he
spoke these three lokas’ (27b2C). TchA oñant and B auñento reflect PTch
*uni
ento, a nomen actionis from *aun- ‘begin’ (cf. next entry.)
aun- (vi/t.) G Active ‘strike, wound’; Middle ‘begin’; K4 ‘cause to begin’ ?
G Ps. XIa /aunä sk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, aunaä//, MP -, -, aunastär// -, -, aunaskentär;
Ger. auna(äl)le]: nki-welñe-preresa ceu aunaän-me arañcne ‘with this arrow
of reproach-telling he wounds them in the heart’ (15a8=17b1C), koyname yolo
were onolments aunasträ wrtsi ‘from the mouths of [such] creatures begins to
be smelled an evil smell’ (K-8b3/PK-AS-7Hb3C); Ko. I /aunä -/ [A // -, -, au;
MP -, -, auntär// -, -, aunantär]: [kwri no] cwi palsko käskträ waiptr aunträ
makatsi ‘if, however, his spirit is scattered about and he begins to run’
(9b8=10a4C); Impv. III /páun(äs)-/ [ASg. pau; MPl. pauntsat]: pau (IT-
212a8); Pt. III /aunä- ~ aunäs-/ [A -, aunasta, auntsa/ -, -, aunar; MP -, -,
auntsate (~ omtsateL)// -, -, auntsante]: auntsate räskre klai/// (THT-1321a4A),
auntsante-ne cre makästsi ‘they began to make him run hard’ (88a2C); PP
/aunu-/: • tañ [mai]yyane ñi sana au[n]u takwa [67] ‘in thy strength I
wounded [lit: had wounded] [my] enemies’ (22a5/6 C).
K4 Impv. IV /páunä-/: ponäar (IT-140b3C).
TchA on- ‘id.’ and B aun- reflect a PTch *u-(n)- where the -n- presumably is
the relic of an old present stem-formative *-nu- extended (nearly) throughout the
paradigm. Further connections are obscure. There may be a connection with the
otherwise obscure Greek aá ‘hurt, damage (of the mind).’ The latter appears to
reflect a pre-Greek *awas which could be from PIE *haew-ha-s-. If so, the
aurtstse 139
Tocharian might reflect *haew(ha)-. The original meaning would have been
‘strike,’ hence, in the middle, ‘begin’ (cf. English ‘strike out on [a new career,
etc.]’). VW (329) associates the Tocharian word with Greek outá ‘wound’
instead. This word might also belong here if it reflects *haou-teha-ye/o-. (Frisk,
1970:450, at least allows the possibility of associating outá and aá; for Beekes,
1132-1133, it is “pre-Greek.”) Much more distant, if it belongs here at all, is
VW’s further connection with Gothic wunds ‘wound’ (which might reflect PIE
*haw-en-). Malzahn, on the other hand, suggests we start with PIE *h2ep-nu-
from *h2ep- ‘attach,’ where *-p- has shifted to -w-, though we would probably
expect *omn-, with nasal assimilation and metathesis, from such a form. See
also auñento.
aupacayik ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘based on accumulation’
(41b3C). From B(H)S aupacayika.
aumiye* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± fever’
[-, -, aumiye//] : tesa aie wäksenträ lyauwceme ce preke aumiyene päls-
koe [m] kälpasträ emälyai 13 ‘thus people turn away from one another [at]
this time in a spiritual fever; it does not achieve heat’ (255b4A). A derivative in
-iye from aume ‘misery,’ q.v. As if from a PIE *haeumihxo- or *hxoumihxo-.
aume* (n.) ‘± misery’
[-, -, aume//] ///·m· sportträ sauke [sic] aumene e/// ‘[his] son dwelt in misery’
(84b6C). TchB aume is the exact cognate of the otherwise isolated Old Norse
aumr ‘poor, miserable.’ The two reflect either PIE *haeumo- or *hxoumo-. With-
in Tocharian this etymon is to be seen also in TchA omäske ‘evil’ and B aumiye
‘fever,’ q.v. (Krause, Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen 1958:54 [apud VW], VW:
154).
aurtstse ~ wartstse (adj.) ‘broad, wide’ [aurtsesa ‘fully’]
[m: aurtstse, -, aurcce/aurtstsi, -, -/aurcci, -, -] [f: aurtstsa, -, aurtsai//aurtsana, -, -]
emets aurtse lktsy ñme ‘to some [there was] the wish to see widely’ (9b6=
10a2C), 12 tparyane taki wartsane tsne ‘high, very broad shoulders’
(73a5/6C), ts[e]n-uppli pilt ra ene aurtsi ‘wide eyes like two petals of blue
lotus’ (575a2/3C); —aurtstsesa (adv.) ‘fully, in detail’: [ka wertsya]ntse
pelaikne twr=emprenm=aurtsesa : ‘he announced fully to the assembly the law
and the four truths’ (1a4C); —aurts(äñ)ñe ‘± breadth’: snay au[rtsñe] (74a5C),
kuse wña[re onolmi] eurtsñesa täñ krentewna ‘whatever beings spoke of thy
virtues fully’ (248a1/2E).
TchA wärts ‘id.’ and B wartse reflect PTch *wärtse. The more common
aurtse in TchB is a compound of the intensive prefix e(n)- + this *wärtse. The
PIE antecedents of of this *wärtse are not altogether clear. VW (1961b:378-80,
1976:562-563) takes this word to be the exact equivalent of Sanskrit vrddhá-
‘enlarged, augmented, big,’ the past participle of vrdh- which verb, however, is
only certainly known in Indo-Iranian [: Sanskrit várdhati ‘enlarges, increases,
strengthens,’ Avestan var'daiti ‘makes larger,’and possibly in Albanian rrit
‘grow, increase, raise’ (tr.), OCS roditi ‘parere’ (P:1167; MA:249)].
The older connection (Sieg, Siegling, and Schulze, 1931:19) with Sanskrit
váras- (nt.) ‘width, breadth, expanse, space,’ urú- ‘broad, wide’ also deserves
attention, despite VW’s rejection [: also Gathic vouru ‘broad, wide,’ Young
140 aul-
Avestan uru- ‘id.,’ Greek eurús ‘broad,’ Greek eros (nt.) ‘breadth’ (by
metathesis from *werú- and wéros- respectively) (P:1165; MA:83; Beekes,
2010:485 for a rehearsal of the difficulties with this etymon)]. Possibly we have
an adjective *urésto-, derived with regular ablaut processes from the neuter
abstract *wéros-. This putative *urésto- would then have subsequently been
transferred to the yo-stem adjectives. Hilmarsson (1991:169) starts from a PTch
*wär directly from PIE *urhxu- (though I would have supposed that such a form
would have given PTch *or instead) + the ubiquitous adjective forming
suffix -tstse.
aul- (vt.) ‘± throw away, throw forward, thrust forward’
Ko. I or II (see abstract); PP /aulo-/: krent wmoe wassis menkce snai yase
kwpets parwne aulos ‘lacking the clothing of good friendship with the
outthrust brows of shamelessness’ (282a5A); —aulñe ‘± throwing away,
forward’: [alyekepi] cmeltse aulñe = B(H)S anyabhavkepa ‘throwing into
another birth/ existence’ (177a6C).
The Tocharian verbal prefix - + PIE *wel- ‘turn, twist’ [: Sanskrit válati ~
válate ‘turns oneself,’ vr
óti ‘covers,’ Armenian gelum ‘turn,’ Greek eilé (<
*wel-n-ew-e/o-) ‘turn, wind,’ Greek eilú ‘wind around, cover up,’ Albanian vjel
(< *welw) ‘throw up,’ Latin vol (= Albanian) ‘roll, turn,’ Old Irish fillid
‘bends,’ Gothic walwjan ‘roll,’ Lithuanian veliù ‘full, mill (cloth),’ etc. (P:1140-
1143; MA:607)] (VW:153, though details differ). For the semantic development
of *‘twist’ > ‘throw’ one should compare the history of English throw (cf. its
German cognate drehen). See also 1wäl-.
aulre (n.) ‘companion’
[aulre, -, -/aulreñc, -, -/-, -, aulre] [waike] saimä ymorme … wäe
weske aulre : ‘having made a refuge in a lie, they speak a lie to the com-
panions’ (255b7A), kete no ñme w aulare eweta tarkatsi ‘to whomever [is] the
desire to set fighting two companions’ (M-3a7/PK-AS-8Ca7C).
TchA olar ‘id.’ (pl. olariñ) and B aulre relect PTch *ulre which, since
Schneider, 1940:190, has been connected with Greek aul% ‘courtyard, steading
for cattle’ (see also VW:333-334, Beekes, 2010:169). The simplest hypothesis is
that both pre-Greek and pre-Tocharian had a *h2eu-leha- ‘± place for spending the
night’ to which Tocharian added *-ro-, giving an adjective *‘± pertaining to
staying the night,’ whence ‘companion.’ This *h2euleha- is a derivative of *h2eu-
‘spend the night’ [: Armenian aganim ‘spend the night’ and Greek iaú ‘sleep’ (<
*h2ih2euse/o-)] which we see more commonly in an enlarged form *h2w-es- as in
B 2wäs- ‘dwell.’ Completely different is Hilmarsson’s hypothesis (1991:124)
that we have a prefixed derivative of lre ‘dear’ (< *wlre < *wlhx-ró-) thus
*e(n)- + *wlre ‘favored one’ > ‘companion.’ See also 2wäs- and the follow-
ing entry.
aulrñee* (adj.) ‘± prtng to companionability’ (?)
[m: -, -, aulrñee//] : aulrñee yakne /// (623a-2C). If correctly identified as
to meaning, then we have an adjectival derivative in -e from an abstract
*aulrñe derived from the previous entry.
auloñ (n.pl.) ‘± blood vessels’
[//auloñ, -, aulo] [pi-känte] pä yältse[nma au]lo yäsar pss[r]e-[c] ‘they
( )auso* 141
stripped him of blood and five hundred thousand vessels’ (252b5A), /// olyapotse
mka eu … aulo prutkää • ‘having eaten very much, [it] clogs up the
vessels [of the body]’ (ST-a1/IT-305a1C).
TchB auloñ would appear to reflect a putative PIE *h2euluh1en-, related to the
*h2eulo- seen in Greek aulós (m.) ‘hollow tube, pipe, groove; flute,’ énaulos (m.)
‘riverbed,’ auln (m./f.) ‘defile, glen; channel, trench; strait; pipe, conduit,’ Latin
alvus (f.) ‘belly, womb, stomach; hold of a ship; beehive’ (< *aulos by meta-
thesis), alveus (m.) ‘hallow, cavity; trough; hold of a ship; beehive; bed of a
river,’ Lithuanian auls ‘beehive,’ alas (m.) ‘leg of a boot,’ Old Prussian aulinis
‘id.,’ Old Prussian aulis ‘shinbone,’ and some less certain cognates in Germanic
and Armenian (P:88-89; MA:96)] (VW:153). Showing the same sequence of
resonants as Latin alvus is Hittite halluwa- ‘hollow, pit’ (Puhvel, 1991:49).
See also alyiye and possibly olyi.
aultsorsa (adv.) ‘in short, briefly’
: aultsorsa ka cämpim etsi alokä[lymi] /// ‘may I also be able to grasp in short
…’ (7a6C), tu ñi tane cek-wärñai kca aultsorsa ka ärpau-me ‘I will explain it to
you here and elsewhere in short’ (33b6C). Like its TchA equivalent waltsur ~
woltsur, aultsorsa is the perlative of the verbal noun built on the stem of the past
participle of wälts- ‘put together, press together,’ q.v.
aulyäka (n.) a species of flower (?)
[aulyäka, -, -//] ///rä ttseña aulyäka ste /// ‘it is a blue aulyäka’ (IT-250b1E).
Auake (n.) ‘Auake’ (PN in monastic records)
[Auake, -, -//] (THT-4000, Col. 4 -a4?). Related to 1auk-?
auiye (adj.) ‘aged, matured’ (?)
[m: auiye, -, auiye//] se alype [au]wiye motae kaysa klkä päkalle
(497b2C), auiye casi (499b2C). The meaning is suggested by its possible
relationship with the verb auk- ‘grow, increase.’ Auiye mot would then be ‘aged
alcohol/wine.’ See also 1auk-.
auämiye (adj.) ‘upper’
[m: auämiye, -, -//] /// auämiye ñormiye wassi /// ‘upper and lower clothing’
(332.1aL). An adjective derived from ome, q.v.
auu, s.v. 1wäs-.
auaine (adv.) ‘highly, extremely’
(Wall-painting caption 39 [K. T. Schmidt, 1998:81]). Reflecting an otherwise
unattested *oiye ~ *auiye ‘±top, upper surface.’ See ome.
aume, ome.
ausu, s.v. 2wäs-.
( )
auso* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± clothing, outer covering’
[-, -, ausa//] ausa snai parnn yntaite ‘they [scil. the Buddha and Mahakyapa]
exchanged clothes voluntarily’ (THT-1859“a”1A), nano camel spr[tä]ssi ekal-
ñee [au]sane karsoym nki ‘may I know reproach in the covering of passion so
as to turn again birth!’ (S-4a2/PK-AS-4Aa2C), [ente taisa lwsane te]te[m]u
aiytä • mka-yäkne ausa aita pr pitsamonta [sic] wastai ‘if thou hadst been
[re]born among the animals, [then in] manifold dress, pelt, plumage, scales, thou
didst dress’ (KVc-12b3/THT-1105b3C [Schmidt, 1986]). A derivative of the
past participle stem of 1wäs-.
142 auspa
•K•
-k, k(ä).
k(·)änta, kwänt-.
k(·)nmañe* ‘±fate, destiny’ (??)
[-, -, k·nmañe//] k·nmañe (used as a gloss to B(H)S kara
i in SHT-1709
(Malzahn, 2007b).
Reading: Beichert and Wille (1995:134) read this gloss as k·nmañey which
would be unlikely as a Tocharian B word. However, since it clearly glosses
karma
i, a dative singular in Sanskrit, it seems clear that what the glossator
intended was k·nmañe, an allative singular; <> and <y> are very similar in
shape.
Meaning: The word karman- which is being glossed is, in its usual meaning,
“deed,” one of the most common words in Buddhist literature and would
ordinarily need no gloss. However, karman-’s meaning is broader than ymor’s
(the usual TchB word for ‘deed’); it may also mean ‘personality,’‘fate,’ or
‘rebirth influenced or generated by a person’s deeds.’ Presumably the glossator
was trying to be helpful by signaling one of the less usual meanings of karman-.
Form: We have an abstract noun in -ññe built to a denominal adjective in -e.
The adjective is, in turn, derived from a plural noun where the plural ending
is -nma. The plural ending -nma is almost always added to nouns ending in a
consonant; between the final consonant and the -nma is an epenthetic vowel -ä-
which normally (always?) stressed. Since k- by itself is too short to be a noun,
we must have kCanma- and the singular noun would be käC (the unstressed -ä-
would be lost in the open syllable created by the addition of the plural ending).
The only attested noun of that shape is a hapax legomenon in the perlative
singular, käntsa, in an early text: /// [ai]entse ceu preke takoy käntsa kalpänma
känte=k
ai snai /// ‘at this time of [his] life by kän [for] a hundred ages wrongly
kakse 143
and without …’ [?] (388b7E). A meaning ‘fate’ for kän is possible here and,
given the Indo-European propensity to personify fate as the ‘fates’ (Parcae in
Latin, Moirai in Greek, Norns in Germanic), I would tentatively reconstruct
k·nmañe as knanmañe. Further discussion s.v. kan.
ka (emphasizing particle) ‘just; scarcely; already; only; (with motion adverbs) very.’
ywrc srukenträ tetemo k ‘they die in mid [life], scarcely born’ (1a7=2a1C), :
kauc ka kaum [ai] pärkawo ‘the sun had already risen high’ (5b3/4C),
ärpsentär-ne lyauce ka nraie wnolme tallntä : ‘they know already one
another [as] hellish, suffering beings [Tch sg.]’ (17b1C), /// [osta-]meñcantse
ana ai tswaiññe ka sruk[au]sa : ‘a householder’s wife had just died’ (25b6C), :
tswaiñ[e] ka yku ‘having just gone’ (44b6C), katkauñaisa ka kektseñi poroye
cets /// ‘only by joy do bodies prosper them’ (404a4C), kauc ka tsne
musnnträ : ‘and they raise [their] shoulders high indeed [= they shrug their
shoulders]’ (IT-1a5C), /// ty no eme ka wasa • ‘he gave her, however, only one’
(IT-129b7C), teksa-ne ka no mrauskte ‘but no sooner did it touch him [than] he
became weary of the world’ (K-11b3/PK-AS-7Nb3A), awiäai kentsa ka p
wat oko warpoymar cets pakna ‘even on the avci-ground may I enjoy
permanently the result for their sake’ (TEB-64-04/IT-5C/L).
Etymology uncertain. Perhaps we have the reinforcing enclitic kä, q.v., plus
the same - seen in indefinites ksa and kca, qq.v. See also taka.
kakmar* (n.) ‘bearing’
[-, -, kakmar//] y[ku] ait klomai ktsane o[t] kakmar kmmai ci ‘thou didst
enter into the belly, O noble one, and then I bore the bearing of thee’ (PK-AS-
17C-b4 [Pinault apud TVS:284]). An abstract noun derived from the past
participle of km-, suppletive non-present of pär-, q.v.
kako
ak (n.) ‘bael, wood-apple (Aegle marmelos Corr.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[kakoak, -, -//] (W-34a6C). From B(H)S karkoaka-.
kakwr* (n.) a kind of food
[-, -, kakwr//] kantine wlene ro-kant[i] yikye wra cakanma kas tom …
kakwrne tarya tom (433a16-18Col). Etymology unknown.
kakse (n.), only attested in the compound käkse-wreme ‘?’
mäkte ñake käkse-wreme emalyae kektsene stmau [sic] avasth yainmu sak
tanmaeñca [sic] mäsketrä suwak käkse-wreme krostañae [sic] avasth yainmu
lakle tanmaeñca mäsketrä ‘As now the kakse-object, having achieved the state
of heat arising from the body, becomes the producer of good fortune, just so the
kakse-object, having achieved the state of cold, becomes the producer of suf-
fering’ (197b4/5L).
Stripped of philosophical trimmings, this sentence might be, ‘As now the
kakse, becoming warm, produces good fortune, so the kakse, becoming cold,
produces suffering.’ Perhaps kakse is a body-part whose warmth or coldness has
an important effect on the warmth or coldness of the body as a whole, e.g., ‘belly’
or ‘loins’ or the like (cf. the ‘warm/cold feeling in the pit of one’s stomach’ in
English).
If the meaning is correctly identified, two possible extra-Tocharian cognates
suggest themselves, Sanskrit kukí- ‘belly’ (RV ‘cheek’ and ‘buttock’) and
Sanskrit káka- ‘armpit’ (RV ‘groin’ —in later Indic also ‘side, hip where babies
144 Kak*
are carried, etc.’) [: Latin coxa ‘hip,’Old Irish coss (f.) ‘foot + leg,’ OHG hahsa
‘back of knee,’ New Persian kaš ‘armpit’ (cf. kaš-i rn ‘groin’ [lit. ‘armpit of
thigh’]), Khotanese käa- ‘loins’ (cf. P:611; MA:323)]. Both connections are
phonologically difficult; from a putative PIE *kuksí- we would expect TchB
*kwaks while *kokso- ‘± inner part; hollow of (major) joint’ (< *kokes- ‘inner
part, nook’ seen in the Sanskrit hapax kaas- ‘inner part,’ Khotanese kas- ‘id.,’
and Ossetic (Digoron) k’äsä ‘inner room, nook, corner’) should have given TchB
*kekse. Perhaps kakse reflects a derived PIE *keks-ó- (cf. Adams, 1985b). All
quite speculative. Otherwise, H:60.
Kak* (n.) ‘Ganges’
[-, -, Kak//] Kakcene [lege: Kak-c[k]ene] waräñcampa enele ‘like the sand in
the Ganges river’ (552b1E). See also Gk.
kakau ‘?’
ñakesa warñai tsälpelyñeai kakau pai/// (169a2C), in a list of medical ingred-
ients (P-1b6C).
kace*, see kce.
kaccalya* (n.) ‘± joy’
[-, -, kaccalyai//] (520a3C), kaccalya (PK-AS-16.5a3C [CEToM]). Probably a
spelling mistake for the expected kaccalyai, by neglect of the ai-diacritic. A
nomen actionis derived from ktk-, q.v. See also katkauña.
kaccp (n.[m.sg.]) (a) ‘turtle, tortoise’; (b) ‘skull’
[kaccp, -, -//-, -, kaccpä] (a) snai preke takoy sa kenä … wars=ite enesa
mekitse tkoy kacp ompä pärkre-yeñca ‘[if] the earth had have been without
island and full of water; the tortoise there must have lacked eyes [but been] long-
living’ (407a5/6E), wlawtai anaiai kaccp ram no añ lyñ/// ‘thou wert
completely controlled [i.e., contained] like a tortoise in his own shell’ (243b4C);
(b) /// su wa tañ kaccpäne : ‘he ate in thine own skull’ (250a2C). From
B(H)S kacchapa-.
kaccink (adj.) ‘lower/nether’ (?)
[kaccink, -, -//] kaccink Wrau [to distinguish this Wrau from others on the list
with the same name] (SI P/117.8-9Col [Pinault, 1998:15]).
If ortonk means ‘upper’ (or ‘senior’), then kaccink should be ‘lower’ (or
‘junior’). If so, then from an adverb *kcci ‘down(ward)’ from 2kätk- ‘lower.’
Compare the similarly formed ortonk.
kañiye, keñiye.
kañc-yse ‘golden’
[m: kañc-yse, -, kañc-yse//] [f: kañc-ysa, -, kañc-ysai//]
15 kañcn-isai tapkine ram[t] ‘as if in a golden mirror’ (73b6C). From
B(H)S kñcan- ‘golden’ + TchB yse ‘golden,’ q.v. Cf. TchA kañca.
kañcuki (n.) ‘eunuch, harem attendant’
[kañcuki, -, -//] läc kañcuki • täne lntsa aiaisa näske[trä] [lege: mäsketrä] ///
(PK-AS-12Jb3A [Thomas, 1979:9]). B(H)S kñcukya- (cf. TchA kñcuki).
ka
aptane* (n.) a kind of demon
[//-, kaaptanets, kaaptane] (301a3C). From B(H)S kaaptana-.
ka
aptanäñña (n.) ‘kaaptan, female kaaptana-’
[kaaptanäñña, -, -//] (301a1). From B(H)S kaaptan-
katruññe 145
ka
ukarohi , katukarohi.
ka
paabaralodär (n.) ‘?’ (a medical ingredient)
[kapaabaralodär, -, -//] (P-2a4C).
ka
akri (n.) ‘yellow-berried nightshade (Solanum xanthocarpum Schrad. &
Wendl., S. Viginianum, S, surattense)’ (a medical ingredient)
[kaakri, -, -//] (P-1a4C, W-17b4C). From B(H)S ka
akr-. See next.
ka
ri (n.) ‘yellow-berried nightshade (Solanum xanthocarpum Schrad. & Wendl.,
S. Viginianum, S. Surattense)’ (a medical ingredient)
[kari, -, -//] (W-39a4C). From B(H)S ka
rik-. See also previous entry.
Katakari (n.) ‘Katakari’ (PN)
[Katakari, -, -//] (589a5C).
katarosi* (n.) a meter of 4x14 syllables; rhythm 7/7
[-, -, katarosi//] (PK-AS-16.2a3C [Pinault, 1989]).
katäna ‘?’
In a list of medical ingredients (W-2b1C)
katu (particle) ‘for, namely’
/// maiyyme katu tsäku [lege: tsäkau] caukne yaipu : taiknesa rano tane
enenme su tsäkausa kwarya tka [: yoko kau]tsi etsuwai ä ‘for [if] he
[has] risen up with power, [it] having entered into him thuswise thirst leads him,
as if a liana [had] grown up within, to kill’ [katu = B(H)S tu] (11a8C), ktu
yelme postä ynemane = B(H)S yata kmn anusaran (U-3b1). A com-
pound of k + tu, qq.v. (H:114).
katukarohii (n.) ‘Christmas rose, black hellebore (Helleborus niger Linn.)’ (a
medical ingredient)
[katukarohii, -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S kakarohi
-.
katkauña ~ katkauño (nf.) ‘joy, pleasure’
[katkauñaE-C ~ katkewñaE ~ katkauñoC, -, katkauñai ~ katkomñaiL//] : raddhe-
[näts n]auske käln arañcne arddhetsä katkauñ=aiä ‘he brings depression
to the heart[s] of believers and gives joy to the unbelievers’ (17b2/3C), katkauñai-
sa arañce po ke plyewä-ñ ‘my whole heart soars then with joy’ (PK-AS-17.
3a5C [Couvreur, 1952c:85]), katkomñaisa (375b4L); —katkauñae ‘prtng to joy,
joyous/rejoicing’ (K-0b6C). A nomen actionis from ktk-, q.v. Also kaccalya.
katkre, kätkare.
kattke (n.) ‘householder’
[kattke, -, -//kattki, kattkets, kattke] : mañiññe ramt kattkets ymä ‘he
does service, as it were, for the householders’ (31b4C), : pakaccne kattke
epikte läms ‘in the rainy season, stay [lit. sit] among the householders!’
(331a5L); —kattkäññe* ‘prtng to a householder’ (PK-AS-16.3b3C [Pinault,
1989]); —kattkäññee* ‘id.’ (67a3C). Similar, perhaps identical, in meaning
with osta-meñca, q.v.
TchA ktak* (plural ktkñ) and B kattke reflect a PTch *kttke, perhaps
directly from early Khotanese (cf. gghaa- < *gghaka-) (Pinault, 1995[1996]:
22-23) or perhaps from the Gndhri source (so Tremblay, 2005:434) from which
the Khotanese is derived. Ultimately from Sanskrit grhastha- (Bailey, 1946:791-
2, VW:625).
katruññe, kotruññe.
146 kan*
[m: //kapntai, -, -] koyn kakya po kapntai kri po ‘all having opened wide
[their] mouth[s] [are] holes of greed (?)’ (G-Su1-bCol). Pinault (1987a:136)
takes this form to be from *kaynta, the plural of kay ‘ordure, impurity.’
However, the second akshara is pretty clearly <p> rather than <> and thus it
seems possible that we have an adjectival derivative to an unattested *kapnta, in
turn a derivative of kp- ~ kw- ‘desire,’ q.v.
Kapilavare (n.) ‘Kapilavara’ (PN of a brahman)
[Kapilavare, -, -//] (81a1C).
Kapilavstu* (n.) ‘Kapilavstu’ (PN of a city, Piprwa in northeast Uttar Pradesh)
[-, -, Kapilavstu//] (IT-247b1C). —kapilavstue ‘prtng to K.’ (628b4C).
kapille* (n.) ‘± fever, illness’
[-, kapillentse, kappille//] ñake no tarce kaunaepi kapilletse [lege: kappi-
letse] stke weñau ‘now I will speak of the remedy for the four-day fever/sick-
ness’ (P-1b1/2C), ñake trice kaunae kapilletse weñau ‘now I will speak of the
three-day fever/illness’ (P-1b4/5C); —kapilletstse* ‘having a fever’ (P-4b5C).
In form a nominalized verbal adjective from an unattested, Class IIb present or
a Class IV subjunctive stem, *kpi-, representing a PIE *kap-ye/o- [: Greek kápt
‘gulp down,’ Latin capi ‘I take,’ Albanian kap ‘take, grasp,’ or Gothic hafjan
‘lift,’ etc. (P:527-528)]; alternatively its synonym *ghabh- as in Latin habre
‘have’ (Hamp, p.c.)], thus ‘a taking’ or ‘a seizing.’ A similar semantic
development is to be seen in German benommen or English numb, originally past
participles of Proto-Germanic *(bi-)niman ‘take.’ Less likely to my mind is
Isebaert’s suggestion (1981[83]):261) that we have here a reflection of a virtual
PIE *kwp-e-lyo- or *kw'p-e-lyo- ‘± vapor, heat’from PIE *kwp- ‘boil, smoke,
breathe’ (cf. kp-). See also perhaps kpar.
kapci (n.[m.sg.]) ‘thumbprint [as mark of authentication]’
[kapci, -, -//] yirpuki Putteynentse kapci ‘the thumbprint of the supervisor P.’
(460a2Col), [V]aitike lyka se kapci ‘V. has seen [it]; this [his] thumbprint’
(460a3Col). The equivalent of Khotanese haguta- ‘finger (seal)’ or Chinese
(pinyin) huàzhî ‘id.’ For a discussion of the realia, see the article by Kumamoto
apud Emmerick and Skjærvø (1987:151-154).
Certainly a borrowing from the Chinese, but the details are obscure. The -ci is
obviously the equivalent of Chinese zhî ‘finger’ (Middle Chinese ti’), but the
origin of kap- is obscure. It is certainly not the equivalent of huà (Middle
Chinese w:jk).
kappi* (nnt.) ‘purity; something pure’
[-, -, kappi//-, -, kappinta] kappi euwer ‘eating [something] pure’ (431b1C).
From Pali kappiya-. See also akappi-.
kapyrike* (n.) ‘± little worker’
[-, -, kapyrika//] (578a1C). A diminutive of the following entry.
kapyre* ~ kalpyre* (n.) ‘worker, laborer; lay monastic servant; intermediary
between monks and lay population’
[-, -, kapyre ~ kalpyre//kapyri, kapyrets, -] uk meñantse-ne kapyres klese
masa tarya tom ‘on the seventh of the month he brought three tom of klese for the
workers’ (434a5Col), [ka]lpyre ke pykäle lne (Paris Sanskrit 71.080 [Couv-
reur, 1970:182]), parra ya caumpa kapyri wi ‘he goes through; with him two
karavräe* 149
been obtained] and one will be enjoying the karikes’ (558b1C), ñwe karike[]
/// (430.4L).
Possibly a diminutive of an unattested *kri, itself a derivative of kr- ‘gather’
(H:86)? However, if, as is chronologically possible, karike is from an earlier
*karäke, this word could be the exact equivalent of TchA käräk* (pl.
kärkäntu) ‘bush’ (Carling, Pinault, Winter, 2009:135). We could imagine a
putative PIE *Krhxkiko- and a relationship with kark, q.v.
kari* (n.) ‘± dirt’ [only in denominative kari ym- ‘to soil’ with acc. object]
[-, -, kari//] [e]nt[e] akai-pilkontan[e] t[e]tr[e]ku aiytä ñatke me[l]t[e]
[reconstruction mine] p[e]ltsa kektseñ kari yamaatai ‘if thou wert beset with
false thoughts, thou hast soiled [thy] body with dirt, dung and mud” (KVc-12b1/
THT-1105b1C [Schmidt, 1986]) If correctly identified as to meaning, from
B(H)S kara- ‘rubbish, dung.’
kar tsñe* (n.) ‘± wetness’ (??)
[-, -, kartsñe//] pwrme laññi krostañe war kartsñe rñi[trä] ‘[even if] from
the fire cold should emerge, [or even if] water renounced its karitsñe’ (100b2C).
We have here a short set of contrary-to-fact concessive clauses. So we are
looking for something that water could lose that would be analogous to fire’s
becoming cold, thus the supposition that kartsñe might mean ‘wetness’ or the
like. In form an abstract in -äññe from an adjective of possession *kartstse (i.e.
*kri + -tstse). If the meaning given is approximately correct, probably not
related to karike.
karu (n.[m.sg.]) ‘pity, compassion, mercy, sympathy’
[karu, karuäntse, karu//] [winskau] karu ceu orocce täñ ‘I honor thy great
compassion’ (226b1A); —karuae ‘prtng to pity or compassion’ (45a3C),
karu
(ä)(e) warkältsa ‘by the power of compassion’ (PK-NS-36+20b4
[CEToM]). See also karu ke and añmlake. From B(H)S karu
- (cf.
TchA kru).
karuapralp* meter of 4x12 syllables (rhythm 5/7)
[-, -, karuapralp//] (82a3C, 264b3A).
karuasri (n.) ‘Indian rosewood (Dalbergia sissoo Roxb.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[karuasri, -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S klnusri-. See also sañcpo.
karu ke (adj.) ‘sympathetic, compassionate’; (n.) ‘compassionate, merciful one’
[m: karuke, -, - (voc. karuka)//] [ka]ru
ke añmlake ‘sympathetic and
compassionate’ (574b3C). From B(H)S kru
ika- (cf. TchA kru
ika-). See
also karu.
karute-irye (adj.) ‘holding a cup in the hand’
[-, -, karute-irye//] (SI P/1b6C [Pinault, 2008:295). A partial borrowing and
partial calque on B(H)S karoa-p
i ‘who holds a cup in his hands’ (Pinault,
2008:300), the designation of a class of genii associated with the ngas.
The -p
i is replaced by TchB -irye ‘prtng to the hand.’ See also ar.
kare (n.) ‘worth, rank, dignity’
[kare, -, -//] kare sporttotär yogcrentse paramañiya[tes] täräm wikäñeai
lalyntse (591b2L); —käre-perne ‘± dignity’: krui twe wroccu wlo ymt ñi rekisa
käll[]t yñ[ak]t[e] ale ymna käre-perne lantuññe ‘if thou, great king, doest
act according to my word, thou wilt achieve a royal dignity among gods and men’
152 karep
[-, -, alka//]: /// swañcaimtsa alk=ike poyiñe laktse [ram no] (408b3C); PP
/kk lk-/: /// [pep]räko kaklaka wat (529b2C).
This word is obviously to be related to TchA kälk- which forms the non-
present tenses of i- ‘go’ but extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain. TchA
kälk- and B kalk- presuppose a PTch *kälk- ~ *kelk- from a PIE *K(w)l K- ~
*K(w)olhxK- which might be from *kwelhx-, the set variant of *kwel- seen in
Sanskrit cáritum, Sanskrit crtí- from Sanskrit cárati ‘moves, wanders; drives’
(P:639), extended by the same velar that appears in walk- and park-, qq.v.
(Smith, 1910:11; Adams, 1988b; H:62-63 [with differing details]). Not with VW
(625-626) a borrowing from Uralic. See also 2käl-.
kalskana (n.) ‘?’
[//kalskana, -, -//] watmänta kalska[na] tsakana ‘almonds, kalskana, and
shoots’ (W-31a5C).
kaläl* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘±womb’
[-, -, kaläl//] mtri [ktsane] yaiporme kka kälporme wi indriñcä kektseñae
[sic] i[nd]ri auläe indri [pä] om no ceu kalälne ykuwe kautsico speltke
yamaä ‘having just entered in the mother’s stomach and achieving the two
signs, the body sign and the life sign, he makes zeal to kill the one gone in the
womb’ (333a2-4E/C). From the subjunctive stem 1käl- ‘bear, endure,’ q.v.
kaliyuk* (n.) ‘the Kali-age’
[-, -, kaliyuk//] (582b2L). From B(H)S kaliyuga- (cf. TchA kalyk).
kalkae, s.v. klko.
kalpit (adj.) ‘permitted, allowable’
Only in the phrase kalpit ym- ‘render perrmissable’ [= B(H)S kappiya kar-]:
(PK-NS-95a1, -b5 [Pinault, 2000:82-83]). B(H)S kalpika-.
kalpyre, kapyre.
kallau* (n.) ‘gain, profit; win’
[-, källauntse, kallau//] : kete pkante ymye kal[l]au[n]e cai cets sañi ‘these
[are] their enemies whom they must hinder in achieving [food and drink]’
(31b7/8C), kallau = B(H)S lbha- (542b4C), wim ñi kallau ynmñe ‘may I shun
profit and esteem’ (S-4b2/PK-AS-4Ab2C); —källaue ‘prtng to gain’ (33b1C)
A derivative of the subjunctive stem of kälp-, q.v. (i.e., kälp-n- + -au). See
also pärkwse.
Kalyanamoke (n.) ‘Kalynamoka’ (PN)
[Kalyanamoke, -, -//] (Otani 19.1.1Col [Pinault, 1998:365]).
Kalyavraddhi (n.) ‘Kalyavr
ddhi’ (PN in graffito)
[Kalyavraddhi, -, -//] (G-Su7Col).
Kalynawartane (n.) ‘Kalyavardhana’ (PN in graffito)
[Kalynawartane, -, -//] (G-Su32Col).
kalyn (adj.) ‘beautiful, excellent’ (?)
se postak kalyn/// (IT-81? [as read byBroomhead; IDP reads kalyt]). From
B(H)S kaly
a- (?).
kalye, klye.
kaw-ññ-, kp-.
kawä* (n.) name of a meter/tune
[-, -, kawä//] IT-165a2C.
k 157
(45a1C), tneka preksau-me k snai metsi klätsañcer ‘here I ask you: why do
you sleep without care?’ (G-Su1-dCol).
TchB k reflects either a feminine instrumental or ablative *kweha(d) ‘in what
[way]’, ‘for what [reason].’ One might particularly compare Greek pê ‘in what
way?’ or Latin qu ‘by which way, how?’ (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1941:170, VW,
1941:29, 1976:191). See also kttsi, katu, kuse, ksa, and kos.
kk-, kw-.
kkalñe, s.v. kw-.
kko* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘invitation’
[-, -, kko//kakonta, -, -] pintwt aitsisa m kakonta ‘begging [is how] to live,
not invitations’ (32b8C), wer meñtsa ka amnentse kko wärpanalle ste • ‘for
four months only is a monk to accept an invitation’ (331a2L); —kakoe ‘prtng to
an invitation’ (331b5L). An nomen actionis derived from kk-, which fills out
the paradigm of kw- ‘call (to)’, q.v.
kkori ~ kko
i (n.) ‘Gymnema balsanicum’ (=? G. Sylvestre) (a medical ingredient)
[kkoi, -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S kkol-.
kce* (n.) ‘± direction’ (??)
[//-, -, kce] twra kacenme lyaka tsälypelyen mäkte cey m /// ‘he saw the
redeemed ones from [all] four directions; as they … not …’ (365a7A). Meaning
only a possibility; etymology unknown.
kñ (or kñe?) (n.[m.sg.]) ‘?’ (a container or measure of some sort?)
/// epe käñcellee kñ icemne tse[tseku/o] /// ‘or (a) kñ of lotus filaments
burned/baked in clay’ (IT-9b1C [cf. H:80]).
kñci (n.) ‘sour gruel, rice-vinegar’
[kñci, -, -//] (Y-2b5C/L). From B(H)S kñcika- ~ kñjika-.
kñm- (vi.) ‘±play, be merry’
Ps. I or II /kñmä$ -/ or /kñm’ä/e-/ [A -, -, kñmä//-, -, kñme; m-Part.
kañmmne (sic)]: [ke]ry[e] kñme späntenträ onwaññe aul ‘they laugh
and play and believe life [to be] immortal’ (2b2C); Ko. I/II/V /kñm- (or
kñm’ä/e-?)/ [Inf. k()ñmatsi; Ger. k()ñmalle* (so perhaps kañmatsi, etc.)]: ///
k[]ñmatsi [m]-[c]e[r] ot ñi kenine ‘you sat on my knee in order to play’
(370b6C).
Etymology uncertain. VW (194) suggests a connection with Sanskrit kma-
‘desire, love,’ Sanskrit kam- ‘to love, desire,’ Latvian kãmêt ‘to be hungry for,’
derived from a more underlying *keha- ‘love’ as seen in Latin crus (Mayrhofer,
1956: 159). If so, kñm- would be by metathesis from *kmñ- but the semantic
connection seems dubious (VW suggests a development via the ‘lusus venerius’).
Cf. MA:357. Hilmarsson (1996) suggests a connection with *kan- ‘sing,’ but
again the meaning seems very distant. See also next entry.
kñme (n.) ‘play, game’
[kñme, -, kñme//-, -, kñme] kñme nak ‘games and drama’ (389b3E),
(IT-12a3C). A nomen actionis from kñm-, q.v.
Kñyake (n.) ‘Kñyake’ (PN in administrative records)
[Kñyake, -, -//] (SI B Toch. 12.7Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
K
ike* (n.) ‘Klika’ (PN of a monk)
[-, Kiki ~ Kikentse, -//] (44a3C).
knt- 159
both these roots have dental élargissements (*ghnedh- and *knedh-) the vowel of
the enlarged root follows the *-n- rather than preceding it as demanded by the
Tocharian data and in both cases the enlarged forms mean ‘bite’ (see also
Hilmarsson [1996:77] who makes a similar derivation from *gnet- [LIV:191]). If
the original meaning of B knt- was ‘polish by rubbing’ one might connect it
with PIE *(s)kand- ‘illuminate, glow’[: Sanskrit candati ‘illuminates,’ Sanskrit
candrá- ‘glowing, brilliant,’ Albanian hënë ‘moon’ (< *skandneha-), Latin
cande ‘shine, glow,’ accend, incend ‘ignite’ (< *-cand), Greek (Hesychius)
kándaros ‘ember,’ Welsh cann ‘white’ (P:526: MA:514)]. In pre-Tocharian we
would have *kand(n)- ‘± make glow’ (transitive as in Latin). Also possibly
knts-.
knta* (n.) ‘±beloved’ (??)
[//-, -, kantnta] miñcukanta miñcuknampa kantnta l[au] warpoye[] ‘may
princes, along with princesses, very much enjoy [their] beloveds’ (THT-
1310b5L). Meaning inferred from the context and the possibility of taking the
word as a borrowing from B(H)S knta- ‘beloved, lover.’
knts- (vt.) ‘± sharpen, file’
Ko. V /k nts-/ [Inf. kntsatsi]: /// kntsasi ytka p/// (432b4C); Pt. Ib /knts -/
[A //-, -, kantsre]: kuranma ktsre kunetsa 250 ‘[for] 250 kunes they
sharpened the knives’ (490a-III-5Col).
Etymology uncertain. Possibly a denominative verb to kentse ‘rust, oxide of
metal’, that is, in PTch terms, *kents--. Alternatively one might see in this verb
the reflex of an intensive present, PTch *knt-s- related to knt-, q.v. The
semantics would be on the order of *‘rub’ > *‘whet’ > ‘sharpen.’ For another
suggestion, see VW (194) who connects it with Sanskrit íti ‘whet,’ etc. (also
seen as a possibility in MA:510, 641). See also possibly kentse.
kp- (vt.) ‘desire, crave, want’
Ps. XII /kp ññ’ä/e- ~ kw ññ’ä/e-/ [MP //-, -, kawññentär]: kest yokaisa mem-
yo wnolmi wtsi yoktsi : kawñentär ‘tricked by hunger and thirst the beings
desire to eat and drink’ (286b3C); Ko. V /k p- ~ k w-/: (see abstract infra); Pt.
Ib /kp - ~ kw -/ [MP -, -, kawte//]: su onmi ymate kawte-ne
añ[m][lake] ‘he repented and the merciful one loved hm’ (34a2C); PP
/kk p-/: kakpau (66a8C); —kwalyñe ‘desire, craving’: kuse kwalyñesa
warñai ak karmapathantame kaklautko [lege: kaklautkau] ‘whoever [has]
turned from the ten karma-paths because of desire, etc.’ (102a3C), kwañe [sic]
(gloss in SHT-2054 [Malzahn, 2007b]); —kwalyñee ‘prtng to desire’
(590b3C).
One might note that the tendency to turn intervocalic -p- to -w- in this word is
resisted in the preterite participle as such a change would have made it homo-
phonous with the preterite participle of kau- ‘kill.’ TchA kp-, B kp-/kw-
reflect PTch *kp- from PIE *kw(e)p- ‘± experience strong emotion’ [: Sanskrit
kúpyati ‘is moved, excited, agitated; boil with rage or emotion; be angry,’ Latin
cupi ‘desire, long for,’ Sabine cuprum ‘good’ < ‘wished for,’ Old Irish ad-cobra
‘wishes’ (< *-kuprt; as a denominative verb this Old Irish formation is some-
thing of a match for Tocharian kpññ- [Hamp, p.c.]), OCS kypiti ‘to boil,
overrun,’ etc. (P:596-597; cf. MA:529; cf. LIV:374)] (VW:194-195, with dif-
( )ky* 161
fering details). Whether or not this *kw(e)p- is the same as the *kw(e)p- ‘give off
smoke, breathe heavily,’ as is usually assumed, is not easy to tell (see the material
assembled at P:596-597). In TchB the present is semi-suppletive in that it is a
denominative formation based on the noun kwo ‘desire,’ itself a deverbal
derivative from kp-. PTch *kp-- is surely *kep--, possibly (as if) from a PIE
o-grade intensive present (as Latin procre ‘ask, entreat’). Hilmarsson suggests
as an alternative (H:121-123) a derivation from PIE *kap- ‘seize’ as in TchB
kapille ‘fever.’ See also kwo and possibly kapille and kapntae.
kpar ~ kapr (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± a bit; bite, morsel’
[kpar, -, kpar//] /// orottstse kapr y[amale] /// ‘a big bite [is not] to be made’
(IT-168b5C/L), : eme kparsa … temtsante : ‘with one bite, forthwith … they
died’ (IT-144a2C). From B(H)S kava a- (a variant of kapala-; cf. TchA kpr)
‘piece’ (Bailey, 1950:390).
km-, s.v. pär-.
kmagu* (n.) ‘passion, perfect enjoyment’
[//kmagun(än)ta, -, -] (176a2C). From B(H)S kmagu
a-.
kmadhtu* (n.) ‘seat of desire’
[-, -, kmadhtu//] (156a3C). —kmadhtue* ‘prtng to the seat of desire’
(591a1L); —kmadhtu-rpadhtue* ‘prtng to desire and form’ (PK-AS-16.
3a1C [Pinault, 1989]). From B(H)S kmadhtu- (cf. TchA kmadhtu).
Kmavarg* (n.) ‘Kmavarga’ (a chapter in the Udnavarga)
[-, -, Kmavarg//] (S-2b5/PK-AS-5Ab5C).
kmvacaräe* (adj.) ‘prtng to the spheres of desire’
[m: //kmvacaräi, -, -] (176a3C). An adjective derived from an unattested
**kmvacar ‘spheres or worlds of desire’ from B(H)S kmvacara-.
kmär (n.) ‘?’
[//kamarnta, -, -] //ma ñultse kamarnta tike ñikte peñyai (THT-1310b4L).
Kmñäkte* (n.) ‘god of love’
[-, -, Kmñäkte (voc. Kmñäkta)//] [kä]nmaä Kmñäktempa ‘he comes with
the god of love’ (609b4C). A compound of *km + ñäkte, calqued on B(H)S
kmadeva-.
( )
ky* (n.) ‘model’ (??), ‘cover’ (??)
[-. -, ky//kayanma, -, -] kyne otri ecaki akr läkskemane ‘the sign on the
ky [is] lions looking backward’ (Otani 19.1.6Col [Pinault, 1998:364; Tamai,
2004:96-97]), kayanma (PK-NS-6a5? [Broomhead]).
The sentence in the Otani document is the last line, clearly separated from the
rest, of a bill of sale (or a contribution for the upkeep) for a piece of property.
Pinault suggests that ky is ‘receipt.’ That is not impossible, but the whole
document reads as a receipt and it is not altogether clear what a separate ‘receipt’
would say that is not said already. Perhaps what we have is not so much a receipt
per se but the buyers’ (donors’) copy of the agreement while the sellers’
(recipients’) copy, the ‘original’ (Chinese kây ‘model’) is marked by the
backward looking lions. Alternatively we might think of the last line talking
about the document’s ‘cover’ having the image of lions looking backward.
If the former suggestion is correct, then a borrowing from the Middle Chinese
antecedent of contemporary kây; if the latter, then a borrowing from the Middle
162 ky-
leaped [it], king B. fell’ (358a3C), koyn kakya po kantai kri po ‘all having
open wide [their] mouth[s], all [are] pits of greed’ (G-Su1-bCol).
Probably the equivalent of TchA kr in kra lmo ‘having sat in a hole.’
Cognate with the otherwise isolated Greek khôros (also khr) ‘free space, area
between, land, etc.’ (cf. khrís ‘without,’ khríz ‘separate’). Greek khôros and
TchB kre reflect a PIE *hoh2ro- (MA:534) from *heh2- ‘gape, open wide’.
Perhaps also related to Greek kh%ra ‘widow’ (VW:196). See ky-.
krp- (vit.) G ‘descend, come down, step down’; K ‘make descend, lower; reduce
[price]’
G Ps. IV /korpo-/ [MP korpomar, -, korpotär//-, -, korpontär; MPImpf. //-, -,
korpyentär]: ette korpyentär pitw[t] w[tsi] ‘they descended below to eat alms’
(430a3L); Ko. V /k rp-/ [A -, krpat, krpa//-, -, krpa; Inf. krpatsi; Ger.
krpalle]: : mäkte wranta ckentame krpa ‘as the waters descend from the
rivers’ (30a8C), krpa mtri ktsane camel eka[lñe] ‘he will descend into the
mother’s womb to grasp at birth’ (113a3L); Pt. Ib /krp -/ [A karpwa, karpsta,
krpa//karpm, -, -]: Ylaiñäktñe wesa karpsta ‘thou didst descend under the
guise of Indra’ (TEB-58-22/SI P/1bC); PP /kk rp-/; —kakkrparme; —
krpalñe ‘descent.’
K Ps. IXb /k rpäsk’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, krpästär//]; Ko. IXb (= Ps.) [A -, -,
krpää//; AOpt. krpäim, -, -//; Inf, krpäs(t)si]: pito krpää ‘he will
lower the price’ (PK-NS-95b2C [Pinault, 2000:82]); ak karmaai ytri tu
paimar ñi krpäim alyekänne ‘may I practice the way of the ten deeds
and may I make [them] descend on others’ (S-3a4C); Pt. IV /k rpä-/ [A -,
krpäasta, -//; MP -, -, krpäate//]: aie ñäkta karpäasta ytrine /// ‘O
Lord, thou hast made the world step down on the way’ (212a5E/C); PP
/kkk rpäu-/ (K-T); —kakkrpäorme.
AB krp- reflect PTch *krp- whose nearest relatives would seem to be Old
Norse hrapa ‘fall; hurry,’ Modern Low German rapp ‘quick,’ sik reppen ‘hurry,’
Middle Irish crip ~ crib ‘quick’ (P:935; VW, 1962a:180, 1976:196; MA:285).
The Germanic forms would seem to presuppose a PIE *krob- while Tocharian
would presuppose *korb-. One or the other must show metathesis (the Middle
Irish, from *krb-, is indifferent). TchA with its present krn- (< *krpn-) and
preterite *krp- may show an older state of affairs in Tocharian. Or, A *krpn-
and B korpo- may both be analogical creations designed to differentiate the
present from the subjunctive krp-. In any case, we seem to have the entire
Tocharian paradigm built around an old o-grade present (see Jasanoff, 1979)
*korb- (or, of course, *krob-). VW (1941) and Hilmarsson (1993) start from PIE
*kwerp- (or *kwerp-) ‘turn oneself.’ See also akrpatte.
krm (n.[m.sg.]) ‘deed, karma’
[krm, -, krm//] (174a4C); Krmkte (< *krmñkte?) ‘Karma-god’ (?) (IT-
19b3). —karmae* ‘prtng to a deed or to karma’: ak karmaai ytri tu
paimar ‘may I practice the way of the ten deeds!’ (S-3a4C). From B(H)S
karma- (cf. TchA kräm).
krmavrg, karmavrg.
164 kryakryatstsaññe
his dear life out of [another’s] desire for meat’ (PK-AS-7Lb3/K-12b3C; Pinault
and Malzahn, p.c.); —kawtstse ‘desirous’ (516b4C). A nomen actionis from
kp-, q.v., which, in turn, provids the basis for the denominative kawññ- which
forms the present of kp-.
K (n.) ‘Ki’ (PN)
[K, -, -//] /// akalle K kau[sal]/// (4a3C) [= A-431a3C]; —kie* ‘prtng to
K’: kiana ypaunane Bra
a[si] ‘Benares in the lands of K’ (359a5C). Cf.
TchA K.
Kyap* (n.) ‘Kyap’ (PN of a buddha)
[-, -, kyap//kyapi, -, -] (2a2C). Cf. TchA Kyap.
¹Kyape* (nm.) designation of Nad- and Gaykyapa
[-, Kyapentse, -//Kyapi, -, Kyape] tume cey wi omprotärcci kyapi
esa [aklalye]mpa maitare pañikte-käiñi ‘then the two bebrothered K-
yapas [= the two Kyapa brothers], together with [their] pupils, went up to the
Buddha teacher’ (108a8L).
²Kyape (n.) ‘Kyapa’ (short for Mahkyapa, a disciple of the Buddha’)
[Kyape, -, -//] (THT-1859 passimA), (25b3C).
kswo (nf.) ‘eruption, inflammation of the skin’
[kswo, -, kswa//] kleanmai … kswas (282a4A), in a list of diseases:
kswo = B(H)S kuha- (ST-b5/IT-305C); —kaswtstse ‘having a skin eruption’:
kuse yokä kaswtse mäsketär ‘whoever drinks [this], he becomes “leprous”’
(ST-a5/6 [IT-305C]).
Probably Hilmarsson (107) is correct in relating this to Germanic *haswa-
‘grey, white’ [: Old Norse hss ‘grey hair’ and OHG haso ‘grey, white’; cf. also
Latin cnus ‘grey’< *kas-no-, and further P:533; MA:240; NIL:410] as the
‘white/grey (disease).’ Less likely but also possible (with Winter, 1962b:113) is
an originally euphemistic use of the PTch word that appears as TchA ksu ‘good’
but the latter’s own connections are uncertain. VW (1977a:141) suggests that we
have here a virtual *gws-wn-, a derivative of *(z)gwes- ‘extinguish’ but the
semantics are anything but compelling. Tremblay (2005:441) suggests a possible
Iranian source (Avestan kasuuiš- ‘bubonic’).
ktso (nf.) ‘belly, stomach, abdomen; womb’
[ktso, katsntse, ktsa//katsñ, -, -] katsme<> ‘from the womb’ (THT-2377
frgm. u-a1E), intsau ktsa eanmusa [= Pali udare drama
alika bandh-
itv] (18b8C), mtri ktsane camel ‘birth in the womb of the mother’ (113a3L),
ñorya ktso orottsa tka ‘[if] the lower abdomen is big’ (W-14a6C), wrantse
ktsane ‘in [cases of] water belly’ [= ‘dropsy’] (W-42a4/5C), kasntse [sic] =
B(H)S -udara- (Y-3b3C/L); —katse ‘prtng to the belly or stomach’ (73b6C).
TchA kts and B ktso reflect PTch *ktsn- but extra-Tocharian connections
are unclear. Most likely (as if) from PIE *gwt-yn- and related to Gothic qiþus
‘belly, womb,’ qiþuhaft ‘pregnant,’ Old Norse kviðr (m.) ‘belly, womb,’ kviðugr
‘pregnant,’ Old English cwiþ (m.) ‘womb,’ OHG quiti ‘vulva,’ quoden ‘inner side
of thigh,’ and perhaps Latin botulus ‘sausage’ (if < *‘intestine’ and borrowed
from Oscan or Umbrian) (P:481). See Schwentner, 1942:228 (also VW:198;
MA:2). The differences in ablaut among these words might be accounted for if
they are independent derivatives of an old root noun.
166 k(ä)
down’ (vel sim.) from katta (cf. also pp(i)- ‘be completed’ from ppa ‘back’ or
par(i)- ‘appear, come forth’ from par ‘forth’). The same kind of verbal
derivative of a preposition (or better “locative adverb”) is probably to be seen in
1
s- ‘bring,’ and wäs- the suppletive preterite of ai- ‘give,’ qq.v. Not (with
Krause and Thomas, 1960:65; Normier, 1980:256, s.v. kätkare; H:111) from PIE
*keudh- ‘hide’ seen in Greek keúth, Armenian sowzem, English hide. See also
the next entry and possibly kaccink.
kätkare (adj.) ‘deep, far (of height), hollow (of eyes), profound’; (adv.) ‘deep, far’
[m: katkre ~ kätkare, -, kätkre/ kätkri, -, -/] [f: // -, -, kätkrona] wrotsana ckenta
kaumaiño samudtärnta kätkron=epikte ‘the great rivers and pools amidst the
deep seas’ (45b7C), kloyoträ kätkr[e] ‘he falls far/deeply’ (47a2C), kätkri ene
‘hollow eyes’ (IT-1a2C), [papo]rñesa astare [om]p[a]lskoññesa kätkare ‘pure
in good behavior and deep in meditation’ (345a1L); —kätkr-rth ‘of deep
meaning’: • kokalee [men]ksa lok ce weña kätkr=rtho 69 ‘by the com-
parison of the wagon he spoke this loka [of] deep meaning’ (5a7/8C); —
kätkarñe ‘depth’: aiamñentse kätkarä[ññ]e = B(H)S buddhigmbhryam (/IT-
16a5C); —kätkartstse* ‘having depth’ (?): /// känte kätkartstsane (lege:
kätkartstsene?) ‘among those of the ten depths’ (?)] /// (THT-1575B-b5L). An
adjectival derivative in -ro from 2kätk-, q.v. See also enkätkre.
kätkor, see 1kätk-.
kän- (vi/t.) G ‘come to pass [of a wish]; occur; be realized’; K ‘fulfill [a wish]’
G Ps. IXa /känä sk’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, knastär//-, -, knaskentär]: • su su cwi aklk po
kn[a]stär-n[e] (375a1L); Ko. I or II /känä-/ or /kän(’ä/e)-/ [MP -, -, kantär//]:
[akl]k k[a]ntär ñ[i] ‘may my wish come true’ (or ‘may he/she fulfill my wish!’
[?]) (594a1C); Ko. III /käné-/ [MP -, -, knetär//; MPOpt. -, -, kñtär//; Ger. knelle]:
cw ymorntse [o]kosa se=klk kñtär-ñ ‘may my wish be fulfilled by the fruit of
this work!’ (S-2b3/PK-AS-5Ab3C); PP /kekenu-/ ‘be provided [with]’: ///
[am]ññ[e] yaknetsa ai kekenu 19 ‘he was provided with monkish habits’
(12a4C), kekenu = B(H)S sampanna- (IT-101a3C), kälamñeai maiyyasa kekenu
ñi ek tk[oym] ‘may I always be possessed of the strength of endurance!’ (S-
5a4/PK-AS-5Ba4C); —knelñe ‘fulfillment’: aklkäntse knelñe ‘the fulfillment of
a wish’ (S-6b5/PK-AS-5Cb5C); —knelñee ‘prtng to fulfillment’ (591a6L).
K Ps. IXb /kä näsk’ä/e-/ [-, -, kanaä//; nt-Part. kan(ä)eñca]: pw aklkänta
kaneñca ‘fulfilling all wishes’ (14a5C); Ko. II + V (?) /kän --L/ [MPOpt. -, -,
käñiyoytär//]: wesi rano ritau aklk käñiyoytär ‘may our cherished wish be
fulfilled!’ (107b7/8L) [For this late, analogical, formation, see Peyrot (2008:
149)]; Ko. V /ky n-/ [MP kynamar, -, -//]: /// poyñe aklk kynamar (401b4L)
[This may be a preterite instead of a subjunctive; see Peyrot (2008: 157)]; Ko.
IXb /kä nsk’ä/e-/: [A -, -, kanaä// -, kanacer, -]: kanaä-ne (PK-NS-48a1C
[Thomas, 1978b:179, fn. 151]), krui ye[s ñ] ce aklk kan[acer ot] nke ñam[e]
… pruccamñe yanmac[e]r ‘if you fulfill this wish for me, then from me you will
attain excellence’ (81b1C); Pt. II k(y) n-/ [A kynawa, kynasta, kyna// -, -,
kanre]: pontats ñi aklkänta kynawa ‘I have fulfilled the wishes of all’
(113b2L), tusa krentewnants p[o] ak[e] sak [k]ynasta 9 ‘thus thou has made [in]
good fortune the end of all virtues’ (224b1A).
170 känte
AB kän- reflect PTch *kän- from PIE *enh1- ‘beget, bear’ [: Sanskrit jánati
‘produces,’ Greek gígnomai ‘become,’ Latin gign ‘beget, produce,’ Latin nscor
‘be born’ (< *nh1-ske/o-), Armenian cnanim ‘be born’ (< *nh1-neha-), etc.
(P:373-375; MA:56; LIV:163ff.)] (Poucha, 1930:324, VW:204; H:74-76 with
differing details). The Tocharian subjunctive reflects a putative *nh1-ó-, the
present perhaps *nh1-i-ske/o- < *nh1-ye/o-. See also kan.
känte, kante.
käntwke* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘little tongue’
[-, -, käntwke//] träntcce käntwkesa [pälw]mane ‘beseeching with choked
up little tongue’ (85b3C). A diminutive of kantwo, q.v.
käntsa, s.v. kan.
käm- (vi.) (Act.) ‘come’; (MP) ‘meet with, come together with’
Ps. Xa /känmä sk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, känmaä// -, -, känmaske; MP -, -,
känmastär//]: yenti känmaske ‘the winds come’ (581b3L), [ecce] känmaske =
B(H)S ynti (IT-16b4C), wrocce cämpamñecce s=onolmempa känmasträ
esa ‘this one comes together with great able beings’ (K-9a4/PK-AS-7Ia4C); Ko.
II /ä(n)m’ä/e-/ [A -, amt, amä ~ anmä (man-me)// -, -, anme; MP -, -,
amtär//; AOpt. -, -, anmi (änmi-ne)// -, -, änmye; MPOpt. mmar ~
änmmar, -, mtär ~ änmitär//; Inf. amtsi; Ger. malle ~ änmalle]: • rämer
Rjagrine ämt ‘quickly thou wilt come to R.’ (514a5A),m nänok anmä ci
retke 64 ‘and the army will not descend upon thee again’ (22a2C), /// ñke preya
amn ‘now the time will come’ (27b7C), anmä swese kälymnme twra to
‘the rain will come from [all] four directions’ (A-2a6/PK-AS-6Ca6C), ///mpa ee
ämtsi ek ‘to always go together with’ (THT-1248b4E), mälle preke ‘the coming
time’ (279b4E) [Both äm- and änm- are attested at all periods of Tocharian B
(Peyrot, 2008:147-148)]; Imp. /käm-/ [(pä)kamp//kamtso]: makte ka preke
karsar ka kamp ‘just fix the time yourself—come hither’ (133b3A; cf. Winter
1984:119); Pt. VI /emä - ~ käm’ä/e-/ [A kamau, em(t), em (ema-ne)// kmem, -
, kameE-C-L-Col (kme-ne) ~ emareCol]: ecce kamau • ‘I came hither’ (THT-
1615 frgm. A b2? [TVS]), [win-ä]lyñesa plalyñesa warñai yarke ymorme
te aklk ñäalle kuce klautkesa twe aanka sawsa[nta] y[olai]-ñenta[nts]
kesa em [2nd sg.] (PK-NS-48+258a2/3C [Pinault, 1991b]), se pud-ñäktentse
em erkatñe orotse 12 ‘this great anger came to the Buddha’ (17a3C), emo
(21a6C), emare (G-Su-35Col [Pinault, 1987a:152]); Pt. III /kä mts-/ [MP // -,
kamtsatai, kamtsate // -, -, kamtsante]: tume c[ai] brhma
i … Are
emiñ lnte
yapoyne kame ‘then these brahmans came into king A.’s country’ (81b2C), tu
precyai[ne e ka]mtsatai-ñ (IT-187b5C); PP /kekä mu-/: rime kekämu ‘having
come from the city’ (THT-1286b4E), [tai]kn[e]sa kekamo = B(H)S tathgat
(27b5C), : Gakne kekmu mäkte yaiku nki esa reä war • ‘as the blameless
water [which has] come in the Ganges flows into the ocean’ (30a4C), alyaik
kekmo ñytsene ‘others [have] come into danger’ (31b8=32b2C); —kekamor:
kuse [pi] ksa wesäñ kekamor orocce lant arsäi ‘who might be informing the
great king of our arrival?’ (81b3C); —kekmorme; —malñe ‘coming’:
akntsaimpa e malyñe m ñ tko änmmar krentä-mp=ee ‘may there not
be to me a coming with a fool, [rather] may I come with good [people]’ (S-
²kärk- 171
Thus AB kärn- must reflect PTch *krn- or possibly *kärCn- and it seems that
the original meaning was something like ‘strike.’ Thus the probable connection
is with Greek kroú ‘strike (together), strike a stringed instrument with a
plectrum, knock [at the door]’ (< *krousye/o-) and kroaín (of a horse) ‘stamp,
strike with the hoof’ (< *krownye/o-) from PIE *kreu-s- ‘± strike’ [: also Old
English hrowan ‘grieve, distress, afflict,’ OHG (h)rieuwa ‘id.’ (< *kreu-), Old
Norse hrosti (m.) ‘mashed malt,’ Lithuanian krušù/kriauša ‘smash, crash;
grind,’ OCS s!-krušiti ‘shatter’ (P:622-623; MA:549; LIV:327ff.)]. I take PTch
*krn- to be, in Indo-European terms, *kru-neha- and thus closest formally to
Greek kroaín; the *-n- properly restricted to the present has been extended
everywhere as in änm- ‘come,’ rin- ‘renounce,’ and aun- ‘wound,’ qq.v. In a
similar fashion the present-stem formative *-sk- has been extended throughout
the paradigm in many verbs. See also kekkarnor.
kärntsi (n.) ‘purchase-price’
[kärntsi, -, -//] kärntsi ywrtsa ‘half the purchase price’ [= Kuci-Prakrit kriniya
ardha] (THT-4059a3 [Schmidt, 2001]). Nominalized infinitive of käry-, q.v.
kärpiye* (adj.) ‘common, ordinary, raw, rough’
[-, -, kärpiye//kärpi, kärpyets, -] kärpi ye[lmi] ‘raw sensual desires’ (8a3C),
cmenträ kwri ymna kärpi mäskenträ ‘if they are born among men, they will be
common’ (K-8a1/PK-AS-7Ha1C); —kärpye-yakne ‘common’: kärpye-yakne m
klyomo ‘[thou art] of common type, not noble’ (5b8C).
TchA kärpi and B kärpiye reflect PTch *krpiye (as if) from a putative PIE
*krup(i)yo- [: Old Norse hrjúfr ‘crude, rough,’Old English hrof ‘crude, rough,
leprous’ (> English rough), OHG hriob ‘leprous,’ g(e)rob ‘fat, clumsy,
undistinguished’ (> NHG grob), Lithuanian kraupùs ‘dreadful, rough; timid’]
(VW, 1970a:166, 1976:207; MA:490, 523).
käry- (vt.) ‘buy’
Ps. Xa /kär(y)n sk’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, kärnstär//; m-Part. kärnskemane]: kuse
amne karyor pito yamasträ olak kärnsträ kwts plakä pärkwse pelki
‘whatever monk does buying and selling and buys cheaply and sells dearly for the
sake of profit’ (337b3C); Ko. VI /kär(y)n -/ [MP kärnmar, -, kärntär//; Inf.
kärntsi]: ikä-trai kuntsa tarce mene Putewante olkwne aisi yakwe
kärnsi ytka-me ‘in the 23rd regnal year, in the fourth month, P. commanded
[them] to give in the olkw [in order] to buy a horse’ (PK Cp 37, 22
[Couvreur, 1954c:86]); Pt. Ia /käry -/ [A // kärym, -, -; MP kärymai, kärytai,
käryte// kärymte, -, -]: Suwarti kauko kärym kunetsa 700 ‘we bought S’s
kauko for 700 kunes’) (490a-II-2Col), aul kärytai tainäsäñ ‘thou hast bought
the lives [Tch sg.] of the two of them’ (239b2C); PP /käryo-/: ttär pelaikne
aulanmasa käryau se ‘the law is established; it [is] bought by lives’ (G-Su1-
cCol); —kärnlñe ‘±buying.’ Probably there is also an unattested derivative
*kärnol ‘adopted child,’ whence, by borrowing, TchA kärnolñe ‘condition of an
adopted child’ and kränolñc ‘adopted girl’ (an adopted child being one bought
from his/her natural parents; see discussion, differing in details, in Carling,
Pinault, Winter, 2009:172).
From PIE *kwreiha- ‘buy’ [: Sanskrit kr
$ ti ‘buys,’ Old Irish crenaim (<
*kwrineha-), Old Russian kr"nuti ‘buy’ (with a transfer from *-neha- to *-new-),
kryau 175
Greek príamai ‘buy,’ Old Lithuanian (gen.) krieno ‘pretium pro sponsis’ (P:648;
MA:185; LIV:395f.; Beekes, 2010:1233)] (Meillet in Hoernle, 1916:378, Lidén,
1916: 19-20, VW:209-210, Hackstein, 1995:312ff.). The TchB subjunctive
(relegated from the present) kärn- is, pace VW, the exact equivalent of the Indic
and Celtic present formations (PIE *kwrineha-). For other discussions of the
development of PIE *kwriha- to TchB käry-, see K. T. Schmidt, 1982:365, and
Lindeman, 1987:301. See also karyor, kärntsi, and käryorttau.
käryakr (n.) ‘±agreement, (business) arrangement’ (?) [käryakr ym- ‘±make
arrangements with’]
Tane sakanma ploryace yparwe käryakr yamaante ‘here the monastic
communities have already made an agreement/arrangement with the musicians’
(PK-L. C. XCol [Pinault, 2008:382]). Pinault himself suggests the meaning ‘hut-
building’ for this word, assuming a borrowing from *ku-kara- (not in MW or
Edgerton), but the phonology is suspect (I would expect *kwrikr—cf. kwrakar
from B(H)S kgra-). Phonologically unexceptional, and semantically
certainly just as easy, would be a borrowing from B(H)S kriykra- ‘agreement,
arrangement rule.’
käryñ (n.pl.) ‘hearts’
[//käryñ, -, -] : emets käryñ pruknnträ räskre mka tsärkalyi : ‘the hearts of
some [scil. the sick and dying] are bounding and they are very heavily tormented’
(IT-1a4C). The usual word for ‘heart’ in TchB is of course arañce. The
survival of käryñ in this one passage is a notable archaism.
TchA kri (m.) ‘will’ and B käry- reflect PTch *käry- from PIE *krd(i)yeha-
[: Greek kardí (f.) ‘heart, Old Irish cride (nt.) ‘id.’ (< *krdiyom), and more
distantly English heart, Lithuanian širdìs (f.) ‘heart, kernel,’ OCS s"rd"ce ‘heart,’
Latin cor (nt.) ‘heart,’ Greek k%r (nt.) ‘heart,’ Armenian sirt ‘heart,’ Sanskrit hrd-
‘heart’ (with unexpected initial) (P:579-580), Hittite kir ‘heart,’ Hieroglyphic
Luvian zar-za ‘heart’ (Melchert, 1987:197-198; MA:262-263; NIL:417-423)]
(Sapir, 1936:263, VW:235; H:100).
käryorttaññe* (n.) a meter of 4x12 syllables [rhythm 5/7]
[-, -, käryorttaññe//] (350b3C, IT-887a2?). A derivative of käryorttau, q.v.
käryorttau (nm.) ‘trader, merchant’
[käryorttau, käryorttante, -//käryorttañc, käryorttantäts, käryorttantä] se
käryorttau krai[yate] ‘the merchant grew angry’ (THT-1428a5E), käryortan-
täts ltkatsi kektseñ ws[sta :] ‘thou gavest the body to be cut up by the
merchants’ (239b3C). A derivative of karyor, q.v.
käryorttautsa (n.) ‘female merchant’ (?) or ‘±trade, merchandise’ (?)
[-, -, käryorttautsa//] ///ai käryottautsa lyaka-ne /// (THT-1428a6E). A deriva-
tive of the preceding.
käryortstse* (adj.) ‘prtng to commerce,’ (n.) ‘trader, merchant’
[-, -, käryorcce//] [se amne … yt]ri ya • waik-kälpasuki yoñiyai-par-
käuki käryorccempa wat • ‘if a monk travels a road with a waik-kälpasuki,
a yoñiyai-parkäuki, or a merchant’ (330a5L). A derivative of karyor, q.v.
kryau (n.) ‘slave’
[kryau, -, -//] mapi käryau nestä ‘art thou a slave [i.e., one who was sold]?’
(KVc19a/b/THT-1111a/b). Nominalized preterite participle of kry-, q.v.
176 kärr-
star- ‘O lord, because of [thy] divine-like wisdom, thou hast the knowledge’
(PK-DAM.507a2Col [Pinault, 1984a:24]); —kärsorme: kektseñ kärsorme =
B(H)S kya viditv (U-23b1E); —karsalñe ‘knowledge’: m-karsalñeme =
B(H)S ajñnt (542b6C); —karsalñee ‘prtng to knowledge’ (408b5C).
K4 Ps. IXb /ä rsäsk’ä/e-/ [A arsäskau, -, arsää//-, -, arsäske; AImpf. -, -,
arsäi//-, arsäicer, -; Ger. arsaälle]: : kreñc no c[ai po] kr[e]ntäne ar-
säske-ne eñw[et]sts[e] 70 ‘for these good ones [scil. buddhas] make us recog-
nize all good things anew’ [arsäske-ne eñwetstse = B(H)S nivedayanti] (5b1C),
aklk arsää-ne ‘he makes known [his] desire’ (325a5L); Ko. IXb (= Ps.)
[AOpt. -, -, arsäi//]: kuse [pi] ksa wesäñ kekamor orocce lant arsäi ‘who
might inform the great king of our arrival?’ (81b3C); Ipv /päkä rs-/ [MP karsar];
Ipv /pärse/ [Act parse]: /// kärsanalye cau par?se /// ‘make known that which
must be known!’ [= ‘teach [us] what [we] need to know!’] (190a4L) [further
s.v. parse]; Pt. II / rs-/ [A -, -, rsa// -, -, rsare]: : te-ramt rsa-me nesä
ytrye tne sasrme /// ‘thus he made this known to them: here is the road from
the sasra’ (30a5C); PP /eä rso-/.
AB kärs- reflect PTch *kärs-, probably (with VW, 1941:26, 1976:207) from
PIE *kers- ‘cut off’ [: Hittite kars-/karsiya- ‘cut off, mutilate,’ Lydian fa-karsed
‘cuts off,’ Greek kour$ ‘cutting the hair,’ Greek korsó ‘shear,’ (inscriptional)
Greek kouron ‘cut wood,’ Tch. kärst- ‘cut off’ (P:945)]. This *kers- is an
élargissement of *(s)ker- ‘cut’ (P:938-945; LIV:355f.; Kloekhorst, 2008:455;
Beekes, 2010:764). As to the semantic development VW suggests *‘cut off’ >
*‘distinguish’ > ‘come to know’ and points to Latin scre ‘know’ from *sek- ‘cut’
[: Sanskrit chyáti ‘cuts off’]. To his equation we can add Hittite sakk-/sekk-
‘know,’ also from *sek-. Under this traditional scenario Tocharian kärs- would
be the exact equivalent of Hittite kars-, though Hittite would have preserved the
older meaning, a meaning which is preserved in Tocharian in the derived kärst-,
q.v. However, A. Willi has presented strong evidence (p.c.) that Latin scre is
from *skuHi- (*skuHi- > sci, as *puHyos > pius, and related to show) and
Hittite sakk-/sekk- is from *segh- ‘hold,’ thus depriving the Tocharian word of the
support elsewhere in Indo-European of a rather difficult semantic development.
See also kärsauca and, more distantly, kärst-.
kärsauca (n.) ‘one who knows’
[kärsauca, -, kärsaucai//kärsaucañ, -, -] [kä]r[s]auca = B(H)S jñt (IT-45a4E),
ytrye s plme : aie kär[s]aucaisa apkärtse ymusa klyomña ‘this
excellent noble way, made evident by the world-knower’ (30a3/4C). A nomen
agentis from the subjunctive of kärs-, q.v.
kärsk- (vi.) ‘propel, i.e., shoot, throw, spread (by throwing)’
Ps. II /kärsk’ä/e-/ [m-Part. kärskemane; Ger. käralle*]: sumne warkensa
Mla
i kärskemane ‘strewing the M. with sumna-garlands’ (M-3a3/4/PK-AS-
8Ca3/4C), känte-okt sumne warkensa käralya ‘[it (= the Mlaika) is] to
be strewn 108 times with sumna-garlands’ (M-3a5/PK-AS-8Ga5C); Pt.Ia
/kär-/ [A -, -, kara//]: po warkältsa wäntalyi ite pännte kara ‘with all
[his] energy he stretched the bow fully and shot’ (109b6L); PP /kekä ru-/: :
srauka temeñce prere ramtä kekaru [:] nraine tänmasträ ‘and consequently
he will die; [as quickly] as a shot arrow, he will be [re-]born in hell’ (14b4C).
178 kärst-
For the semantics we might compare Khotanese ah- which means both ‘shoot’
and ‘throw’ (cf. aha- ‘noose’ [i.e., ‘throwing weapon’]). If, beside the agent,
there is only a patient, it is found in the accusative. If both a patient and a
locative/dative are present, the latter appears in the accusative while the patient is
in the perlative (a syntax analogous to that seen in Khotanese for ah- and in
English for shoot).
Closely related to TchB kärsk- is A -krase in pärra-krase ‘distance of an
arrow-shot.’ These Tocharian words must be related to Sanskrit kiráti ‘pour out,
scatter, throw’ (< *krhxé-) as Couvreur (1950:129; also VW:233) has seen.
Whether they are further to be related to words for ‘spring,’ etc. (e.g., Greek
skaír) is more doubtful (cf. P:933-934; MA:507). However, the exact relation-
ship of kärsk- and kiráti remains obscure. If we are to take the A -krase at face
value, we would appear to have a putative PIE *kroso- from *kr-es-. If so, kärsk-
would be, in Indo-European terms, *krs-ske/o-. It is also possible to see -krase
(with VW) as a metathesized result of an earlier *karse, a late TchA nominal
from *kärs- which would have been the expected TchA outcome of a PTch
*kärsk-. Under this latter scenario PTch *kärsk- might reflect a putative PIE
*krhx-ske/o-. Not with Hilmarsson (H:93) do these words reflect a PIE *(s)kri-
ske/o- ‘fly, move (in a non-linear way)’ with cognates in Lith. Lithuanian skriti
‘fly (around)’ and Latv. Latvian skrìet ‘fly.’
kärst- (vt.) ‘cut off, cut down, terminate; tear; destroy utterly’ [lykake kärst- ‘chop
[something] fine’]
Ps. VIa /kärs(t)n -/ [A -, -, karsna//-, -, karsna; MP -, -, kärsntär//-, -,
kärsnntär; AImpf. // -, -, kärsnoye; m-Part. kärsnmane; Ger. kärsnlle*]: :
karsna pärmak añ mnats mänta pw aklkänta 97 ‘it [scil. the life of
men] cuts off hope and destroys all the wishes of his own people’ (3b7C), [:
ma]nt mn[a]ts aul tne kos ai ksa kaunats meñats kätkorne kärsntr
attsaik postä : ‘so is the life of men; as long as one lives in the passing of days
and months, it [= life] is suddenly cut off later’ (3b5C), sakantse ayto nesaññe
m karsnatär ‘the proper situation of the community will not be terminated’ (PK-
DAM.507a11/12Col [Pinault, 1984a:24]), kärsnmane pannk = B(H)S pari-
karttun upnaham (U-3a1), tume cwi soyetse ire yepesa e kärstlya ‘then
the head of the doll [is] to be cut off with a sharp knife’ (M-2a3/PK-AS-8Ba3C);
Ko. V /kr st- ~ kä rst-/ [A -, -, krsta//; AOpt. karstoym, karstoyt, -//;
MPOpt. karstoymar, -, karstoytär//; Inf. karstatsi]; Ipv. I /päkr st- ~ päkä rst-/
[ASg. pkrsta// pkarstas]: pkrsta sklok ‘cut off doubt!’ (2b5C), ñi yes
pkarsta(s) ‘you, cut off my head!’ (THT 1295b1C); Pt. Ia /kärst -/ [A kärstwa,
-, karsta (kärst-c)//; MP -, kärsttai, kärstte//]: : lykake kektseñ tyä karst=
arklatse ‘he chopped fine the body of the snake’ (42a6C); PP /kärstó-/: :
kärstau rano stm nano wtentse tänma[strä] /// ‘even if the tree [is] cut down, it
is born again’ (11a6C), kärsto wastsi ek ausu ‘dressed always in torn clothing’
(32b4C); —kärstor ‘± utter destruction’: /// kete no te kärst[o]r = B(H)S yasya tv
ete samucchin (IT-26a2C); —kärstlyñe ‘cutting off’ (284b2A).
TchA kärt- and B kärst- reflect PTch *kärst- from PIE *kers-T-, a derivative
of *kers- ‘cut off’ [: Hittite kars-/karsiya- ‘cut off, mutilate,’ Cuneiform Luvian
kars- ‘cut,’Greek kour$ ‘cutting the hair,’ korsó ‘shear,’ (inscriptional) kouron
²käl- 179
‘cut wood,’ Tch AB kärs- ‘know’ (P:945; LIV:355f.; Beekes, 2010:764)]. This
*kers- is, in turn, an élargissement of *(s)ker- ‘cut’ (P:938-945). It is possible
that in kärst- we have a generalization of an old *-d(h)- present. In any case, one
should note that Tocharian kärs- ‘know’ preserves the original shape of *kers-
but the derived kärst- preserves the original meaning (Schrader/Nehring, 1917:
426, VW:207-208, with differing details). See enkärsttte, -kärstau, and
kärstauca and, more distantly, kärs-.
-kärstau (n.) ‘interruption’ [only in the compound snai-kärstau ‘without inter-
ruption, uninterruptedly’]
snai-kärstau (587.a1A), weksa sr[a]kañce kwoytär-ne tasa snai-kärsto [sic]
(85a1C). A nomen actionis from kärst-, q.v. See also kärstautstse.
kärstauca (n.) ‘one that cuts off or down’
[kärstauca, -, -//] pontäntso akalkänta kärstoca : ‘a cutter off of the desires of
all’ (295b3A!), : teki ktsaitsñe srukalñe cmelñe pä kärstauc ra /// ‘as one who
cuts off sickness, old-age, death and rebirth’ (30a6C). A nomen agentis based
on the subjunctive stem of kärst-, q.v.
kärstautstse* (adj.) ‘± interrupted, stammering’
[f: -, -, kärstautstsai//] 1[8] t[o] w[e]ña Hetub[like rekau]na kärstautstsai
weeññaisa ‘H. spoke these words with an interrupted [stammering? choked up?]
voice’ (283a2A). An adjective in -tstse from kärstau, q.v.
¹käl- (vt.) ‘endure, bear’
Ps. VIII /käls’ä/e-/ [A -, -, kalä// -, -, kalse]: te kalä aräñc=aiaumyepi
‘the heart of the wiseman endures it’ (227b2A), kaklyä [sic] läklene m säk
kälä ‘good fortune does not tolerate [those who] have fallen unto suffering’
(255a3A); Ko. I /kélä- ~ kä lä-/ [A kelu, -, -//-, kaltär, -; Inf. kaltsi]: su ke ñem
[lege: te-ñem] walo ymate ñ erkatte mäkte te kelu ‘this so-called king
treated me badly and how will I endure it?’ (81a4C), kalträ (PK-AS-7Ab2
[CEToM]), waimene kaltsi tne asanne : ‘difficult to bear in the law’ (44a6C);
Ipv. III /päkel-/ [Sg. pkel]: pkel twe erkätñe ‘endure the bad treatment!’ (123b1E);
Pt. III /kelä- ~ keläs- ~ käläs-/ [A -, kelasta, keltsa//; MP kälsmai, -, -//]:
kelts=empelona läklenta • ‘he bore terrible sufferings’ (220a1E/C), kälsmai (PK-
AS-13I-a7C?).
AB käl- reflect PTch *käl- probably from PIE *kelh1- ‘rise up’ [: Latin ante-,
ex-, prae-cell ‘surpass’ (< *kel-d-), Lithuanian kélti/keliù ‘raise up,’ kìlti/kylù
‘raise oneself up,’ and nominal derivatives (with the meaning ‘hill,’ etc.) in
Greek, Celtic, Germanic, Slavic (P:544; MA:352; cf. LIV:349)] (Seržant, 2008:
70-71). Not excluded is a descent from PIE *kwel- ‘move’ (see discussion s.v.
2
käl-). See ekalätte, kaläl, kälamo, kälamñe and, more distantly, käly-.
²käl- (vt.) G ‘lead, bring’ [NOUN epyac käl- (middle) ‘remember [something/
someone]’]; K4 ‘let bring’
G Ps. Xa /käll sk’ä/e-/ [A källskau, -, källä//klske, -, källske; MP -, -,
källstär ~ klstär//; nt-Part. källeñca; Ger. källälle ~ klle]: källaskeñ-c
säkw ‘they bring thee good fortune’ (588a2E), • ykk ñi kälstär epyac poyy
añmlake : ‘then the merciful Buddha remembers me’ (22b8C), tane cärkenta
klsträ ‘he brings garlands here’ (91b4C), nau cmela epiyacä källsträ 8 ‘he
remembers earlier births’ (523b3C), sak ecce källeñca = B(H)S sukh-vaham
180 ²käl-
1976: 199-200; H:61-62, Seržant, 2008:). See also källuki and more
distantly 1käl-, and perhaps kalk-.
³käl- (vt) ‘goad, drive [animals]’
Ps. VIII /käls’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, kaltär// -, -, kältsentär]: /// [a]ñ k[e]wän aktaisa
kaltär-me ñr wepe aan-me : tuyknesa ktsaitsñe srka[lñe] aul kältsenträ
wnolmentso añ kalymi aken-ne : ‘with a stick he goads his own cattle and leads
them each to their own paddocks; similarly old-age and death drive the life of
beings and lead it in their own direction’ (3a3/4C). [kaltär + aan, kältsentär +
aken = B(H)S prpaya(n)ti]. Given that only the present is attested, the shape of
the root is ambiguous; it is possible to take it as kälts- or käls- (with Present II),
as well as as käl- (Present VIII), though the last is likeliest (see Seržant, 2008:67).
Seržant takes this word to be from PIE *kelh3- ‘move’ [: Greek kélomai ‘urge,
exhort, command,’ Lithuanian kélti ‘drive (cattle)’ and, more distantly, Gothic
haldan ‘drive cattle to pasture,’ English hold, etc. (P:548; MA:170)] (Seržant,
2008:67-68). Beekes (2010:719) cautiously suggests a connection with Greek
(o)kéll ‘drive a ship aground.’ Not with VW (1969:487, 1976:201-202) from
*kwel- ‘turn.’
kälkañc (n.) ‘collyrium in paste’
[kälkañc, -, -//] (354b1C, W-5b1C). From B(H)S kalkñjana-.
käln- (vi.) G ‘resound’; K3 ‘howl (of the wind)’
G Ps. I /kälnä-/ [A // -, -, kalne; AImpf. -, -, kalñi//]: kalne plorya tne pya
lwsa ‘the ploryas resound and the animals sing’ (589a6C), katkauñaisa kalñi
aie ‘the world resounded with happiness’ (408a4C); Pt. III /kälnäs-/ [MP -, -
kälnste//]: [ipre]rme kälnste ram no ‘as if having resounded from the sky’
(617a4C), /// [a]kki kaccre po iprer kälnste : ‘the kyas rejoiced and the
whole heaven resounded’ (IT-19b3C).
K3 Ps. IXa /kälnä sk’ä/e-/ [A //-, -, kälnaske] karsna[] kälnaske ñr ñr
‘[the winds] cut off and howl respectively/alternately’ (PK-AS7-Mb4C +NS122a
+ NS261 +NS262 [TVS]).
AB käln- reflect PTch *kln- [sic]. The original order of resonant and vowel
is assured by the derivative klena and by the failure of -ln- to assimilate to -ll-;
the -l- and -n- came into contact only after the assimilation rule was no longer
productive. This *klän- must reflect PIE *klun-, otherwise seen only in West
Germanic in Old English hlynn ‘sound, noise, roaring stream,’ hlynan/hlynnian
‘resound,’ Old Saxon gihlun ‘din, uproar’ (Jacobsohn, 1934:212, Duchesne-
Guillemin, 1941:143-4, VW:200, though details differ, Hackstein, 1995:321f.; cf.
also P:550, with differing details; MA:534). See also klena.
kälp- (vt.) G ‘find, get, obtain, achieve; manage [+ infinitive]’ [INF. + kälp- = ‘get
to’] [trakonta + kälp- ‘commit a sin/crime’] [milar kälp- ‘suffer damage’]; K4 ‘±
cause to obtain, bestow, grant’ [with accusative of thing and genitive of person]
[senik kälpäsk- ‘entrust’]
G Ps. IXa /kälp sk’ä/e- (~ kälw sk’ä/e-Col)/ [A kälpskau, kälpst, kälpä//
kälwskem (sic), kälwcer (sic), kälpske; AImpf. -, kälpit, kälpi//-, -,
kälpye; MP -, -, kälpstär// -, -, kälpskentär; nt-Part. kälweñca* (sic); m-
Part. kälpskemane; Ger. kälp(äl)le]: m no nta su ceu rilñeme oko wrocce
kälpä : ‘but from such a renunciation he obtains no great result’ (8a2C),
182 kälp-
kälpä = B(H)S vindati (18a6C), w-ne ykau kästwer m=ñu kälpä
‘[if] they eat at him day and night, he doesn’t achieve peace/rest’ (33b1C), yki
maiyya kälpske kause wnolme mka : ‘the ykas find strength and kill
many creatures’ (3a1C), /// trakonta : kälpaskenträ : läktsana kramartsana
‘the sins are committed, light and heavy [ones]’ (IT-139a3C/L), kälpstär = B(H)S
vidyate (U-18a4C), wna kälpit ‘thou didst find pleasure’ (231a2C/L),
kälweñcai = B(H)S prpi
a- (gloss to SHT 7, 1739); Ko. VI /käll -/ [A
kallau, kallat, kalla// källm, -, kalla; AOpt. källoym, -, källoy// -, -, källoye
~ källo; Inf. källtsi; Ger. källlle]: ente kallau tu lktsi : ‘and when will I get
to see it [again]?’ (46a5=47b2C); Pt. Ia /kälp - (~ kälw -Col)/ [A kälpwa,
kälpsta, kalpa//kälpm, -, kälpre ~ kälpr; MP -, -, kälpte (?)//]: pañaktäññe
pelaikne klyautsi kälpwa ‘I got to hear the Buddha’s law’ (101a6C), : esa
wertsyaimpa kalpa perne su pärwee : ‘together with [his] retinue he achieved
the first rank’ (23a1/2C), arhanteñe perne [sic] kälpre ‘they achieved arhat-
rank’ (THT-1551b4C), • s[u ke] alyek reki wetsi m kä[lpte] (or kä[lp-ne]?)
/// ‘the latter did not manage, however, to say another word’ (IT-131a2C); PP
/kälpó-/: mäkte wiskats m mlar kälpauwantso : … stm … nano wtentse tän-
ma[strä] /// ‘as when the roots not having suffered damage, a tree again is born
again’ (11a6C); —kälporme; —kälporsa: wtsi yoktsi klporsa [sic] ‘by
obtaining food and drink’ (31a3C); —källlñe ‘obtaining, achieving, gain’:
latuññe ke källlñe ‘the achievement of a royal station’ (128a4E), ärpalñe
källlñe = B(H)S deapratilabh (181a4C), källlñe = B(H)S lbham (U-
7b4C). The “intensive preterite,” kälpiy-, sometime put here belongs rather
with kälyp- ‘steal,’ q.v.
K4 Ps. IXb /kä lpäsk’ä/e-/ [A kalpäskau, -, kalpää// Ger. kalpäälle]: • ostme
lantsi preke ñi yapoy yesä kalpäskau • [the king speaking to his ministers] ‘[it
is] time [for me] to leave the house [= become a monk] and I bestow on you my
kingdom’ (372b4C), /// [waipe]cc[e]nta kälpää (132a5E); Pt. II /klyp-/ [-, -,
klypa//]: eyyikane mokauka se[nik k]ly[]pa-c ‘the she-monkey entrusted
[her] two offspring to thee’ (THT-3597b4).
AB kälp- reflect PTch *kälp- but extra-Tocharian connections are less
certain. Peterson (1933:18, also VW:201) would relate the Tocharian word to
Sanskrit kálpate ‘is well ordered, well managed, fitting; succeeds’ but the
meaning seems very distant. Surely this Sanskrit set is to be related to Avestan
karpa- ‘ritus,’ Avestan karpan- ‘non-Zoroastrian priest’ from a Proto-Indo-
Iranian *kar/lp- ‘be/make fit or proper.’ It is semantically and morphologically
tempting to equate the Tch words with Sanskrit grah- (present grbh
-/grh
-)
‘seize, lay hold of, capture, steal, take; undertake.’ However the Sanskrit word is
securely tied to a PIE etymon with -r- (e.g., English grab, grasp).
Watkins (1969b:1522) isolates a PIE *kelp- ‘hold, grasp’ for some nominal
words in Germanic (Old English hælftre ‘halter’ [< *half-tra-], Old English
helma ‘rudder, tiller’[< *helf-man-], hielfe ‘handle’ [cf. P:926; MA:595]). Such a
root would provide a suitable semantic and phonological basis for kälp-. In
addition one might wish to see in kälp- a relative of klep- ‘± touch with the
fingers, investigate,’ q.v. or even kälyp- ‘steal,’ q.v. It is possible, I think, to see
in these latter words (including Watkin’s Germanic collection) a PIE *klep- ‘±
källuki 183
lay hand to’ that appears in Tocharian as (1) kälp- (with a putative PIE present
*kl pneha-, perhaps modeled on the semantically similar *ghrbhneha-), as (2) (in
malam partem) kälyp- ‘steal’ (also in Greek, Latin, and Germanic), as (3) klep-,
originally an intensive with a present *klpe/o- (cf. Latin cdere), and (4) in
Germanic, with gu
a from the zero-grade in Old English hielfe, etc. The first and
third meanings are to a certain extent paralleled in Old English by grpan ‘grasp’
(< *ghreibe/o-) and grpian ‘feel for, grope’ (< *ghroibehaye/o-). For this etymo-
logy, see also Adams, 1989b. See also ekalpatte, kälpauca, and kallau and
possibly kälyp- and klep-.
kälpauki* (n.) ‘± stealer, robber’
[-, -, kälpauki//] [se amne … yt]ri ya • waik kälpasuki yoñiyai par-
käuki käryorccempa wat • ‘if a monk travels a road with a waik kälpauki, a
yoñiyai parkäuki, or someone concerned with commerce’ (330a5L). A
nomen agentis from the otherwise unattested present stem of kälyp-, q.v. (Winter,
1961, Schaefer, 1997:168). The exact significance of kälpauki is uncertain. It
is glossed by the Old Uyghur ywitquji but the verbal root ywit- (-quji is trans-
parently the agentive suffix) is attested as such only here and does not appear to
match any verbal root in any other Turkish language. In a parallel text (IT-
246C/L) the phrase waik kälpauki is matched by lyka ‘thieves.’ More
discussion s.v. waik.
kälpauca (n.[m.sg.]) ‘obtainer/achiever’
[kälpauca, -, -//kälpaucañ, -, -] 36 mant sw apätte kälpauca wtsi yoktsi
alanme ‘so he [who has] not practiced moral behavior [thinks to be] one who
gets food and drink from whereever’ (31a2C), kwri tane wtsintse le yoktsintse
klpauca [sic] tka wnolme : ‘if a being would be one who obtains food and
drink’ (31a7C), (PK-NS-236a6C). A nomen agentis from kälp-, q.v.
kälm- (vt.) ‘enable, permit, allow, accord’ (?)
Ps. IXa /kälmä sk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, kälmaä//]: [pe]rne=rhanteññe kayajñmpa
e lksi ram no kälmaä-ne pyutkäske-ne krentau[na] ‘arhatship together
with extinction-knowledge enables/allows him to see/have insight, as it were; his
virtues become manifest’ (591a5L); Ko. II /älm’ä/e-/ [A -, -, almä* (ilma-
ne)//]: • te yiknesa weweñu m tka wac[e] kaum aksauki m ilma-ne
rwe[r ya]maamtte m wat m yalle ste • ‘[if] he [scil. the patron’s messenger]
has not spoken in this way and the messenger does not allow him [scil. the monk]
[to stay] a second day [, saying]: ‘we have made ourselves ready, or not,’ [he is]
not to go’ (331b3/4L); Pt. Ia /kälm-/ [A -, -, kalma//]: to wi wäntarwa tne
kalma ksa kalloy ‘he permitted these two things [that] someone might achieve
[them]’ (82b5C).
The possible preterite, kalma, has also been taken as a noun. For a discussion
of the range of meanings proposed for this verb, see TVS. Etymology
unknown. For a suggestion, VW:200 (a denominative verb from an [unattested]
*klumen- from *kleu- ‘hear’)—but the form of the subjunctive argues strongly
against such an assumption.
källuki (n.), only attested in epyac källuki ‘one who remembers’
[källuki, -, -//] epya [sic] kluki [sic] m nesan-ne /// (330b5L). A nomen
agentis from 2käl-, q.v.
184 kälamo
commands, directs’ (P:533). The semantic match would be very strong. See
also possibly kastuna.
Similar in its semantic dimension is Pinault’s suggestion (2003) of a derivation
from PIE *kens- ‘proclaim, speak solemnly’ (cf. Sanskrit as- ‘praise, declare,
vow,’ Latin cnse ‘tax, rate, assess, estimate’), more particularly from an old
agent noun *kns-yú-.
käu, kau.
käs- G (intr./middle) ‘come to extinction, be extinguished, go out’; (tr./active)
‘quench, extinguish’; K4 ‘let come to extinction’
G Ps. II /kes’ä/e-/ [A -, -, keä//; MP -, -, ketär// -, -, kesentär; nt-Part. keeñca;
m-Part. kesemane; Ger. kealle]: keä palsko ‘he extinguishes the spirit’
(278a3C), yñakte tänmasträ ramer pä ketär ‘he is reborn among the gods and
comes quickly to extinction’ (K-11a3/PK-AS-7Na3A), ente skeyi kesenträ 37
‘when efforts are extinguished’ (206a2E/C); Ko. III /käsé-/ [MP ksemar, -, -// -, -,
ksentär; Inf. ksetsi; Ger. kselle]: : m walke ke ñi ksemar tu postä onmi
tka-me : ‘[it will] not [be] long and I will be extinguished and to you will be
regret’ (29a8C), eke kselyai precyaicä ‘unto the time of extinction’ (228b4A);
Trans. Inf. /kästsi/: to pwra kastsi ‘to quench these fires’ (566a1C); Pt. III
/kesä- ~ kesäs-/ [A -, kesasta, kessa//; MP // -, -, kessante]: [nrai]ana kesasta
pwra : ‘thou hast extinguished the fires of hell’ (243b3C), kessante (421.1bL); PP
/kekesu-/: yänmoy ke keso [lege: kekeso] • ‘may he achieve the extinguished
place!’ [= B(H)S adhigacchet pada ntam] (IT-164b6E); —kekesor*
‘extinguishing’: cok kekesorne ‘in the extinguishing of the lamp’ (588b8E); —
kselñe ‘extinction, suppression, disappearance, nirvana’: läklentse kse[lñe]ne
ynca yt[rye] ‘the road going toward the extinction of suffering’ (155a2C),
ymorntatsa [sic] kselñe = B(H)S sa skranirodha (157a3?), kseññe [sic] =
B(H)S nirvpa
a (195a6L), y[ä]nmä ks[elñe] /// = B(H)S prpnoti
nirvrtim (IT-70b2C); —kselläññee ‘prtng to extinction’ (S-6a6/PK-AS-5Ca6C).
K Ps. IXb /kä säsk’ä/e-/ [-, -, kasää//]: ///[lä]ktsauña m kasää [s]umer=
lesa ‘does not let come to extinction the radiant shining; over Mt. Sumer …’
(THT-1359b2?).
AB käs- reflect PTch *käs- from PIE *(z)gwes- ‘extinguish’ [: Sanskrit jásate/
jásyati ‘be exhausted,’ Sanskrit jsáyati ‘exhaust, cause to expire,’ Greek
sbénnmi ‘extinguish,’ Lithuanian gsti ‘to cease to burn, go out,’ gesìnti ‘to put
out, extinguish,’ OCS ugasiti ‘extinguish,’ and Gothic qist (f.) (<*gwes-ti-)
‘destruction’ (P:479-480; MA:188; LIV:541ff.; Kloekhorst, 2008:462-463;
Beekes, 2010: 1315)] (Smith, 1910:10, VW:210). More particularly AB käs-
reflects a PIE *gwes- and the B present a putative PIE o-grade intensive *gwose/o-.
Melchert points out (p.c.) that Hittite and Palaic contain a verb kist- ‘be
extinguished.’ The Tocharian, Anatolian, and satem forms could also be
subsumed under a PIE lemma *ges-, though that leaves Greek and Germanic
unaccounted for. There seems to be no way to bring together all of these
together. If the Tocharian word belongs with the Anatolian group, it would be
possible, though not semantically necessary, to group them all with Tocharian
kest ‘hunger,’ Hittite kast- ‘id.’ See also possibly kest and käst(u)wer.
kiuk 189
käsk- (vt.) ‘scatter/strike apart, scatter to destruction’ (often with violence), ‘confuse
[the mind]’
Ps. XII /käskä ññ’ä/e-/ [A -, -, käska//; MP -, -, käskantär//; MPImp. -, -,
käskaññitär//]: /// tume naumiyenta käska ‘therefore he scatters jewels’ (IT-
14a2E), prentse yente käskan-me ‘in an instant the wind scatters them’ (46a7=
47b6C), wäräñcäa mäce ra käskäntär ‘like a handful of sand they are
scattered’ (142a3A), 73 laursa eñcuwaññe tarne räskre tsopyene : käskaññtär-
ne waiptr ce po lykake <:> ‘with an iron spike they violently pierced his
skull; his head was scattered wide apart, all in little pieces’ (22b5C); Ko. V
/ksk- ~ käsk -/ [A -, kskat, kska (?)//; MP -, -, käsktär//; MPOpt. -, -,
käskoytär]: [kwri no] cwi palsko käskträ waiptr ‘if, however, his spirit is
scattered all about’ (9b8C); Ipv. I /päkä sk-/ [MPSg. pkaskar]: pkaskar-ñ waiptr
(246b3E); Pt. Ia /käsk -/ [MP -, -, käskte (?)// -, -, käsknte]: • em kautte
koklentse waiptr pwenta käsknte : ‘the axle of the wagon broke and the spokes
were scattered all about’ (5a2C); PP /käskó-/: käskauw[a] = B(H)S vikiptni (IT-
38b6C), käskau welñe ‘senseless talk’ (PK-AS-7J [cf. CEToM]); —käskalläññe
‘± scattering’ (PK-AS-6Aa3C [CEToM]).
TchB käsk- reflects PTch *käsk- (as if) from PIE *gwhnske/o-, a derivative of
*gwhen- ‘strike, slay’ [: Sanskrit hánti ‘strikes’ (pl. ghnánti), Avestan jainti ‘id.,’
Hittite kwenzi ‘kills’ (pl. kwnanzi), Armenian ganem ‘id.,’ Greek theín ‘kill,’
Lithuanian geniù ‘strike,’ Albanian gjanj ‘hunt’ (= theín and geniù), Old Irish
gonim ‘wound, slay,’ Lithuanian genù ‘drive [cattle],’ OCS žen ‘id.,’ etc.
(P:491-493; MA:548)] (Melchert, 1977:108). The PIE *-n- disappears before
*-s- precisely as in mäsk-, q.v. Not with VW (210; also H:104-105) related to
Tocharian kät- ‘scatter’ (*kät-sk- would give **kätk-, not käsk-). See next.
käskor* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘idle talk, gossip’
[-, -, käskor//] [m mäkci]ya käskor weskau m alyek watkäskau kä[skor wetsi
m käskor] weeñcaimpa … mäskemar ‘I do not retail any gossip myself, nor do I
make [another] tell gossip, nor am I [do I associate] with one who tells gossip
(596a5/6C); —käskor-weeñca* ‘gossiper’ (596a6C). A derivative of the
previous entry.
käst(u)wer (adv.) ‘by night, at night’
[62 re]kauna pltäne ikau wna kalla kästwer panene : ‘by day he will
find pleasure in words and conversations, by night in sleep’ (27a4C), mäkte
yelyitse ku tallw tka w-ne ykau kästwer yelyi pilenta … w-ne
ykau kästwer m=ñu kälpä ‘as a worm-ridden dog will be suffering [if]
the worms eat at his wounds day and night … [if] they eat at him day and night,
he doesn’t achieve peace’ (33a8/b1C), • tume kästu[wer]/// (232b4C/L).
Etymology uncertain. In form a verbal noun derived from a past participle
*kästuwes- (Winter, p.c.). The underlying verb, *käst-, is perhaps *käs-t-, an
extension of käs- ‘be extinguished.’ Similarly Duchesne-Guillemin (1941:158)
who starts from a verbal abstract, PIE *gwes-ti- (cf. Gothic qist [f.] ‘destruction’).
kiuk (n.) ‘flame of the forest tree, dhak (Butea frondosa Koen. ex Roxb. or Butea
monosperma (Lam.) Kuntze)’
[kiuk, -, -//] (257a1A). From B(H)S kiuka-.
190 kiñcelle
kiñcelle (~ käñcelle) (n.) ‘filament of the Indian lotus (Nelumbium speciosum Willd.
or Nelumbo nucifera Gaertn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[kiñcelle, -, -//] (W-1b3C); —käñcellee ‘prtng. to filament of N. speciosum: (IT-
9b1C). From B(H)S kiñjala-. See also uppl.
kintarik* (n.) a meter of unknown rhythm
[-, -, kintarik//] (91b6C).
kinnare (n.) ‘celestial musician’
[kinnare, -, -//-, -, kinnare] (109b6L); —kinnarñe* ‘prtng to a celestial
musician’ (109b5L). From B(H)S kinara- (cf. TchA kinnare).
Kipp* (n.) ‘Kippa’ (PN in monastic records)
[Kipp, Kippntse, -//] (SI B Toch. 9.13Col, 11.12Col [Pinault, 1998:4, 10]). The
apparent end-stress suggests perhaps a name borrowed from Chinese?
Kimña* (n.) ‘Kimña’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, Kimñantse, -//] (466a2Col).
kiratikta (n.) ‘Indian gentian (Agathotes chirayta or Swertia chirayta)’ (MI)
[kiratikta, -, -//] (P-3a3/PK-AS-9Aa3E). From B(H)S kirtatikta-.
kirot (n.) ‘the bulb of a small variety of the lotus Nymphea’ (a medical ingredient)
[kirot (~ kirok ~ kiros), -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S gilo ya-.
kiore (n.) ‘youth, lad’
[kiore, -, -//] (20a5C). From B(H)S kiora-.
ku (n.[m.sg.]) ‘dog’
[ku, -, kwe//] mäkte yelyitse ku tallw tka w-ne … yelyi pilenta ‘as a
worm-ridden dog might be suffering [as] worms eat his wounds’ (33a8/b1C), k =
B(H)S v
a in the calendrical cycle (549a5C), kwe-pikulne ‘in the dog year’
(IT-249b2C [cf. Pinault, 1987a:182]).
AB ku reflect *kw from PIE *kúw (nom. sg.) ‘dog’ [: Sanskrit (u)v,
Armenian šun (with unexpected š-), Greek kún, Latin canis, Old Irish cú, Gothic
hunds, Lithuanian šuõ, Hittite kuwas (acc. kuwanan) (Melchert, 1989[90]),
Hieroglyphic Luvian zuwana/i- (Melchert, 1987:202), all ‘dog’ (cf. P:632-633:
MA:168; NIL:436-440)] (Sieg/Siegling, 1908:927, VW:238-239). The Tch
nom. sg. ku is the regular reflex of *kúwn with PIE * becoming PTch *- in a
final syllable when in the neighborhood of a *-w- (cf. the masc. nom. sg. of the
preterite participles in -u from PIE *-ws). Krause and Thomas give in their
grammar, but not in their lexicon, the TchA acc. sg. form ko (apparently
attested, in a very fragmentary context, at 360a9). B kwe is perfectly regular for
PIE *kuwonm (cf. Sanskrit vnam). That TchA ko is too seems likely. See
also kuñiye.
ku- G (vi.) ‘offer a libation’; (vt.) ‘pour’; K ‘make pour’ (?)
G Ps. VIII /kus’ä/e-]/ [A -, -, kuä//; Ger. kualle]: ///me wär r kuän-ne ‘he
pours the water from the … all over him’ (PK-AS-12Jb2A [Thomas, 1979:9]),
alype … r kualle ‘the salve [is] to be poured all over’ (P-1a2C); Ko. I /kéwä-
~ kúwä-/ [A kewu, -, -//; MP -, -, kutär//; MPOpt. -, -, kuwi (?)//] r kutär ‘and
it is poured all over’ (324b2L); PT. III /kewä- ~ kewäs-*/ [A kewwa, -, -//]: ///
[oro]cce tewpe ke po yatamai ///…/// [Vai]line kuce kewwa daki[
-
ketse] /// ‘I was able to … the whole earth and great mines … I have offered a
libation to the worthy one’ (IT-47b4/5E); —kekuwer ‘± libation’: [te]lki ymor
kucaññe 191
Ps. II /kut’ä/e-]/ [Ger. kucalle]: kkaa kucalle star-ñ ‘evil is to be averted by me’
(606a4C), /// cw yakantse kucalle masta bhavane /// ‘[it] is to be averted by that
yaka; thou didst go into the dwelling’ (PK-AS-13J-b3C [Couvreur, 1961: 103;
TVS]). Not belonging is calle, q.v. Etymology unknown. See also kuts-.
kutame ~ kuteme (interrogative pronoun) ‘where, whence’
/// kutäme ñäke weä • ‘where does he now speak?’ (IT-157a3E), naumikkane
lkn enesa kutame källoym waipecce ‘he looks with glittering eyes[, thinking]:
where might I get possessions?’ (33b1/2C), kutame tkoy emparkre ywa[r]-
kañe po wnolmets ‘where might be widespread enjoyment for all beings?’ (PK-
AS-16.3a3C [Pinault, 1989:156]), kuteme tentse kallau ste ‘where is the achieve-
ment of this? [KVc-29b3//THT-1120b3C [Schmidt, 1986, 28]), kuteme kuteme
= B(H)S yato yata (TX-4a2/SHT-351a2/THT-1355a2A [Schmidt, 1986, 29]).
Though in form clearly an ablative, the meaning would appear to be either
ablative (‘whence’) and non-ablative (‘where’).
The occurrence at IT-157 proves that underlyingly we have /kwtä me/ ~
/kwtéme/. The kwtä- ~ kwte- which precedes the regular ablative ending may
reflect a PIE *kwutom ~ kwutóm an old accusative of time which, in its restricted
semantic space, did not undergo the analogical palatalization which affected
ordinary accusatives. See further s.v. kuse.
kutampeme (relative adjective) ‘±dispite whatever’ (??)
•kutampeme wki - - - [nt]s[e t]k[o]y-n[e] mrauskalye preke 9 ‘despite
whatever superiority (?) of …, may it be for him the time of weariness for the
world’ (K-12b2/PK-AS-7Lb2C [CEToM]). Perhaps for *kutempame, a comi-
tative with added ablative ending, as in tumpame, q.v.?
kutumñcik (< *kutumcik) (n.) ‘leucas (Leucas linifolia Spreng.’ or ‘Leucas
lavandulaefolia Ress.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[kutumñcik, -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S kutumbika-.
kutk- (vt.) ‘± give substance to, cast in a mold; embody, incarnate’
G Ps. VII /kuttäk-/ [m-Part. kuttäkmane]: : kutäkmane särweca äñ
ymorsa cmelane : ‘filling out the forms of existence by one’s own deed[s] in
[one’s] births’ (229a2A); Pt. Ia /utk -/ [A // utkm, -, -]: po utkm sarwecä :
‘we filled out all the forms of existence’ (45a6C); PP /kutkó-/ PK-AS-17Ca5C).
K PP /eutku-/: eutku (THT-1210b5? [TVS])).
AB kutk- reflect PTch *käutk- (cf. A arthaäl kutko ñom kärsnl ‘the name
[is] to be known, filled out with meaning’). If the meaning is substantially
correct, probably with Melchert (1977:125) from *hud-ske/o- ‘cast into a mold’
from *heud- ‘pour’ [: Latin fund ‘pour,’ Gothic giutan ‘id.,’and, more distantly,
TchB ku- ‘pour,’ Sanskrit juhóti ‘throw in the fire, sacrifice,’ Greek khé ‘pour’
(P:447-448; LIV:179f.)]. Not, with VW (247), related to Latin cdere ‘strike,
forge.’
Kunacattrakau (n.) ‘Guacandrakau’ (PN in caravan passes)
[Kunacattrakau, -, -//] (LP-8a1Col).
Kunacattre (n.) ‘Guacandra’ (PN in caravan pass)
[Kunacattre, -, -//] (LP-107a1Col).
kuro 195
kuntark (n.) ‘munj, munja, Bengal cane (Saccharum munja Roxb., S. sara, S.
Bengalense)’ (a medical ingredient)
[kuntark, -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S gundraka-.
kuntäe (adj.) ‘prtng to jasmine (Jasminum multiflorum Andr.)’
kuntäe = B(H)S kunda- (IT-202b4C). An adjective derived from an
(unattested) *kunt ‘jasmine,’ itself a borrowing from B(H)S kunda-.
kunti* (n.) ‘pot, vessel.’
[//kuntinta, -, -] (IT-90b1C). A borrowing from B(H)S ku
- (cf. VW:628). Cf.
TchA kunti. See also kuntike.
kuntipaa* (n.) ‘± pot-vessel’
[-, -, kuntipaa//] • naitwe kärkllene släppo kuntipaa wat parra pnna •
‘[if a monk] pulls out a shell or a pot sunk in a mudhole’ (331a1L). A
compound of TchB kunti ‘pot’ plus B(H)S bhjana-‘pot, vessel’ (meaning and
etymology, Winter, 2003:108-109). See also kunti, kuntike and bhja.
kuntike (n.[m.sg.]) ‘little pot’
[kuntike, -, -//] cewä erkwame wente yamale cew wentesa ñuwe kuntike
taale ‘from this cord a covering [is] to be made; over this covering a new little
pot [is] to be put’ (M-3b2/PK-AS-8Cb2C). The diminutive of kunti, q.v.
kuntsaññe* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, kuntsaññe//] ///täe iprerne rmer ka plyewsa 68 kuntsaññe m campy
e[rtsi] (386a4C). Perhaps a byform of kwäntsaññe (see s.v. kwats).
Kumrapuye* (n.) ‘Kumrapuya’ (PN in grafitto)
[-, -, Kumrapuye//] (G-Su-39Col).
Kumpante* (n.) ‘Kumpante’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, Kumpanti, -//] (490a-III-5Col). See also next entry.
Kumpnte (n.) ‘Kumpnte’ (PN in administrative records)
[Kumpnte, -, -//] (SI B Toch.12.5Col [Pinault, 1998:16]). See also previous
entry and next entry.
Kumpntike (n.) ‘Kumpntike’ (PN in administrative records)
[Kumpntike, -, -//] (SI P/117.6Col [Pinault, 1998:13]). See also previous entry.
kumbh
e* (n.) member of a particular class of demons
[//kumbhi, -, -] (333b9E/C, PK-NS-15-Da7? [Broomhead]). From B(H)S
kumbh
a-.
kur-, kwär-.
kurr-lwo (n.) ‘osprey’
[kurr-lwo, -, -//] [kä]lymi sportoträ pcer cwimp [ku]rr-lwo tu-yäknes[a]
kwäsnträ snai-kärsto ‘his father turns [in all] directions; like a kurr-animal he
cries out without interruption’ (88b1C). An inner-Tch compound of kurr (<
B(H)S kurara-) + lwo ‘animal,’ q.v.
kuruci (n.) ‘heartleaf moonseed (Tinospora cordifolia (Willd.) Miers)’ (MI)
[kuruci (~ guruci), -, -//] (P-3a3/PK-AS-9Aa3E). From B(H)S gu ci-.
kuro (adj.) ‘listless’
[m: kuro, -, -//kuro, -, -] m r[a] kuro o[sne yänmaälle m ra ku]ro osn[e]
ma[l]l[e] one is not to enter a house listlessly or sit in a house listlessly’
(321a7/b1E/C). A derivative of kwär-, q.v., perhaps an old aorist participle.
196 kurkamäe*
kulekarñeñ ‘?’
///·k·s ramt ekamäcce kulekarñeñ k·/// (Dd-6.2.2Col). A variant of klekarñ-
ñaññe, q.v. (H:190)?
Kullai (n.) ‘Kullai’ (PN in monastic records)
[Kullai, -, -//] (4000, col. 4, -a10).
Kulkera (n.) ‘Kulkera’ (PN in monastic records)
[Kulkera, -, -//] (490a-I-1Col).
kulyp- ~ kwälyp- (vt.) ‘desire’ [NOUN- kulyp- ‘desire for’]
Ps. III /kulypé-/ [Ger. kulypelle]: /// kulypelle ce cmelne sak katkauña p :
‘[whose] desire in this life [is] good fortune and joy’ (14a4C), yarpo kwälypelle
ket tka ‘to whom there is service to be desired’ (K-10a6/PK-AS-7Ja6C), kwri
ñ tkcer kwäl[lp]e[lya] /// ‘if my daughter should wish it’ (IT-63b3C); —
kulypelñe ‘desire’ only attested in the derived adjective kulypelñee: : kwäly-
pelñee p om palsko ymträ to krentauna : ‘and [if] he makes the thought of
desire for virtues’ (23a5/6C).
AB kulyp- reflect PTch *käuli
äp- or *kwli
äp- from PIE *kwlep- [: Avestan
xrap- ‘id.’ (op, 1958:50-1; VW:242 [but see Cheung, 2006:447]), Sanskrit
krpan(y)áti ‘wishes, prays for,’ Greek (Hesychius) klépei ‘desires’ (for the
Sanskrit and Greek see Kaczyska and Witczak, 2002); not discussed by Beekes,
2010].
kuva (n.) ‘?’
/// eñ[c]are kuva (584a7C?). A form of k ‘dog’ or of Kuwa?
Kuwa* (?) (n.) ‘Kuwa’ (PN [?] in administrative records)
[-, Kwntse, -//] tep kwntse pelyki wästa-pkuwe alu plyekuwa /// aice
wästa-pkuwe ala ikäm-wi cakä keneksa ‘for the sake of/on behalf of the tep
Kuwa I sold a twice-combed wether … [and] a caprine male twice-combed [for]
twenty-two feet of cotton-fabric’ (SI B Toch.11.5-6Col [Pinault, 1998:8]). The
interpretation of tep kwtse as the genitive of a proper name with a preposed
appositive title tep is by no means assured.
kuwit* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, kuwit//] /// yaun ksa lalakem aumots kuwitsa mäkte /// (THT-1543
frgm. d-b3E~C).
kuwele* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, kuwele//] ///kärkalle kuwelesa /// (319b1E/C). A byform of kwele, q.v.?
kwo ‘?’
///äp no kwo s· no (133b1A). A form of k ‘dog’?
kuanr (distributive adverb) ‘by kuanes’
[list of ingredients] kuanr ‘[these ingredients measured out] by kuanes’ worth’
(W-19a6C). A derivative of kune, q.v.
kual ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘well, healthy, prosperous’
[kual, -, kual//] (S-6a4/PK-AS-5Ca4C [Broomhead]). From B(H)S kuala- (cf.
TchA kual).
kualapk* (n.) ‘the side of virtue’
[-, -, kualapk//] sakantse ayto nesaññe ste kualapkne rittemttär ‘the
situation of the community is proper and we are attached to good behavior’ (PK-
198 kualaml*
long’ < *kwot-s … *tot-u or *kwehawot-s … tehawot-u]. In each case, both terms
of the correlation are strengthened by particles. In the case of the relative
pronoun it is *so/to- or *-s while for the anaphoric demonstrative it is *u. See
also kuce, ket(e), kutame, k, kos, kwri, mäkte, mäks, katu, and ksa/kca.
kuhkäññe* (n.) ‘deception, trickery’
[-, -, kuhkaññe//] snai kuhkäñe snai tarauna ‘without trickery or deception’
(558b1/2C). An abstract in -ññe derived from an unattested *kuhk ‘deceptive,
tricky’ from B(H)S kuhaka- (cf. TchA kuhke).
kuts- (vt.) ‘± accuse, revile’ (?) or ‘± turn one’s attention to’ (?)
Ps. V (?) /kuts-/ or II (?) /kuts’ä/e-/ or VIII (?) /kuts’ä/e-/ [A kutsau, -, -//]: [krui]
c[]ne m ait [o]t kutsau- tep yamaskemar ‘[if] thou dost not give [me] the
money, then I will accuse thee and make a tep’ or ‘… I will attend to thee and
make a tep’ (?) (495a4Col).
If we have kuts- ‘revile, accuse,’ then it is presumably borrowed from B(H)S
kuts-; if it is kut- ‘tend to,’ then we presumably (with H:206-207) have PIE
*k(w)eit- [: OCS "t ‘count, read, take account of,’ Sanskrit cétati ‘pays attention
to’]. If kutsre, q.v., is related, the first meaning must be correct.
kutsawane (adj.) ‘?’
[kutsawane, -, -//] kutsawane Putamitre [to distinguish this Putamitre from others
on the list with the same name] (SI P/117.6Col [Pinault, 1998:13]).
kutsre* (n.) ‘± rag, cast-off’
Only attested in the compound kutsre-wastsi ‘one who wears rags’: taurme
kutsre-wastsi ‘one who wears rags from the rubbish-heap’ (=B(H)S pu-
klika-) (PK-NS-55-a4C [CEToM]). Unless a derivative of kuts- ‘revile,’ as
‘that which causes one to be reviled,’ of unknown etymology.
kutspane ‘?’
///kutspane po trai /// (303 frgm. cC). It is not certain that an entire word is
present here.
ke (particle) an intensifier?
p sas[rai no] s k swsa ke ä[ñ] /// (140b4A), /// mäkte ke pä ñäktes
ñakta te mänt wñ[sta] /// (365b7A), /// [nan]korsa Satyake ke nigranthets soy
päst [wasa] /// ‘by reproach did Satyaka, the son of the Nirgranthas, give [it]
away’ [i.e., he was shamed into doing so] (20a6C), su ke ñem walo ymate ñ
erkatte mäkte te kelu (81a4C), : k[e] käl[a]mñesa ot ra nemce rkate wa///
(235a2C), {367b7C}, [:] ypoyi mna klyaure walo ke kerte [y]mate :
(404b7C), 2 ke wat rnta pännauwwa ptanma w[t]entse eränträ • läntäs-
[k]e[n/m]e /// (522b8C), rki erpar-me twe ke plme rke nes : (107a10L),
///ke ñem auä /// (348b2L). Pinault (2008:115) denies the existence of ke,
saying that in 107b10 and 20a6 ke is a misspelling for ka caused by accidental
repetition of the e-diacritic from the preceding syllable. Not altogether likely in
itself, that explanation will not work for most of the other attestations however.
Etymology unknown. See also perhaps k(ä).
keu* (n.) ‘cow,’ especially ‘adult female cow’ [i.e., the same ambiguity as in English]
[-, -, keu//kewi, -, kewä] /// [a]ñ k[e]wän aktaisa kaltär-me ñr wepe
aan-me : ‘he goads his own cattle with a stick and leads them each to their own
paddocks’ (3a3C), [•] kewä[n] äsemane al[y]ekänts • ‘counting the cattle of
202 kekamor
seen in Old Irish cucht ‘color, outward appearance’ and Old Norse háttr ‘way,
fashion.’ Such a form thematized, would give *kwoktyo- and then, if extended by
an n-stem (see Adams, 1988d), we would have *kwoktye-en-, whence PTch
*kekts’en- (in nuce Pedersen, 1925:29).
There are many other suggestions. VW (1965b:502, 1976: 187-188) and
Anreiter (1987b:95-100) assume a connection with Sanskrit caka
a- ‘aspect,
appearance, form’ [: k$ ate appear, shine,’ cáte ‘see, perceive’], ultimately from
the same PIE *kwek- ‘appear; see; show.’ The Tocharian forms would be (as if)
from PIE *kwokson-, giving PTch *keksen-. The development of *-ks- to -kts- is
irregular. In any case, caka
a itself presupposes a putative PIE *kweksen-. The
Sanskrit and Tocharian words must be independent formations. Hilmarsson
(1986a:186) notes with favor a comparison suggested by Toporov whereby our
Tocharian words are to be related with Lithuanian kaktà ‘forehead’ and kaktenà
‘skin of the forehead; part of helmet covering the forehead; hilltop’ but the
semantics are unconvincing (particularly when we include the clearly cognate
Latvian kakts or kakat ‘corner, nook’). Finally Pinault (1999b) would take the
Tocharian etymon from a putative PIE *kokse-den-, a collective of *kokso- ‘joint’
(and related particularly closely to Latin coxendix ‘hip joint’). But neither the
semantic development (‘body’ < ‘*collection of joints’) nor the phonological
development (I would, on the basis of pai ‘two feet’ from *pode, that *-ede-
would have give PTch *-äyä-) is altogether straightforward. Pinault is clearly
right in taking TchB kektseñe to reflect an old i-stem (nom. sg. in *…n-y) and
TchA kapañi from an extended i-stem (nom. sg. in *…n-y-eha).
kecye* (nf.) ‘?’
[-, kecyentse, -//] ñmlmñai [sic] kecyentse pelaikne /// (THT-1536, frgm. a-
b2A).
keñinta* (n.pl.) ‘±skirts’ or ‘±baby-carrier’ (??)
[//-, -, keñinta] ///rne kcer [lege: tkcer (?)] keñintane lma-ne klyiye trppa
amnentsa r kl[ya] /// ‘…[if] her daughter sits on her keñinta, and the
woman trips and falls all over the monk, …’ (325a2L). The fragmentary
passage obviously concerns the prohibition of a woman’s touching a monk. This
word is often taken as the plural of keni ‘knee,’ q.v. (indeed it is glossed as such
in Uyghur in this text), but if it is to be translated as ‘[if] the daughter is sitting on
his/her knees and the woman trips,’ the plural rather than dual would be unique
and very much unexpected. Winter (1962b:119) plausibly suggests the possi-
bility of ‘skirts’ vel sim. here; one might also suggest ‘straps’ or ‘scarves’ or the
like that made up a sort of baby-carrier. But perhaps it is the monk which is the
subject of lma and who is sitting on his keñinta. See also keni.
keñiye* (adj.) ‘of a country, land’
[m: -, -, keñiye//] aumo kañiye [lege: keñiye] rine em ‘a man came to the city of
the country’ (592a5C). A derivative of ke, q.v. Cf. TchA tkani.
ket ~ kete (pronoun) ‘whose, to whom, for whom’ [genitive of kuse]
11 kleanmai sta[na no bha]wakärne ket [sic] witsko • ‘the klea-trees whose
root [is] in the highest existence’ (554a3/4E), 81 ket ait yoktsi stk=onwaññe
pelaiyknee lyaitke teki mantanta äp srukentär cai • ‘to whom thou givest the
righteous, immortal medicine to drink, they will avoid sickness and never die’
204 keta*
(212b3/4E/C), [ke]te = B(H)S yasya (299a1C), kete pcer lare tka mcer wat ‘to
whom father or mother [are] dear’ (576b7C); —ket-ra ~ ketara ‘whosesoever, to
whomever, for whomever’: : taiknesa ket ra kartse pasprtau poyi <wi>nle
33 ‘in this way the Buddha [is] to be honored [who has] worked for the good of
everyone’ (30b8C), sklok ket ra nai m tsäkau ste kuse tne cmträ m srko[y]
‘to no one indeed has a doubt arisen [as to] who may be [re-]born and not die’
(46b2C), m keta[ra pe]rkäññesa m alyeksa aalle = B(H)S apara-pratyayo
nanyaneya (541a2C/L). For the overlapping chronological distribution of ket and
kete, see Peyrot (2008:168-170)
Like om(p) ‘there’is to ompe ‘id.,’ ket is the apocopated variant of the more
original kete. TchB kete reflects a putative PIE *kwo-tos, with the adverbial *-tos
added to the ordinary relative/interrogative stem *kwo- (for which, see also kuse).
As examples of *-tos added to nouns, pronouns, or locatives we may cite Sanskrit
itá ‘from here,’ táta ‘from there,’ mukhatá ‘from the mouth,’ Avestan xvat
‘from oneself,’ Greek entós ‘inside,’ Greek ektós ‘outside,’ Latin funditus ‘from
the bottom, completely,’ Latin intus ‘inside, from/to within,’ or Old Irish acht
‘outside.’ An original genitive *kweso (= Gothic hwis) would have given Proto-
Tocharian *äse (> A **tsa, B **e—cf. the history of hand, TchA tsar, B ar,
from PIE *hesor-), a form that was phonologically distant from the nominative
and the accusative. If *kwe- had been replaced by *kwu- as in the nominative and
accusative (see kuse), the genitive would have been identical with the nominative
(both *kwäse). Thus the speakers of Proto-Tocharian had to cast their net further
afield. See also kos and kuse.
keta* ‘garden-plot, field’
[-, ketntse, keta//] mäkte sakrm wtetse keta m [m]ka sakantse ayto
nesaññe m karsnatär ‘how the monastery will not be deprived of its estate/
garden-plot and the suitable situation of the community not be destroyed’ (PK-
DAM.507a11Col [Pinault, 1984a:24, Pinault apud Malzahn, 2011:86, fn. 9]),
ynaimyi ketasa cne kamnte yältse-pi-känte ty sak[r]miññai ketntse
kom-pirkome armokiññe cake sim… ‘the [inhabitants] of Ynaimya have brought
1,500 cnes to the monastic garden (?). Of this garden [pertaining to] the
monastery, on the east the boundary [is] the Armoki river…’ (Otani 19.1.2/3Col
[Pinault, 1998; Tamai, 2004]), Mikkaswiñitse ynaikentas kkhetta [or just khetta?]
kärym ysresa pi tom ‘we bought M.’s ynaike-plot for five tom of wheat’
(Otani II-12a15Col [Kagawa, 1915], read as hkhainta ‘shoes’ (?) by Ching and
Ogihara, 2012:81, 94); —kete ‘prtng to a keta’: tranyas cñi esalyi keti
BLOT ukyiltse ‘to the tranyas [a type of worker] ket-posts, 7,000 cnes’
(Huang, 1958Col).
The form (k)khetta strongly supports Tamai’s (2004:99-100) suggestion of a
borrowing from Prakrit/Pali khetta, the descendant of Sanskrit ketra- ‘field,’
however much, on general grounds, we would expect such a form to give
Tocharian *ket. See Malzahn (2011:86, fn. 9) for some possibilities.
kete, s.v. ket.
keto (adj.) ‘± harmed, destroyed’ or (n.) ‘± damage’ (?)
[m: keto, -, -//] khadiräe at twerene tsanapale kete ñemtsa ymä su keto
mäsketär ‘a sliver of acacia [is] to be stuck in the door; in whosoever name one
keni* 205
vocalism having been generalized in Latin (cf. Beekes, 2010:747). See also
possibly knts-.
kepec(e)* (n.) ‘± hem, edge of garment’
[-, -, kepec//] m wä<s>tsitse kepec ette lakaskemane yanmaälle ‘[he is] not
to enter [a house] dangling the hem of [his] clothes’ (322a3/4 E-C).
Probably with Isebaert (2003:118ff.) from a putative Proto-Iranian *kapa-
‘garment flap’ (Middle Persian kp’h ‘gown, mantle,’ Khotanese khapa- ‘dress,’
Armenian kapak ‘short coat’ rather than with VW (214) a derivative of some sort
of PIE *kop- ‘cut’ [: Greek kópt ‘knock, smite, cut off,’ Albanian kep ‘chisel,
chip off,’ Lithuanian kapiù ‘tailor’ (all < *kopye/o-, cf. P:931-032)]. Less likely
is Hilmarsson’s suggestion (H:131) of a PIE *kobh- ‘hang’ on the basis of
Lithuanian kab^$ ti ‘hang.’
Kepautile (n.) ‘Kepautile’ (PN in administrative records)
[Kepautile, -, -//] (SI P/117.4, 6Col [Pinault, 1998:13]). See following entry.
Kepautike (n.) ‘Kepautike’ (PN in administrative records)
[Kepautike, -, -//] (SI B Toch. 12.7Col [Pinault, 1998:16]). See previous entry.
Kemrcune (n.) ‘Kemrjuna’ (PN of a king)
[Kemrcune, -, -//] [pi] [sic] kuntsa Kemrcune [oroccepi lnte] (486a1Col).
The Tocharian initial k- indicates a borrowing from some Prakrit source where
Sanskrit k- had given kh-. See also Kemrcune.
keme* (nm.) ‘tooth; dentition’ [orocce kemesa ‘with adult dentition’];
‘plowshare’
[-, -, keme//kemi, kemets, keme] srukalyñee koyn kakyau tekie
kemetsa po treä aie ‘gaping open [his] mouth, he eats the whole world
with teeth of sickness’ (282b4A), twer känma=stre keme[ntsa yaito]
kointsa ‘with [thy] mouth decorated with four decades of pure teeth’ (248b2/3E),
wcuko kemets witsa[ko] ‘the jaw is the root of the teeth’ (IT-100b2C),
[ka]klya kemi ‘fallen [i.e., missing] teeth’ (PK-NS-261b5C [Broomhead]);
orocce kemesa awi 2 ‘two ewes with adult dentition’ (SI B Toch. 13.4-5Col
[Pinault, 1998:6]); —kemee* ‘prtng to a tooth; ivory (adj.)’: [ta]ñ kemeepi
se[r]k[entse] = B(H)S tvaddantapankty- (IT-202b5C), 83 se amne aye
kemee suckar yamastär ‘whatever monk should make himself a needlecase out
of bone or ivory’ (IT-246b4C/L).
TchA kam and B keme reflect Proto-Tocharian *keme from PIE *ómbhos
‘tooth’ [: Sanskrit jámbha- (m.) ‘tooth,’ Sanskrit jambhya- (m.) ‘molar tooth,’
Greek gómphos (m.) ‘tooth; bolt, dowel,’ Greek gomphíos (m.) ‘molar
tooth,’Albanian dhëmb (m.) ‘tooth,’ dhëmballë (f.) ‘molar tooth,’ OCS zb! (m.)
‘tooth,’ Latvian zùobs ‘tooth,’ Lithuanian žam;bas (m.) ‘edge, brim,’ OHG kamm
‘comb,’ etc.; Sanskrit jámbhate/ jábhate ‘crush, destroy,’ Albanian dhëmb ‘it
hurts, aches’ Lithuanian žembiù ‘cut,’ OCS zb ‘tear up, rip to pieces’ (P:369;
MA:594)] (Schulze, 1923, VW:186).
ker- G ‘laugh’; K ‘make laugh’
G Ps. IIb /ker’i(ye)-/ [A -, -, keri// -, -, ker(i)ye; m-Part. keriyemane]: ///
weä kuse keri wat no /// (THT-1184b2E), /// [ke]ry[e] kñme spänte-
nträ onwaññe aul ‘they laugh, they play, they believe life [to be] immortal’
(2b2C).
kerketstse* 209
Sanskrit grhá- (m.) ‘house, habitation, home,’ Gothic gards (m.) ‘house,’ Old
Norse garðr (m.) ‘fence, hedge, court,’ Old English geard (m.) ‘enclosure, yard,’
Lithuanian gard; as (m.) ‘fold, pen,’ Phrygian -gordum ‘city,’ and Górdion
‘Gordium’ (P:444; MA:199). Except that Tocharian kercc is plural, it would
match Phrygian Górdium exactly. In any case PIE *ghort- and *ghordh- are likely
to be phonologically conditioned variants of what was originally a single
paradigm with a nominative singular *ghórts (with automatic devoicing) and a
non-nominative stem *ghordh-. In a variation of this proposal, Isebaert (apud
Thomas, 1985b:150; cf. Tremblay, 2005:426-427) suggests that we have here a
borrowing from a Middle Iranian *gardiya-).
Kertik (n.) ‘Pleiades’
Kertik näktärne (M-1b4/PK-AS-8Ab4C). From B(H)S krttik- (Filliozat; not
in M-W or Edgerton).
kertte (n.[f.pl.]) ‘sword’
[kertte, -, kertte//kercci, -, kertte] sr[ya]kti kerci ramt ‘like swords of sun-
crystal’ (73b4C), wes rano ñake kerte yamamtär cirona ñrä ‘each of us will
now make sharp swords for ourselves’ (404b8C), onolmi kame yewe kertte
e[k]o ‘beings came having taken up knives and sword’ (347a5L).
Etymology uncertain. Perhaps inherited and a derivative of *(s)ker- ‘cut’ (see
the large list of cognates assembled by P:938ff.; MA:336). Particularly we
should point out, both for the lack of s-mobile and the addition of a dental suffix,
Sanskrit kartana- ‘cutting,’ Sanskrit krtí- ‘a sort of knife or dagger,’ Avestan
kar'ta- ‘knife,’ Modern Persian krd ‘id.,’ Ossetic kard ‘id.’ One should also
mention Gothic hairus ‘sword,’ Old Norse hjrr, ‘id.,’ Old English heoru ‘id.,’
and TchA kre ‘id.’ Alternatively the TchB word may be borrowed from some
Iranian source (so VW:215, K. T. Schmidt, 1983:763, H:134-135, Tremblay,
2005:425).
Kerdipole (n.) ‘Kerdipole’ (PN in grafitto)
[Kerdipole, -, -//] (G-Su-35Col).
ker(y)-, see ker-.
kercie/keryipe (adj.) (?)
The reading is uncertain. Filliozat reads keryipe; Sieg has kercie. Neither
seems to match the remains on the manuscript very well.
kele (n.[m.sg.]) ‘navel, umbilicus; center’
[kele, -, kele//] kelleme [sic] (or is this a different word?) (THT-2377- frgm. 9-
a1E), : korne kelen=rañcä paine tätsi 18 ‘in the throat, in the navel, to the
heart, unto the feet’ (41b3/4C), kätkre wartse kele ‘a deep, broad navel’ (73b2C),
rntse kelesa : ‘by the center of the city’ (244b4C).
From PIE *kwolo-, a derivative of *kwel- ‘turn, revolve’ [: OCS kolo (gen.
kolese) ‘wagon’ (< *kwoles-), Old Irish cul ‘wagon’ (< *kwol dual), Greek -pólos
in aipólos goatherd,’ or amphípolos ‘servant’ (see other formally more distant
cognates P:639-640; MA:606-607)] (Couvreur, 1950:130, also Normier, 1980:
253, and K. T. Schmidt, 1980:403). The original meaning was possibly ‘nave (of
a wheel)’ (i.e., ‘that which turns’) and subsequently metaphorically transferred to
the human navel. Not with VW (626) a borrowing from some northeast Asiatic
language. See also kokale, 2käl-, and possibly 1käl-.
212 keleyak
deer seeks water’ (139b4A), kecyets wts[i] ‘food for the hungry’ (239a3C).
A derivative of kest, q.v.
kee* (n.) ‘fathom, arm-span’
[-, -, kee//-, -, kee] /// pi-känte kee wartstse ‘… 500 fathoms wide’
(111b7L), [tm]p[a] kee ke enekme stma ‘[if] he stands within a fathom
of ground from [= of] her, pyti’ (328b3L); —kee-yärm ‘the measure of a
fathom’: • kee-yärm lki ‘he saw a fathom’s distance’ (517b1 C).
TchA ka and B kee reflect PTch *kee but extra-Tocharian connections are
uncertain. At various times VW has suggested that we have an inherited word
related to Sanskrit ghasta- ‘hand’ or a borrowing from a Uralic source such as
seen in Finnish käsi- ~ käte- ‘hand’ (see VW:625). Hilmarsson (H:137-138)
suggests a PIE *kos-yo- and a relationship with ke, q.v. Far more likely is a
borrowing from some Iranian source of Proto-Iranian *kaša- ‘armpit,’ i.e.,
semantically ‘the length of the arm to the armpit’ (Isebaert, 1980:84ff, Tremblay,
2005:425).
kes-, käs-.
Kesare (n.) ‘Kesare’ (PN)
[Kesare, -, -//] IT-194b2C?.
kesr* (n.) ‘filament (of the lotus), stamen’
[-, -, kesr/-, -, kesrne/] ñ[ä]kcy[e] padmne ywrcka kesrne ‘the (two)
stamens in the middle of the divine lotus’ (73b1=75a2C). From B(H)S kesara-.
kest (n.[m.sg.]) ‘hunger’
[kest, kestantse, kest//] : kessa wn[o]lm[i sru]kenträ ‘out of hunger beings die’
(3a1/2C), ot ceu kestsa mätstsentär ‘then because of this hunger they starve’
(590a7C), kestantse = B(H)S kudh- (Y-3b3C/L); —kestae ‘prtng to hunger’:
klp kestae ‘the age of hunger’ (590a7C); —kestatstse ‘having hunger’: • ot no
k[e]statse preke ai • ‘thus it was the time of hunger’ (IT-248a2/3C), kestätsai
precyaine ‘in the time of hunger’ (THT-4001b4Col); —kest-yokaie ‘prtng to
hunger and thirst’ (284a2A).
TchA kat and B kest reflect PTch *kestä from PIE *Kost- also seen in Hittite
kast ‘hunger,’ kistanziya- ‘starve’ (< *kestént-ye/o-) and kist(u)want- ‘hungry’ (<
*kestwént-) (H:136-137; MA:284). The voicing and aspiration of the initial con-
sonant cannot be determined on the basis of the Hittite and Tocharian evidence.
If Hieroglyphic Luvian astar is ‘from/by hunger,’ then we would have evidence
for a voiced initial (Melchert, 1987:185-186). We might also include Sanskrit
jásuri- ‘hungry (of a wolf)’ and possibly Sanskrit kudh- (f.) ‘hunger’, Avestan
šu- (m.) ‘hunger’ if from *s-udh-. See Friedrich (1925:122, also VW:189). It
is possible that all these are further related to Hittite kist- ‘be extinguished’ (more
s.v. käs-). See also kecye and possibly käs-.
Ketsutaiye (n.) ‘Ketsutaiye’ (PN in administrative records)
[Ketsutaiye, -, -//] (SI B Toch.12.1Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
kaice* (n.) ‘± trough, tub; body of a lute’
[-, -, kaice//] kaice = B(H)S dro
i (529b1C). Etymology uncertain. Perhaps to
be connected with OCS cev"nica ‘lyre, pipe,’ Polish cewa ‘tube, pipe,’ Lithu-
anian šeivà ~ šaivà, Latvian saiva ‘spool.’ The Baltic represents a satem-
development of *k-, the Slavic a centum-development, from *koiw-i-/ *koiw-eha-,
214 ( )kaiyye*
ko
~ kor* (n.) ‘ten million’
[//koanma ~ koranma, -, koanma ~ koranma] maiwa [ke ta]r[y]äl[ts]e po ai-
enne kodyänm sumernt naittre ‘the earth shook in all three thousand worlds
and the Sumerus crashed by the billions’ (274b6A), piaka ukto [k]odryänm=
allo<>kna ‘570 million others’ (THT-1859“a”5A). The spelling [k]odryänma
reflects yet another way of coping with an Indic retroflex consonant. From
B(H)S ko- (cf. Winter, 1991:129) (cf. TchA kor).
ko
ivare* (nm.) ‘millionaire’
[//-, -, koivare] (567a4C/L). From B(H)S kovara- (cf. TchA koivar).
kot (adverbial relative pronoun) ‘as many, much as’ [= kos]
[list of medical ingredients]: kos to po kot stkenta wasto tot (W-9b1C). A
byform of kos, found only in the Weber MS, rebuilt on the model of tot, qq.v.
Kotile (n.) ‘Kotila’ (PN in monastic records)
[Kotile, -, -//] (491b-I-1Col).
kotuka ‘?’
/// p[i] kotuka entweme mñcuke ne/// (111b4L).
koto* (nf.) ‘± crevice, hole in the ground, pit’ [weyetstsa koto = ‘± sewer, latrine’]
[-, -, kotai//kotaiñ, -, -] • kuse yikne-ritañ sosoyo weyetsai ramt kotaisa
yarkesa wikeñcañ : ‘whoever [are] seekers of [the right] way and are satiated
and keep themselves away from a sewer and from flattery’ (31a2/3C), ///nma pä
kotaiñ mäskenträ [kotaiñ = B(H)S vabhra-] (K-8b4/PK-AS-7Hb4C).
Probably derivative of kaut- ‘split off, strike, crush’ (so VW, 1941:44, 1976:
232). The vowel of the first syllable results from an earlier (PTch) *-u- rounded
by the nom. sg. ending -o (one might compare ñor ‘sinew’ from earlier *ñewur
[< *snwr or possibly oko ‘fruit’ [if < *haeugn]). Hilmarsson (H:170) suggests
starting from a zero-grade *khaud(h)-n. There is no reason to assume a borrow-
ing from an unattested TchA **kot as does VW. Less likely to my mind, because
it would then be isolated in Tocharian, is Hilmarsson’s suggestion (1986a:38;
also H:170) that koto is from a PIE *ghudn [: Old Saxon gota ‘canalis,’ Old
Norse gjóta ‘fissure, hole in the ground,’ gota ‘opening between two breakers’].
See also kaut-.
kottär* (n.) ‘clan, family’
[-, kottarntse, -//kottarwa, -, -] (152a4C); —kottartstse* ‘having a family’:
kottarcce pelaik[n]e ‘the law of succession’ (108b9L), tu kottartsana ‘thus
descended’ (?) = B(H)S tadanvayni (530a5C); —kotruññe ‘prtng to family’: ///
[a]ñ katruññe [lege: kotruññe] teri pyrta /// (373a2C). From B(H)S gotra-
(cf. TchA kotär). See also gottr.
kotrik (n.) ‘?’
[kotrik, -, -//] a medical ingredient (W-36a5C).
kotruññe, see s.v. kottär.
kodyänma, see ko.
Konaikke (n.) ‘Konaikke” (PN in monastic records)
[Konaikke, -, -//] (THT-4000, col. 1 -a8).
kontac(e)* (n.) a kind of foodstuff, ‘vegetable’ (??), ‘nut’ (??)
[-, -, kontac//] /// jñnakmi kontac oko ysre kälwwa [lege: kälpwa]
(477a2Col). In kontac oko ysre we appear to have a list of generic foodstuffs,
216 Konmaikakauke
‘kontac, fruit, and grain.’ If the word means ‘nut,’ then we might think of a
putative PIE *kund-uTen- where the *kund- is related by metathesis to Proto-
Germanic *hnut- ‘nut’ [: Old English hnutu, OHG (h)nuz, Old Norse hnot] and a
bit more distantly to Latin nux (< *knu-k-), and Old Irish cnú, gen. cnó (< *kns,
*knuwos). See P:558. But the meaning, and hence the etymology, is most
speculative.
Konmaikakauke (n.) ‘Konmaikakauke’ (PN in graffito)
[Konmaikakauke, -, -//] (G-Qa1.2Col). See Pinault’s discussion, 1986: 163-164.
kontso* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, kontsai//] klyiye amnentse as ntka mapi kontsaisa wat ‘[if] a
woman pushes a monk’s seat with either an mapi or a kontsai’ (325a1L).
Koppesale (n.) ‘Koppesale’ (PN in administrative records)
[Koppesale, -, -//] (SI P/117.10Col [Pinault, 1998:15]).
komtC (adv.) ‘daily’
: aumo ks=allek [k]omt tsokaik tsakoy ‘may another person arise daily at
dawn’ (19b6C). A derivative of kau, q.v.
komtak in the phrase cau komtak ‘today, this very day’
cau kaumtak [lege: komtak as otherwise in this document] Cina [ya]p wltsa
tarya taum ‘today C. ground thirty pounds of grain’ (459a4Col [also 459a2,
461a6Col]). A derivative of kau, q.v.
kompaino* (nm.) ‘?’
[//-, -, kompai] [winam]ññi pyapyaicci wawak po kompaino ayato enaisäñ
‘flowery pleasure-gardens abloom, each kompaino a pleasure to the eyes’
(588a1E). The context suggests something like ‘courtyard’ or ‘neighborhood’ or
the like.
koyñi (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± open wound’
[koyñi, -, -//] s[n]ai-oläntse [reading uncertain] koyñi ra kas yälloñ ple nätkau
ra takälñe (PK-NS-53-b5C [Pinault, 1988:101]). The meaning is that suggested
by Pinault who further suggests an etymological connection with koyn ‘mouth,’
q.v., a suggestion further explored by Hilmarsson (H:172-173).
koyn* (nnt.) ‘mouth’
[-, -, koyn//-, -, koynuwa] srukalyñee koyn kakyau tekie kemetsa po
treä aie ‘gaping open [his] mouth of death with teeth of sickness, he eats
the whole world’ (282b4A), twer känma=stre keme[ntsa yaito] kointsa
‘with [thy] mouth decorated with four decades of pure teeth’ (248b2/3E), ko[yne]
= B(H)S mukhe (16a5C), waiyke reki mantanta läññi-ñ [k]oynm[e] ‘may never
a lying word emerge from my mouth!’ (S-3a6/b1C), koyname (passim).
TchA koy- (cf. the loc. sg. koya ‘in the mouth’) and B koyn are obviously
cognate in some way but the exact mechanism is not altogether clear. Excepting
the final -n of TchB, I take the PTch antecedent of TchA koy- and B koyn to be
*koy which has developed normally in A. (The TchA nominative ko which is
usually adduced is, as Hilmarsson shows [H:171] probably non-existent. It
occurs, but once, at A-63a4: orpaksa wotr rkyant wätsys wa cakär
swñce ko/// which should probably be translated as ‘they placed great white
parasols on the platforms and warded off the rays of the sun,’ where ko/// stands
for ko[nis] ‘of the sun.’) In B the original *koy was further derived by (in PIE
Korakke 217
terms) *-nu- (pl. *-nweha). The PTch *koy presumably represents a putative
PIE *hh2oy-u- (nt.) ‘a gaping,’ a derivative of *hh2(e)i- ‘yawn, gape’ (see ky-
and compare Lubotsky, 2011:107-108). Under this analysis the relatively
common koyn kakyau is a figura etymologica (the root connection goes back to
Duchesne-Guillemin, 1941:154, VW:227). Not with Ivanov (1985:411) should
we take it to be a loanword from Tibetan kha ‘mouth’ since such an origin does
not explain the Tocharian form. See also ky- and perhaps the previous entry.
koylle* (adj.) ‘± diligent, attentive’ (?); (n.) ‘attendant’ (?)
[f: koylya, -, -//] koylya mñya yulyaiñña waimen=ñu källtsi ‘a diligent maid
[is] rare [and as] difficult to find [as] peace’ (127b5E), ///koyle wa[t] /// (301b4C).
Formally it would appear that we have a gerund to an otherwise unattested
verb *koy- which, if the meaning is more or less correct, might reflect PIE
*(s)keu(hx)- ‘pay attention, take care’ [: Greek koé ‘perceive, hear,’ Latin cave
‘be on one’s guard,’ Sanskrit -kúvate ‘pay attention to,’ Old English hwian
‘show,’ OCS uj ‘feel, mark’ (< *keuhxye/o-), and other more distant cognates
(P:587-8)]. Tocharian *koy- might reflect a PIE *kuhx-ye/o-.
Koyike (n.) ‘Koyike (PN)
[Koyike, -, -//] IT-258a1Col).
Koysa (n.) ‘Koysa’ (PN in monastic records)
[Koysa -, -//] (466a1Col).
¹kor* (n.) ‘throat [both internal and external], neck’; also ‘cavity [in general]’ (??)
[-, -, kor//] ya su yente : korne kelen=räñcä paine tätsi 18 ‘the wind goes
into the throat, into the navel, to the heart, unto to the feet’ (41b3C), [tau]r tsa
kt[n]te po korsa ‘they scattered dust on [their] head[s] and all over [their]
neck[s]’ (PK-NS-36A-a5C [Couvreur, 1964:247]), korne = B(H)S ka
ha- (Y-
2a4C/L), koräñ ‘out of the cavity’ (??) (PK-NS-25-b1C [Pinault, 2000:82], but only
the k- and the -ñ are reasonably certain).
Etymology uncertain. I think it is most likely to reflect a PIE *kuhxr ‘hole,
opening’ [: Greek kúar (nt.) ‘eye of the needle; opening of the ear,’ Avestan sra-
‘hole, gap,’ Armenian sor ‘hole’ (< *kouhxero-?), Sanskrit na- ‘lack,’ Sanskrit
nyá- ‘empty, hollow’ (Frisk, 1970:38; MA:96)]. The development of PIE *--
to TchB -o- would appear to be regular (cf. no ‘however’ from *n).
Also possible would be a development from a PIE *gwor(h3)u (nt.), a derivative
of *gwer(h3)-‘swallow, devour’ [: Sanskrit giráti] ‘swallows, devours,’ Avestan
jaraiti ‘swallows, gulps,’ Greek bibrsk ‘consume, eat up,’ Latin vor ‘swallow,
devour,’ Lithuanian geriù ‘drink,’ etc., particularly (for the meaning) Avestan
gar'an- ‘throat, neck,’ Modern Persian gul ‘throat,’ Sanskrit galá- (m.)
‘throat,’ Armenian kokord ‘id.,’ Russian Church Slavonic gr!lo ‘id.’ (P:474-
476)] (Krause, 1951:203, VW:230). However, the exact form needed to produce
B kor is not found elsewhere in this etymon. Also not paralleled elsewhere is the
*hehawr assumed by Winter and Hilmarsson (see Hilmarsson’s discussion,
1986a:12-14, and H:167). See also possibly kore.
²kor, ko.
Korakke (n.) ‘Korakke’ (PN in administrative records)
[Korakke, -, -//] (SI B Toch.12/3, 4Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
218 koro*
descended into the boat …’ [?] (389b8E), : nauntai kolmai upp[ln]t[a] ///
(234a3C).
TchA koläm and B kolmo relect PTch *kelm- with the vowel of the first
syllable rounded by the the -o of the nominative singular (whence it spread
throughout the paradigm). One should compare the identical development in
koto, q.v. This *kelm- is closely related to OHG scalm (m.) ‘boat’ (< *skolmo-),
both being derivatives of the richly attested *(s)kel- ‘cut’ (see the words collected
by P:923ff; MA:74). The exact semantic agreement of OHG and Tocharian is
striking. See VW, 1961b:383, n. 2, 1976:228-229 (though there is no reason to
assume that TchA koläm is borrowed from B). Blažek (1991b) suggests a
*kolh3mn and compares Slavic ìln! ‘boat’ (e.g., Russian ëln, Serbo-Croatian
ûn) from *kl h3no- < *kl h3mno-, all from *kelh3- ‘protrude, lift.’ The PIE root is
rather *kelh1- (see käly- ‘stand’), but that would not invalidate the possible
comparison.
kolyi (nf.) ‘± hoof, paw’ (?), in general ‘animal’s foot’ (?)
[kolyi, -, -//] Kertik näktärne yäkweñña kolyi lykake wawaltsausa kercapaññe
yasarsa pärkale ‘in krttik a horse’s hoof finely ground [is] to be dissolved in
ass’s blood’ (M-1b4/5/PK-AS-8Ab4/5C), at kolyi ‘a sliver of hoof’ (M-3b1/PK-
AS-8Cb1C).
Formerly translated as ‘tail’on the basis of the TchA equivalent kolye which
appears as a hapax legomenon at A-12b4, part of a short poetic passage where the
author is describing a recumbent simulacrum of a lion: kliso pccs po to lap
lyi kolyeyac ‘lying on its left side, its head on the right toward (or on) the
kolye.’ It seems grammatically most natural to take lyi to be adjectival,
modifying kolyeyac but if so kolye cannot mean ‘tail’ which, in any case, seems
difficult anatomically. It would be better to see the lion’s head as curled up on
one of its paws. The two instances in B are also better translated similarly, as
‘hoof’ or the like, since ‘tail’ is neither pre-eminently grindable nor sliverable.
Whether both A and B words meant ‘± clawed paw, hoof’ or the TchA word
meant only ‘clawed paw’ while B meant ‘hoof’ is not to be decided.
Etymologically, it is possible that we have a putative PIE *golu-h1en-, a
derivative of *golu-. If so, it would be cognate with Germanic *klaw-/klw-
(f.) [: Old English clawu ‘claw, hoof; or OHG klwo ‘claw’]. One might wonder
if Proto-Germanic *klaw- might not be from *kalw- by metathesis. To do so
would disassociate the Tocharian and Germanic words from PIE *gleu- ‘be
curved’ (cf. P:361-363) but given the heterogeneous collection, both morpho-
logical and semantic, subsumed under that lemma, such a disassociation would
not be too costly. (See Adams, 1987a:1-3 for semantic identification and etymo-
logy.) Hilmarsson suggests (H:164-166) that there is a relationship of the
Tocharian words with OCS gol@n" ‘leg.’ The Slavic might reflect *gol-oi-n-
while the Tocharian might reflect *gol-y-en- or the like. This is an attractive
hypothesis but seems semantically more difficult than the equation of the
Tocharian words with the Germanic ones for ‘claw.’
koa ‘?’
/// koa lykäke pälsko waikesse 1 e /// (117a6E).
220 koagat
koagat ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘with the private parts concealed’ (i.e., the Buddha’s
chryptochord lakana)
yonmasta ce plme lak go[a]g[a]t [lege: koagat] (74a2C). From
B(H)S koagata- (cf. TchA goagat). Antonym of apkai, q.v.
koko ~ kok ye (nf.) ‘± hut’
[kokoA ~ kokyeC, -, kokai//] ket [p]älsko kärwa[ts] skwänma ma skwänma :
koko rä tartse tsätko tsätkwa ekästrä ‘to whom [is] the thought, “the
fortunes of reeds [reeds metonymic for beggars’ canes] [are] not fortunes; the hut
protects deceptively”; he grasps [= who had the thought] the error erroneously”
(?) (255a4A) [the meaning of parts of this text, including this passage, are
notoriously difficult but koko should not be separated from kokiye], pwrai
kokain[e yaptsi] ‘to enter into a fiery hut’ (100a4C), rjavrka-stamatse
arwme kokye yamalya ‘from the wood of an R-tree a hut [is] to be made’
(M-3a6/PK-AS-8Ca6C). Because of its distant meaning, probably not a loan-
word from Iranian (as per VW:627, followed by Tremblay, 2005:434) but rather a
distant cognate of Pahlavi kwšk ‘part of a building,’ Modern Persian kušk or kšk
and the Georgian k’ošk’i ‘tower,’ which is a loanword from Iranian. More at
kuiye. See Adams, 2006b.
ko
(n.) ‘leprosy’
[ko, -, -//] (KVc-19b3/THT-1111b3C [Schmidt, 1986]). From B(H)S kuha-.
See also ku
h.
Ko
hile (n.) ‘Kohila’ (PN)
[Kohile, -, -//] (26b8C).
Koyele (n.) ‘Koyele’ (PN in monastic records)
[Koyele, -, -//] (THT-4000, col. 1, -a5).
kos (correlative pronoun [with the subjunctive]) ‘as long as, as much as, etc.’ [olyapo
no kos ñme ‘as much as you like’]; (interrogative pronoun) ‘how much, how
long, etc.’ [kos te lykwarwa ‘how often?’]
[: mäkte] kos tsaika lwakstsaik acemae [lege: lwakstsaika=cemae]
bhjanta kautalñ=ke po to : ‘as many earthen vessels as the potter makes,
their end is al[ways] destruction’ (3a2C), kos saika ikont=e[r]k[e]nma : tot
srkalñe /// ‘as many steps one takes to the graveyard, [in] so much [is he near to]
death’ (3b6C), kos = B(H)S yvat (22a3C), 19 kos cwi maiyy=aiamñea kos
ndrinta tot lkä : ‘as far as the power of his wisdom [reaches], as far as [his]
senses/sense-organs, so far he sees’ (41b5C), : kos no cwi palskone tsmntär
krentauna : tot pä po /// ‘as long, however, as virtues increase in his spirit, so
long …’ (64a8C), kos laukaññe ce wartton[e] /// ‘as far as [he is] in the forest’
(363a6C), kos = B(H)S kiyt (IT-74a4C?), kos te lykwarwa ‘how often?’ (594b1C),
/// olyapo no kos ñme ‘as much as you like’ (IT-158a2C); —kossa ‘id.’: m tot
… kossa … m ‘solange nicht, bis nicht’ [kossa = B(H)S yvat] (107b10L), •
kossa wärñai mka weä • = B(H)S yvat bahu bhate (305b4C); —
kosau(k) ‘id.’ (only in negative clauses?): kosauk srukalyñe=me ma tai-ne tot
ma mrauskte ‘as long as the thought of death did not touch him, so long did he
not grow weary of the world’ (K-11b2/PK-AS-7Nb2A), kosau = B(H)S yvan
[B(H)S clause is negative] (U-17a2C).
kosi* 221
AB kos reflect PTch *kos which must reflect some form of the ubiquitous
relative/ interrogative pronoun *kwo- but the exact preform is less clear than it
might be. It may be *kwot + (adverbial) -s, similar in form to the Italic *kwuts that
appears in Oscan puz ‘ut’ or, with the initial gone by misdivision, in Latin us-
piam ‘anywhere,’ Latin us-quam ‘anywhere, in any way, in any direction.’ (The
suggestion of a PIE adverbial *-s in this word goes back, in embryo, to
Duchesne-Guillemin [1941:170]). I assume that the final *-ts is simplified to *-s
and then the *-s remains in a monosyllable (cf. Tocharian B wes ‘we,’ yes ‘you,’
and kas ‘six’). If so, kos owes its vowel to tot, q.v.,—since *kwots should have
given B **kes and A **kas. That this kind of influence is possible from demon-
strative to correlative pronoun is seen in the rare Tocharian B variant of kos,
namely kot where the final -t is obviously modeled on that of tot. We might also
note Tocharian A kosprene, a variant of kosne, which owes its second syllable
to its correlative demonstrative täprene. Another possibility might be PIE
*kwehawot-s similar in formation to the Greek h%os from *yehawots and Sanskrit
y$ vat, though the thorough-going nt-stem in Sanskrit versus the lack of an *-n- in
Greek is not well-explained. (As more distant comparanda we might look at
Greek tmos ‘then, thereupon’ or OCS tamo ‘there,’ both with *-mo- rather than
*-wo-.) A PIE *kwehawots would have regularly given early PTch *kowots
which, in turn, would give B kos (MA:457). (In TchA we might have expected
**kawas. Again the vowel would be from tot). Similarly a *tehawot-u would
have resulted in tot in both languages.
This connection is wrongly rejected by Van Windekens (1976:230-231) who
takes kos to reflect a PIE *kwo-sou (where the latter portion is the same as
Tocharian B s) and its correlative demonstrative tot to be from *to-tou (where
the second portion is the equivalent of Tocharian B t). He also takes the
Tocharian B forms as borrowings from Tocharian A—an impossible solution to
my mind as, inter alia, there is no tot attested in Tocharian A. Hilmarsson
(1986a:43, 1987a:41, H:168-169) rightly objects to the nominative *so + u
appearing in this adverbial formation. His suggestion is *kwo-sw(s) with the
same *sw(s) seen in the postpositive Homeric hs (e.g. ísan órnithes hs 2).
His solution is phonologically possible but does not explain kos’s relationship
with tot. He takes tot to be from what I think to be an impossible *to-d. In any
case his solution does not take into account the otherwise striking formal parallels
that exist between relative pronouns and their correlative demonstratives in
Tocharian (see further discussion at kuse). See also kot, ket(e), and kuse.
kosi* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘cough’
[-, kosintse, kosi//] [r]aiwepi meml[oe]pi ysrccepi kosintse ‘for a sluggish,
harmful, bloody cough’ (497a4C), in a list of maladies: kosi • yäktñmä • - leñene
(497a6C).
(As if) from PIE *kwehas-u-en- (for the n-stem extension, see Adams, 1988d)
and derived from PIE *kwehas- ‘cough’ [: Sanskrit k$ s- (f.) and Sanskrit ksá-
(m.) ‘cough,’ Sanskrit ksate ‘he coughs,’ Albanian kollë ‘cough (<
*kwehasleha-), Middle Irish cassacht, Welsh pas, Breton pas, Cornish paz, all
‘cough’ and all from *kwhas-t-, OHG huosto, Old English hwsta, Old Norse
hósti, all ‘cough’ and all from *kwehas-t-on-, Lithuanian kósiu (Old Lithuanian
222 kotstse
kosmi) ‘cough,’ Latvian ksju ‘id.,’ Lithuanian kosuls, Latvian kãsulis and
Russian Church Slavonic kašel" (< *kaš!l"), all (noun) ‘cough’ (P:649;
MA:133)]. The Balto-Slavic cognates provide the closest formal match to
Tocharian, namely *kwehas-u-.
kotstse, kautstse.
kau- (vt.) G ‘kill, strike down, destroy; chop up’ [passive: ‘be struck down,’ etc.,
also ‘be split up, disunited’]
G Ps. VIII /kus’ä/e-/ [A -, -, kauä// -, -, kause; MP -, -, kautär// -, kautär,
-; nt-Part. kaueñca; m-Part. kausemane; Ger. kaualle]: mka wnolme[]
kause : ‘they kill many creatures’ (3a1C), kauä = B(H)S nudati (12a6C), 19
sruks entwe tpi pi-känte cmelane kauträ lyauce : ‘you both die; in five
hundred births you kill one another’ (42a3=43b5C), melee indri cpi m
kauträ ‘his sense of smell is not destroyed’ (K-11a1/PK-AS-7Na1A), srukalñe
kaueñca = B(H)S mrtyuhant (31a6C), [akntsaññe]e orkamñe kaueñc[antse]
= B(H)S ajñnati-miraghnasya (IT-16b2C), kaueñca = B(H)S -ghna- (Y-2b1C/L),
/// kraupene cene kausem[ane ku]s[e] p[lme] /// ‘[if] disunited in the
community concerning this, “who [is] the best”’ [kausem[ane] = B(H)S
bhidyamna] (36b1C), (36b1C), aiamñesa kauallona kleanma = B(H)S
jñnavaddhy kle (200a4C/L); ya kaun ‘he chops up the bones’ (S-8b2/PK-
AS-4Bb2C); Ko. I /kowä- ~ kwä-/ [A -, -, kowä//; Inf. kautsi]: [: yoko kau]tsi
etsuwai ä wnolme [kautsi = B(H)S vadhya] (11a8C), /// kowän lwsa
lyamñana ynamñana /// ‘[if] he kills flying or running animals [i.e., birds or
animals]’ (29b8C); Ipv. III [MPsg. kawar] (IT-214a4C); Pt. III /kwä- ~kaus-/
[A kauwa, -, kowsa ~ kausa// kawam, -, kawar]: : kawam añ ar[sa] /// ‘we
killed with our own hand[s]’ (16b4C), walo Mga[te] yolai wmots eartu
kausa ptär krent ‘the king of Magadha, incited by evil friends, killed [his] good
father’ (TEB-64-12/IT-5C/L); PP /kk wu-/: kakawu po klea[nma
pe]rn[e]rñe[sa] wnas[k]au-[c] ‘having killed all kleas I honor thee with
splendor’ (203a3E/C); —kakworme: treme kakwo[rme] = B(H)S
krodhahatv (U-13b3C); —kwälñe ‘killing’: kwälñeme päklautk[a] ‘turn
from killing!’ (358b3C).
The o-grade of kowä and kowsa is an inner-Tocharian development of a new
strong grade in -o- beside a “weak grade” in --. Further discussion s.v. r-.
TchA ko- and B kau- reflect PTch *ku- from PIE *keh aw- ‘hew, strike’
[: OHG houwan, Old English hawan ‘beat, hew,’ Lithuanian káuju ‘beat, strike;
forge,’ OCS kov ‘forge,’ and, more distantly, Latin cd ‘beat, pound, thresh;
forge, strike (of metals)’ (where -- rather than -au- is probably abstracted from
compounds), TchB kaut- ‘split off, chop (down)’ (the last two enlarged by the
present-forming suffix *-d(h)e/o-) (P:535; MA:549; LIV:345f.)] (Fraenkel, 1932:
222, VW:227-8, Hackstein, 1995:54ff.). The Tocharian present, (as if) from PIE
*kehau-se/o-, is rather nicely matched by Avestan kušaiti ‘kills’which is, itself,
(as if) from PIE *khau-se/o-. (One might also compare TchA kot- ‘strike, kill by
striking’ which reflects a putative PIE *kehau-s-dhe/o-.) See also kauenta,
ekaute, probably kautstse, and, more distantly, kaut-. For auwa, s.v. 2w-.
kauure* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘bull’
[-, -, *kauur (cf. infra) (voc. kauuru)//-, kauuräts, -] kauräts lnte ‘of the
kauc 223
Not with Pedersen (1944:11, also VW:626-7) a borrowing from Turkish gün
‘sun.’ To have given both TchA ko and B kau, the borrowing would have had
to have been of PTch in date. So early a date might itself rule out the Turks on
geographical grounds. In any case there is no reason *gün would have given
anything but PTch **kin or **kun. Winter’s suggestion of a borrowing in the
opposite direction is no more plausible. See also perhaps the next entry, komt,
and ykau.
kaunär* (n.) ‘circuit, orbit’ (??)
[//-, -, kaunarnta] • kalpänmae kaunärnta [kausärnta?] mäsa snai ke
prekensa· tsirau[ñe]/// [11 syllables] /// [• kalpänma]e kwärsärw kätkau
täry warkältsa • skralyeai ya[m]ine /// [7 syllables] ‘he traveled the ages-old
circuits (??) innumerable times; with energy … having traversed the three leagues
of the ages (?); on the road of reproach …’ (THT-1191a4A).
Kalpänme kaunärnta begins the first pada of the third loka of this poem.
With lacunae the whole of the loka is given above. Kaun/särnta is difficult.
Because the shape of the r-sign in this manuscript, when it comprises the first
part of a compound akshara, it can look like the diacritic that represents the vowel
e; Malzahn (p.c.) suggests a misspelling for kaunänt<s>e which has the virtue of
providing a reading with a known word while TITUS reads kausänte). However,
-rnta is pretty clearly what the scribe wrote and the word must be plural since the
preceding adjective kalpänmae is accusative plural and has no other possible
head in this loka (nor do I see any syntactic role for kaunäntse, whether ‘of the
day’ or ‘of the sun,’ in this sentence). The verb is ‘go/travel’; the accusative must
be an accusative of goal or of path, e.g., ‘he went to the age-long kaun/särnta
innumerable times’ or ‘he traveled along the age-old kaun/särnta innumerable
times.’ The subsequent kalpänme kwärsärw ‘ages-long leagues’ echoes the
movement told of in the previous pda. The question as to whether we have <nä>
or <sä> is less easy to resolve. It looks most like a somewhat blotchy <nä> might
be expected to look, but there are no other <nä>’s to compare it with. It could
also be a blotchy <sä>. I tentatively take it to be the equivalent of Sanskrit vartí-
‘circuit (of the avins), orbit.’ Etymology unknown.
kau-ñäkte (n.[m.sg.]) ‘sun, sun-god’
[kau-ñäkte, -, -/kau-ñäktene, kau-ñäktenaisäñ, -/kau-ñäkti, kau-ñäk-
tets, -] kaum-ñäkte • kom-ñiktene [sic] • ko[m-ñäkti] = B(H)S vibhr • vibhr-
jau • vibhrja (550a3L), poy[i]ññe kauñäktentso pärklñe ‘the rising of
buddhas like sun-gods’ (S-6/PK-AS-5Cb6C), [Manichean script] kvm///ktynz///
(Gabain/Winter:10). Compound of kau + ñäkte, qq.v. (cf. TchA ko-ñkät).
kaum* (~ kom*) (n.) ‘bolt of unbleached silk’
[//-, -, kaumma] kroe-mañe käryau wi känte ak kaummasa ‘having bought
the ice-cellar for 210 bolts of unbleached silk’ (Otani 13.1.4-5Col) [Kagawa, 1915,
Ching, 2011:74, fn. 35]), Wantikenme ikä kaumasa yakwe ka eksamte ‘we
took hither a horse [valued at] 20 bolts of unbleached silk from Wantike’ (PK-
Cp.37+36.22-24Col [Ching, 2011:70]).
For the discussion of meaning, see Ching, 2011. The word is only attested in
the plural. If the singular is kaum as Ching and I have supposed, it has been
created analogically after the plural. It is quite possible the singular is/was *kau.
kauenta 227
Surely from the Middle Chinese ancestor of Modern Chinese gâo ‘thin
(unbleached) white silk.’ Originally we presumably had *kau + plural -nma.
*Kau-nm became regularly in late Tocharian B *kaum-nma which, by
simplification, gave kaumma. See also kaumñe.
kaumiye (nf.) ‘pool, pond’
[kaumiye, kaumaintse, kaumai//kaumaiñ, -, -] : wrotsana ckenta kaumaiño …
kaunts=osonträ : ‘great rivers and pools are dried up by the sun’ (45b7C),
kaumaintse petwesa ‘on the bank of the pool’ (623b6C); —kaumaie* ‘prtng
to a pool; inhabitant of the Pool’: kaumaii wsar y tkkai mallantsasme ñu-
kunae stane kesa yältse okänte uktamka ‘the inhabitants of the Pool gave
1,870 for a quantity of ninth regnal year stane from the vintners in Tkko’ (Bil
2.2/THT 4062?, Schmidt, 2001:20).
Etymology unknown. At various times VW suggested connections with kaut-
‘split’ and PIE *heu- ‘pour,’ but neither is very satisfying semantically (see VW:
190). Hillmarsson diffidently suggests (H:118) a derivation from PIE *hehau-
‘open wide’ as in Gk kháos ‘chaos.’
kaume* (n.) ‘(fresh) shoot; impulse, inclination, instinct’
[//kaumi, -, kaume ~ keumeE] /// [m] snai keume ñyäkcyna [sic] ramt
stna Nanda wärttone ‘… not without shoots like the divine trees in the
Nandana-forest’ (275a1A), kaumetsa rera[ko]ä ‘covered with fresh shoots’
(563b8C), : sälyu kewme/// (IT-879b3?).
TchA kom and B kaume reflect PTch *keume perhaps from PIE *koudmo-, a
derivative of *(s)keud- ‘shoot, throw’ [: Sanskrit códati ‘drives, hastens,’
Albanian hedh ‘throw’ (< *skeud), Old Norse skjóta ‘shoot, shove,’ Old English
scotan ‘shoot, throw; dash forward,’ OHG sciozan ‘throw, shoot, move quickly,’
Middle High German schossen ‘run quickly,’ etc. (P:956; MA:581)]. Particularly
compelling semantically are such deverbal nouns in Germanic as English shoot
(VW:229). However, Blažek (2003) presents a strong alternative in comparing
the Tocharian words with Czech kmen (m.) ‘stem, trunk’ and Lower Sorbian
kmje (m.) ‘branch, shoot, stem.’ These Slavic words would reflect a PIE
*kumen-. Their isolation within Slavic does, though, invite caution.
kaumñe* (n.) ‘silk-merchant’ (?) or sòng bóliàn shî (‘commissioner of silk
conveyance’) (?)
[-, -, kaumñe//] kroemaññe k[är]yau wi känte ak kaummasa Ya kaumñe
pauye eñcil kante ikä kaummasa ‘having bought an ice-cellar for 210 bolts of
white silk, Ya [imposed] a tax-levy on the … of 120 bolts of white silk’ (?)
(Otani 13.1.4-5Col [Ching, 2011:74]). Derivative of kaum, q.v.
kaumtak, see komtak.
Kauravye (n.) ‘Kauravya’ (PN of a king)
[Kauravye, -, -//] (3a7C).
kauikäññe (adj.) ‘prtng to the Kauika family’
[kauikäññe, -, -//] (350b3C). An adjective derived from *Kauike ‘member of
the Kauika family which, in turn, is from B(H)S kauika-.
kauenta (n.) ‘murderer, executioner’
[kauenta, -, kauentai/ /kauentañ, kauentats, -] kauentañ krui onolmi mka
‘if many creatures [are] murderers’ (K-8a6/PK-AS-7Ha6C), kau[entai] ra
228 Kausal*
difficulty of leaving the house [i.e., becoming a monk]’ (34b6C), kramartsäññe
= B(H)S gurutva- (Y-3a4C/L).
TchA *krmär (whose former existence at least is attested in the derived
adjective krmärts [= B kramartse]) and B krmär reflect PTch *krmär from a
(putative) PIE *gwréha-mr ‘heaviness,’ an abstract noun derived from *gwrha-u-
‘heavy’ [: Sanskrit gurú-, Avestan gouru-, Greek barús, Latin gravis, all ‘heavy’
(P:476; MA:264)]. In formation this putative *gwreha-mr is similar to that seen in
Sanskrit garimán- (m.) ‘heaviness, weight’ (< *gworha-mén-). See Meillet and
Lévi, 1911:149, VW:233-234, H:173-174, though the details differ. See also
kramartññe.
krs- (vt.) G (Act.) ‘vex,’ (MP.) ‘be angry’; K (Act.) ‘torment,’ (MP.) ‘be/get angry/
upset’
G Ps. IV /kroso-/ [MP -, -, krosotär//] (PK-NS-29a1C [TVS]); Pt. VII /kríy-/:
[MP -, -, krayate//] • tume tanpate kraiyate • ‘then the donor got angry’
(HMR3/IT-248b4C); Pt. Ib /krs -/ [A -, -, krsa (kras-ñ)//]: retke lla
Kaualets <:> räskre krsa tu Pra[sa]nake /// ‘he threw down the army of
the Kosalans; it tormented P. very much’ (21a7C), kras-ñ klaiññe camel ‘the
female birth [= birth as a female] vexed me’ (400b1/2L).
K Ps. IXb /kr säsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, krsää//; MPImpf -, -, krasätär]: m cew
yoko krsää ekä ‘thirst does not always torment him’ (K-10b2/PK-AS-
7Jb2C), /// tusa krasäträ mantañträ /// ‘thus he was angry and became evil’
(IT-58a3E).
AB krs- reflect PTch *krs- probably (with VW, 1941:45, 1976:234) a
lengthened grade intensive (or possibly a PIE o-grade intensive with *o > by -
umlaut from the next syllable and the resultant generalized throughout the
paradigm) from PIE *ghres- ‘± threaten, torment’ otherwise only certainly seen in
Baltic [: Lithuanian gresiù ‘threaten, menace,’ gristù ‘be disgusted with,’ grasà
‘threat,’ grasinù ‘threaten,’ Latvian grast ‘threaten’ (P:445, with some other
very dubious cognates; MA:577)]. The Latvian grast might be the exact
equivalent of the putative *krs- that lies behind the attested Tocharian
paradigm. Also possible is Hilmarsson’s suggestion (H:176-177) that this word
reflects a PIE *krohxs- otherwise seen in Old Norse hrøra ‘move, stir; touch,’ Old
English hrran ‘id.,’ OHG hruoren ‘id.’ but the semantic equation is less
compelling. See also krso.
krso (n.) ‘± vexation, torment’
[krso, -, -//-, -, krasonta] /// kalä krso anaiktai ‘he endures an unknown
torment’ (386b4C), /// [te]ki mentsi krasonta proskai /// ‘sickness, grief, torments,
fear’ (512b1L). A nominal derivative of the previous entry. The identical TchA
krso must be a borrowing from B (VW:234).
krätaññe (adj.) ‘± active, beneficial’ (?)
[m: krätaññe, -, -//] ///[e]iyu prkkre krätaññe añ arañce bodhisatvets
kartse waamo (600b4C). The semantic identification is predicated on this
being an adjectival derivative of a Tocharian borrowing of B(H)S krta- (nt.)
‘deed, action, benefit.’
232 krätatñe
kro* (n.) ‘kos’ (an Indian linear measure of about two miles)
[-, -, kro//] • steyasa ya pyti • ywrtstsa krone dukär • ‘[if] he goes with a
thief, pyti; [if he goes with him] under half a kos, dukar’ (330a5/b1L). From
B(H)S kroa- (cf. TchA kro).
kroce ~ kroceE (adj.) ‘cold’ [ (n.) ‘ice’ ?? (see infra kroe-maññe)]
[m: kroce, -, krocä (~ kroeCol?)//kroci (or kroca < krocañ?), -, -] [f: //
krocana, -, krocana] krocana to nrainta skente okt ‘there are eight cold hells’
(18b5C), kroca war ceu yolmene yänmaske ‘they enter into the cold water in
the pond’ (29a6C), kroca tatka ‘having become cold’ (PK-AS-7Ka3C
[CEToM]), mkte [sic] meñe m rinasträ swañcai krocana ‘as the moon does
not renounce [its] cold beams’ (52b7C), kroce war snai-märkarcce = B(H)S
tatoyam anvilam (IT-26b2C);—kroe-maññe ‘ice-house’: kroe-mañe
käryau wi känte k kaummasa ‘bought was an ice-house [in exchange] for two
hundred twenty-six bolts of unbleached white silk’ (Otani 13.1.4-5Col [Ching,
2011:74; also Malzahn, p.c.]). [Compounds with -maññe always take as their
first member a noun, usually a concrete one, hence the suggested meaning ‘ice’
(compare the Chinese bngjîng ‘ice-well’ found for this kind of structure in the
Chinese documents of Turpan). The first members of compounds are, almost
without exception, in the accusative singular form which suggests that by later
Tocharian B times kroe (< kroce) had replaced, or was at least competing with,
the older krocä.]
TchA kura (nom. sg.), kroä (acc. sg.) and B kroce (acc. sg. krocä)
reflect PTch *kwrosc (nom. sg.), kwroscänä(n) (acc. sg.), (as if) from PIE
hysterokinetic *kwrust%n, kwrusténm. The -o- results from the preceding labio-
velar. Assuming an original initial *kw- explains the otherwise difficult TchA
nominative singular. A PTch *kwrosc would, with loss of final vowels, have
given *kwroc. Being word initial in a monosyllable the *kwr- was retained and
subsequently the *-o- was dissimilated to -a-, just as in kuryar when compared to
B karyor. The nearest relatives are in Greek krustaínomai ‘am congealed with
cold, freeze’ (cf. also krustállos ‘ice; numbness; crystal,’ krmós ‘icy cold, frost’
(< *krusmó-), krúos (nt.) ‘id.’ (< *krúsos-) (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1941:155;
VW:236; Beekes, 2010:786 surprisingly, and surely wrongly, hesitant). Outside
of Greek we have Latin crusta ‘crust,’ Latvian kruvesis ‘frozen mud,’ OHG hroso
‘ice, crust’ (P:621-622; MA:112-113). In all of these languages an initial labio-
velar would regularly have been delabialized before another consonant. See
also krocaññe and krostaññe.
krocaññe ~ kroaññeC/L ~ kroeññeL (n.) ‘cold(ness)’
[krocaññe, -, -//] arkwiññe kroaññe = B(H)S vetatvatatva- (Y-3a4C/L), ///
kroeññe auap etsuwai o/// (196a1C). A nominal derivative of kroce, q.v.
krostaññe (n.) ‘cold(ness)’
[krostaññe, -, -//] pwrme laññi krostañe ‘[even if] cold should emerge from
the fire’ (100b2C); —krostañae ‘prtng to the cold, cold’ (197b5L). A nominal
derivative of kroce, q.v.
kraup- (vt.) G ‘gather, amass; herd’ [ee kraup- ‘gather together’]; K3/4? ‘(let?)
gather, accumulate’
kraup- 237
While clearly related to TchA kl(w)- ‘id.’ extra-Tocharian cognates are very
uncertain. While the relationship itself with TchA kl(w)- is clear, the details of
that relationship are anything but obvious. In TchA we find a very irregular
paradigm with a present stem klawa-, a subjunctive and preterite stem kl- and an
optative klwi-. The data from both Tocharian A and B can be accounted for if
we start from a PTch present *klye- and a subjunctive/ (optative/) preterite stem
*kly-. In TchA the sequence *-y- regularly underwent contraction to -- (cf.
Winter, 1965b, who takes the contraction to have been from *-w-), hence the
attested subjunctive and preterite. In the optative the form immediately behind
the attested klwi- must have been *klyi- which has undergone the same dis-
similation we see in the optative skawi- to ske- ‘strive’ (B skai-) or in kayur
‘bull’ from *kawur (cf. B kauure). The present *klye- would regularly have
given later PTch *kloyo- by Mutual Rounding (Adams, 1988c:21) and later
*kloo- with regular loss of *-y- between *-o-’s (cf. Adams, 1988d). In B the -y-
was restored on the basis of the rest of the paradigm whereas in A -w- was
inserted as a hiatus breaker, perhaps reinforced by the -w- of the optative.
At various times *kly- has been connected with Sanskrit gl- ‘be tired,
languish,’ Lithuanian guliù ‘am lying down,’ Greek báll ‘throw’ (so cautiously
Beekes, 2010:198), Sanskrit cárati ‘moves,’ etc. (see VW:217 for previous
literature; his own solution, following Meillet [in Hoernle, 1916:379], is a con-
nection with Sanskrit gl-). But in none of these hypotheses is either the
semantic or the formal equation particularly strong. All assume that the *-y-
represents ye/o-present generalized throughout the verb. If the *-y- is part of the
root, we might consider a relationship with PIE *klei- ‘lean’ (‘lean over [so as to
fall]’?, ‘decline very much’ > ‘fall’?) with an -grade intensive present *kly-ó-.
Phonologically and semantically less likely is Hilmarsson’s connection (H:147-
148) of a connection kli$ ti ‘to land accidentally in a situation; to stick; to be left
behind.’ See also possibly kläsk- and klin-.
¹klw- (vt.) G ‘be called, named; recite’; K ‘announce, make known’
G Ps. IV /kl(y)owo-/ [MP -, -, klowotär (~ klyowotär?)// -, -, klowontär ~
klyowontär]: kowoträ [lege: klowoträ] (IT-234b3E), [ñe]m [e]rsna kl[y]owoträ
(158b5C), kuse ersnssoñc ñakti klowonträ ‘whatever the beautiful gods are
called’ (K-2a2/PK-AS-7Ba2C), tume oap no ñakti klyowonträ snai ersna
‘thus, moreover, the gods are called “formless”’ (K-2a3/PK-AS-7Ba3C); Pt. Ib
/klw-/ [A -, -, klwa//]: se katriyenme ompostä [br]hmañe camel klwa
‘that race following the kshatriyas was called the brahmans’ (PK-AS-16.3b1 C
[Pinault, 1989:157]), Rjari ey Gaye ñem om mäskeñca cwi ñemtsa wartto
klwa ‘[there] was a Rjari, Gaya [by] name there, and the forest was called by
his name’ (108b2L); PP /kkl w-/: kaklawau (IT-234b4E), kaklwau = B(H)S
ruta- (IT-203a5C).
K Ps. IXb /kl wsk’ä/e-A ~ kl wäsk’ä/e-C/ [A klwäskau, -, klwää ~
klwaä//; nt-Part. klwäeñca]; Ko. IXb [= Ps] [Inf. klwäs(t)si]: klwaä
(THT-1191b2A), /// palsko klwässi llyi wrotstsai (104a2C).
AB klw- reflects PTch *klw- wherein we may have either a denominative
*klw-- from the same PIE *klweha- seen in OCS slava (f.) ‘fame’ or an -
grade intensive present *klw-eha- (like Greek ptáomai ‘fly here and there’) or
240 ²klw-
*klw-o- (like Latin rdere ‘gnaw’). In any case we have a derivative of PIE
*kleu- ‘hear’ (VW, 1951:112-4, 1976:218). Further s.v. klyaus-. See also
klwi and, more distantly, klyaus-, klautso, and ñem-kälywe.
²klw- (vt.) ‘knead; massage’
Ps VI klwä n- [Ger. klawanalle]: curm lykake : klawwanalle [sic] traiwoe
[warsa] ‘the fine powder is to be kneaded with the three-ingredients liquid’ (PK-
AS-2A-b4/5C/L [Carling, 2003b:40]); Pt. I /klw -/ [MP -, -, klawte//]: :
pudñäktentse kektseño klawte-ne lyaw-ne : ‘he massaged the Buddha’s body
and rubbed it’ (5b5C). For the meaning, see Carling 2003b:51. Malzahn (TVS)
considers these forms to belong to klep- ‘touch.’ However, these seem
semantically and formally sufficiently different as to warrant considering them
two verbs on the basis of current evidence.
Formally this verb looks to be denominative with an analogical n-present (an
original n-present would be *klaun-). It may presuppose a *klewe ‘dough’ (cf.
the relationship between Spanish masa ‘dough’ and amasar ‘knead’) and that, in
turn, may be related to Sanskrit glau- ‘mass, round lump, wen’ from PIE *glou-
(cf. also Greek gloutós ‘buttock,’ Old English cld ‘mass of stone, rock,’ clod-
‘clod,’ and the Germanic families represented by NE clew and claw; P:361-362).
klwi (n.[m.sg.]) ‘fame’
[klwi, -, klwi//] s[nai] lyprä kärsau te-mänt emprets källa klwi aiene
‘known without remainder, thus he will achieve fame for truth in the world’ (PK-
AS-12C-a5A [Couvreur, 1954c:85]) /// [amne]ntse yu awñcaññe yan-ne se
klwi : ‘this fame of eating alms of a monk will go to him’ (IT-11a3C). A
nominal derivative of 1klw-. See also ñem-klawissu.
kluki, källuki.
kläky- ‘?’
///·pä ekärsttte kläky·/// (136b5A).
kläk- (vt.) ‘doubt’
Ps. I /klyekä-/ [MP -, -, klyektär//; MPImpf. -, -, klyeñcitär//]: rukä-pä[lsko]
ek [k]lyenträ [sic] ‘one with a rude spirit is ever doubtful’ (254a3A), rukä-
pälsko [ek] klyeñkträ [sic] (255a4/5A), kuce kca klyaui tuk klyeñci(tär) ‘what-
ever he would hear, he would doubt it’ (A-4a6/PK-AS-6Da6C); Ko. I /kläkä-/
[Opt klañcim, -, -//; Inf. klaktsi]: /// s[o]motkäñe m ce lrmar • klañci[m]
/// ‘likewise may I not … them; may I doubt …’ (THT-2251a3? [TVS]), caints
[lege: cainats] welñ[e] kl[a]kts[i] ‘to doubt their word’ (197a1L); Pt. III
/klekä- ~ kleks-*/: klekuwa (?) (THT-2677 frgm. e-a1E, expected form but
without any context); PP /keklä ku-/ (THT-1500b1L with no context [TVS]); —
klakälyñe ‘± doubt’: klaklayñe-pr[akre]nts[a] ‘by one firm in his doubt’ =
B(H)S pratyan-kasra (PK-AS-6Db3C [CEToM]).
AB kläk- reflect PTch *kläk- from PIE *kleng- ‘bend, turn’[: Latin cling
‘cing’or ‘cld,’ Old Norse hlekkr ‘loop of chain,’ Old English hlinc ‘ridge,’
Old French (< Germanic) flenchir ‘turn aside, flinch,’ etc. (P:603; MA:62)]. In
Tocharian we have the same ‘turn aside, recoil’ of the mental sphere we see on
Old French in the physical sphere. See also kläkarke and kleke.
kläkarke* (adj.) ‘doubtful’
[f: // kläkarkana] en=tpi to winskau : 5 … wätkltsana …///… m rano
klin- 241
Greek gáls). Such a derivation will work phonologically, but the putative
semantic development ‘bride’ > ‘young woman’ [> ‘any woman’] seems forced.
kli
([indeclinable] adj.) ‘± afflicted’ (?)
(175b1C, 189b1L). From B(H)S klia-.
klu* (n.) ‘rice (Oryza sativa Linn.)’
[-, -, klu//] tane klu pete ~ tane smaññe pete ‘then give rice! then give broth!’ (IT-
248b6C), klusa smaññe (IT-1121b3?); —klue ‘prtng to rice’: klue (THT-2377
frgm. w-a2E), klua wye ‘rice gruel’ (497a8C) [Cf. TchA klu-pe, though the
correspondence of B -w- and A -p- is certainly unexpected].
The equivalent of TchA klu. An early borrowing from Old Chinese *gl'w
‘rice, rice-paddy’ (in New Chinese dào; cf. Schuessler, 1987:116). The
connection with dào is also suggested by Blažek (1999b:82) though, with
Starostin, he reconstructs an Old Chinese *lh’ ~ *h’. Schuessler’s
reconstruction is much more in accord with the Tocharian data. For other
suggestions, see VW: 222 (a connection with Sanskrit áru- ‘lance, arrow’) or
Hilmarsson (H:152—a connection with the Germanic group represented by
English hull) .
klutk- (vi/t.) G ‘turn, become’ (intr.); K ‘make, change, turn [someone/ something]
into; augment, intensify’
G Ps. VII /kluttä k’ä/e-/ [MP // -, -, kluttakentär; MPImpf. //-, -, kluttañciyentär
(?)]: 31 kauc ette kluttakentär to pwenta ckr ente sprta : kus=ette tka
kauc to kluttakentär kaucme nänok ette <:> ‘up and down the spokes turn
when the wheel revolves; whichever will be down, up they turn from high again
to down’ (30b6/7C); Ko. V /klútk-/ [Inf. klutkatsi] (THT-1446a3?); PP /klutkó-/:
w pwrine kl[utk]au [ra]mt wsaä lklessu 11 ‘as [if he had] surrounded by
two fires, he remains unfortunate’ (9a7C), tsesa klutkau ‘looking back over one’s
shoulder’ [= B(H)S utkrta-] (321)+.
K Ps. IXb /klútksk’ä/e-A ~ klútkäsk’ä/e-C/ [A -, -, klutkää// -, -, klutkäske;
MP -, -, klutkästär//; AImpf. // -, -, klutkäiye; nt-Part. klutkäeñca; m-Part.
klutkäskemane]: : war yokaie witska waiwää-ne nänok ñwecce klutkä-
ä[n-n]e [92] ‘the water of thirst wets its roots and makes it new again’ (11b3C),
• klutkästrä ene taki pilko snai ptsak ‘it [scil. old age] makes the eyes into a
blank gaze without blinking’ (PK-AS-7Mb1C [CEToM]); Ko. IXb [= Ps.] [Inf.
klutkästsi; Ger. klutkäälle*] kaype aiamnants atsi klutkaän-me tpre [sic]
akteke ‘Mahkyapa will create for them a great [lit. high] miracle, a guide (?) to
the wise’ (THT-1859a3A); Pt. II /kly utk-/ [A -, klyautkasta, klyautka//; MP -,
klyautkatai, klyautkate// klyautkmte, -, -]: : wya {ci} lauke tsyra ñi wetke
lykautka-ñ [lege: klyautka-ñ] pke po läklentas [sic] ‘it [scil. a lovers’ quarrel]
has led thee afar and it tore me apart, and made me share all sufferings’
(496a6/7L), wismai klyautkasta brhmaññai wertsyai ‘thou hast made astonished
the brahmanical assembly’ (TEB-58-23/SI P/1bC); PP /keklyutku-/: pilycalñeccu
wroccu rka purwar wesme : akäs lykwarwa keklyutkusai onkorñai t
‘zealous and great seer! Accept from us this sixteen times intensified porridge!’
[[a]käs lykwarwa keklyutkusai = B(H)S odaa-gu
itam] (107b7L); —
keklyutkorme: pratiharintasa ceyna takar[k]a kekl[yu]tkorme ‘by these
wonders having made them believers’ (108b9L).
244 klup-
TchA lutk- ‘id.’ and B klutk- are obviously to be related but exactly how is a
question. It is usually assumed that TchA lutk- results from dissimilatory loss
from *klutk- (retained in B) but the loss of a highly salient initial consonant in
such a fashion is unlikely. More probable to my mind is to assume an original
*klutk- that that became *tlutk- in pre-TchA by dissimilation and subsequently
lutk- by regular loss of *t- before *-l- (much like *glakt- ‘milk’ > *dlakt- > lact-
in Latin). Semantically PTch *kläutk- would appear to belong to the widespread
PIE *kwel- ‘turn, revolve, sojourn, dwell’ [: Sanskrit cárati ‘revolve,’ Avestan
araiti ‘versatur,’ Greek pélomai ‘am in motion, go; come, rise’ (with Aeolic p-),
télos ‘end’ (< *‘turning point’), telé(i) ‘finish,’ pólos ‘pivot, axis’ [= B kele,
q.v.], polé (intr.) ‘go around, range, haunt,’ (tr.) ‘turn up the soil’ (of a plow),
Latin col (< *kwel) ‘cultivate, tend, dwell,’ Albanian sjell (< *kwel) ‘bring,
fetch,’ qel (< *kwoley) ‘come (late),’ and nominal derivatives in Celtic,
Germanic, Baltic, and Slavic (P:639-640; cf. LIV:387ff.; Beekes, 2010:1641)].
PTch *kläutk- presupposes a PIE *kwl-eu-T-(ske/o-), probably to be seen again in
Albanian qeshë ‘I was’ (in pre-Modern Albanian kleshë) if from *kwleuT-sm (the
-o- of the Albanian optative qofsha may reflect *kwluT-). Exactly the same series
of élargissements is to be seen in B mlutk- ‘crush’ from PIE *mel- (MA:607).
VW (267), following Pedersen, suggests the same root origin but is wrong in
seeing a particular relationship with Greek teleutá ‘finish, achieve.’ Hilmars-
son, on the other hand, relates them (H:144-145) to ON hljóta ‘be allotted, attain’
but the semantic connection seems unilluminating. See also klautke, klautk-,
and, more distantly, 1käl-, 2käl-, kokale, and kele.
klup- (vt.) ‘± squeeze’
Ps. VIa /klupn -/ [A -, -, klupna; MP -, -, klupntär//]: /// k[lu]pna ainak-
ñene • ‘the rub … in commonness/vulgarity’ (IT-151b5C), amnentse yelmi
pälskone tsaka kwipe-ike keuwco kalltärr-ne [sic] mälyuwiñcä epikte klun-
tärr-ne [lege: klupntär-ne] tune swralyñe yamastär krke län-ne ‘[if] sexual
desires should arise in the mind of a monk and his shame-place [i.e., penis] stands
tall and he squeezes [it] between [his] thighs, and makes therein pleasure for
himself and filth [i.e., semen] emerges from him’ (334b6-8E/C). Though
formerly read kluntär, such a form cannot be right since there is no source for
the palatalization of *-s-. Instead we have here a sloppy writing of -p-.
Extra-Tocharian cognates are uncertain. It may be related to Lithuanian
glabti ‘to press to the breast,’ Old English clyppan ‘embrace, enclose; surround;
grip,’ Old Norse klýpa ‘include, comprise; squeeze, pinch’ all from a PIE *gleub-
‘± embrace, squeeze’ (cf. P:362). In any event the -u- represents PTch *-äu- and
an analogical zero-grade (Adams, 1978).
klu-, klup-.
Klekarako (n.) ‘Klekarako’ (PN in caravan pass)
[Klekarako, -, -//] (LP-4a1Col).
klekarññaññe ‘?’
kektseñtsa sanpalle kartse mka klekarññaññe (W-41b2C). An adjectival
derivative of some sort or an adjectival derivative of an abstract derived from the
following (though for the latter we would surely expect *klekarññee [a
misspelling caused by the failure to add the diacritic for -e-)?
klene* 245
tarya tom wkte wi tom amokces yikiye pi akä ‘on the seventh of the month:
for the workers klese went, three tau [= ± three deciliters] and wkte, two tau [= ±
two deciliters]; for the artisans flour, five ak [= ± five liters]’ (434a5Col).
In all certain instances klese is contrasted with yikiye and in all instances
where is a matter of disbursing klese and yikiye, the klese goes to workers and
yikiye to artisans. This distribution, and the probable Iranian cognates (see
below) both suggest a meaning ‘barley (meal)’ or the like for klese.
With Blažek (1999b:79-82) presumably from PIE *kolsos ‘(ear of) grain’ [:
16th century Albanian (Buzuku) kall ‘ear of grain’ (< PIE *kolsos), contemporary
Albanian kallëz (f.) ‘husk of grain,’ kallëza (pl.) ‘scattered grain left by reapers,
gleanings’ (these as if < PIE *kolsidyeha-), kallí (m.) (pl. kallinj) ‘ear of grain,
spike’ (and as the first member of compounds, ‘grain’) (as if from PIE
*kolsihxno- or *kolseino-), OCS klas! (m.) ‘ear of grain; (pl.) ‘sacrifice of new
grain’ (Leviticus 2:22), Russian kólos (m.) ‘ear of grain, spike,’ kolós’ja ‘sacri-
ficial bread baked at the end of May when ears of grain ripen,’ Persian kaška
‘barley,’ Shughni šj ‘barley,’ Sarikoli
š ‘barley’ (the Iranian < Proto-Iranian
*karšaka-) (P:545)]. The Tocharian form shows the affect of metathesis from a
Pre-Tocharian *kelse (cf. sleme). Blažek goes on to suggest that the Tocharian
word might be the origin of Old Chinese *klas ‘grain, sow’ (Mandarin jià).
klestetstse (adj.) ‘± shabby, sullied’
[m: klestetstse, -, -//] sa [lege: su] pañkte-kätse wastsi klestetse ai • ‘the
Buddha-teacher’s clothing was shabby’ (or ‘sullied’) (560a3/4C). Etymology
uncertain. Hilmarsson (H:150) suggests a possible connection in Old Norse
klessa ‘spot of dirt.’ The Old Norse reflects PIE *gleds-teha-; the Tocharian a PIE
*glods-to-. For another, perhaps related, suggestion, see VW:220.
klai-rotaññe, klai()-yritaññe, s.v. klye.
klaiks- (vi.) ‘± languish, shrivel, wither’
Ps. IV /klaikso-/ [MP -, klaiksotar, klaiksotär//]: [tu]sa tw=#nanda m mäsketär
[lege: mäsketar] läklessu m ra klaiksotar 61 ‘therefore, nanda, do not be
unfortunate and do not languish’ (27a2C); Ko. V /kl iks-/ [Inf. klaiksatsi]: ///
pwrane : sasre stm laukaññe yokye kle m tärknan-ne klaiksatsi nta :
‘the sasra-tree [does not burn] long in the fires; the thirst-klea never allows
[it] to wither’ (11b3C); PP /kkl iks-/: [spä]rko ere ce kaklaiksauwa särwana
/// ‘the color gone and face shriveled’ (405b3C).
TchA kleps- and B klaiks- reflecte *kleiks- (the -ps- of TchA is at least semi-
regular from *-ks-, cf. opsi ‘oxen’to TchB okso ‘ox’). It surely reflects a PIE
*k(w)leik- [: Sanskrit kli- (present Sanskrit kliyáte) ‘suffer, be tormented,’
Sanskrit klea- ‘suffering, pain, torment,’ Parthian Sogdian nxrys- ‘blame,
reproach’ (< *ni-xraisa-), Russian klestit’ ‘press,’ Lithuanian klìš^s ‘crabclaw’]
(H:139-140; MA: 413; LIV:363; cf. Mayrhofer, 1986:419).
klaiññe, s.v. klye.
klokace* (nf.) ‘pore, follicle’
[-, -, klokac//klokaci, -, klokastä] somo somo klokane lt wlake yok tañ
kektsentsa ‘emerged a soft hair emerged in [each] follicle one by one over thy
body’ (74a3C), klokastänme ok-tmane pletkar-c ysra ‘from eighty thousand
pores thy blood overflowed’ (S-8a4/PK-AS-4Ba4C).
248 klautk-
palsko ‘but my spirit did not fail’ (78a1C), m kul-c warkäl ‘thy energy didn’t
fail’ (104a1C); —kullñe: snai kullñe (IT-211b4C).
AB kwäl- (kul-) reflect PTch *kwäl- (*käul-) but extra-Tocharian connections
are uncertain. Lane (1958:173, also VW:240) suggests a connection with
Sanskrit glyati ‘feel aversion to, be unwilling [to do something]; be languid, be
exhausted’ (< *gw(e)lhx-). (In any case, there is no need to follow VW in seeing
B kul- a borrowing from A.) Hilmarsson (1991a:65, H:201) would connect it
with PIE *kwel(hx)- ‘turn.’ Jasanoff (1978:39-40), on the other hand, more
probably suggests a connection with Lithuanian gul;ti ‘lie down,’ gul^$ ti ‘to lie, be
prostrate,’ Latvian gulêt ‘lie, sleep,’ Lithuanian gvalšias (= gul;šias) ‘stretched
out’ (< *gwel-), guõlis ‘resting place, couch, bed,’ Latvian guõla ‘nest, bed,’
Greek gleós ‘hole.’ Morphologically the PTch *kwälé- would be from PIE
*gul-h1-ó- parallel to Baltic *gul-eh1-. Both VW and Jasanoff suggest further
connections of their etyma with Greek báll (act.) ‘throw, put,’ (middle) ‘put for
oneself, lay down.’ For both etyma, the case for making a connection with báll
rests on an assumption that Indic or Baltic show the same stative, resultative
meaning seen in Latin iacre ‘lie, be situated, lie where thrown’ as opposed to the
active, eventive meaning of iacere ‘throw, hurl.’ While widely assumed, this
assumption is by no means self-evident. Frisk (1960:217), s.v. báll, does not
mention glyati and is at best agnostic concerning gul^$ ti; Beekes (2010:198)
mentions neither. Mayrhofer (1956:354) is dubious about the equation from the
Indic side and Fraenkel (1962:175-6) rejects it for Baltic (if for no other reason
than the basic meaning in Baltic would appear to be ‘lie down’ and not the ‘be
lying’ that this proposal would necessitate). Thus either Lane’s or Jasanoff’s
suggestions will work phonologically, but neither is particularly compelling
semantically. See also ekwalatte.
kwäs- ~ kws- (vi.) ‘mourn, lament’
Ps. VIa /kwäsn -/ [MP -, -, kwäsntär//; MPImpf. //-, -, kusnontär (?)]: pcer
cwimp [ku]rr-lwo tu-yäknes[a] kwäsnträ snai kärsto ‘his father in the fashion
of the kurr-animal laments without ceasing’ (88b1C), [i]prerne kusnontär ‘the
wailed into the sky’ (?) (387.4C) [see below]; Ps. VI /kwsn-/ [m-Part.
kwasnmane]: mälwmane [lege: pälwmane] kwasnmane [sic] ‘wailing and
mourning’ (431a3C); Ko. V /kw s-/: kwsoye(ntär) (116.10L) [if this form
belongs here, the long -- is very much unexpected]; Ko. V /kwäs-/: (see
absteact); Pt I /kwäs -/: kwä(snte) ‘they lamented’ (PK-NS-36.Aa5 [CEToM]).
—kwasalñe* ‘mourning, lamentation,’ only attested in the derived adjective:
kwasalñee ‘prtng to mourning’: orottsa kwasalñea weeñña ‘the great voice
of mourning’ (85b5C). It is possible that kusnontär (see s.v. kus-) belongs here
as well. The variation between kwäs- and kws- is like that of lik- and laik-.
From PIE *kweshx- ‘± breathe; sigh, groan’ [: Sanskrit vásiti ~ vásati ‘blow,
hiss, pant, snort; breathe; sigh, groan,’ Latin queror ‘complain, lament,’ Old
English hwsan (originally a lengthened-grade intensive) ‘cough’ (P:631;
MA:518; LIV:341)] (VW:248, though he wrongly denies any relationship with
Sanskrit; H:205-206, with differing details). To this etymon also belong the
Iranian words for ‘lungs,’ e.g., Avestan suši (dual), Zoroastrian Pahlavi suš,
Modern Persian šuš, Khotanese suvä-, all from Proto-Iranian *suš- < *kus-
kwpe 257
nects the Tocharian word with OIr coire, Welsh pair ‘cauldron,’ Old English
hwer ‘pot, bowl, cauldron,’ Sanskrit carú- ‘a particular vessel, pot’ (and, we
might add, Hittite kuraya- ‘a kind of ritual pot’). More particularly he takes the
Tocharian word to be descended from the same PIE *kwryo- that lies behind the
Celtic words. A semantically even better equation is OIr cr (f.) ‘clay,’ Welsh
pridd ‘clay,’ reflecting a Proto-Celtic *kwryot-, an equation rejected by Pinault
because Tocharian shows no trace of the *-t-. However, a paradigm with a PTch
alternation of *-t- ~ -Ø- would invite rebuilding of some sort, whereas PTch *-ye-
from PIE *-yo-, as in Pinault’s favored preform, should be stable. The PIE
antecedent of Celtic *kwryot- might be *kwreh1yot- which in an extended
*kwreh1yoteha- would give Latin crta ‘earth, chalk, a kind of fuller’s earth.’ The
equation of OIr cr and Latin has a long history of rejection but, in this form,
would seem to be semantic-ally, morphologically, and phonologically sound.
The putative PIE paradigm, *kwréh1yots (nom.), *kwrh1itós (gen.), was susceptible
to rebuilding with a new zero-grade in the first syllable (cf. the history of Sanskrit
púmn ‘man’ [Adams, 1985c]), thus *kwrh1(i)yot- which lies behind Tocharian B
*kwriye. If we start from *tkwreh1yot-, with a “thorn”-cluster (cf. Schindler,
1977), we can add TchA tukri ‘clay.’ TchA shows the same maintenance of the
initial cluster as opposed to simplification in B that we see in TchA tka, B ke
‘earth.’ In TchA there is the addition of an epenthetic vowel and its later coloring
by the *-w- of the next syllable, both phonetic developments with many parallels.
There is no trace of the *t- in Italic or Celtic, presumably because it was lost early
in the triconsonantal *tkwr-, but it was preserved longer in Tocharian because the
cluster was only biconsonantal (before vocalic *-r-).
kaak ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘momentary, transient’
(175b2C). From B(H)S ka
aka-. See also k.
kaae, s.v. k.
ka, kana-yärm, s.v. k.
katriññe* (n.) ‘quality of being a warrior’ (?)
[-, -, katriññe//] katriññempa klu ñi sakne auku läkle[nta] /// (89a1C). If an
abstract noun, derived from the following entry.
katriye* (n.) ‘warrior’
[//katri ~ kattaryi, katriyets ~ kattaryets, katriye] wi-ppewänne kat-
taryi plme ‘the kshatriyas [are] the best of the two-footed [beings]’ (PK-AS-
16.2a1C [Pinault, 1989:154]). From B(H)S katriya- (cf. TchA katri). See
also the previous entry.
kantiññe, s.v. knti.
kayajñna (n.) ‘knowledge of perishability’
(591a6L). From B(H)S kayajñna-.
kt(t)re (~ k(u)tre) (n.[m.sg.]) ‘umbrella’
[ktre, -, ktre//ktri, -, ktre] ton n[o] upplnta kttre [ra]mt ts p[d-
ñ]äkte[ntse cma]re ‘these lotuses however stood over the head of the Buddha
like an umbrella’ (365a2/3A), su mäsketrä aientse kttre tatkau ‘he has
become an umbrella for the world’ (K-9a6/PK-AS-7Ia6C). From B(H)S
*kattra-, a hyper-Sanskritism of the more usual chattra-.
ku* 261
The noun or adverb underlying this adjective (> adverb), *ksar, is identical to
TchA ksär ‘early morning’ ([]rts ko ksär kkätku ‘every day having arisen
early’ [YQ1.19b3 (Ji, Winter, Pinault, 1998:192)]). Perhaps from PIE *dhghis-r-,
a derivative of *dhghyes- that gives Greek khthés, Sanskrit hya, Albanian dje
‘yesterday’ (Beekes, 2010). At least in dialectal Albanian dje includes ‘yesterday’
and ‘this (past) morning.’
kselñe, s.v. käs-.
ktsaitstse (adj.) ‘old (of age)’
[m: ktsaitstse, -, -/ktsaitstsi, -, -/-, -, ktsaiccets, -] [f: ktsaitsña, -, ktsaitsñai//] ///
[or]otstse-pacere nesteñy antp ktsaits e-lmo ‘my grandparents are both old
and blind’ (THT-1540a4A [K. T. Schmidt, 2007:325]), ktsaitsñai precyaine ‘in
the time of old-age’ (K-5a6/PK-AS-7Ea6C), ksaise [sic] amne ‘an old monk’
(400b1L); —ktsaitsts(äñ)ñe ‘old-age’: : tuyknesa ktsaitsñe srka[lñe] aul käl-
tsenträ wnolmentso ‘thus old-age and death drive the life of beings’ [ktsaitsñe =
B(H)S jar-] (3a3/4C), cmelñe ärmame ktsaitsäññe srkalñe ‘from birth
[come] old-age and death [= B(H)S jtipratyaya jarmara
m] (156a4C); —
ktsaitstsäññee ‘prtng to old-age’: ktsaitsäñee prere ‘the arrow of old-age’
(613a3C).
TchA ktsets ‘± finished, perfect, excellent’and B ktsaitstse reflect PTch
*kätsaitstse ‘± finished’ (the B use is probably originally metaphorical). The only
certain extra-Tocharian cognate is kitsaitsa ‘±elder’ in the Gandhri documents of
Niya. Because of the meaning of TchA word, VW (237-238) and Pinault
(1990:179-181; also 2002c:129-130) are right to reject the traditional equation
(whose evidence is best marshaled by Anreiter, 1987b:107-110) with Greek
phthín ‘perish’and Sanskrit ki
ti ‘destroys’ (Anreiter’s reconstruction is
*gwhþoi-tyo-). However, VW’s own equation with Old Norse heyja ‘execute,
accomplish’ and Old English hgan ‘perform, achieve’ is not very convincing.
As an alternative, Hilmarsson suggests (H:186-187) an adjectival derivative to
*käts-, itself from a putative PIE *h1i-tyon- from *eh1i- ‘bud, blossom, ripen.’
Pinault (2002c:130) connects this word with Lithuanian gùdras ‘wise.’ All these
suggestions are quite speculative.
• KH •
kha
gavie (n.) ‘rhinoceros’
[khagavie, -, -//] KVc-28a3/THT-1119a3C [Schmidt, 1986]).
khad r (n.) ‘cashew (Acacia catechu Willd.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[khadr, -, -//] (W-18a3C); —khadiräe ‘prtng to Acacia catechu’ (M-2a2/PK-
AS-8Ba2C) From B(H)S khadira-.
khadyot* (n.) ‘firefly’
//khadyotänta, -, -] (PK-AS-16.1b4C [CEToM]). From B(H)S khadyota-.
khare* (n.) ‘ass, donkey’
[-, -, khare//] (511a1L). From B(H)S khara-.
khetta, see keta.
264 khau
•G•
Gak, Gk.
gagavluk ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘like Ganges-sand’ [measuring innumerability]
pudñäkti gagavluk nauañi läktsau[ñ]ai[sa] … lyaukar aie ‘earlier
buddhas, [numerous as] Ganges-sand, illuminated through [their] enlightenment
the worlds’ (PK-NS-34b1C [Couvreur, 1954c:90]). From B(H)S *gag-
vluk- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton). See also Gk.
gait* (n.) ‘(mathematical) calculation, reckoning’
[//-, -, gatänta] (36a7C). From B(H)S ga
ita-.
gaje (n.) ‘elephant’
[gaje, -, -//] (511a1L). From B(H)S gaja-.
gat* (n.) ‘motion’ (?), ‘event’ (?)
[-, -, gat//] ///murt wai ru [lege: rup] m gat yaik[u] tka-ne snai käi cwi
snai akalñe ryamrg e twasastär (591b4L). If from B(H)S gata-.
gandha (n.) ‘perfume’
[gandha, -, -//] (W-36b4C). From B(H)S gandha-.
gandhakri (n.) ‘yellow-berried nightshade (Solanum xanthocarpum Schrad.)’ (MI)
[gandhakri, -, //] (501a5C). By a false etymological equation with gandha- for
ka
kri (Maue, 1990).
gandharasopavicr* (n.) ‘neighborhood of odor and taste’
[//-, -, gandharasopavicränta] (173a4C). From B(H)S *gandharasopavicra-
(compound not in M-W or Edgerton).
gandharve* (nm.) ‘heavenly being’
[//gandharvi, -, -] (73b5C); —gandharviññe ‘prtng to a gandharva’ (Broom-
head). From B(H)S gandharva- (cf. TchA gandharviñ ‘gandharvas’).
Gaykyape (n.) ‘Gaykyapa’ (PN)
[Gaykyape, -, -//] (108a3L).
Gayir (n.) ‘Gayra’ (PN of a forest)
[Gayir, -, -//] (108b2L).
Gaye (n.) ‘Gaya’ (PN)
[Gaye, -, -//] (108b2L).
Gardabhage (n.) ‘Gardabhaga’ (PN of a yaka)
[Gardabhage, -, -//] (PK-AS-12H-b6A [Pinault, 2000b:151]). From B(H)S
Gardabhaga- (cf. TchA Gardhabhake).
garurñee* (adj.) ‘prtng to garuas’
[f: -, -, garurñeai//] garurñeai ypai/// (362a8E). A doubly marked, -ññe +
-e, adjectival derivative of an unattested *garur, the TchB rebuilt borrowing of
Gautame 265
B(H)S garu a- (cf. Winter, 2000:131). For further discussion of this passage,
see s.v. 2ypiye.
Gk (nf.) ‘Ganges’ (PN of a river)
[Gk, -, Gk//] : Gkne kekmu mäkte yaiku nki esa reä war • samudrä-
mpa ‘as the water [that has] come into the Ganges faultless flows together with
the ocean’ (30a4C), G pelaikneai ketsa cärksta astaryai ‘thou didst release
the righteous Ganges over the pure earth’ (TEB-59-31/SI P/1bC), ?ikhi Gakne
nskä[ate] ‘ikhin let himself bathe in the Ganges’ (Pinault, 2000b:158).
From B(H)S Gag-. See also Kak and gagavluk.
guanirdene ‘?’
/// gu
anirdene i/// (578b6C).
guapadrth (n.) ‘?’
dravyime gu
apa[drth] (191a4L). From B(H)S *gu
apadrtha- (compound
not in M-W or Edgerton].
Guasapade (n.) ‘Gusapada’ (PN)
[Gusapade, -, Gusapade//] (103a6 C).
gu* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘cave’ [as residence of monk]
[-, -, gu//gunma, -, -] leye [sic] gu
e [lege: gune] co [lege: cau] = B(H)S aila-
guhym (294a9C/L), wane [lege: gune; the akaras <gu> and <wa> look very
much alike] (296a9L). From B(H)S guh-.
Gunacadre (n.) ‘guacandra’ (PN in graffitto)
[Gunacadre, -, -//] (G-Su3Col).
guruci, kuruci.
gurm, kwarm.
Grddhrakl* (n.) ‘Gr
dhrak’ (‘Vulture Peak’) (PN of a mountain)
[-, -, Gr
ddhrakl//] (44b5C).
gairik (n.) ‘yellow arsenic’ (a medical ingredient)
[gairik, -, -//] (P-2b4C); —gairikäe ‘prtng to yellow arsenic’ (P-2b3C). From
B(H)S gairika-.
gairipcik ‘?’
/// [e]ke gairipcik [k]l/// (419a3L).
gottär (n.[m.sg.]) ‘family, race, male lineage, kin’
[gottär, -, gottär//] g[o]tt[arsa] = B(H)S gotre
a (309a1C), se gotträ klyomots
‘this family of the noble [ones]’ (597a4C). From B(H)S gotra-. Also kottär.
govika (n.) ‘cowherder’s wife, woman cowherder’ (?)
[govika, govikantse, govikai//] govikai amñ (619b3C), govikai lyelya[korme]
(620a4C). The meaning is assigned on the basis of the word’s presumed con-
nection with B(H)S gopik-.
goagat, koagat.
gautamakapile* (n.) ‘gautamakapile’ (name of meter of 4x15, rhythm 7+8)
[//-, -, gautamakapile] (PK-AS-12Hb3A [Pinault, 2000b:151]).
Gautame (n.) ‘Gautama’
[Gautame, Gautami, -//] gautam cmel/// (344.2aA); —gautamñe (adj.) ‘prtng
the Gautama Buddha’: gautamñe amne ste ‘he is Buddhist [lit. Gautaman]
monk’ (115b4L). From B(H)S Gautama- (cf. TchA Gautam).
266 gaurap
••
ke (particle) ‘then’
68 to m tko aiene m ke tsako[y] pudñäkte : ‘[if] these [scil. sickness,
old-age, and death] were not in the world, then the Buddha would not arise’
(5a6C), /// [po spe]l[k]e pymtso warkältsa ñi yesä pnto : m walke ke ñi
ksemar tu postä onmi tka-me : ‘perform every zeal with energy [for] I [am]
your help; [it is] not long then and I will go to extinction and after that you will
have regret’ (29a8C), cey ke laitke kauta pyapyai tatsäske ‘they then
will cut the creepers and scatter the flowers’ (589a3C), kuce te-mant wñwa tu ke
weñau anaiai ‘what I have so said, that, then, will I now speak clearly’ (K-
2a5/6/PK-AS-7Ha5/6C), weñau ke pklyauso po ñmtsa ‘I will speak then: hear
[it] with all [your] souls’ (K-8a3/PK-AS-7Ha3C). A reduced form of ñake, q.v.
For the semantics, see Peyrot (2010:308).
•C•
-c enclitic second person singular pronoun.
See tuwe.
Cakule (n.) ‘Cakule’ (PN in monastic records)
[Cakule, Cakulentse, -//] (462a6Col).
cak* (n.) ‘foot’ (the measurement)
[//-, -, cakä] tep kwntse pelyki wästa-pkuwe alu plyekuwa /// aice
wästa-pkuwe ala ikäm-wi cakä keneksa ‘for the sake of/on behalf of the tep
cake 267
mäkte kolmaine cäke wä/// (389b8E), kräkaiñai maikisa kaucä cakesa ktso
sonopalya r ktsasa walanalle anmäälle cakene nautse[ne] (or perhaps
nauts[an]e or nauts[i]?) mäsketär ‘high over the breast the stomach [is] to be
anointed with chicken broth; over the stomach a covering [is] to be bound; the
breasts become nautse’ (W-14b1/3C).
While obviously related in some fashion to TchA cwake ‘id.’ the nature of
that relationship is elusive. The difference in vowels and stem-formation, TchA
cwake presupposing a PTch *cwi
eki
ä- and TchB cake presupposing a PTch
*cwi
äke-, make it impossible to see these words as reflexes of a single PTch
protoform. One should note that phonologically PTch *wi
- gives A w- but B y-
(cf. TchA want, B yente ‘wind’ from PTch *wi
ente). A simplification of *cy- to
c- in B presents no difficulty. Perhaps the pre-TchA form is a vr
ddhied
derivative of the unvr
ddhied form reflected in TchB. If so, the relationship
between the two Tocharian words would be parallel but reversed to that seen in
TchA iäk (unvr
ddhied) and TchB ecake (vr
dhhied) ‘lion.’ Extra-Tocharian
morphological parallels include Sanskrit prva- ‘region of the ribs’ beside
Sanskrit páru- ‘rib’ and Hittite hla- ‘courtyard’ beside hli- ‘fold, corral.’ It is
not necessary to see a borrowing from one language to the other (both Winter,
1972:386, and VW:253 assume a borrowing from B to A). Further connections
are unknown. In his review of VW (1987), Winter later (1980[81]) suggests a
relationship of this word with twk-, q.v., assuming the latter to mean ‘± force
in, confine.’ However, since twk- probably means ‘± wear, put on’ or ‘take
off,’ such a connection is not likely semantically.
cakramit (n.) ‘one who has walked about, promenaded’ [said, e.g., of the Buddha]
(360b4C). From B(H)S cakramita-.
Cañca (n.) ‘Cañc’ (PN of a woman)
[Cañca, -, Cañcai//] (18b6C).
cañcamaniya* (n.) name of a meter/tune
[-, -, cañcamaniyai//] (IT-173b3C).
Ca
yne ‘?’
/// [R]jabhadre pä Ca
yne py·/// (507a3C/L).
ca
l(e) (n.) ‘outcast (and therefore the performer of undesirable social roles such
as executioner)’
[cal, calentse, -//cali, -, -] ca
lentse w[a]sts[i] ‘an outcast’s clothes’
(118a5E), (IT-91b5C). From B(H)S ca
la-.
cat (n.) a kind of snake
[cat, -, -//] [ar]klo auk catä tska tesa näsait y[amale] ‘[if] a snake, viper, or
cat bites, in such [a case] the spell [is] to be made’ (503a2C/L). Etymology
unknown.
Catile (n.) ‘Catile’ (PN in monastic and administrative records)
[Catile, Catilentse, -//] (SI B Toch. 9.6Col, SI P/117.3Col, SI B Toch. 12.3Col
[Pinault, 1998:4, 13, 16]).
caturd* (n.) ‘the fourteenth day of a lunar fortnight’
[-, -, caturd//] (511b2L); —catur
asae* [sic] ‘prtng to the fourteenth day of a
lunar fortnight’ (490a-I-5Col). From B(H)S caturdaa-.
Catewe (n.) ‘Catewe’ (PN in administrative records)
cayane* 269
AB cämp- reflect PTch *cämp- from PIE *temp- ‘± stretch, exert an effort
on’ [: Lithuanian tempiù ‘pull in length, stretch, extend,’ tìmpa ‘sinew,’ TchA
tampe ‘force, ability,’ Old Norse þambr ‘swollen, thick’ (< *‘stretched out,
distended’), and possibly such other words as Latin tempus ‘time’ (< *‘stretch of
time’) collected at P:1064-1065; MA:187; LIV:626] (VW, 1939:127, Pedersen,
1941: 162, nt. 1, VW, 1976:249-250, though details of the extra-Tocharian
cognates differ). See also next entry.
cämpamo (adj.) ‘capable, able’
[m: cämpamo, -, -//cämpamoñ, -, -] po-cmelai pacera m cämpmoñ ‘parents in
all lives [are] not able’ (A-1a2/PK-AS-6Ba2C); —cämpamñe ‘ability, power,
magic power’: kos ñi cämpämñe tot weñeu ‘as much as [is] my ability, so much
will I speak’ (248a2E), orotse cp mäsketrä cämpamñe ‘great is his ability’ (K-
9a3/PK-AS-7Ia3C); —cämpamñee* ‘prtng to ability, power’: (PK-AS-16.1b1
[CEToM], PK-AS-16.2-b4C [Broomhead]); —cämpamñetstse* ‘having ability,
able’: • cai yak orotstse-cimpamñecci ‘the yakas of great ability’ (506a3C/L).
An adjectival derivative of cämp-, q.v.
cämpamñe, s.v. cämpamo.
ci, s.v. tuwe.
ciñcare, cäñcare.
citt* (n.) ‘thought, spirit’
[-, -, citt//] sälpiñ cittsa wolokmar ‘I dwell with a burning spirit’ (TEB-64-05/IT-
5C/L). From B(H)S citta-.
cittaklyät* (n.) ‘± thing anticipated’ (?)
[-, -, cittaklyät//] (405a8C). From B(H)S cittakalita-?
Cittarakite (n.) ‘Cittarakita’ (PN in monastic records)
[Cittarakite, -, -//] (434a4Col).
Cittavrg (n.) ‘Cittavarga’ (a portion of the Udnalakara)
[Cittavrg, -, -//] (A-3a3/PK-AS-6Ga3C).
cittbhisaskr (n.) ± ‘conception of thought’ (?)
[cittbhisaskr, -, -//] (200b1C/L). If from B(H)S *cittbhisaskra- (not in
Monier-Williams or Edgerton).
Citrasene (n.) ‘Citrasena’ (PN in administrative records)
[Citrasene, -, -//] (SI B Toch. 12.2 Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
citrk (n.) ‘white lead wort (Plumbago zeylanica Linn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[citrk, -, -//] (497b7C, W-17a5C). From B(H)S citraka-.
Citre (n.) ‘Citra’ (PN of householder and in administrative records)
[Citre, Citrentse, -//] (40a3C), (SI P/117.4Col [Pinault, 1998:13]).
Citrerapake (n.) ‘Citrerapake’ (PN in administrative records)
[Citrerapake, -, -//] (SI B Toch. 12.1-2Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
Citraupte (n.) ‘Citraupte’ (PN in administrative records)
[Citraupte, -, -//] (PK-Cp 4.4/PK-DAM.507Col [Pinault, 2002: 247]). A semi-
Sanskritized borrowing from a Prakrit *citraütta-, as if Sanskrit *citragupta-
(Pinault, 2002:248)?
Cina (n.) ‘Cina’ (PN in monastic records)
[Cina, -, -//] (459a4Col). A short form of the following name?
274 Cinatewe
bowel? [Ans.] ‘yes [it is] mine.’ In questions of this sort the accusative singular
masculine pronoun seems to have become an affirmative particle. /See se.
ce(k), s.v. se.
cek-, s.v. täk-.
ceccalor, s.v. täl-.
Ce
ika (n.) ‘Ceika’ (PN)
[Ceika, -, -//] (Broomhead). From B(H)S Ceik- (cf. TchA Ceik).
Ceuva* (n.) ‘Ceuvana (PN of a monastery)
[-, -, Ceuva//] Raj[a]gricä Ce
uva-saghrmne mäsk[tär] ‘he found
himself at the Ceuva monastery near the city of Rjagri’ (THT-1179b2E).
ceta (n.) ‘soul, mind’
[ceta, ceta[nä]ntse, -//] (200a5C/L). From B(H)S cetana-.
cetie* (adj.) ‘prtng to a shrine’ (?)
///ñe ñemtsa pä • cetie • tane • /// (507b1C/L). In form an adjectival derivative
from an unattested *ceti, presumably B(H)S ceti- ‘object of veneration, shrine.’
cepy-, see tep(p)-.
ceyak, s.v. se.
W-3b2C, Y-2a2C/L.
celmäññe* (adj.) ‘?’
[f: //-, -, celmäññana] • pañcwarikänta kakonta wrocce stamää celmäñ-
ñana ain wat=yornt=asta yettse (290a1C). A derivative surely of the next
entry but its exact meaning and the exact method of derivation are unknown.
celeññ- (vi.) ‘appear’
Ps. XII /celéññ’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, celentär//; MPImpf. // -, -, celeññiyentär]: mka
täwañe lktsi celenträ ‘it appears very lovely to look at’ (74a3C), ckkär svastik
nandikwart otruna eneka celeñiyentär ‘the cakra, swastika and nandikavarta
signs appeared within’ (107a1L).
Etymology uncertain. VW (251) suggests a connection with the family of PIE
*telha- ‘lift, raise.’ Such a connection is possible but the meaning is rather distant
and the exact morphology of the form of celeññ- is not matched by anything
among the certain descendants of *telha-. See celmäññe, possibly täl-.
cew, see s.v. su.
cealle, s.v. täk-.
caitasike (a) (adj.) ‘prtng to the mind, mental, spiritual’; (b) (n.) ‘mind’
Adj. [m: caitasike, -, -//] (172a2C); N. [-, -, caitasike//] (b) [kuse caitasikene]
vutarkavicr su ytrine samyaksakalp //kuse caitasikene k //// ytrine samyag-
vyym //kuse caitasikene smrti su ytrine samya[ksmrti] (IT-15a1C [cf. Carling,
2000:94]). From B(H)S caitasika-.
Caitike (n.) ‘Caitike’ (PN in caravan passes and graffito)
[Caitike, -, -//] (LP-14a2Col, G-Qa-1.2Col). See following entry.
Caiytika (n.) ‘Caiytika’ (PN in monastic records)
[Caiytika, Caiytikantse, -//] (461a1Col). A diminutive of the preceding.
cok (n.[m.sg.]) ‘lamp’
[cok, -, cok//-, -, cokanma] cok ñi twsäim ‘may I light the lamp!’ (364a4C),
yiñe coki alywe ‘oil for the night lamp’ (451a2Col), cok kekesorne ‘in the
extinguishing of the lamp’ (588b8E); —cokae ‘prng to a lamp’: (THT-
276 cotit
2722a3Col). The form coki at THT-2702a1Col, and -a2 suggests that forms such
as coki (451a2) have been reanalyzed so as to create a new base form, coki.
AB cok reflect PTch *cok. It has been suggested that we have a virtual PIE
*dhgwhu-, a derivative of *dhegwh- ‘burn’ (so Krause, 1943:32, and Pedersen,
1944:23). Against such a derivation, otherwise quite attractive, is that fact that
Tcharian, from a very early date, seems to have generalized word initial ts- in this
root, giving no basis for the initial c- of cok (c is the productive palatalization of
Tocharian t). VW (252) reconstructs *tgu- and connects this word with Old
English þeccan ‘burn,’ fæcele ‘torch, lamp,’ OHG dahhazzen ‘flare up’ (P:1057).
However, Old English þeccan ‘burn’ appears not to exist (see the discussion in
Bosworth and Toller) and þæcele may be merely a variant of fæcele ‘id.’ from
Latin facula, all of which leaves Tocharian cok and OHG dahhazzen isolated.
More plausibly Lubotsky and Starostin (2003:263) suggest a borrowing from
Chinese (contemporary Chinese zhú ‘torch, candle; shine,’ Middle Chinese [in
their notation] öuk or [in Pulleyblank’s] tuwk).
cotit, only attested as a part of a phrasal verb: cotit ym- ‘accuse’:
cotit yamaa-me toy aiyana po laluwa stare ‘he accused them [thus]: these
nuns have finished everything’ (PK-AS-18B-a2C [Pinault, 1984b:376]). From
B(H)S codita-, past participle of cud-. See also the next entry.
codake (n.) ‘objector (in disputations), adversary’
[codake, -, -//] tus m wesk[e]m codake weä ‘thus we do not speak, [rather]
the adversary speaks’ (197a2L). From B(H)S codaka-. See also the previous
entry.
comp, s.v. samp.
corak (n.) ‘fenugreek (Trigonella corniculata Linn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[corak, -, -//] (FS-a4). From B(H)S coraka-.
colorme* (n.) ‘?’
[//-, -, colorme] /// [tärkarwa]tstse i[pre]r ramt colormetsa mant /// (355b2C).
colye* (adj.) ‘wild, savage’
[m: //colyi, -, colä] käss yälloe colä yakwe ytäatai ‘thou didst tame
the six wild horses of the senses’ (213a1E/C), palkaso ai[e po wnolmi] tatkaa
yelme cai colye • laks ra mists kawñ naka l[re aul] ‘Look (pl.) at the
world! [all] these [beings] have become wild, [turned] towards the direction of
desires. Like the fish loses [his] d[ear life] out of desire for meat …’ (K-12b3/
PK-AS-7Lb3C;[CEToM]). According to CEToM, colye in the second example
is to be interpreted as an error for the expected nominative plural colyi.
Etymology uncertain. VW (252-253) suggests we have here a virtual PIE
*tlu-, a derivative of *tel- ‘± flat surface’ [: Sanskrit tala- (nt.) ‘surface,’
Sanskrit t$ lu- (nt.) (< *tolu-) ‘gums,’ Armenian t‘a_ ‘district, region,’ Greek tlía
‘board or table with raised rim,’ Latin tells ‘earth’ (< *telnos rebuilt
morphologically after rs), Old Irish talam (gen. talman) ‘earth,’ Old Norse þel
(nt.) ‘ground,’ Old Prussian talus ‘floor of a room,’ Lithuanian pãtalas ‘bed,’ Old
Russian t!lo ‘ground,’etc. (P:1061; MA:247)]. VW assumes a semantic
development similar to that seen in Greek ágrios ‘wild,’ an adjectival derivative
of ágros ‘field.’ However, it should be noted that none of the known derivatives
of *tel- mean ‘field’ or the like, rather ‘earth,’ and ‘earthly’ would not seem to be
Caukwi 277
nearly so good a starting point for ‘wild’ as ‘pertaining to the field’ would (so
also Hamp, p.c.). Perhaps it is possible to see in col a PIE *dhws-lu-, a cognate
of Latin blua ~ bellua ‘beast, large animal’ < *dhws-lu-- (cf. bstia) from the
wide-spread *dheus- ~ dhwes- ‘breathe, be full of (wild) spirits’ (P:268-267;
MA:82). Perhaps Latin b- is regular for PIE *dhw- when the *-w- has not
otherwise been absorbed (cf. fors ‘doors’).
Cowake (n.) ‘Cowake’ (PN in graffito)
[Cowake, -, -//] (G-Su7Col).
cowai (particle), only in the compound or phrasal verb: cowai tärk- ‘rob’:
cowai tärkanan/nträ ‘they are being robbed’ (THT-1859“b”1A), [:] c[owai
tär]k[a]n[a] [aumo] kos [c]wi [ritteträ] ‘a man robs as much as he can gather
to himself’ [cowai tärkana = B(H)S vilumpati] (22a2/3C), [tume no a]lyai[k
c]owai tärkna [= B(H)S vilumpanti] cowaicce : cowai tärkauca [= B(H)S
vilopt] cowai tärkau mäske[tär 6]5 [ = B(H)S vilupyate] ‘for, however, others
rob the robber, the robber becomes the robbed’ = B(H)S tato nye vilumpanti sa
vilopt vilupyate (22a3C), ñakta Puttisene ce [= kuce] sakrm lki taise terisa
[c]owai carka ‘O lord, whatever monastery P. has visited, he has robbed in that
same fashion’ (PK-DAM.507-a7/8Col [Pinault, 1984a:24]); —cowaitstse* ‘±
robber’ (see above).
Etymology uncertain. Since cowai occur only in this compound its exact
meaning cannot be tested from other contexts. Penney (1989:66) plausibly
suggests that cowai is not at heart an adverb but rather the accusative singular of
an otherwise unattested noun meaning ‘theft, robbery’ and that cowai tärk- is
etymologically something on the order of ‘commit a robbery.’ Hilmarsson (p.c.)
then plausibly connects this word with Gothic þiufs ‘thief,’ Old Norse þjófr ‘id.,’
Old English þ o f ‘id.,’ OHG thiob ‘id.,’ and Old Norse þýfi ‘theft,’ Old English
þefþ ‘id.,’ OHG thiuba ‘id.’ (MA:543). The Tocharian word might represent
*teup-eha-h1en-. The Germanic-Tocharian correspondence would be remarkable.
Less plausibly, VW (253), assuming the meaning to be ‘away,’ takes it to be a
frozen accusative singular of a noun whose nominative singular would have been
*cowo, a borrowing from an unattested TchA source, itself descended from a PIE
*dw-u- and related to Sanskrit drá- ‘far off,’ Hittite twa (< endingless locative
*duweha) ‘far, in(to) the distance,’ twats ‘from afar,’ tuwn … tuwn (<
*dweham) ‘here … there,’ Greek d%n (< *dweham) ‘(for) a long time,’ all deriva-
tives of a PIE noun *dweha- ‘distance (in either time or space)’ for which one
should see Melchert, 1984:30. (Cf. also Eichner, 1978:160, fn. 69.)
cau, s.v. su.
Caukile (n.) ‘Caukile’ (PN in administrative records)
[Caukile, -, -//] (SI P/117.8Col [Pinault, 1998:15]). See following entry.
Caukilaike (n.) ‘Caukilaike’ (PN in administrative records)
[Caukilaike, -, -//] (SI B Toch. 12.3Col [Pinault, 1998:16]). A diminutive of the
previous entry.
Caukwi (n.) ‘Caukwi’ (PN in monastic records)
[Caukwi, -, -//] (SI B Toch. 11.13Col [Pinault, 1998:10]).
278 caut
• CH •
chandakanivarta* (n.) a meter/tune of 4x12 syllables (rhythm: 5/7, or 7/5).
[-, -, chandakanivarta//] {86b4C}.
channakanivartta* (n.) name of a meter/tune
[-, -, channakanivartta//] (IT-78b2C). A variant of the preceding?
cchando (n.[m.sg.]) ‘metrical formula, chant’
[cchando, -, -//] se pravarite cchando parna vele ‘the formula concerning the
pravra
a is to be pronounced’ (Vallée Poussin, 1913:846). From B(H)S
chandah-.
•J•
ja
(n.[m.sg.]) ‘braid’
[ja -, -//] (TEB-59-27/SI P/1bC). From B(H)S ja-. See the next two entries.
ja
ilaprvake* (adj.) ‘formerly having a braid’
[m: //-, -, jailaprvaka] (108b3L). From B(H)S jailaprvaka-.
ja
iläññe* (adj.) ‘provided with a braid’; (n.) ‘ascetic’
[m: -, -, jailäññe//jailäññi, jailäññets, -] poyi saswe jailñe sk päs wya
‘the lord Buddha led the braided one away [to] the community’ (108b2L). A
Tocharian derivative in -ññe from B(H)S jaila- (cf. TchA jatili ‘ascetic’).
See previous entry.
Janahitaii (n.) ‘Janahitaii’ (PN)
[Janahitaii, -, -//] (Broomhead).
Jambudv p (n.[m.sg.]) ‘Jambudvpa (India)’
[Jambudvip, -, Jambudvip//] (3a2C): —jambudvip(ä)e* ‘prtng to Jambudvpa’
(217a4E/C). From B(H)S Jambudvpa- (cf. TchA Jambudvip).
Jayasene (n.) ‘Jayasena’ (PN)
[Jayasene, -, -//] (IT-216a1C).
jar (n.) ‘old-age’
[jar, -, -//] (180a3C). From B(H)S jar-.
jarmara (n.) ‘old-age and death’
[jarmara -, -//] (149b5C). From B(H)S *jarmara
a- (compound not in M-W
or Edgerton).
jtak* (n.) ‘story of a buddha’s previous incarnation’
[//jtakänta, -, -] (104b6C); —jtakäe ‘prtng to a jtaka’ (77a5C). From
B(H)S jtaka-.
jti (n.) ‘birth
[jti, -, jti//] (149b5C). From B(H)S jti-.
Jtiroe (n.) ‘Jtiroa’ (PN of a brahman)
[Jtiroe, Jtiroi, -//] (2b4C).
jmadigniñe (adj.) ‘prtng to Jamadagni’
[m: jmadigniñe, -, -//] (K-12a5/PK-AS-7La5C).
280 Jitri
•Ñ•
¹ñ enclitic pronoun of the first person singular.
See ñä.
²-ñ the ending of the causal
Possibly we have here an archaic instrumental of an n-stem, namely -niT seen
in (Vedic) Sanskrit daki
ít ‘with the right hand,’ or, outside of n-stems, in
cikitvít ‘with attention, care,’ or in the Hittite instrumental ending -it (for the
Sanskrit and Hittite, cf. Melchert, 1984:98). One should note with Melchert that
the -it occurs with both thematic and athematic nouns.
ñake (adv.) ‘now’ [ñakesa wärñai ‘from now on’]
94 aul attsaik totka mnats ñke wryee pältakwä atyats a[k]entasa : ‘the
life of men [is] now very short [like] the drop of dew on the tips of grass’
(3b3/4C), nau su plywa alyekä ce ñake ceu wes pälwmo ‘earlier he
lamented others, now we lament him’ (46b2C), kuse no su Uttare mñcuke ai se
ña[k]e Rhule st[e] ‘whoever prince Uttara was, he is now Rhula’ (95a2C),
pikte meñe ra ñake uktañce kas meñantse-me motte [lege: mante] ñwe
mape tre wtär ‘the fifth month has ended; now from the seventh [day] of the
sixth month on is new, ripe grain eaten’ (461a4/5Col), larauñe aul kekts[e]nn[e]
… ñke ra cämpim mussi [ñke ra = B(H)S adypi] ‘may I be able to put aside love
of life and body even right now!’ (S-3a1/2C).
Form, function, and position in its clause are discussed by Thomas, 1979.
Presumably with VW (323) (as if) from PIE *ne-gho where the *ne is the same
as that seen in Sanskrit ná ‘likewise,’ Old Latin ne ‘as,’ Lithuanian nè ‘as,’ Latin
ego-ne, t-ne, etc. or Greek (Thessalonian) hó-ne, tó-ne, etc. (P:320). This *-ne
would be related in some fashion to the pronominal *h1(e)no-. The *gho is a
particle of reinforcement often occuring after pronouns, e.g., Sanskrit sá gha,
OCS -go, etc. (P:417). The entire *ne-gho may be matched by Serbo-Croatian
nego ‘as’ (in comparatives). See also ke.
ñakte (nm.) ‘god’ [voc. ñakta often used as respectful address to a king] [ñaktets
ñakte is an epithet of the Buddha or of a maitreya]
[ñakte, ñäktentse ~ ñaktentse ~ ñakti (?), ñakte (voc. ñakta)/ñaktene, ñäktenaisäñ,
-/ñakti, ñäktets ~ ñaktets, ñakte] twe [ne]st ñakta ‘thou art, O Lord’ (THT-
2379, frgm. t b1E), ñäktetsä = B(H)S -devnm (251b1E), [:] ñäktets ñakte
pdñäkte lac lename[ tso]kaiko ‘the god of gods, the Buddha, went out of
[his] cell at dawn’ (5b3C), ñakte mnane ‘among gods and men’ (30b4C), te
weweñ[o]rme ltai ñaktene ‘having said this the two gods left’ (88b5C),
wärttoi ñakti ‘the forest gods’ (364b7C), ñakt[e]ntse = B(H)S buddha- (U-
11b1/IT-260C); —ñäktetstse* ‘having gods’ (PK-NS-306/305a3C [Couvreur,
1977:177]); —ñäkteññe* ‘divine’: ñäkteññana klainantsä ‘of divine women’
(IT-163a4E); —ñäkte-yok* ‘godlike’: (ñä)kte-yokä (PK-NS-355a4 [CEToM]).
TchA ñkät and B ñakte reflect PTch *ñäk(ä)te but extra-Tocharian con-
nections are not altogether clear. VW (326-327) suggests a derivation from PIE
*h1nek- ‘obtain, take’ [: Sanskrit anóti ‘attains,’ náati ‘id.,’ Lithuanian nešù
‘carry,’ TchB ek- ‘take, seize,’ etc. (P:316-318; MA:35)], i.e., *h1nekto- ‘he who
282 ñakre*
brings, he who obtains.’ He notes the semantic similarity (which stops well short
of a semantic identity) with Sanskrit bhága- ‘master,’ Avestan baa- ‘master,
god,’ derivatives of a verb seen in Skt, bhájati ‘shares.’ Alternatively Watkins
(1974: 102) takes ‘god’ to be ‘the libated one’ (from PIE *heu- ‘pour’ [P:447-
448; MA:448]) with reference to Sanskrit huta- ‘begossen’ as an epithet of
Agni.
Normier (1980:267ff.), however, is probably right in taking PTch *ñäk(ä)te to
reflect a virtual PIE *ni-huhx-to- ‘± the one called down’ (more particularly *ní-
huhx-to- with the retracted accent characteristic of nouns derived from
adjectives). The vowel of the root syllable has been shortened to *-u- (or the
laryngeal was lost) in pre-Tocharian but after that the development is phono-
logically regular. Normier suggests that the laryngeal is lost as a result of the
word’s being a compound and comparing such formations as Sanskrit suuti-
‘easy birth’ from s-. The existence of such “compositional loss” of laryngeals,
at least when not before a vowel, is, however, controversial (Mayrhofer, 1986:
149-150). In any case, such an explanation for the Tocharian short vowel will not
account for the short vowel in what by this hypothesis is the closest extra-
Tocharian cognate, namely Germanic *guða- (nt.) ‘god’ (< *hutóm) (cf. P:413;
MA:231). For this Germanic word and for related words with a short vowel in
Celtic (cf. Old Irish guth (m.) ‘voice’ < *hutus) and Gallic gutuater, the desig-
nation of a class of priests, which may be *hutu-phater- ‘father (= master) of the
invocation [of the gods]’), Normier adduces a general rule, “Dybo’s Law,” of
pretonic shortening of *-- and *-- (usually from *-uhx- and *-ihx-) in Germanic,
Celtic and Latin (e.g. Proto-Germanic *sunu- compared to Sanskrit snú- or
Proto-Germanic *wira-, Latin viro-, Old Irish fer ‘man’ but Sanskrit vrá- ‘id.’).
However, Dybo’s Law is not without its problems and the more general question
of ani and se roots awaits a unified solution. See also ñäkciye, ñäkteñña,
yñakte, kauñäkte, pudñäkte, pañäkte, Bramñäkte, Ylaiñäkte, r ñäkte,
and, more distantly perhaps, kw-.
ñakre* (n.) ‘± darkness’ (?)
[-, -, ñakre//] /// epastyu aie lyusi ñakreme : ‘adept one, at illuminating the
world from darkness’ (244b3C).
If the meaning is correct, then this word is the exact equivalent of the other-
wise isolated Latin niger ‘black, dark,’ both being from a PIE *niGro- where the
*-G- may be either aspirated or not, palatal or velar (Isebaert, 1977[79]:382; cf.
De Vaan, 2008:409 who rates niger as of “unknown etymology”).
1
ñatke (adv.) ‘± urgently, quickly’ (?)
/// pr¢ri ñatke karnai plska pdñä[kte] /// (283a1A), /// wektse w[e]k tärkäna
ñätke kr ya ‘he utters a loud voice and quickly goes toward the forest’ [=
‘pushes his way into the forest’?] (118b1E). If correctly identified as to
meaning, a derivative of nätk-. Not apparently related to the following entry.
2ñatke* (n.) ‘±dirt’
[-, -, ñatke//] [e]nt[e] akai-pilkontan[e] t[e]tr[e]ku aiytä ñatke me[l]t[e]
[reconstruction mine] p[e]ltsa kektseñ kari yamaatai ‘if thou wert beset with
false thoughts; thou hast soiled [thy] body with dirt, dung, and mud” (KVc-
ña 283
t(u)we and TchA tu from *t-hxom), was conflated with *ñä, originally only
accusa-tive, to give *ñäku whence feminine ñuk (P:291, 702; MA:454). Cf.
Jasanoff (1989), though details differ. TchA nä and nñi remain opaque to me
though Jasanoff has suggestions for them (also Kloekhorst, 2008:111). For the
chronological distribution of the oblique forms of the plural, see Peyrot (2008:
120-121). See also -1ñ, ñiññe and ñae.
TchA was and B wes are normally taken to reflect PTch *wes, a conflation of
the PIE nominative first person plural stem *wei- and the oblique *nos
(generalized to the nominative in Latin ns and Albanian na < *nos), thus only
accidentally looking like the PIE second person plural oblique stem *wos
(VW:547, following Petersen, 1935:205, and Pedersen, 1941:133ff.) The PIE
word-final *-s is preserved here in a monosyllable (as in kas ‘six’ from
*s(w)eks). The dual wene is (as if) from PIE *woh1 (similarly rebuilt from *noh1)
plus the regular dual ending -ne (< *-noh1) (P:758; MA:454).
Ñnattewe (n.) ‘Jñnadeva’ (PN in graffito)
[Ñnattewe, -, -//] (G-Qm7Col).
Ñnawirye (n.) ‘Jñnarya’ (PN in graffito)
[Ñnawirye, -, -//] (G-Qa4.aCol). See also Jñnawirye.
Ñnasene (n.) ‘Jñnasena’ (PN in graffito)
[Ñnasene, -, -//] (G-Qm7 Col). See also Jñnasena.
Ñnasome* (n.) ‘Jñnasoma’ (PN in graffito)
[-, Ñnasomi, -//] (G-Su14Col). See also Jñnasome.
ñs, see ñys.
ñss- (vt.) ‘share’
Pt. II /ñ ss-/ [A //-, -, ñssare] : pakaccne kattke epinkte läms temeñ
ñssare cey wer meñi päs takre • ‘during the rainy season they [= the monks]
sat among the householders; they [= householders] shared; four months were up’
(331a5/b1L), kuce ñssa /// ‘which he shared’ (?) (PK-NS-266a4 [CEToM]).
Etymology unknown; not related to ñäsk-. On the basis of its meaning we
would expect a *nes- ‘cut’ or the like, but no such verb root appears to have
existed. See also ñsso.
ñsso (n.) ‘share, portion, inheritance’
[ñsso, -, ñssa//] s[e] [lege: kuse] ñasso [äp] cewsa = B(H)S yoa cnena
[yoa = yo aa] (547a2C), /// kete pelkiñ ñssa uppl ñaske po ñssa sanai
tinr ‘on whose behalf they demand one blue lotus [as] share; the entire share of
one coin…’ (or ‘… each one shared a single coin’?) (THT-1168b4C [cf. Malzahn,
2007b:242]). From earlier *ñsw-; whether that is a derivative of the verb
ñsw- or what underlies the latter is impossible to tell. See ñss-.
ñtse, ñytse.
ñäkciye (adj.) ‘divine, clestial, heavenly’ [ñäkciye aie ‘heaven]
[m: ñäkciye, -, ñäkciye//ñäkc(iy)i, -, ñäkc(i)ye] [f: ñäkciya, -, ñäkc(i)yai/
ñäkciyane, -, -/ñäkcyana, -, ñäkcyana] ñäkcye ksa aie ‘some divine world’
(IT-47a3E), ñäkcye … aiene = B(H)S svarge (14a6C), ñäkcyai = B(H)S divya-
(23a3C), ñäkcye aie = B(H)S devalokam (23a3C), : tsa pilko ñäk[c]iye yän-
m[ä] ‘thus he achieves divine insight’ (523a6C), ñäkcyenne yelmen[n]e =
ñäsk- 285
*neuyo-), or Armenian nor ‘new’ (< *nowero-?), etc. (P:769; MA:393, Beekes,
2010:1009)] (VW, 1941:77, 1976:328). See also ñwemae, ñwetstse, and
Ñwetakke.
ñem* (n.[f.pl.]) (a) ‘name’ [ñem t-, ñem ai-, ñem klw- ‘to name’]; (b) X ñem(tsa)
‘X by name’; (c) X ñem ‘of X sort’
[-, -, ñem//-, ñemnats, ñemna] (a) ñem ersna kselñeme ‘from the extinction of
name and form’ [= B(H)S nmarpaniro] (157b1?), [nta] ñem tässnte ‘they
gave [her] the name .’ (349b5C), kete ñemntsa pwarne hom ymä su m walke
na a ‘in whosoever’s name one will make an oblation in the fire, he [is] not
long destroyed’ [= ‘it is not long before he is destroyed’] (M-1b5/PK-AS-8Ab5C),
ñemne = B(H)S sajña- (Y-3b1C/L); (b) rjari ey Gaye ñem om mäskeñca cwi
ñemtsa wartto klwa ‘there was a seer, Gaya [by] name there [and] the woods
were called by his name’ (108b2L); (c) omo ñ[e]m [wno]lme ‘a being of the
human sort’ [= ‘a human being’] (496a1L); — -ñematstse* ‘having [such-and-
such] a name’: ñake palsko ärpalñe-ñemace pratihar[i sä]lk[te-me] ‘now the
wonder having the name of thought and explanation was drawn out for you’
(108b7L), [U]ttare-ñemase soy ‘[his] son, Uttara by name’ (401a2L) [for the
formation, see Winter, 1979]; —ñem-kälywe ‘fame, renown’: ñem-käly[w]e (IT-
206b3E), keklyauorme krent ñem-kälywe wroccu wlo tañ ‘having heard of thy
good fame, O great king’ (AMB-b4/PK-NS-32b4C) (cf. TchA ñom-klyu); —ñem-
kälywee ‘prtng to fame’: • ñem-kälywee mahursa äñ tärne yaiytu 152 ‘thine
own head decorated with the diadem of fame’ (214b1/2E/C); —ñem-
kälywetstse* ‘having fame, good reputation’: (IT-115a1C?); —ñem-klwi
‘renowned, famous’: (IT-175a3C); —ñem-klawissu* ‘famous, glorious’: ñem-
klawisont (IT-106a5E), ñem-klawisonte (IT-92b2C); —ñem-wrtalñe ‘name and
form’: ñem-wrtalñe ärmats[e] ‘having nmarpa as cause’ (IT-133b2C).
TchA ñom and B ñem reflect PTch *ñmä (the rounding of PTch *-- to -o- in
TchA is regular in the neighborhood of a labial), (as if) from PIE *h1nmn, a
variant of the more usual *h1nomn ‘name’ [: Sanskrit n$ ma (nt.), Avestan nma
(nt.) (the Indo-Iranian forms could be from either *h1nomn or *h1nmn—what-
ever its origin, the -- has been extended throughout the paradigm along with
fixed accent on the root syllable [if that was not original]), Armenian anun (<
*h1nomno-?), Greek ónoma (nt.) (assimilated from *énoma), Albanian emër (m.)
(< *h1nmen-), Latin nmen (nt.) (with the long vowel by conflation with
*(g)nmen ‘sign’—cf. cognmen ‘surname’ [Cowgill, 1965:156]), Old Irish
ainmm n- (nt.), Welsh anu (< *h1nmn), Gothic namo (nt.) (< a “collective”
*h1nomn), Old Prussian emnes ~ ennens (m.) (< *h1nmen-), OCS im (< a
“collective” *h1nmn), Hittite lman- (with dissimilation of the initial nasal), all
‘name’ (P:321; MA:390)] (Sieg/Siegling, 1908:927, VW:327). For a different
reconstruction, see Beekes (2010:1085).
It is difficult to reconstruct the original paradigm for this word. Cowgill himself
(1965:156) ventures proterokinetic paradigm with a nom.-acc. sg. *h1nómn, gen.
*h1nmén-s (> Old Irish anme) parallel to the *dóru ‘wood, tree,’ *dréus that lies
behind Sanskrit d$ ru, drós. To the evidence of Celtic for such a weak stem
should probably be added that of Anatolian. In the latter group we find
Hieroglyphic Luvian at(a)man- ‘name’ and probably Lycian adâma(n)- from
ñor 289
*a(n)dman- < *anman- < *(h1)n(h3)mn- (Melchert, p.c.). Also possible would be
an acrostatic paradigm with a nom.-acc. sg. *h1nómn, gen. *h1némns. Perhaps
arguing for an original acrostatic paradigm is the strong evidence for a weak
grade with -mn- rather than -mén-, e.g., Sanskrit instr. sg. nmn, Gothic nom.-
acc. pl. namna, Hittite gen. sg. lamnas (but note the other Anatolian data
presented above), etc. (see Beekes, 1969:230). In these cases we need assume
only that the vowel timbre of the nom./acc. sg. was extended to the weak cases.
From either *h1nmén-s or *h1némns a new nom.-acc. sg. *h1n%mn could be
constructed.
ñemek (n.) ‘harvest’
[ñemek, -, -//] aktalye iau kästwer katnau ña ñemek takoy-ñ ale [ek] ‘day
and night I scatter/sow seed [in the hope that] it will lead to a harvest for me’
(205a3E/C).
(As if) from a PIE *nm-ok-om (nt.), a derivative of *nem- ‘take’ [: Greek
ném ‘deal out, dispense; pasture, graze,’ némesis (f.) ‘retribution,’ nómos (m.)
‘usage, custom; law,’ nomós (m.) ‘place of pasturage; habitation,’ nomíz ‘use
customarily; consider as; enact,’ nmá ‘deal out, distribute,’ Gothic niman
‘take,’ andanm (nt.) ‘taking,’ OHG nma ‘robbery,’Old Norse nám (m.) ‘taking,
learning,’ Lithuanian núoma (f.) ‘rent, hire’ (nama [m.] ‘house, dwellings,’
given by P, probably does not belong here but rather reflects *dom- [Hamp,
p.c.]), etc. (P:763-764; MA:564)]. It is noteworthy that both Tocharian and
Germanic show reflexes of a vr
ddhied *nmo- ‘a taking.’ Otherwise VW:325.
ñerwe (adv.) ‘today’
/// ñerwesa mante ak-wi pikul=eke : ‘from today on for twelve years’
(350a3C), /// ceu kautsta ñerwe : ‘thou hast split it today’ (520a2C); —ñerweka
‘id’: (PK-NS-47-b5? [Broomhead]).
Etymology uncertain. VW (326) assumes a putative PIE *ne-yeh1r-wo- where
ne- is the same demonstrative element seen in ñake ‘now,’ ye/oh1r- is ‘period of
time, year’ seen in Germanic year and Greek hra ‘period of time, year; hour’
[also hros ‘time, year,’ Avestan yr' (nt.) ‘year,’ Russian Church Slavonic jara
‘spring,’ Hieroglyphic Luvian ari- ‘time’ (Melchert, 1989:41, fn. 28), and Latin
hornus ‘of this year,’ if an adjectival derivative of *hir ‘in this year’ (P:296;
MA:654)] and if -wo- is a secondary suffix. (For *ne- Hamp [p.c.] suggests as
possible alternatives *ni- or *h1eni.) Semantically we would have *‘at this time’
> ‘today.’ VW points to OHG hiuru (< hiu jru) which in Austrian German has
given heuer ‘in this year’ with its derived adjective heurig ‘of this year, current.’
VW’s suggestion works phonologically if we can assume an early contraction of
*ey- to *--.
ñor (adv.) ‘below, beneath, under; down’ [ñorame ‘out from under(neath)’]
: nigrot [s]t[]m ñor ek su mäskträ ‘he was always to be found beneath the
banyan-tree’ (3b3C), asme ñor klya ‘he fell down from the throne’ (93a5C),
/// tverene [sic] lyinlle at kolyi ñor uktañce kau lyutasken-ne ‘… [is] to be
stuck in the door, a sliver of hoof below, [on] the seventh day they leave him’
(M-3b1/PK-AS-8Cb1C); —ñoru-wär ‘downstream’: se amne plkisa aiyana-
[mpa o]lyine amä kauc-wär olyi ä ñoru-wär wat parna totte kat[k]al-
ñesa pyti ‘whatever monk by agreement sits in a boat with nuns and guides the
290 ñormye
boat upstream or downstream except [it is] to cross to the other shore, pyti’
(ñoru-wär = B(H)S adho-gmin-) (PK-AS-18B-b4/5C [Pinault, 1984b:377, 2008:
84]); —ñor ye* (adj.) ‘lower’: /// ñorya ktso orottsa tka tesa päst amä
‘[if] the lower belly is big, by this it subsides’ (W-14a6C).
Etymology uncertain. Semantically and morphologically attractive is Hilmars-
son’s connection of this word (1986:297-304) with the otherwise isolated Greek
adjective (attested only in the feminine) neíaira ‘lower’ (h neíaira ‘abdomen’
[cf. TchB ñoriya ktso], neíatos ‘lowest,’ neióthe(n) ‘from the bottom,’ neióthi
‘at the the bottom, under, beneath’). He takes neíaira to be a derivative of a
*n(w)ar from PIE *neh1wr. This *neh1wr would give B ñor regularly (cf. the
same development in ñor ‘sinew’ from *sneh1wr). The semantics and phono-
logy of this suggestion seem very good, no matter what cognates, if any, exist in
Indo-European for this word. Alternatively one might follow Meillet in Hoernle
(1916:380, also VW:328) and connect ñor with that group represented by Greek
énerthe(n) ‘beneath,’ Greek éneroi ‘inferi,’ Greek nérteros ‘lower,’ the Germanic
family represented by English north, and a group in Baltic represented by neriù
‘plunge, dive into,’ n^róv^ ‘water nymph’ (P:765-766; MA: 611; and Hilmarsson,
1986:76). In this case ñor would reflect a PIE *nru. See also the next entry.
ñormye (adj.) ‘± lower’
[m: ñormiye, -, ñormiye//] [ñor]my[e] bhmime vairk ya • ñormye bhmi///
(185b1L), /// auämiye ñormiye wassi /// ‘upper and lower clothing’ [or ‘outer and
under clothing’?] (332.1aL). An adjectival derivative of ñor, q.v., but except for
auämiye, q.v., the formation in -miye is otherwise unattested. See also ñor.
ñkante* (n.) ‘silver’
[-, ñkantentse, ñkante//] yasa ñkante wrkaññe wmera makci priye ‘they
themselves were wearing jewels of gold, silver, and pearl’ (PK-NS-18A-a2C
[Thomas, 1978a:239]).
TchA nkiñc and B ñkañte are usually taken (with Rahder, 1963:107, also VW:
634) to be borrowings from Archaic Chinese *ngin ‘silver’ provided with
Tocharian suffixes. Hilmarsson (1986:202) suggests that the PTch *-änte that
probably lies behind the B -nte and the further derived -ñc of A are by analogy to
a lost *rkänte ‘silver’ from PIE *h2erntom. However, remembering that what
is transcribed as ng- in the Archaic Chinese is actually not a cluster but a dorso-
velar nasal, the phonological equation becomes much less appealing. We might
expect *`y- to have given Tocharian *ñ- tout court. Witczak (1990b), with more
plausibility, suggests that we have PIE *h2rentóm (as in Sanskrit rajatám
‘silver’) that underwent progressive assimilation to *h2nentóm whence ñkante
regularly (P:64; MA:518). See also ñkañce.
ñkañce* (adj.) ‘silvern’
[m: -, -, ñikañceL//ñkañci, -, ñkañce ~ ñikañceL] [f: -, -, ñkañcai//ñkañcana, -,
ñkañcana] ñkañca[na] (IT-14a2E), yse ñikañce wmera ‘gold and silver
jewels’ (109a4L). An adjectival derivative of ñkante, q.v. The forms with ñi-
are late (Peyrot, 2008:57).
ñysE-C ~ ñsC (n.[m.sg.]) ‘desire, longing for’ [ñys ñäsk- ‘seek eagerly’]
[ñys, -, ñys//] ñyasa[me] = B(H)S chanda- (7a2C), : pelaiknee aul pl-
me cauk twe ñyssa ñäitar • ‘thou didst seek this excellent righteous life
ñytse 291
eagerly’ (231b1C/L), : cw satkenta lek satknau ñssa ñalle [sic] : ‘the
doctor and likewise his medicines [is] eagerly to be sought’ (286b4C), ñs
tanmästä[r] = B(H)S cchanda janayati (537b2C); —ñyasassu ‘desirous’
(294a5C/L).
The shape ñys would appear to be the older one. Ñs is the result of a simpli-
fication of initial ñy- to ñ-, primarily in the eastern part of the TchB-speaking area
(Hilmarsson, 1991b:137) in late manuscripts (Adams, 2006, Peyrot, 2008:63-64).
Not a borrowing from TchA ñs ‘id.’ (Winter, 1961:279), but rather the
reverse. This ñys (gender and plural unknown) probably is a borrowing from
either Sogdian or Parthian ny’z ‘need’ (Van Windekens, 1940:149, Tremblay,
2005: 439). Malzahn (2007b), on the other hand, takes this word as reflecting an
earlier *ns- (from PIE *nsu, *nsi, or *nsom), a nominal derivative of the
*nes- which underlies Tch ñäsk-, q.v. Malzahn further suggests that the initial
ñy- results from the analogical extension a initial palatalization from ñäsk-.
While *ns and ñs were in competition, ñys arose as a “hypercorrection” of the
innovative pronunciation. However, the chronological distribution of the two
variants would argue against such a conclusion.
ñytseE-C ~ ñtseC-L (nnt.) ‘danger; plague, distress’
[ñytse, -, ñytse//-, -, ñyatsenta] : mai ñi tka laitalñe wrocc=asnme lan-
tuññe : epe wat no aulantse ñytse ñi ste nesalle : ‘perchance will there be for
me a falling from [my] great, royal throne?, or is there to be a danger to my life?’
(5a4C), to m tko aiene m ke tsako[y] pudñäkte : to ñyatstsenta
wikässi poyinta tne tseketar [lege: -tär] ‘[if] these were not in the world, the
Buddha would not arise; buddhas arise here to vanquish such dangers’ (5a6/7C),
ñtse [= B(H)S ti] • snai ñtse [= B(H)S anti] (543a5C); —ñyatsee ‘prtng to
danger, dangerous’: tsäkträ aie empele ñyatsee ceu puwa[r]ne ‘the world
burns in this horrible, dangerous fire’ (295a8A); —ñyatsessu* ‘having danger’:
(PK-AS-7K-a6C [Broomhead]); ñyatsetstse* ‘having danger,’ only in the com-
pound mak-ñyatsetstse* ‘having great need’ (35b1C); —ñya(t)sassu ‘±
dangerous’: cets welñe ek ñyatsasu krentä etswai nessico rmamñe eru (S-
5b6/PK-AS-5Bb6C).
The shape ñytse would appear to be the older one. Ñtse is the result of a
simplification of initial ñy- to ñ-, primarily in the eastern part of the TchB-
speaking area (Hilmarsson, 1991b:137) in late manuscripts (Adams, 2006).
Etymology uncertain. Related to TchA ñtse, probably because the A form is
borrowed from B. Extra-Tocharian cognates are uncertain. Plausible is Hilmars-
son’s suggestion (1991b:137-139) that the nearest relatives of ñytse are to be
found in Germanic [: Gothic neiþ (nt.) ‘ill-will, envy,’ Old English níþ (nt.)
‘enmity, hate, combat,’ OHG níd(h) ‘enmity, hate, combative fury, etc.’ (all <
Proto-Germanic *nþa- (nt.)] and Celtic [: Old Irish níth (gen. nítho) ‘combat,
combative fury’ (< *nítu-), Welsh nwyd ‘passion’]. Hilmarsson equates the
Tocharian and Germanic forms as *nihxtyo- and *nihxto- respectively. I would be
more comfortable, since the semantic match is not exact in any case, recons-
tructing pre-Tocharian *nihx-eha-tyo-. (Rightly rejected is VW’s suggestion [324]
of a putative PIE *mn-iyeha-tyo-, a derivative of PIE *men- ‘compress.’)
292 Ñwetakke
••
epankar, Dpankar.
•T•
taka (~ tk) (adv.) ‘then; certainly’
/// enesa mekitse [su] <•> tk ra [t]rä aiaumye ‘he [is] lacking eyes; thus
the wise man will go astray’ (293b1C), taka rano anaiwatse srukalñee ime
onolmets ‘certainly the thought of death [is] unpleasant to creatures’ (K-11a5/PK-
AS-7Na5A), kaun-yai anahr male taka arkwañaa tno puwarne hom
yamaäle ‘day and night [one is] to sit [in] abstinence, then an arkwaña-seed [is]
to be put in the fire [as] an oblation’ (M-1b5/PK-AS-8Ab5 C).
taki 293
From PIE *tu ‘and, but, then’ [: Sanskrit tú ‘however, but’] + Tocharian -k, a
particle of reinforcement (VW:491).
takaru (~ tagar) (n.) ‘crape jasmine (Tabernaemontana coronaria R. Br. or
Ervatamia coronaria Stapf.)’ or ‘Indian valerian (Valeriana wallichii DC)’
[Chopra] (a medical ingredient)
[takaru ~ tagar, -, -//] tagar paläe piltasa = B(H)S tagaram palapatre
a
(308b5C). From B(H)S tagara- (from a Middle Indic dialect where -am > -u?).
See also takur?
takarke (adj.) ‘faithful, believing, pious; clear, unsullied; gracious’
[takarke, -, takarke//takarka (~ takarkañ), -, -] [f: //takarkana, -, -]
takärka[ñ] (= [?] B(H)S pa
ith) (IT-52b2E), pelaikne klyautsi nau pete-ñ
tak[arke palskosa] ‘give me early to hear the law with clear spirit’ (100a6C),
takarke ñi = B(H)S abhikrnto ha (541a2C/L), takarke = B(H)S prasanno
(PK-NS-107b2C [Thomas, 1976b:106]), takarka [sic] mäskentär = B(H)S
viprasdanti ‘become serene, calm’ (-b3C [ibid.]), takäre [sic] = B(H)S
prasanna- (SHT-146 [Malzahn, 2007b]); —takarkäññe ‘belief, faith, piety;
clarity; graciousness’: pelaikn=aki karttse palkas cewne persat takarkñe 51
‘look with favor on the announcers of the law, evoke belief in it!’ (19a2C),
takarkñe = B(H)S raddh (23a2C), : takarkñesa tne pel=ostae rintsi
y[ta :] ‘[if] he through faith is capable here of giving up the prison of the
house’ (50b2C), m tu pañäktene takarkäññentse [sic] [takarkäññentse =
B(H)S -prasdasya] (307a2C), takarkäñe añäññecce = B(H)S
prasdanya[] (541b8C/L), takärke = B(H)S viprasanna- (IT-979a2?
[CEToM]); —takarkäññetstse ‘faithful, believing, pious; gracious, attractive,
fair’: [= B(H)S prsdika-] (541b8C/L).
An adjectival derivative of tk- ‘be’ (s.v. nes-) whose original meaning must
have been ‘true’ or the like (cf. atkatte ‘unreal, false’). The meanings ‘clear’
and ‘gracious,’ etc., are probably calques on the B(H)S prasanna- ‘believing in;
clear; gracious’ (VW:492). For the formation one should compare pautarke,
mäntarke, and mällarke, all adjectives derived directly from verbal stems.
See also tk- (s.v. nes-) and atkatte.
takälñe, täk-.
takur (n.) a medical ingredient
[takur, -, -//] In a list of medical ingredients (W-34b2C). The same as takaru?
Takeri (n.) ‘Takeri’ (PN in monastic records)
[Takeri, -, -//] (THT-4000, col 2 -a6?).
tagar, takaru.
taki (adv.) ‘very, fully’; ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘full, blocked’
tparyane taki wartsane tsne ‘high, very broad shoulders’ (73a5/6C), ///
perpette premane ra akai yamalle p melyi taki mäskenträ • ‘like [one]
bearing a burden [he will] vomit; [his] nose is stuffed’ (IT-306a2C [cf. Carling,
2003a]).
TchA täki and B taki reflect PTch *täkäi from a PIE *tnk- ‘± thick’ + a
PTch suffix *-i [: Sanskrit tanákti ‘pulls together,’ Sanskrit takrá- (nt.)
‘buttermilk’ (< *tnkló-), Afghan tat ‘thick’ (< *tahta- < *tnkto-), Middle Irish
técht ‘co-agulated’ (< *tenkto-), Old Norse tél ‘buttermilk’ (< *tenklo-),
294 takw
the earlier meaning ‘deep’ within Tocharian itself is provided by the derivative
tparke ‘shallow’ (< *‘little deep’). See also taupe, tparke, and perhaps täp-.
taml (n.) ‘mangosteem (Garcinia xanthochymus Hook. or Xanthochymus
pictorius)’
[taml, -, -//] (275a2A). From B(H)S tamla-. See also next entry.
tamlapaträ (n.) ‘the leaf of G. Xanthochymus Hook.’ (a medical ingredient)
[tamlapaträ, -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S tamlapattra-. See previous.
Tamonute (n.) ‘Tamonuda’ (PN of a buddha)
[Tamonute, -, -//] (IT-128b1C).
tamne, s.v. sam(p); tam(p), s.v. samp.
tayiyak ‘?’
tayiyak /// (112b2L).
taram (n.) ‘thorny trefoil (Fagonia cretica Linn. or Fagonia arabica)’ (MI)
[taram, -, -//] (591b2L); —taramäe ‘prtng to F. cretica’ (W-26a3C); —
taramätstse ‘possessing F. cretica’ (497a6C). Etymology unknown.
taruadivkar* (n.) a meter of 19/19/10/19 syllables [a/b/d: 7/7/5, c: 5/5]
[-, -, taruadivkar//] (85a5C, 100b1C).
tarkañetstse, s.v. tarkñe.
tarkalñe, s.v. 1tärk-.
tarkñe ‘± conduct,’ in the phrase rtte tarkñe* ‘indifferent conduct,’ only in the
derived adjective: rtte tarkañetstse ‘having indifferent conduct’:
/// rtte tarkañetstse mäsketrä se su rtte tarkñe upek s[te] (197a4L). A
nominal derivative of 1tärk-, q.v., probably for tarkalñe
tarkntsa* (n.) ‘carpenter’
[-, -, -//tarkntsa (< tarkntsañ*), -, -] or namse tarkntsa añ añm y[täs-
ke] [tarkntsa = B(H)S takaka-] (PK-NS-107b1C [Thomas, 1976b: 106]).
A nomen agentis which, like the similar wapntsa ‘weaver,’ derived from the
subjunctive stem wp-, must be from the unattested subjunctive of 2tärk- ‘±
twist,’ q.v. (Thomas, 1976b:110). Malzahn (TVS) would prefer to construct a
separate trk- ‘work with wood’ to underly this agent noun.
tarkänt- (adj.) ‘twisted’
[m. //tarkäñc, -, -] /// tarkäñc aawe(ñ) /// ‘the twisted and rough [ones]’ (PK-AS-
6Ib2C [CEToM]). An adjectival derivative of 2tärk-.
tarkär (n.[m.sg.]) ‘cloud’
[tarkär, -, tarkär//-, -, tärkarwa] tärkärme (IT-163a3E), /// [s]kämp=ee l[a]
nkie tärkarme : ‘he will emerge with [his] community from the cloud of
reproach’ (16a2C), 26 ytka-me walo lyutsi po ypoyme wka tarkär akkeñ-
ñetso tsama yarke po[yintse :] ‘the king ordered all of them to leave the realm;
the cloud over the kyas disappeared and the honor of the Buddha grew’
(18a2C); —tärkarwae ‘prtng to clouds: /// tärkärwae prewtkeme • ‘from the
prison of clouds’ (514b5A); —tärkarwatstse ‘having clouds’ (355b2C); —
tärkarñe ‘±cloudiness’ (?) (IT-1112b2?).
TchA tärkär and B tarkär reflect PTch *tärkär, (as if) from PIE *dhrg-r-u-, a
verbal noun from *dherg- [: Lithuanian dérgia ‘there is bad weather,’ dárgana,
dárga ‘rainy weather, bad weather of any sort,’ Old Russian padoroga ‘± stormy
weather,’ Middle Irish derg ‘red,’ Old English deorc ‘dark,’ etc. (P:251-252;
298 tarne
-tol% in anatol% ‘east’) + the possessive suffix -w(e)nt- (for the phonological
development of *-w(e)nt- in Tocharian, see Adams, 1988c:131). The etymology
goes back to Duchesne-Guillemin (1941:163). See also VW: 496-497, though
details differ. See also the previous two entries, the following entry, and täl-.
tal(l)e* (n.) ‘load, burden’
[-, -, talle//]: ///sa tälle tällää • (514a9A), tusksa ñäke täle ptälle-ñä ‘in just
such a manner now lift my burden!’ (PK-AS-12Da5A [Thomas, 1979:43]), /// kca
sa kca tälle tällästrä (389b4E). A derivative of täl-, q.v., used only in figura
etymologica with täl-, or as the first member of the compound tällaikantsa, q.v.
tavatri, tapatri.
tasemanetstse* (adj.) ‘resembling’
[m: -, tasemaneccepi, -//tasemanecci, -, -]: kuce-tasemanecci [= BHS ydrh]
(Or. 15009/335b4 [Tamai, 2009:663]). An adjectival derivative of the participle
tasemane (s.v. t-).
t, s.v. se.
t- (vt.) ‘place, set’ [ke t- ‘consider, take into account,’ ñem t- ‘name,’ N-mpa t-
‘compare with’]; MP ‘be compared’
T- is the traditional, if inaccurate, shape given to two lexical units in Tocharian
B: (1) the suppletive täs-/tätt-, and (2) the durchkonjugiert ts- (cf. Normier,
1980:266). The two verbs are apparently identical in meaning, though we should
point out that only ts- is attested, when joined with a noun in -mpa, with the
meaning ‘compare with’ (lit. ‘set with’).
(1) täsä -/tätt -: Ps. II /täs’ä/e-/ [A // -, -, tase; MP -, tatar, -// -, -, tsentär]:
yakats arnene tatar-ñ ‘thou placest me in the hands of yakas’ (84a1C); Ko.
/tätt -/ [A -, -, tatta// -, -, tatta; MP -, -, tätttär// -, -, tättntär; Inf. tätttsi]: :
m ñi kc=lyek cot [lege: tot] nrai lksko [sic] wrocce kos krentäntsa tatta
nki atkatte neamye : ‘I see no other hell so great as when they lay reproach
and untrue rumor on the good’ (17a6/7C), kuse m pästa tättträ wase ‘who does
not put aside poison?’ (35b3C), [:] rse[rsa] träkonta ke nakanm= lyaucesa
tättntär mka : ‘[if] out of hate many impute sins and moral failures on one
another’ (27a6C), /// eñcil tätsi ytkast[a] ‘thou didst order the imposition of a
levy’ (IT-258a1 [cf. Peyrot, 2010:359]) ; Opt. /täccí-/ [MP taccimar, -, -//]:
[empalkaitte tkoym pä aul indrinta ke]k[t]s[e]ñän m taccimar ‘may I be
untormented and may I not consider life, senses, or bodies!’ [taccimar = ke
taccimar] (S-8a5/PK-AS-4Ba5C); Ipv. III /pätés- ~ pätä s-/ [ASg. (p)tes. Pl.
ptasso; MPSg. ptasar]: /// pr[e]ntse yente käskan-me mant añ mna ke ptes
twe : ‘in an instant the wind scatters them; so consider thine own people!’
(46a7C); Pt. III /tes(s)- ~ täss-/ [A -, -, tessa ~ tesa// -, -, tesarC ~ tesareCol;
MP -, -, tässte// -, -, tässnte]: 13 wnolmi tallñco naksante añ añm ero pilko
ak[ai] eye tesar nki krentätsa : ‘suffering beings made themselves
reproached; they had evoked false insight and lay blame on the good’ (17a6C),
prp mahur ssa tässte ‘he set the jewel-crown on his own head’ (109a5L),
[?nta] ñem tässnte ‘they gave [her] the name .’ (349b5C); PP /tätt -/: paine
epikte tarne tättu ‘having placed the crown of the head between [his] feet’
(361a7L); —tättrme; —tättlñe, only in ke tättlñe ‘judgment’: :
mna[]ts aul ai kas-tmane pikula A[ra]nemiñ tk [sic] ke tättlñe :
t- 301
mäntarke [lege: -e] aul mnats ñke ‘the life of men was 60,000 years [but] to
king A. was this judgment: evil now [is] the life of men’ (3b1/2C);
(2) ts-: Ps. II /ts’ä/e-/ [A tsau, -, tä (tä-ne)/-, tasaitär, -/ -, -, tse;
MP -, ttar, ttär//; MPImpf. -, -, tatär// -, -, tayentär; nt-Part. taeñca; m-
Part. tasemane; Ger. taalle]: m ke [t]sau añ la[kle] ‘and I do not consider
my own suffering’ (85a6C), /// [yäl-ñä]ktentse tskertkanempa tasaitär ‘those two
are compared with the calves of the gazelle god’ (74a5C), ttär pelaikne aulan-
masa käryau se [= kuse] ‘the law which he has bought with lives is established’
(G-Su1-cCol), []ntpi päne su tatr ln[e] ‘she placed the palms of [her] hands
on [her] breasts’ (84b5C), mñana sta taiysa kwrä ekañe enepre tträ •
se akessu manike ste • ‘thus he places human bones and likewise skeletons
before [himself], eventually he is a manike’ (559a5/b1C), a varginta patrai
mka kraupiyenträ • päst tayeträ m paribhog yamayenträ ‘the a vargikas
gathered many alms-bowls; [but] they laid [them] aside and made no use of them’
(337b4C); • tu epiyc klorme m tasemne rano = B(H)S tat sasmrtya virpe
pi (251a3E), kenämpa tasemane = B(H)S prthivsadro (PK-NS-107b3C [Thomas,
1976b:106]) [this paradigm is only present and not sometimes subjunctive; see
Peyrot, 2010:358-359]; Ipv. I /pätts-/ [MPPl. pättsat]: [añ] ymornta
pättasat (575a7C); Pt. Ib /ts -/ [MP tasmai, tastai, taste// -, -, tasnte]:
[amne]ntsa wawrp[au] grahanman[e] m[e]ñe ra päk tstai 13 ‘thou hast
placed thyself surrounded by monks as the moon [is surrounded] by the planets’
(221b1E/C); PP /tt s-/.
The complexity of this paradigm in TchB is mirrored in TchA. In the latter
language we have t- in the subjunctive (the abstract tlune), the optative (3rd.
sg. twi) and the preterite participle to. This t- is the equivalent of TchB tätt-,
shorn of its anomalous, from the Tocharian point of view, reduplication. (Note
that TchA t- is to B tätt- as TchA y- ‘travel’is to B iy- [< PIE *yiy(e)ha-].)
Further in TchA we find täs- together with ts- but, unlike in TchB, here they
form a suppletive conjugation with ts’ä/a- (= B ts’ä/e-) as both present and
subjunctive, an imperative ptas (= B ptes), and preterite (3rd. sg.) casäs ( B
tessa).
B tätt- and dereduplicated TchA t- reflect PTch *tätt- from PIE *dhidh(e)h1-
[: Greek títhmi ‘put, place,’ Sanskrit (with analogical vowel in reduplicated
syllable) dádhti ‘puts, places,’ and the possibly reduplicated Lycian infinitive
Lycian ttãne ‘to put, place’ (cf. the clearly unreduplicated variant tãne—the
Lycian data is from Mopurgo-Davies, 1987: 221); also (without reduplication)
Old English dn (1st. sg.) ‘do,’ OCS d@ti ‘to place, set; say,’ Lithuanian d^$ ti
‘place, set,’ Latin -dere in ab-dere ‘take away,’ con-dere ‘build, found; establish,’
cr-dere ‘believe,’ Armenian dnem ‘set, place’ (as if < *dheh1-ne/o-), Hittite tzzi
‘says,’ Lycian tadi ‘places, puts’ (< *dheh1ti; cf. Melchert’s [1989:41]); with
élargissements: Latin facere ‘do’ (< *dhh1-k-), Hittite di ‘places, sets’ (< *dhéh1i-
ei, cf. 1st. sg. tehhi < *dhéh1i-h2ei and 3rd. pl. tiyanzi < *dhh1y-énti [Jasanoff,
1979]), etc. (P:235-237; MA:472)]. Ever since Petersen (1933:17) AB t- has
been seen as a descendant of PIE *dheh1- ‘place, put’ (cf. VW:494-495).
More particularly, PTch *tätt- reflects a reduplicated present with a general-
ized zero-grade (cf. with the same generalization of the zero-grade in an
302 tk-
athematic present yam ‘I go’ [TchA yäm], [as if] from < *h1i-mi rather than the
more original *h1ei-mi). Thus, say, a 3rd. sg. middle *dhidhh1-tó-r would
regularly produce the attested TchB tätttär. As always the initial consonant of
the reduplicating syllable in Tocharian agrees in palatalization or its lack with the
initial consonant of the root. Except for the difference in enclitic particle creating
“primary” endings, this tätttär matches Greek títhetai exactly (cf. also Sanskrit
dhatté). The optative in B, täcc-, is directly from PIE *dhidhh1-ih1-. Thus the
attested taccimar is more or less exactly equivalent to Greek titheímen or Sanskrit
dadhyma. (In Greek we see generalization of the stem vowel originally proper
to the singular, e.g. 3rd. sg. titheí [phonetically tithéyy] from *dhidhh1-yeh1-t
while in Sanskrit we see the generalization of the full-grade of the optative suffix,
i.e., *-yeh1- has replaced the *-ih1-.) This paradigm of subjunctive tätt- and
optative täcc- is as archaic as anything in the Tocharian verbal system and fully
as archaic (if not in certain respects more so) as anything found much earlier in
Greek and Indic.
PTch *täs- reflects an earlier *dhes- < *dh-s- < *dhh1-s- with the same loss of
interconsonantal *-h1- we see in the Hittite iterative zikkizzi ‘he puts, places
(again)’ from *dh-ske-ti. We might also compare the Sanskrit 3rd. sg. middle
dhatté which also shows loss of *-h1- between consonants in this root. Pre-
sumably in täs- (< *dh(h1)s-) we have an old *-se/o- iterative which by PTch
times had given rise to a complete indicative paradigm, relegating the original
present to subjunctive use.
PTch *ts- presumably reflects the same kind of generalized iterative paradigm
seen in *täs- though built on the PTch stem *t-. Typologically one might
compare the Lycian (3rd. pl.) iterative tasñti which it would be possible to derive
from PIE *dhh1-sko-nti (cf. B tse as if from PIE *dhh1-so-nti). However, such
Lycian iteratives are very productive and are generally derived from the strong
stem of a root if there is a difference between strong and weak. Thus Lycian tas-
is likely to represent a virtual PIE *dheh1-ske/o- (Melchert, p.c.). In a variation on
this, Normier (1980: 266) suggests that ts- is the dereduplicated equivalent of
the Sanskrit desiderative didhia- (< *dhidhh1se/o-). However, the recency of its
formation within Tocharian itself seems certain by reason of its independence
from TchA tsk- ‘id.’ (The latter a ske/o-iterative beside the se/o-iterative seen in
ts-.) See also tsi and tasemanetstse.
tk-, s.v. nes-.
Tkko* (n.) ‘Tkko’ (PN of a place)
[-, -, Takkai//] kaumaii wsar y tkkai mallantsas-me ñu-kunae stane kesa
[lege: kesa] yältse okänte uktamka ‘the inhabitants of the Pool gave 1,870 for
a quantity of ninth regnal year stane from the vintners in Tkko’ (Bil 2.2/THT
4062?, Schmidt, 2001:20).
tks- (vt.) ‘± chop up, grind up’ (?), ‘dash to pieces’ (?), or ‘destroy’ (?)
Ko. V /t ks-/ [MPOpt. tksoym, -, -//]: [añ a]rsa lykake tksoym ai-
[e]ntse mithya[dri po] ‘with my own hand may I chop up fine/destroy all false
insight in the world’ (85b1C); Pt. I /tks -/ [-, -, tksa* (taks-c)//]: /// [kuse]
kleanma taks-c … ceu wins[k]au : ‘whoever destroyed thy kleas, I honor
him’ (IT-272b3C).
tri* 303
trai ‘?’
/// nänok spärkenträ • trai okt- - mpai yuauwñe m r·e/// (213a4E/C).
trhke* (n.) ‘tarkhan’ [Turkish title]
[-, -, trhke//] (289b5C/L). From Uyghur. Cf. also Sogdian tr’n ~ trx’n
(/tarkn/)
tl (n.) ‘Palmyra palm, sugar palm [Borassus flabelliformis Roxb. = B. flabellifer
Linn.],’ only attested in the compound, tl-stm*:
[t]l-stamats[e] piltam[pa tasemane] = B(H)S tlapatra cvaram (320a1E/C).
From B(H)S tla-.
tlis (n.) ‘Indian plum (Flacourtia jangomas (Lour.) Raeusch. = F. cataphracta
Roxb.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[tlis, -, -//] (501a7C). From B(H)S tla-.
tw- (vb.) ‘?’
Imp. /pät w-/ [AImp. pl. ptwas] ///parksat ñ snai ke ptwas /// ‘… ask me!
Tw without number…!’ (IT-253a3C). Malzahn (TVS) hesitantly suggests a
possible relationship with täp- ‘proclaim.’
twak, s.v. su.
t (n.) ‘± commander’
[t, -, -//] makte t ka ‘the commander himself has announced [it]’ (LP-
6a2Col).
The TchA plural ti ‘chiefs, commanders’ and B t may reflect a PIE
*tgyu-. The nearest relative would seem to be Thessalian Greek tgós ‘com-
mander, ruler, chief’ (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1941:167, VW, 1941:137, 1976:499);
cf. Beekes, 2010:1444, 1455. The Thessalian tgós must, in turn, be related to
táss (aor. stem tag-) ‘put in order, line up, arrange,’ tágma ‘ordinance, com-
mand, etc.’ In Indo-European terms the verb could represent *thag(-ye/o)- and the
noun *tohagyu- with the later substitution in Greek of the mildly productive -a- ~
-- ablaut in place of the moribund -a ~ --. Outside of Greek and Tocharian it
would seem that we have the Nisa Parthian title tgmdr which Bailey (1985:98)
takes to be tagma-dra- ‘order-giver’ and Lithuanian *patogùs ‘convenient, com-
fortable’ and sutógti ‘get married; ally oneself’ (P:1055; MA:472). However, the
semantic distance between Tocharian, Greek, and Iranian on the one hand and
Baltic on the other is larger than one would like. Also ywrt-ta and le-ta.
t-, tsk-.
ts-, t-.
tsi* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘receptacle’
[//-, -, tasanma] twara tasanmane ite ite motä-yokai taalle ‘[one is] to set
those thirsty for alcohol on four very full containers’ (M-3a4/PK-AS-8Ca4C). A
nominal derivative of ts- (see s.v. t-) as wki is to wk- and nki is to nk-.
tsk- (vt.) ‘± tread on’
Ps. II /tsk’ä/e-/ [-, - tä//]: postä tä<> /// ‘afterwards he steps’ (THT-
1312a3A); Ko. Vb /t sk’-/ [Inf. tatsi] karpa no kentsa äñ m[a]ts[i] reksa
pûdñäktentse tatsisa ‘he descended, however, to earth and spread out his own
hair to be tread on by the Buddha’ (365a4 A).
The subjunctive form is difficult. It must be analogical to that of the preterit,
itself formed by adding -- to what was originally the third singular imperfect
täk- 305
*tä from *teha-ske-t. The same formation is apparently seen in wk-, s.v.
wk-.
Is this word at least the typological equivalent of Luwian taza- ‘continue to
stand, remain’ (Mopurgo-Davies, 1987:213-214, for the meaning) from PIE
*(s)t(e)h2-ske/o- (Melchert, 1987:198-201, for the development of PIE *-sk- to
Luwian -z-) from *(s)teh2- ‘stand’? The Tocharian and Anatolian words most
probably are independent creations since in Tocharian it is eventive while in
Anatolian it is stative or continuative. In any case, not with VW (499) from PIE
*tk-ske/o-, a derivative of *tek- ‘run, flow.’ See also tk- (s.v. nes-), ste/
stare (s.v. nes-), and stäm- (s.v. käly-). See Adams, 1993b:37-38.
täk- (vt.) ‘touch, feel with the hand; fetch, procure’
Ps. II /cek’ä/e-/ [A -, -, ceä// -, -, ceke; nt-Part. ceeñca; Ger. cealle]:
amnentse yel[mi pä]lskone tsaka kwipe-ike keuwco kalltärr-ne [sic] tu
kretswesa yatär tune swralyñe yamastär kr[]ke lä-nne sagh-träko
kätäka krui m krke la-nne koss tu mka kretswesa cea [sic] tot
sttul[]-träkonta kätäkä ‘[if] desires arise in the mind of a monk and his
shame-place [i.e., penis] stands tall and he stimulates it with a rag, and thus he
makes pleasure for himself, and [if] filth [= semen] emerges, he commits a
sangh-sin; [but] if no filth emerges no matter how much he touches it with a rag,
so he commits stulna-sins’ (334b2-6E/C), wär r parsnn tesa ceken-ne ärsa
‘they sprinkle water all over; then they touch it (him?) with the hand’ (121a6E);
Ko. I /tékä- ~ tä kä-/ [A -, -, tekä* (tekä-ne)//; AOpt. taim, -, tai// -, -,
taye]: /// tarya wsen[ta] taim-me : ‘may I touch/procure three poisons for us’
(355a5C), pelaikne kektsentsa no tai = B(H)S dharma kyena vai spret
(305b5C), kosauk srukalyñe=me ma tai-ne tot ma mrauskate ‘as long as the
thought of death did not touch him, so long did he not grow weary of the world’
(K-11b2/PK-AS-7Nb2A); Impv. III /(pä)tek-* ~(pä)täk-/ [MPSg. takar]: ///
[Vaira]va
[e wa]lo weä täkr täkr • tän[e] /// (PK-AS-12Ga1A [Thomas,
1979:9]); Pt. IIIa /tek-* ~ teks-/ [A -, -, teksa//]: • su no orotse kektsentsa •
antapi kensa ke teksa • ‘however, he [being] large of body touched the ground
with [his] knees’ (HMR-2a5/IT-247a5C); —takälñe ‘touch, contact’: takälñe …
takälñentse [= B(H)S spara-] (156b3C), kartse lktsine takälñene pä wlaike
yetse ‘in seeing good and in touching the soft skin’ (K-10a2/PK-AS-7Ja2C
[CEToM]); —tetekor ‘± touch’; —tetekore ‘± prtng to touch’: ytarie
tetekore pä palskalñe arpi (511b3L). Note that, when contrasted with yäs-
in sexual situations, täk- results in no orgasm while yäs- does.
TchB täk- reflects PTch *täk- whose nearest extra-Tocharian cognates are
Germanic, notably Gothic tekan ‘touch’ and Old Norse taka ‘take’ (whence
English take). It is particularly noteworthy that the long-grade thematic present
formation (like those seen in klyaus-, klep- or täk-, qq.v.) of TchB is exactly
matched by Gothic tekan and the (PIE) o-grade present (Tocharian subjunctive) is
exactly matched by Old Norse taka. Projected into PIE we would have *dg- and
*dog- (whose initial and final mediae violate our expectations of PIE root
structure constraints) (MA:595).
Further connections are more difficult. Semantically it would be natural to
connect these Tocharian and Germanic word with the isolated Greek aorist
306 täk-
participle tetagn ‘having taken,’ its Latin relative tang ‘touch’ (whose perfect,
tetig, would appear to be the exact formal equivalent of Greek tetag- despite the
latter’s being an aorist), Old Low German thakoln ‘stroke,’ and Old English
þaccian (with expressive gemination?) ‘stroke gently, clap on the back.’
However, this latter group of words reflects a PIE *tag- whose initial consonant
does not match that required by Germanic tkan/taka and whose vowel does not
match that of Tocharian täk-/tek-/cek- (*tag- should give **tk-). De Vaan
(2008:606-607) reconstructs *t(e)h2g- but that would seem to make an explana-
tion of the Germanic very difficult. However, the desire to group all these
together is an understandable one. Ringe (1988-90:1-05-115) argues that the
Germanic-Tocharian resemblance is due to borrowing, but who borrowed from
whom is impossible to decide. Earlier discussion of some portion of this etymo-
logy are Meillet, 1914:19, Lane, 1959:160, VW:504-5. Cf. also Mottausch,
1993:156. See also teki.
täk- (vt.) ‘check, stop, hinder’
G Ps. II /cek’ä/e-/ [A // -, -, ceke; MP -, -, cetär//]: m=psl m mskwo
srkalñe [ce] ceträ ‘neither sword nor obstruction hinders this death’
(45b4/5C), /// no ceke mäntaññe krent amññe : ‘they hinder and destroy,
however, good monasticism’ (IT-155b1C); Ko. I /tékä- ~ tä kä-/ [Ko. -, -,
tekä* (tekäñ-c)//; MP. -, -, tetär//; AOpt. -, -, tañci//; Inf. taktsi]: /// [m]
yakne ñä teträ ‘the manner does not hinder me’ (THT-1178b4C), mäkte camcer
ekalntse warkäl tatsi : ‘how could you check the energy of suffering?’ (9a2C),
ma nta ksa campya srkalñe tat[s]i ‘nothing at all could stop death’ (46b3C), toy
ak pytinta ekaññee aulae ñtse taktsi stare ‘these ten prohibitions are to
check the danger of possessions and life’ (330a4L); PP /täkúwe-/: (PK-NS-
45a2?).
K Ps. VIIIb /tä ks’ä/e-/ [A -, -, takä//; AImpf. takim, -, -]: /// prakr vairk
takä (198b4).
AB täk- reflect PTch *täk-, probably from PIE *tengh- ‘pull back’ [: OCS
*tgnti ‘pull,’ ras-tgnti ‘distrahere,’ Lithuanian tingùs ‘lazy,’ ting^$ ti (tìngiu)
‘be lazy,’ Old Norse þungr ‘heavy,’ þyngia ‘load down’ (P:1067; MA:264; cf.
LIV:657; Cheung, 2006:391-392)] (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1941:179, VW, 1941:
135, 1976:502). The present cek’ä/e- is a vr
ddhied present such as is seen in
klyaus- or klep-, qq.v. See also etakätte, täktsi, and teke.
täkw-äññ- (vt.) ‘love, have compassion for’
Ps. XII /täkwä ññ’ä/e-]/ [AImpf. -, täkwaññit, -//; nt-Part. täkwaññeñca]:
kenantse saswe ayt [sic] täkwaññet [lege: -ññit] wnolme • ‘thou wert lord of
the earth and thou didst love beings’ (297.1b3L), täwaññeñca ek ‘who [is]
always loving [täwaññeñca = B(H)S anukampin-] (29a4C), täwañeñcai
palskosa ‘with loving spirit’ (IT-246b1C/L); Ko. XII (= Ps.) [A -, täkwat,
täkwa//; Inf. täkwantsi]: [: po aie twe] täwät kuce äp kuse ci täwä<>
19 ‘thou dost love the whole world, let alone [him] who loves thee’ (245b2A),
aie täwantsic lokne erpsa ce arthä ‘for the love of the world he explained
this meaning in a loka’ (K-3b1/PK-AS-7Cb1C); Ipv. V /pätäkwä ññ-/ [Sg.
ptäkwaññe]: 1 ptäwäññe äñ amñee /// (515b6A); PP. /tetäkwäñño-/ (PK-
NS-16.4-Ba5? [TVS]); —täkwalyñe* ‘± mercy, love; loveliness’: /// täwal-
täts- 307
‘dust’ (see P:268 for these and many other cognates without the infixed *-n-;
MA:388). See also perhaps to, tute, taur, and tweye.
täp- (vt.) ‘± announce, proclaim’
Ps. IXb /täpä sk’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, tpastär//]; Ipv. II /päccäp-/ [Sg. päccapa]: :
wek[ts]e päccapa pi to lokanma pudñäkt[entse] /// ‘loudly announce these
five lokas of the Buddha!’ (16a3C); Pt. IV /tä pä-/ [A -, -, tapäa//]: (405b7C).
One might note the TchA equivalent täp- also occurs in a very limited number
of places. Perhaps the clearest is at A-66b2 wäl ms kkkropurä cesmäk
rtai anaprä ypeya tpässi wotäk ‘the king, having assembled his ministers,
ordered them to announce before the suitors’ [then follows the text of the
announcement]. At A-359a26 we have cac[pu]/// = B(H)S vighua- ‘cried or
proclaimed abroad.’ An imperative occurs at A-345b5 pritwäs ptñäkte enä-
luneya : ptäpsäs wlalune///.
AB täp- reflect PTch *täp- or *tp- but extra-Tocharian connections are
uncertain. It may be from PIE *d(h)eup- ‘± resound loudly’ [: Latvian dupêtiês
‘resound heavily,’ Serbian dupiti ‘strike (of noise),’ Greek -(g)doûpos ‘dull,
heavy sound’ (P:221-222; MA:534; cf. Beekes, 2010:350)] (VW, 1941:502,
1976:502). On the other hand, Normier (1980:260) suggests a derivation from
PIE *(s)tubh- ‘praise’ [: Sanskrit stóbhati ‘utters a joyful sound, shouts in praise,’
stobhayati ‘praise in successive exclamations, celebrate,’ Armenian t‘ovel (if <
*toubheye/o-) ‘sing songs’]. However, the Armenian -o- is not a regular match
for PIE *-ou-. It may be that the Tocharian and Armenian words can be grouped
together as *tebh-. If so, there may be an inner-Tocharian cognate in TchB tep,
q.v. Finally, it may be the causative verb corresponding to TchA täp- ‘be(come)
high.’ The meaning would them be a narrowing from ‘make high’ or the like. It
might even be that PIE *dheup- ‘resound heavily,’ found in Balto-Slavic, and
*dheub- ‘deep,’ found elsewhere, are root variants like *peik- and *pei-. See
also perhaps tapre or even perhaps tep.
täprauñe, s.v. tapre.
täm- (vi/t.) G ‘be born’; K ‘beget, engender, produce’
G Ps. Xa /tänmä sk’ä/e-/ [MP -, tänmastar, tänmastär// -, -, tänmaskentär; nt-Part.
tänmaeñca; m-Part. tänmaskemane; Ger. tänmaälle]: : kärstau rano stm
tka nano wtentse tänma[strä] /// ‘even [if] a tree is cut down, it will be born
again’ [tänmasträ = B(H)S jyate] (11a6C), : yorsa te yñakte ymna su
tänmasträ : ‘rich by [his] giving, he is [re-]born among gods and men’ (23b4/5C),
/// []ntpi nraine tänmaskenträ : ‘both are [re-]born in hell’ (16b7C), tnmaeñca
‘one who is reborn’ (PK-AS-7Bb1C [CEToM]), tämäle [sic] srukallesa ‘by
birth and death’ (142b3A); Ko. III /cämé-/[MP // cmemar, cmetar, cmetär// -, -,
cmentär; MPOpt. cmmar, -, cmtär//; Inf. cmetsi; Ger. cmelle (alternative Ger
cmalle*)]: cmäl[le] /// (146b6A), cmalye yapo[yne] ‘in the country [where one is]
to be born’ (424a3C/L); mant källaui yelyi cmentär ontsoytñee plene ‘so the
worms of [desire for] profit will be born in the wound of insatiability’ (33b1C),
cmmarä (IT-44b2E), kuse tne cmträ m srko[y] ‘whoever might be [re-]born
here should never die’ (46b2C), cmelle = B(H)S jti- (U-2a3); Pt. IIIa /téms-/
[MP temtsamai, temtsatai, temtsate// temtsamte, -, temtsante]: sw [a]rddhe
sruka=ntwe nrain=empelye temtsate ‘the unbeliever died and immediately was
¹tär- 309
naumye päst [t]ärkanalle ‘that jewel [is] to be given back’ (337a3/4C), añ wrat
lau tärkanacer ‘you release your own vow[s] far’ (108a7L), kaake Puttamitre
parra ya • caumpa mna ikä • kercapa trey • yakwe e • te parra trka •
tentsa auap m tärkanat ‘the Kashgarian. P. goes through; with him 20 men,
three asses, one horse; let through this [group]; more than this do not let
[through]’ (LP-1a2/6Col), ; Ko. V /t rk ~ tä rk-/ [A trkau, -, trka// tarkam, -,
tarkacer, -; AOpt. tarkoym, -, tarkoy// -, -, tarko; Inf. tarkatsi; Ger. tarkalle]:
erwi werkene lwasa wiyai tärta<> nta • ‘hunters in the hunt will release
wiyai toward/strike fear in [?] the animals’ (THT-1193a3A), : spelke mai tarkacer
kultsi ‘may you not suffer [your] zeal to fail’ (28a1C), m wer ono wi-ñä nta
tarkoym trako ‘may hate and enmity not dwell in me! may I let go of/forgive
sin!’ (S-4b3/PK-AS-4Ab3C), 55 kret tarkoy reki mantanta tarko[y yo]lain reki
‘may he utter a good word and never utter an evil word!’ (19b3C), weñmo ptka-ñ
onolme[ts ta]rko-ñ trako ‘be my advocate to beings! may they release my sin!’
(TEB-64-03/IT-5C/L), kete no ñme w aulare eweta tarkatsi ‘to whomever [is]
the wish, however, to set to fighting two companions’ (M-3a7/PK-AS-8Ca7C);
Ipv. I /pät rk- ~ pätä rk-/ [Sg. (p)trka; Pl. ptarkaso]: : m r=asn-me
laitalñe ce sklok ptrka pälskome : ‘nor [is] there a falling from the throne;
release this doubt from [thy] spirit!’ (5a5C), trialñenta po wnolmets rte trka
[sic] ‘be indifferent to the errors of all beings’ (296a2L), : tanaulyka ramt
sekwetse ple ra ptark[aso] /// ‘leave the suppurating [lit: ‘of pus’] wound [you’re
flying around] like flies!’ (48a5C); Pt. Ia /cärk - ~ tärk -/ [A cärkwa, cärksta,
carka (~ circa)// -, -, cärkre (~ cirkre); MP -, -, tärkte// -, -, tärknte]: : ñä
tallu wnolme pw=llokna cärkw=rtte wäntarwa ‘I, a miserable being,
neglected all other things’ (45a2C), [ys-yo]kñana swañcaiyno po kälymintsa
cärksta maiytarana • ‘thou didst release the golden rays of friendship every-
where’ (221a5E/C), pane cirk-nesa ksartse klyantsa • ‘he released sleep upon her
[and] at dawn she fell asleep’ (THT-1249a1?), kuce se cärka kektseñä ‘since he
released his body’ [i.e., ‘entered into Nirvana’] (THT-1859a5A), cirkre (IT-
37a2E), [m]ewyai tärknte ‘they released [their] tiger’ (423a4C/L); PP /tärkó-/: :
rernu savar tärkau amññe snai lpä[r :] ‘having renounced the zeal, having
let go of monasticism without anything left over’ (44b6C); —tärkorme: : po
larenä tärkorme twe ñi lare añmae : ‘having left all loved [ones] thou [art]
dear to my soul’ (241b4E); —tarkalñe ‘± release’: rte tarkalyñe ‘neglect’
(102a6C), tarkalñe = B(H)S ut-sedha- (Y-3a5C); —ma-wär-tärklle ‘not
accessible to water’: ma-wär-tärkalye kene ‘in a place not accessible to water’
(IT-7a2E); —tarkatsi ‘±release’ (nominalized infinitive): [anm]nmame
tarkatsitse [lege: tarkatsintse] pe[lykiñ] ‘for the sake of release from bonds’
(SHT-2250 [Malzahn, 2007b]).
AB tärk- reflect PTch *tärk- from PIE *TerK- seen elsewhere only in Hittite
tarna- ‘let, release, permit’ (< *tarkna- with the same simplification of cluster
seen in harmi (*harkmi, root hark- ‘have, hold’). This etymology goes back to
Benveniste (1932:142, also VW:503). Neither the Tocharian nor the Hittite side
of the equation allows us to know the nature of the two obstruents of this root
(MA:481; LIV:635; Cheung, 2006:380; Kloekhorst, 2008:847). Pokorny (1959:
258) suggests that this Hittite-Tocharian correspondence is another reflex of his
312 ²tärk-
*dhereh- ‘twist, wind’ but the semantic connection is not compelling. See also
tärkauca and tarkñe.
²tärk- (vt.) ‘± twist around; work (e.g. wood)’
PP /tetä rkuwe-/: pässaksa pässake palsa wat oppilocce tetarkuwa wat =
B(H)S [mlgu
aparikipt api] [for the reconstruction of this line, see s.v.
opplo] (542a4C); —tetärkuwerme (617b5C). The derived nomen agentis,
tärkntsa, presupposes a Class V subjunctive /trk- ~ *tärk-/.
TchB 2tärk- reflects a PTch *tärk- from PIE *terk(w)- ‘twist’ [: Sanskrit tarkú-
‘spindle,’ Sanskrit tarkayati ‘conjectures, guesses, speculates about,’ Greek
átraktos (m./f.) ‘spindle; arrow,’ atrek%s ‘strict, precise, exact’ (< *‘what is not
twisted’), Albanian tjerr ‘spin’ (< *térkn; PIE *-e- should have given Albanian -
ja- in a closed syllable as here but -je- has been restored on the model of other
verbs), Latin torque ‘twist, wind; hurl violently; torment’ (< *trk-w-eye/o-),
OCS trak! ‘bond, girdle,’ TchA tark ‘earring,’ Hittite tarku(wa)- ‘dance (in a
twisting manner)’ whose infinitive is tarkuwanzi from *terkw- rather than
*tarkumanzi from *terk-w- (cf. P:1077; MA:572; de Vaan, 2008:624; Hittite
from Melchert, p.c.; and now also Kloekhorst, 2008:842)] (VW:503; see also
VW, 1977a:147-148). See also tärkntsa, carke, tarkänt- and possibly
tarauna.
tärka
uka (n.) ‘the three species (i.e., black pepper, long pepper, and dry ginger)’ (a
medical ingredient)
[tärkauka, -, -//] (P-3a6/PK-AS-9Aa6E). From B(H)S trikauka-.
tärkarñe, s.v. tarkär.
tärkauca (n.) ‘one who releases’
[tärkauca, -, tärkaucai (voc. tärkaucai)//tärkaucañ, -, -] cowai tärkauca = B(H)S
vilopta- (22a3C), saswa … po tränkonta tärkaucai ‘O lord, releaser/forgiver of all
sins!’ (TEB-64-03/IT-5C/L). A nomen agentis from the subjunctive stem of
1
tärk-, q.v.
Tärtvisara* (n.) ‘Tärtvisara’ (PN in carvan passes)
[-, -, Tärtvisarantse, -//] (LP-30b1Col).
tärppl (n.) ‘the three myrobalans’
W-31b6C. träphl.
täryka (number) ‘thirty’
wace mene Puñaiye akr lac payka [sic] täryka tuntse te otri (G-Su26Col),
triyka (Ogihara and Pinault, 2010); —täryka-wi ‘thirty-two’: lkntar-c [sic]
kektsenne täryka-w laknänta ‘the thirty-two laka
as are seen on thy body’
(76b5C); —täryka-kas ‘thirty-six’: = B(H)S atriati (16a8C); —täryka-
ukt ‘thirty-seven’ (212b2E/C).
TchA taryk and B täryka reflect PTch *täryk. The vowel of the first
syllable of the A form is analogical after that of twark ‘forty’ (cf. PTch *treyä
‘three’ whose first vowel is analogical after *ätwerä ‘four’). PTch *täryk
comes ultimately from a PIE undeclinable *triha-(d)komt ‘thirty’ (cf. kante ‘100'
from*-(d)kmtóm). In pre-Tocharian PIE *triha- was reformed to *trieha on the
basis of the underlying numeral *trieha (> tarya ‘three’ [f.pl.]). PIE *trieha-
(d)komt would regularly have given PTch *täryke but at some point in its
development *-omt fell together with *-om, the ending of the nom.-acc. of the
tärs- 313
305b4C), curmpa rittäle tälpllesa ‘[it is] to be bound/mixed with powder and
[is] to be given by means of a purgative’ [tälpllesa = B(H)S virecana-] (Y-
2a1/2C).
1
K Ko. I/II /tälp(‘ä/e)-/ [Inf. talptsi]: akainsa ymtsi aile talptsisa pä ‘[it is] to
be given to cause vomiting and purging’ (P-1b5/6C).
TchB tälp- reflects PTch *tälp- from PIE *telp- ‘± be room for, make room
for’ [: Lithuanian til;pti (telpù) ‘find or have room enough; enter,’ talpà ‘capacity,
holding power,’ talpìnti ‘put in, place in; house, lodge,’ tìlpinti ‘make room for,’
ištil;pti ‘make one self free,’ OCS tl!pa ‘heap, troop, group,’ Sanskrit tálpa- (m.)
or tálp- (f.) ‘bed, resting place,’ Old Irish -tella, (analogical) talla (< *telpn-)
‘find room’ (P:1062; MA:534; LIV:623)] (VW:500). See also possibly tsälp-.
tällaikantsa* (n.) ‘porter’ (?)
[//-, täl(l)aikantsats, -] /// [kapyres] klese masa tarya tom tälaikantsas yikye
wasto /// ‘for the workers barley (meal) went, three deciliters; for the tällai-
kantsas double the flour’ (444a2Col), ikä-ñu-ne pi tällaik[a]nts[ats] tlaiyta
[lege: klaiyna] /// ‘on the 29th five women of the porters’ [or ‘the women of the
five porters’] (484a2Col). Its occurrence at 444a2 is in a series of monastic
documents detailing the distribution of foodstuffs to monastic employees.
Most likely a compound with an agent noun as its second member. Thus tälle
‘burden’ + ikntsa ‘±carrier’ (thus tällé-yknts) with the same ik- which shows
up as the past participle stem for i- ‘go’ though in tällaikantsa with transitive
meaning. See also i- and talle.
tikne (n.) ‘± zealot, ascetic’ or ‘skilled’ (?)
[tikne, -, -//] (296b3L); —tikaunñe ‘skill, experience’ (PK-NS-17.5-a3C
[Broomhead]). From B(H)S tk
a-.
t knendri (adj.) ‘having sharp senses’
[tiknendri, -, -//-, tiknendriyets, -] (41a5 C). From B(H)S tk
endriya-.
tin- (vi.) ‘be dirty’ (?), or ‘defile oneself’ (?)
Ps. IXa /tinä sk’ä/e-/ [AImpf. -, -, tinai//]: /// brhmapna [lege: brhma
enpa
(sic)] tinai • ‘he befouled himself with the brahmans’ (374.bC); Ko. V /tin -/
[MP // -, -, tinntär]: kuse cai tallñc tinnträ tot laukaññe ‘which miserable ones
will/may defile themselves for a long time’ (408b6C); —tettinor ‘± filth’: •
[c]e[]tsä mallene tettinor uwa /// (522a5C).
This verb is closely related to a group of nouns in Slavic, OCS tina ‘mire,
filth,’ Bulgarian tína ‘mire, filth; dung,’ Czech tina ‘dung.’ We should add
Greek tîlos ‘thin stool, diarrhoea’ (Beekes, 2010:1485). Together the Tocharian
and Slavic words presuppose a PIE *tihxn- which may be further related to Old
English þnan ‘become moist’ and a rather motley assemblage gathered by
Pokorny (pg. 1053), under a lemma we might represent as *tehai- and *tehaw-
which mean ‘melt, flow’ (VW:505; MA:169). Since *tn- (< *tihxn-) should have
become Tocharian *tsin- or *cin-, the lack of palatalization must be analogical,
and the result of a new PTch zero-grade *täin- (cf. Adams, 1978).
tinr* ~ dinr* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘denarius’ (gold monetary unit)
[//-, -, tinr(ä)nta] /// sanai sanai yaltse tinrnta /// ‘one by one a thousand
denarii’ (366a4C), /// ceu sm ymtsintse pelkiñ yaltse tinränta ytrine allre
‘they threw on the road 1,000 denarii in order to make a repetition’ (IT-131a5C),
316 timawe
From the PIE neuter singular *tod (with early loss of the final *-d) + the PIE
emphasizing particle *u. See also tune, tume, tumpa, and tusa.
tu- (PP twó-), see s.v. tws-.
tuk- (vi/t.) G ‘be hidden, hide oneself’; K ‘hide’
G Ps. II/III: /cuk’ä/e- or cuké-/ [MP cukemar, -, -//]: /// [: m] ñ stamoy saim-
wästa tañ painene cukemar /// ‘may it not last for me, O Refuge; I am hiding
among thy feet!’ (268b2C); Ko. V /tuk-/ [A taukau, -, -//]: karu
ae trok
prutk[a]r tune taukau-c saim pcer lma-ñ prosko ‘fill up the hollow of pity!
Therein will I hide [in] thee, O refuge, O father! My fear will subside’ (TEB-64-
08/IT-5C/L); PP /tukó-/.
K Ps. IXb /túkäsk’ä/e-/ [MP tukäskemar, -, tukästär// -, - tukäskentär; m-Part.
tukäskemane]: tsuwai man-ne m kcca wäntr=enestai tukästrä (127a5E),
indrinta tukästr=anaiai (A-1a3/PK-AS-6Ba3C [CEToM]), • kwri cau kalla
naumiye tukäskenträ enestai • (231b3/4C/L); endingless Ipv. /päccauk/: päccauk
(PK-DAM.507-34Col [Pinault, 1994b:91] [possibly a colloquial development of
a more to be expected päccauka*, so TVS:502]); Pt. II /c uk-/ [MP caukamai, -,
caukate// -, -, caukante]: /// [m] ñi caukamai kca m ra walmai kca m ttsa
ymamai : kuse yesäñ wäntre [m ya]lle ai /// ‘I did not hide anything, nor did I
cover anything up, nor did I do anything whatsoever that was not accessible to
you’ (27b8C), : m caukate arthama ‘he did not hide the meanings’ (29a2C); PP
/ceccuku-/: läkutsauñaisa ceccuko kek[ts]e[ñ] = B(H)S /// g hadeha (PK-NS-
306/305a3C [Couvreur, 1970:177]).
TchA tpuk- ‘id.’ and B tuk- reflect PTch *(wä-)täuk- (where *wä- reflects PIE
*wi- ‘away’ and *wt- has metathesized regularly to tp- in TchA; see also tsuk-).
On the basis of meaning one would like to see in it a reflex of PIE *keudh- ‘hide’
[: Sanskrit kuhara (nt.) ‘hole,’ kuhayate ‘surprises, astonishes; tricks,’Old English
h¤dan ‘hide,’ Greek keúth ‘id.’ (P:952; MA:268)]. Such a connection would be
possible if we assume the same kind of metathesis of the same type we see in
Lithuanian kepù ‘cook’ from PIE *pekw- or Greek sképtomai ‘look about care-
fully, spy’ from *spek-, namely pre-Tocharian *keudh- > *dheuk-. The same
*dheuk- is to be seen in the Old English hapax preterite dog ‘concealed himself’
(Beowulf 850), dagol ‘secret, hidden, mysterious,’ the OHG participle OHG
tougan ‘concealed,’ and OHG tougali ‘secret.’ The Germanic forms represent a
class VII strong verb *daugana- ‘conceal oneself.’ The *daug- exactly matches
the pre-Tch *teuk- underlying the Tch subjunctive *tuk--. See Adams,
1993b:39.
Not with VW (509-510) should we connect tuk- with the isolated West
Germanic group seen in OHG thhan ‘dip,’ Old English dcan ‘duck,’Dutch
duiken ‘dive,’ wegduiken ‘bundle oneself up,’ dialectal Dutch (ver-)duiken ‘hide’
where the meaning ‘hide’ occurs only dialectally in Dutch.
Tukik* (n.) ‘Tukik’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, Tukikäntse, -//] (462a5Col).
Tu (n.) ‘Tunk’ (PN)
[Tu, -, -//] tu (289b2C/L).
tuñe (n.[f.pl.]) ‘blossom’ (in general), or a specific kind of flower (perhaps ‘lotus’?)
318 tututarhññe*
(2005:437) that the Persian word is from Turkic. With regard to Tocharian,
Winter (1991) points out, counterintuitively for this obvious etymology, that
tumne actually occurs in younger texts than does tmne. Pulleyblank (apud
Clauson, 1972:507) takes the Turkic words as a borrowing from Chinese
(contemporary Chinese wàn ‘ten thousand,’ Early Middle Chinese *muanh, Old
Chinese perhaps *tman) and Tremblay suggests that the Chinese word has the
same Chinese origin. If so, it would rank as one of the very earliest Chinese
borrowings into Tocharian.
tume (adv.) ‘then, thereupon; therefrom’ [tume oap ‘moreover’; tumetsa
‘exceeding that, over and above’]
ñätr=klk seyi cmelñee : tume wnolm=alleksa cwi noy ktsane ot camel
wärpte ‘he cherished a wish for the birth of a son; thereupon another being
underwent birth in [his] wife’s womb’ (42b4C), • preke änma tume ñä oko
tentse rtamar [24] ‘the time will come and then I will seek the fruit thereof’
(240b3E), tume = B(H)S atha (528b2C), tume oäp no ñakti klyowonträ snai
ersna ‘moreover the gods are called “formless”’ (K-2a3/PK-AS-7Ba3C), ywrtse
aul ye tume nraime laitonträ ‘they live half a life, then they move from
hell’ (K-3a4/PK-AS-7Ca4C [CEToM]); —tumetsa ‘exceeding that, over and
above’: (IT-27b2C). For a discussion of the meaning, see Thomas, 1976a. The
ablative of tu, q.v.
tumpa (adv.) ‘± therewith’ [tumpame ‘over and above’]
tumpa tasemane (115a3L), tumpame [sic] alonkna a/// = B(H)S tadanyni
rupntar
i (189b5L), /// krui tumpa trwaä tuntse ekälym[i] mäs[k]e[trä]
(336a3E). The comitative of tu, q.v.
turani (n.) ‘black gram (Vigna mungo (L.) Hepper, Phaseolus mungo Linn.,’ or
‘Phaseolus tribolus Ait.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[turani, -, -//] (W-4a3C). From B(H)S dhura
-. See also dhurani.
Turkne (n.) ‘Turkne’ (PN in administrative records)
[Turkne, -, -//] (SI B Toch. 12.5Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
turtm ‘?’
///·ñ· me turtm tsa··/// (578b3C).
turya* (n.) a kind of Curcuma (?)
[-, -, turyai//] [su]gandhik turyai sumntsa (571b3A). If from B(H)S drya-;
but also possibly the feminine accusative singular of an adjective *ture.
tuwak, s.v. tu.
tuwe (pronoun) ‘thou’; yes ‘you’
[Sg. t(u)we, tañ, ci] [Dual yene, -, yene] [Pl. yes, yesäñE-C ~ yesäC ~ yesiL-Col,
yesE-C ~ yesäL-Col]
TchA tu and B tuwe reflect PTch *twe from (late) PIE *tuhxóm the same
preform that gave Sanskrit tuvám ~ tvám, Avestan tm, Old Persian tuvam [with-
out *om: Armenian du, Greek (Doric) tú, Ionic-Attic sú, Latin t, Old Irish tú,
Gothic þu, Lithuanian tù, OCS ty (P:1097-1098; MA:455; de Vaan, 2008:631-
632)] (Pisani, 1941-1942:7, VW:516-7). Kloekhorst (2008:111-115) cogently
maintains that the Anatolian forms, e.g., Hittite nom. zik, oblique tu-, are hard to
explain as having a secondary -i- in the nominative. It is easier to assume that
Proto-Indo-European had *tihx in the nominative and *tu- else where and that in
320 tuwerñe*
“post-Anatolian” PIE the -u- was extended to the nominative. Within Tocharian
one should also note TchA ñuk ‘I/me’ (feminine) from PIE *h1ehhxom (with the
initial ñ- added from the oblique cases). The oblique TchA cu and B ci reflect the
PIE oblique *tewe or *twe (Adams, 1988c:151, following Pedersen, 1941:132,
and Petersen, 1933:21). The genitive tañ, like the reflexive añ, is analogical
after the old first person singular genitive *ñä from *m(e)ne (Adams, 1988c:152-
153). The TchA forms tñi and ñi have added the additional genitive ending -i to
the forms that underlie the B words. See also taññe, cie, -c, and yesae.
TchA yas ‘you’ and B yes reflect a PTch *yes, a conflation of the PIE nomi-
native second person plural pronoun *yuhx(s) [: Sanskrit yyám, Gathic Avestan
yš, Gothic js, Lithuanian j;s (P:513-514; MA:455; de Vaan, 2008: 691)] and an
oblique stem *wos- [: Sanskrit va, Avestan vå, Latin vs (both nom. and acc.)
(P:514)]. In Tocharian we see the extension of the initial consonant of the nomi-
native to the oblique stem (for which we might compare the Sanskrit oblique
yumn with a similar extension of the nominative’s initial *y-). For a discussion
of the chronology of the genitive and accusative forms and their genesis, see
Peyrot (2008:120-121). For this etymology see Petersen (1935:205), Pedersen
(1941:133), and VW (587-588). In a parallel fashion has the paradigm of wes
‘we’ been built. The dual yene reflects this conflated stem *wo(s) plus the Tch
dual ending *-ne.
tuwerñe* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, tuwerñe//]: /// ñäke m yärallecä snai ttuwerñe ñemo yätkaskemane
nanträ m yärsemane mäpi säswa n/// ‘the one seeking a name [i.e., reputa-
tion] without ttuwerñe does not appear now to the honored one; perchance O lord
…’ (PK-AS-12Da2A). In form it would appear to be an abstract built to a
preterit participle from a root of the shape tu-, nu-, tät-, tän-, nät-, nän- (given the
close visual relationship of the aksharas <t> and <n>), but no suitable form and
meaning is known.
tadrtnt (n.) ‘± allegory of the border of a garment’
[tadr
nt, -, -//] (593a3E). From B(H)S *ta-drnta- (compound not in
Monier-Williams or Edgerton).
Tui (n.) ‘Tui’ (PN in monastic records)
[Tui, -, -//] (433a14Col).
tuit (n.) ‘one of a class of celestial beings’
[tuit, -, tuit//] (424a4C/L); —tuitäe ‘prtng to a tuita’ (231a2C/L). From B(H)S
tuita-. See also toitäe.
tusa (adv.) (a) ‘thus, thereby’; (b) ‘in addition, on top of this’
(a) tusa k[akc]cu ply[e] usa su keucä … yäprerne ‘thus rejoicing he soared high
in the air’ (365a3A), tusa kccän s skwassu cmela[n]e 26 ‘thus he rejoices, fortu-
nate in births’ (24a2C), tusa = B(H)S iti (194a2C/L), tusa = B(H)S tasmt
(196b2C/L), m ket ra nta kca aiä kuse yor tsa snaitse mäsketrä ‘whoever
does not give a gift to anyone, by this he is poor’ (K-6b2/PK-AS-7Fb2C), /// no
wnolmi mka krui aunanträ nestsi räskarona matrona stna pä mäskenträ tusa
‘[if] however many beings begin to be [evil-minded], the trees will become bitter
and sharp thereby’ (K-8b6/PK-AS-7Hb6C [CEToM]), [in Manichean script] tvs’
(Gabain/Winter; passim); (b) wer meñtsa ka amnentse kko wärpanalle ste •
teki 321
A nomen actionis from the subjunctive stem of täk- (Sieg, Siegling, 1949:129,
VW:505) as if ‘that which touches’ (cf. Latin contagio).
tek ta (n.) ‘sufferer, patient, sick person’ (?)
tekta tai wat = B(H)S /// spred v (530b4C). For the meaning, see Broom-
head, 1964:264; as he notes one might expect *tektau instead. A nomen agentis
from teki, q.v.
teka* (n.) ‘?’ only attested in the compound:
tekai-yok: /// [u]pplntasa tseññana kmutäntas=rkwina se tekai-yokä (588a3E).
teke* (n.) ‘± (sheep)fold, pen’
[-, -, teke//-, -, teke] ok meñantse-ne kapyres klese tau pi akä wkte tau
ke - (-); attlye [lege: antlye] klaina teke päs maiytare amokces yikye
pi akä ‘on the eighth of the month for the layworkers one tau, five ank of
klese, one tau of wkte …; the women set out [with] the breeding animals (?) for
the pen/fold; for the artisans five ak of meal’ (434.8-9Col), meñe tarte teke
eusa yi[ky]e /// (484a4Col). In PIE terms an o-grade, o-stem derivative of
täk- ‘check, stop,’ q.v.
tecapati ~ tejapati (n.) ‘oriental cashew (Scindapsus officinalis Schott., Pothos
officinalis Linn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[tecapati, -, -//] (W-2b3C, W-27a5C). From B(H)S tejavat-.
tetakor, s.v. täk-.
tetek-C ~ tetekkE ~ tetkkC-L (adv.) ‘suddenly, immediately’
krui ñke tetek änmye yacañ ‘if now suddenly beggars come’ (78a1C),
teteka srukalyñe=me onolments nesalle m ai ‘[if] suddenly the conscious-
ness of death did not exist for beings’ (K-11b5/PK-AS-7Nb5A [CEToM]); —
tetekk ‘id.’: /// [wai]ke [weskau] tetekk pä weä [sic] ‘I speak a lie and
suddenly he speaks [it]’ (336b2E); —tetkk ‘id.’: : tetkk p man-me srkalñe ///
‘and [if] death should suddenly come to them’ (1b5C), [la]kl[e] snaitse tetkk p
känmaä : ‘and suddenly comes suffering and poverty’ (3b7C). Etymology
unknown. VW (1976:505, cf. 1941:139) points to the phonologically similar
Sanskrit tják (but also tját) ‘suddenly’ but any connection is very difficult.
tet(e)kk, s.v. teteka; tettinor, s.v. tin-.
te (pronoun) ‘this one’
cempa yakwi trai stare-me te parra ptrka ap m tärkanat ‘with him there are
their three horses; let this through; more do not let through!’ (LP-15a3/5Col).
Attestations restricted to caravan passes. The neuter of se, q.v.
Tenare (n.) ‘Tenare’ (PN in monastic records)
[Tenare, -, -//] (491a2Col).
tene (adv.) ‘here’
Mokasene Dharmatrte tene kame ‘M. and Dh. came here’ (G-Su10Col), trai
armirika Puñicadre Jñnacandre Amrätarakite tene kame ‘three
novices, P., J. and A. came here’ (G-Su34.1Col). A variant of tane, q.v.
tentse, s.v. te.
¹tep* (n.) ‘outcry’ (?), ‘(legal) suit’ (?)
[-, -, tep//] [krui] ñi c[]ne m ait [ot] kutsau- tep yamaskemar ‘if thou dost not
give me the cne, then I will accuse thee and make an outcry/bring suit (?)’
(495a4/b1Col). The proposed meanings will fit the context, but are by no means
temeñ 323
assured. If the first of the suggested meanings should be correct, then there is
the possibility that this word is related to täp-, q.v. If the meaning is something
like ‘presentment,’ then a relationship to tep- would be more likely. See also
the next entry.
²tep* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, tep//] tep kwntse pelyki wästa-pkuwe alu plyekuwa /// aice wästa-
pkuwe ala ikäm-wi cakä keneksa ‘for the sake of/on behalf of the tep Kuwa I
sold a twice-combed wether … [and] a caprine male twice-combed [for] twenty-
two feet of cotton-fabric’ (SI B Toch.11.5-6Col [Pinault, 1998:8]). Given
parallel constructions in this and similar documents, tep should be the title of
some sort of official. It seems natural to combine this tep with 1tep, but it is not
clear how they are compatible, so for now it seems best to keep them apart.
tep(p)- (vi.) ‘step forward/forth, appear’
Ps. IIb /tep(p)í(ye)/: [m-Part. cepyemane; Ger. ceppille]: /// cepyemane • cakkar-
tsane painesa lalakane ‘/// stepping forward, with cakra-signed, soft feet’
(386a5C), [•] s[a]kik raktsisa am[]nentse • eñatketse m[] cepi[l]l[e] m
wsaälle • ‘concerning the monk on the community’s mat; a dirty [monk] is not
to tread or to lie/stay [on it]’ (IT-247a1/2C [cf. Couvreur, 1954b: 43]); Ko. V
/tp(p)-/ [AOpt. // -, -, tppo]: <:> arañcäi uppl<n>ta pkri tko-ñ yke
postä po sasrne : tsa tppo saim-wästi mai no nauta-ñ empelñe
arañcäntse : ‘may the lotuses of the heart be visible to me bit by bit in the whole
sasra; thus may the refuges appear [so that] the horror to my heart disappears’
(271a2/3C). The the present, like that of ker- ‘laugh’ is enlarged by a -y- that is
not present in the rest of the paradigm. The -y- is the remainder of a (PIE) ye/o-
present.
The meaning given to the one usable form of the present goes back at least to
Krause (1952), and still seems most likely (but see TVS:636-637). The meaning
given the one subjunctive (actually optative) form was plausibly suggested by
Peyrot (2010:296) on the basis of the context. His suggestion is strengthened by
the possibility of joining it with tapkye ‘mirror,’ q.v. For the combination of
meanings, cf. Skt prérte. (In any case, it would seem to have nothing to do with
TchA tp- ‘eat,’ as is usually supposed.) See also tapkye.
Both meaning and morphology (as if PIE *TP-ye/o- and *ToP-eha-) suggest a
relationship with Germanic *step(p)-, e.g., Old English steppan ~ stæppan ‘step’
(*stob-ye/o-) and OHG stapfan ‘trudge’ (< *stob-eh2-ye/o-). Though presenting
phonological difficulties, surely Russian stopá ‘foot, and stepén’ ‘degree’ are
related too.
temeñ ~ teme (adv.) ‘consequently, because of that, subsequently’
/// [e]pyac klle ente tem[e]ñ stamäle ‘[he is] to remember where, con-
sequently, [he is] to be placed’ (10b6C), 14 s temeñ srauka nraine tänmastär
‘he will, consequently, [if] he should die, be [re-]born in hell’ (17a8C), :
pakaccne kattke epikte läms temeñ ñssare cey wer meñi päs takre •
‘you stayed among patrons in the rainy season; because of that they shared: four
months have passed’ (331a5/b1L), kuce no te wñwa ymornts=okonta teme
mante kuce no weñau ke pklyauso po ñmtsa ‘since I have told it [as] fruits of
the deed, since from here on I will tell it, then hear it with all [your] souls!’ (K-
324 tempa
offers the avamedha, etc., the great sacrifices’ (290a1C), tel[k]i = B(H)S -yajña-
(541a4C/L); —telkie ‘prtng to a sacrifice’: • t telkie ma
lme ltusai ‘the
one having emerged from the ma
ala of sacrifice’ (345a2L); —telkanmae*
‘prtng to sacrifices’: (PK-AS-16.1C [CEToM]); —telki-ymor* ‘sacrifice’:
[ce]k-wärñai [te]lki-ymor kekuwer pä aie[ne] ‘no matter what sacrifice
having been poured out in the world’ (307b3C).
TchA talke ‘id.’ and B telki reflect PTch *telkäi (< *telke + -äi) from a puta-
tive PIE *tolko- and perhaps closely related to an otherwise isolated Baltic and
Slavic group *tolkeha [: Lithuanian talkà ‘banquet, festival organized after
common work, collective assistance,’ Ukrainian toloká ‘occasional help by
fellow villagers’ (P:1062; MA:496)] (VW, 1971e, 1976:492). The proposed
Slavic-Tocharian connection is rated “interesting but highly speculative” by
Derksen (2008:495-496).
teit (~ deit) (n.) ‘confession’ (and perhaps ‘instruction’ as well)
[teit, -, teit//] tot stulñcana träkänta kättakä po sne teitä yamaällona
‘he commits so many stulñcana-sins; [they are] to be confessed before the entire
community’ (334a2/3E/C), m no det pest yamaskenträ m ra no tärkäna rtte
m ra rintsi cämpen-ne ‘neither do they make a confession, nor do they behave
indifferently, nor yet are they able to abandon [it] [scil. the deed]’ (K-3a3/PK-
AS-7Ca3C). From B(H)S deita-.
tesa (adv.) ‘thereover; thus, therefore’ [allek tesa ‘otherwise than before’; tesa
wärñai ‘etcetera’]
tesa rmer k kentsa tu lyaka lykäñ ceu tr[cce] ‘thus he quickly saw it [scil. the
container] on the ground and the deceptive thief’ (133b5A), [indri]ntats • allek-
tesa-nesalyñe ene warñai piantso 73 (5b6C), : m=lyk tesa parna ytrye
nesä ksa tne sasrme latsi • ‘there is no other way than this by which to
emerge from the sasra’ (28a3C), te parra trka tesa ap m tärkanat ‘this let
through; more than this do not let through’ (LP-12a1/2Col), nki lkskau klaut-
komar yolaiñeme tesa mant po cmelane ‘I see reproach; may I turn from evil
thuswise in all births!’ (TEB-64-04/IT-5C/L); —tesa-wärñai ‘by such [means],
etc.’: tesa-wärñai yenteana tekana erä ‘by such, etc., it produces wind
diseases’ (ST-a2/IT-305a2C). The perlative of te, q.v. Cf. tusa.
tesakaccm* (n.) name of a meter/tune of 4x18 syllables (rhythm 7/7/4)
[-, -, tesakacc//] (107a7L).
taiknesa (= te + yäknesa) (a) ‘thus;’ (b) ‘such’ (when preceded by se or su)
(a) taiknesa = B(H)S tath (5b8C), : taiknesa wnolme nraine tänmastär ‘thus a
being is [re-]born in hell’ (18b4C), [tai]kn[e]sa kekamo = B(H)S tathgat
(27b5C), taiknesa = B(H)S tathaiva (30a4C), • te-yäknesa poyiñeepi Ylaiñäk-
tetse ñakti … yarke yamaye • ‘thus did the gods honor the all-knowing Indra’
(408a4/6C), nraiyne tetemo nraiyne taiknesa wnolmi solme aul ye mant-
anta kca tsälpenträ ‘beings born in hell, thus in hell will they live [their] whole
live[s]; they will never be redeemed’ (K-3a1/PK-AS-7Ca1C [CEToM]); (b) ce
teyknesa kene te sprtoyträ ‘by such he [sic] dwells in [that] place’ (278a1C),
to te-yknesa pärkwnta wrotsana yänmä ‘such great benefits a being
achieves’ (K-10a5/PK-AS-7Ja5C [CEToM]); —taiknesk ‘thus, just so’: 69
kwrentär lnte kokalyi olyapotstse pärsñci : taik[n]esk ra kektseñi
326 taittsyku
kätsai[ññe] [sic] [yänmske :] ‘the wagons of the king are old, [though] very
colorful; just so bodies achieve old-age’ [taiknesk = B(H)S atho] (5a8C). From
te + yäknesa, qq.v.
taittsyku (n.) ‘±major general’
[taittsyku, -, -//] PK-Cp.36+37 (Ching, 2011:66). From the Middle Chinese
antecedent of Modern Chinese dàijingjn (Ching, 2011:66).
taine, s.v. se.
tail (n.) ‘(sesame-)oil’
[tail, -, tail//] te tailtsa pärkkaälle ‘this by (sesame-)oil [is] to be dissolved (W-
14a5C). From B(H)S taila-.
taiwe (n.) ‘ripe fruit’
[taiwe, -, taiwe//taiwi, -, -] taiwe pälskoe e[tsi preke :] ‘[it is] the time to grasp
the ripe fruit of the spirit’ (281b1E), [tai]we menk = B(H)S phala pakvam iva
(2a7C).
This TchB word reflects a putative *dehai-wo-, a derivative of PIE *deha(i)-
‘cut off, separate, share out’ [: Sanskrit d$ ti ~ dyáti (< *deha-ti and *dha-ye-ti or
*dhay-e-ti respectively) ‘cuts off, mows, separates,’ Greek dáiomai ‘distribute,
feast on’, dáinmi ‘give a banquet or feast,’ and many nominal derivatives in
other Indo-European languages (P:175-178; MA:160-161)] (cf. VW:491, with
very different details).
taisaE-C-L (conjunctive adverb) ‘thus, so, and so, and also, likewise’
73 kautaläñe yetsentse mists lkntär-c lrñe : taisa te ste #na[nda snai]-
ersns [lege: snai-ersn] ste ktsaitsäññe : ‘the fissuredness [i.e., wrinkeledness]
of the skin and the flaccidity of the flesh are seen by thee; thus [it] is, nanda,
old-age is ugly’ (5b6C), /// [r]pae tse taisa lkälle mäkte wärmya lesto •
mäkte warmi lestaine yänmaske • taisa rpae tse /// ‘the shape element [is]
thus to be seen as an anthill; as the ants enter into the hill, such [is] the shape
element’ (154a5C), mñana sta taiysa kwrä ekañe enepre tträ • se
akessu manike ste • ‘thus [if] he places human bones and likewise skeletons
before [himself], eventually he is a manike’ (559a5/b1C); —taiskE-C-L ‘just
so’: tais[k] = B(H)S tath (16a8C), : takarkñe taisk kwipassorñe taisk r=
yor : pelaiknenta ‘just so faith and just so shame like giving [are] the laws’
[taisk = B(H)S atha] (23a2/3C).
Probably (with Stumpf, 1990:101-102) taisa is an old perlative to a
pronominal stem tai-. This perlative was reanalyzed as tai + s, the feminine
demonstrative, whence tai-se() and taisu as tai + masculine and neuter
demonstratives. Alternatively might see here a PTch *teisä (or its Pre-Tocharian
avatar) ‘so, therefore’ that has been additionally characterized by - the original
perlative ending (retained as such in TchA, in B we have the reanalysis of the
plural [accusative plus -] *-ns- as -n-s). The underlying *teisä I would take to
be from either the PIE genitive plural *toisom (OCS t@x!, Sanskrit tem) and/or
locative plural *toisi/u (cf. OCS t@x!, Sanskrit teu) used adverbially as a
conjunction much as we find (singular) tusa, tume, etc. See also te and also
taisaktuka, taise(), and taisu.
taisaktuka (conjunctive adverb) ‘likewise’
m no tu kmagunta wesketär taisaktuka [ka]ba i[kr] /// (176a2C), taisaktuka
tot 327
vijñ raye wkime reri[nu] (194b2C/L). Classical and late, but found in
the Turpan region only (Peyrot, 2008:173-174). From taisk + tu +kä.
taisuC-L (conjunctive adverb) ‘± so, therefore’
taiysu pälskanoym sanai aryompa yau karttse aulu-wärñai ‘so I thought: I
will live well with a single beloved [my] whole life long’ (496a3/4L). See taisa.
taise()C-L (conjunctive adverb) ‘± so, therefore’
ñake palsko ärpalñe ñemace pratihar[i sä]lk[te-me s]e taise yesi ñake
pälskonta stare • twe taise pälskana[t] /// (108b7L), /// taise we sthulñca ||
yu pete com taise we sthul (325b4L), • taise weweñu tka ot ka am-
nentse mant yatsi rittetär • (331b3L), • taise te bodhistvi epastyi mäske[ntär]
(346b2L). See taisa.
to (n.[m.sg.]) ‘(a) human body hair, particularly a pubic hair’
[to, -, to//-, -, tonta (?)] päknträ klai ekalmi ymtsi taine ysissi yoñyee to
pwarne hom yamaäle su [sic] ekalmi mäsketrä ‘[if] one intends to make a
woman submit or to cause the two [of them] to touch [one another] sexually, a
hair from the groin [is] to be put in the fire [as] an oblation; he [sic] becomes
submitted’ (M-1b6/PK-AS-8Ab6C), ///weñ erkasenta lni yamaälona kete ratre
krke tonta al/// ‘… [are] to be made; to whomever menstrual discharge and
(pubic) hairs …’ [?] (W-2a6C).
To must be detachable from the body, more particularly from the groin or
some adjacent part of the body (see yoñiye). Since body-hair is an important
symbol of adulthood in many Indo-European cultures (cf. Latin pbs), it is
reasonable to assume that we have “a body-hair” here, or, more particularly, “a
pubic hair.” Taine does not belong here (as previously assumed) but is the third
person dual pronoun. The lack of a fuller context makes it uncertain that tonta
belongs here, though formally the connection is strong.
If correctly identified, the word may be related to Old Norse dúnn (m.) ‘down.’
The underlying Proto-Germanic *dna- could be a thematicization of the weak
grade of a holokinetic *dhouhxon- ~ *dhuhxn- ‘± that which moves upon the air
(dust, scent, fluff, etc.).’ The Tocharian word reflects the nom. sg. *dhouhxn
(*dhouhxn > *tewo > *towo > to). Semantically we have *‘fluff’ > *‘down’ [=
Flaum-feder] > ‘down’ [=Flaumhaar] > ‘body-hair.’ Also possibly related, but
more distantly, are Gothic dauns (f. i-stem]) ‘smell (esp. a good one),’ Old Norse
daunn (m. o-stem) ‘smell (esp. a bad one)’ and dialectal English [di:n] ‘dust,’ all
reflecting a Proto-Germanic *dauna/i-. All are derivatives of PIE *dheuhx- ‘move
agitatedly’ (more s.v. täts-). (For meaning and etymology, see Adams,
1987a:3-4.) See also täts-, tweye, tute, and taur.
Tok (possibly Toke) (n.) ‘Toka’ (PN in monastic records)
[Tok, -, -//] (Otani II.12a9Col [Kagawa, 1915, Couvreur, 1954c:90; Ching and
Ogihara, 2012:92 (whose reading is tentatively adopted here)]).
tot (demonstrative) ‘so much, so many, so far’
tot wälke ‘so long’ (226b1A), tot yokäntañ po tako[ye] ‘as many drinkers as
there may be’ (248a3E), kos saika ikont=erkenma : tot srkalñe[ mä]sk[e]trä
‘as many steps as he takes to the cemetery, so much is he near to death’ (3b6C),
28 m tne sk [k]sa tot nesä am[nets kos] alsñe swrästrä ostme ltu
ek : ‘[there is] here no community of monks as long as he who has left the house
328 totka
continually finds pleasure in indolence’ (12b5C), m ñi kc=lyek cot [lege: tot]
nrai lkskau wrocce kos krentäntsa tatta nki atkatte neamye ‘I see no other
hell so great as [the one where] they set reproach and untrue rumor on the good’
(15a5=17a6C), : tam tot wtsi star-ñ kau [aitsi] /// ‘that is sufficient food
[for] me to live [for] a day’ (25a7C), 19 kos cwi maiyy=aiamñea kos ndrinta
tot lkä : ‘as far as his strength of wisdom [reaches], as far as [his] sense-
organs, so far does he see’ (41b5C), kosauk srukalyñe=me ma tai-ne tot ma
mrauskte ‘just as long as the thought of death might not touch him, so long did
he not grow weary of the world’ (K-11b3/PK-AS-7Nb3A), kos to po kot
stkenta wasto tot ‘as many as all these, as many as [there are] medicaments,
[each] doubled so many’ (W-9b1C); —totak ‘id.’: (608b1C); —tott-ike-postä
‘± (going) bit by bit’: om no ñake tott [sic] ke posta [sic] ynemane brhma
i
Uttare mñcuke kemane Candramukhi lnte yapoyne klnte-ne ‘there,
however, bit by bit the brahmans leading prince U. led him to the realm of king
C.’ (88b5C); —totsa warñai ‘± to that extent’: • amne mäsketrä m totsa
wärñai [•] = B(H)S bhikur bhavati na tvat (IT-164b2E = U-25b2).
That we have here some derivative of the PIE anaphoric pronoun *to- seems
indisputable though the exact form of the PIE ancestor is not as clear as it might
be. It possibly reflects an adverbial *toti [: Sanskrit táti ‘so many’ and Latin tot
‘id.’ (P:1087; MA:457)] plus the particle *u which appears in so many of the
resumptive pronouns in Tocharian (more s.v. s or mant). A PIE *toti u would
give *tot u by facultative loss of word final *-i (see the discussion s.v. ikä
‘twenty’) and the latter would regularly give PTch *tot, whence B tot. Or from
*tehawot [: Sanskrit tvat ‘so much, so many, so great, so far, etc.’, and Greek
tés ‘so long, meanwhile’ (P:1087; MA:457)]. Not (with VW:508) a borrowing
from an unattested TchA tot, itself from a putative PIE *to-to-u), or (with
Hilmarsson, 1987) from PIE *to-d. More s.v. kos; see also the next two
entries.
totka ([plural] adj.) ‘few, little, short, small’; (plural pronoun) ‘few’
[//totka, totkts, totka] 94 aul attsaik totka mnats ñke wryee pältakwä
[ramt] atyats a[k]entasa : ‘the life of men [is] very short, like the drop of dew
on the tips of grass’ (3b3/4C), totka = B(H)S paritta- (3b6C), • totkts aiku kwri
tka paporñentane no anaiai wawlwau : ‘if he is known by few but [is]
governed by moral behaviors’ (31a4C), totknts aiku = B(H)S alpajñta (31a6C),
tu onkorñ[ai] srañciye tappre kau yey m no nta totka rano parna präntsitär
‘they boiled the porridge and it went up high; however, not even a little spattered
outside’ (107a1L); —totk-yärm ‘of small measure, a little’: : k ye[s ri]ntsi m
campcer pel=osta[e] totk-yärm [6]5 ‘why can you not renounce the prison of
the house even a little?’ (5a1C), totka-yärm = B(H)S alpamtra (16a7C). A
compound of tot ‘to such an extent’ plus the particle ka, qq.v. The meaning is
then ‘to such a [small] extent’ (VW:509).
totte (adj.) ‘utmost limit’
[totte, -, totte//] tonte [sic] ynca ‘crossing to the other side’ (THT-1333b5A),
nemcek totte kätkna s ‘certainly he crosses to the other side’ (THT-1339a6A),
totte ykuweo = B(H)S pragam (30b4C), • inte no preke eke [tot ke]ne tka
totte wentsi rittetär ‘if, however, the time is completely at an end, it is
tau 329
convenient to say the utmost thing’ (331b4/5L), totte yncañä = B(H)S prag
(U-2b1), se amne plkisa aiyana[mpa o]lyine amä kauc-wär olyi ä
ñoru-wär wat parna totte kat[k]alñesa ‘[if] a monk by agreement sits in a boat
with nuns and guides [it] either upstream or downstream in going across’ (PK-
AS-18B-b4/5C [Pinault, 1984b:377]), totte katkalñesa = B(H)S prasantara
at
[Thomas, 1987c:91]), totte wäntaresa ‘by this extreme circumstance’ (PK-
DAM.501-a10Col [Pinault, 1984a:24]); —totteññe (n.) ‘border’: [samu]d[tä]rntse
totteññe ekätktte se m sruklñe yänmlle ‘[not] having crossed the border of
the ocean, he will not achieve death’ (PK-AS-C12-a2 [Thomas, 1987c:91]); —
totteññetstse* ‘having a border’: [snai-totte]ññecce = B(H)S apra- (TX6a7/
SHT-351a7/THT-1327a7? [Thomas, 1987c:91]). A compound of tot ‘so much,
so many, so far’ + the neuter demonstrative pronoun te, qq.v. (VW:509). One
should compare the similar compound omte ‘there.’
to and tonak, s.v. se.
tono (n.) ‘silk’ (?); only attested in the compound:
tono[]-wässanma ‘silk(?)-clothes’ (KVc-12a1, -a4/THT-1105a1, -a4C] [K. T.
Schmidt, 1986]. For the meaning, see now Ching (2011). From Khotanese
thauna- (for etymology, see Schmidt, 1980:411).
tonokä ‘?’
kuse ptänma - - ne ke ek tonokä kä - (259b3A).
tompok (adv.) ‘now, right away’
tanpate amne wtsi kkatär tompok we-ne aari ñi esketse nes[au]
(331b2L), • tompok tatt[a] /// (361b2L), tompok snai yarpo srau[ka] ‘now,
without meritorious service, he will die’ (375b2L). Is it significant that in its
three attestations it introduces a clause whose verb is in the subjunctive?
Probably the feminine accusative singular of samp ‘that’ (feminine in concord
with preciyo ‘time’?) plus the particle ok, qq.v.
toyna, s.v. se.
toym, s.v. samp.
toromñe* (< torauññe*) (n.) ‘reward, retribution’ (?)
[-, -, toromñe//] /// [o]orocce ñame toromñe ‘a great reward from me’ (IT-
97b4C), toromñe pcer (PK-AS-17H-2C [Broomhead]). /Possibly the Tch B
equivalent (and cognate) of TchA tori ‘reward, retribution.’ The latter would
reflect a PTch *trñye- or the like while the former would reflect *treuñe-.
(The attested -omñ- is a late Tocharian B phonological transformation of -auñ-.)
They would reflect two different abstract suffixes added to the same root.
towä, tau.
toitäe* (adj.) ‘prtng to the tuitas’
[-, -, toitäe//toitäi, -, -] (347b4L). Cf. tuit.
Tohke (n.) ‘Tohke’ (PN)
[Tohke, -, -//] (289b2C/L).
tau (n.[f.pl.]) ‘ten quarts (dry measure)’
[tau, -, //towä ~ tom ~ taum, -, -] kantine yikye ok tom pi akä klese tau pi
akä ‘flour for bread eight tau and five ak klese [one] tau and five ak’
(433a6/7Col), pikka-e cakanma ok taum yap ‘51 cks, eight tau barley’
330 tauk-
tricer mak-ykne ‘having heard this, you will achieve skill and will not make the
mistake of doing manifold deeds’ (K-2a5/PK-AS-7Ba5C [CEToM]), dulñesa
trke ‘they err out of bad character’ (K-7b3/PK-AS-7Gb3C [CEToM]), : po
auläe klautkenne aultsa lare triim-c m 22 ‘in all situations in life, may I
not fail thee, dear one of my life’ (241b1), poy[i]ññe kauñäktentso pärklñe
triim manta ‘may I never mistake the dawning of the Buddha-suns!’ (S-6b6/PK-
AS-5Cb6C), poyiññana ekälyanme man[ta] triye[] /// ‘may the Buddha-
epochs never fail!’ (IT-271b2C), poyiññeai ekalyme m trimar källoym
pä os[tm]e[ lantsi] ‘may I not wander away from the parousia of the Buddha!
may I achieve the leaving of [my] house! [= may I become a monk]’ (S-8b4/PK-
AS-4Bb4C); Pt. III /treik-* ~ treikäs-/ [A -, -, traiksa//]; PP /tetriku-/: [18
e]mi wnolmi tetriko ytari e akntsaññesa : ‘some beings [had] mistaken
[their] ways out of ignorance’ (29b5C); —trialñe ‘mistake, error’: e waikesa
nraine tänmastär wate añ trial[ñesa] ‘the first is reborn in hell because of [his]
lie, the second because of his own mistake’ (18a4C), triälyñenta = B(H)S
skhalitani (545b2E).
2
K Ps. IXb /tríkäsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, trkää//]: /// läkle trkää /// ‘suffering
leads astray’ (THT-2380 frgm. z-a1?); Pt. II /tr ik-/ [A -, -, traika//; MP -, -,
traikate//]: /// palsko traika-ne ot talnte : teksa ayai oame[] /// ‘the spirit of
the wretched one led him astray; he touched the nun from above’ (IT-78b3C);
///korme is[ta]k traikane [lege: traikate] ‘suddenly he fainted’ [?] (90b3C); PP
/tetriku-/: ente tetriku se aie ‘if this world [has] gone astray’ [= B(H)S yatra
m ham ida jagat] (148a4E), 79 sasräe karne ce tetrikoä • ‘having led
it [scil. the world] astray in the sasra-forest’ (212a4E/C).
The first “causative” is essentially an intensive of the Grundverb while the
second “causative” is more truly a causative in that it makes the underlying verb
transitive. However, there is a good deal of overlap in meaning between the
Grundverb and both “causatives.”
AB trik- reflect PTch *träik- which is plausibly related by VW (514-515) to
the otherwise isolated Latin trcae ‘trifles, nonsense; vexations, troubles’ with its
derived, denominative, verbs: Latin trcr ‘make difficulties; shuffle; trifle,’
Latin intrcre ‘confuse, entangle’ and Latin extrcre ‘disentangle, unravel.’
The Tocharian verb is not denominative. Together the Latin and Tocharian
words might be from a PIE *treik- or *tr(e)ihxk- ‘± be tangled, confused’
(LIV:514f.; given as a possibility by de Vaan, 2008:629-630). See also traike,
atraikatte, and triko.
triko* (n.) ‘± error, mistake’
[//-, -, trikai] saswa poyi=ñmlaka po tränkonta tärkaucai trikai wnolmets
‘O lord, omniscient and merciful, releaser of all sins and errors of beings!’ (TEB-
64-03/IT-5C/L). A nomen actionis of the first “causative” of trik-, q.v. Similar
in formation is lukaitstse ‘brilliant,’ an adjective built to an unattested noun
lukai- from luk-, q.v.
tr c wär (n.) ‘the three vestments of a Buddhist monk’
(22a8C). From B(H)S tricvara-.
trite (adj.) ‘third’
[m.: trite, tricepi, trice//-, -, trice] [nt. -, -, trite//] 66 trce lok weña ‘he spoke
336 tritee*
the third loka’ (20b4C), pärwee dhyno wace dhyno trice dhyno tarce
dhyno (333b6E/C), • ty no trite kau ai • euwacca mäskträ • ‘now it was the
third day for her [that] she had eaten nothing’ (IT-248a4C); —tritesa ‘for the
third time’ (25b3C).
Penney (1976/77[78]:83) suggests that TchA trit and B trite reflect older *tri
and *triye respectively (from PTch *triye, PIE *triyos), both rebuilt with the
usual ordinal forming suffix -t and -te. There seems no reason, if we start from
an original PIE *triyós, not to assume that the rebuilding had not been already
accomplished in PTch [: the various reformations of original *triyó- in Sanskrit
trtya-, Avestan ritya-, Latin tertius (< *trityo-), Gothic þridja, Lithuanian
trias, Albanain tretë, Greek trítos, all ‘third’ (P:1091; MA:400-401)]. Cf. also
Winter, 1991:135. VW (514) equates PTch *träite (or *trte) exactly with Greek
trítos but in actuality the vowels do not agree. The PTch *-i must reflect *-- or
*-ei- while Greek -i- can only be from *-i-. See also trai and tritee.
tritee* (adj.) ‘tertiary’ (of kinship)
[f: tritea, -, -//] /// [tri]tea eka [lege: eke] uk täktsi (327b4L). For the
meaning, see the discussion s.v. wtee. A derivative of trite, q.v.
tripur* (n.) ‘triple fortification’ (?)
[-, -, tripur//] Used as gloss in SHT-1738 (Malzahn, 2007b).
Tripukar* (n.) ‘Tripukara’ (PN of a place)
[-, -, Tripukar//] (36a6C).
triyka, see s.v. täryka.
triw- (vi/t.) G ‘be mixed, get mixed, mingle, shake (intr.)’; K ‘mix; shake [of body
parts]’
G Ps. II /triwé-/ [A // -, -, triwe; MP (Ps. III) -, -, triwetär(?)//]: ram no yk[w]a
wa trwe tspe plontonträ ‘… they mingle, dance, and make merry’ (PK-AS-
16.8a6C [Pinault’s reading, p.c.]), /// wertsyampa kattkempa triwe[tär] ///
‘with the retinues and with the householders he/they mingled’ (26a8C [tradition-
ally taken as representing a third person sg. and reconstructed triwe[tär], it is
possible that we have instead a plural triwe[]]); Ko. V /triw -/ [MP -, -,
triwtär//; MPOpt. triwoymar, -, -//; Inf. triwtsi]; Ipv. I /pätriw-/ [Sg. pätrwa]:
pätrwa [with causative force] /// [pw]re dhtumpa pätrwa-ne • (IT-158b4C);
Pt. I /triw -/ [A // -, -, triwre]: ee triwre kattkäñai wertsyaimpa (PK-AS-
16.3b2C [Pinault, 1989]); PP /triwó-/: : tärko rte allokna cmela triwo attsaik
kattkemp=ee : ‘the other birth-forms apathetically mingled only with house-
holders’ (31b6C); —triwlñe* ‘± mixture’: • mka klautkentsa triwlñentse
naknama a[k]-[n]e (358b6C), triwlñe (IT-227a3E).
K Ps. IXb /tríwäsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, trwää//; m-Part. triwäskemane; Ger.
triwäälle]: /// krui tumpa trwaä tuntse ekälym[i] mäs[k]e[tär] /// (336a3E),
m tsene trwaskemane osne yänmaälle ‘[one is] not to enter a house, shaking
the shoulders’ (322b3E/C), kuñctäe alypesa triwäle ‘[it is] to be mixed with
sesame oil’ (W-31b2C); Pt. II /tr iw-/ [MP -, traiwatai, -//]: täryka-kt st-
kentampa traiywatai twe • stk=onwaññe swre krent pelaiknee 81 ‘thou
hast mixed with the thirty-seven remedies the immortal and good remedy of
righteousness’ (212b2/3E/C); PP /tetriwu-/: klua witsako mitämpa tetriwo
klue warsa yokalle ‘rice-root mixed with honey [is] to be drunk with rice water’
trus- 337
reflect *dhruhas- (with laryngeal metathesis) but could equally well be from
*dhrus- with no laryngeal, and it is the latter that must lie behind Welsh dryll. Cf.
P:274-275 for other possible cognates, all semantically fairly divergent.
truskäñña* (n.) ‘± binding, bond, harness’
[-, -, truskäñña//] truskäñña ño[r] = B(H)S khamu pabadhane [= kamah praban-
dhane] (SI P/65b2 b1A [Pinault, 2002b:314]).
This deverbal noun presupposes an underlying verb trusk-* ‘± bind, harness’
which, in turn is surely to be seen in TchA tursko ‘draft animal,’ obviously the
nominalized past participle of the same verb. PTch *träusk- reflects, with
metathesis, PIE *dhwrhx-ske/o-; cf. Hittite triye- ‘harness’ and Sanskrit dh$ r
‘yoke.’ See also perhaps pyorye.
trekte (adj.) ‘coarse’
/// aiamñe ci po rsa lykake trekte [10] (239a4C), Akobhe tretke [sic]
memis·/// (367b6C), /// yärm wnolmets lykake trekte kärsna /// ‘he knows the
measure, fine and coarse, of beings’ (IT-85b3C). The formation is the same as
its antonym yekte. Etymology unknown. Not with VW (514) a derivative of
PIE *dheregh- ~ *dhereh- ‘hold fast to.’
trek- (vi.) ‘adhere, cling, stick’
Ps. IXa /trekä sk’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, trekastär// -, -, trekaskentär; MPImp. -, -,
trekäi (sic)//; Ger. treka(äl)le]: /// ansrap ceta avykrtne trekasträ
(200b4C/L), /// sparänta trekasketär ‘the touches adhere’ (171b3C), [m]
skwanmane trekale ‘[he is] not to cling to to good fortunes’ (592b4C); Ko. I
/trekä -/ [A //-, -, trekä; MPOpt. treñcmar, -, -//]: (t)r(e)kä() (PK-NS-32b1
(Pinault, 2012:226]), sapulempa menk ksa [lege: menksa] karsoym kektseñ
kauttstsai m treñc[mar] ‘may I know my breakable body [to be] like a pot;
may I not cling [to it]!’ (S-5a3/PK-AS-5Ba3C); Pt. IIIa /trékäs-/ [MP -, -,
treksate//]: klye rano treksate rpn=ewentse ‘the woman however clung to
the form of the man’ (9b4C), /// ole pkre klainämpa kca tresate : ‘at home or
publicly he clung to some woman’ (69a2C); PP /tetreku-/. If trekä is
correctly restored at PK-NS-32b1, then there would appear to be no difference in
meaning between active and medio-passive.
TchA träk- and B trek- reflect PTch *träk-. In B the full-grade (in PIE
terms either *-- or *-o-) has been extended throughout the paradigm. PTch
*träk- is perhaps from PIE *dhrengh-/dhrenh-, a nasalized variant of *dheregh-
/dhereh- ‘hold fast to,’ itself an élargissement of *dher- ‘id.’ [: Avestan dr'naiti
‘strengthens, fixes,’ dr'nayeiti ‘makes fast,’ Sanskrit drháti ‘id.,’ and, without
the nasal, Avestan dražaite ‘holds,’ OCS dr!ž ‘hold, have within,’ Sanskrit
drhyati ‘makes fast,’ etc. (P:254)] (VW:513). However, Beekes (2010:352)
would equate the Indo-Iranian words with Greek drássomai ‘grasp, take
handfuls’ which would mean an initial *dr- which would be expected to become
Tocharian r-. See also etrekätte, trekäl, and treke and perhaps trako.
trekäl* (n.) ‘clinging; (worldly) attachment’
[-, -, trekäl/-, -, trekalwi/-, -, trekalwa] klaiñ=ewaññe otrnime po tre-
kalwa wkää : ‘from [the two] female and male characteristics he makes all
attachments disappear’ (8a6C), • snai trekäl snai krämplyñetse • = B(H)S
asagam anapragraham (251b2E), antapi trekälwi ‘both worldly attachments’
trai 339
he the Buddha’s pupil and an arhat with the name of three-fold wisdom’ (31b1C).
From B(H)S traividya-.
traiwe* (n.) ‘?’
[//-, -, traiwe] karpa ñäkteme traiwe m// (IT-3051b3C). Presumably a
derivative of triw-, q.v.
traiwo (n.) ‘mixture’
[traiwo, -, -//] traiwo = B(H)S traivrta- (Y-2a6C); —traiwoe ‘prtng to a mix-
ture’ (W-9a2C). A nomen actionis from triw-, q.v. (as if from PTch *treiw-).
traiäle ‘?’
///e traiäle läl[ñ]e p[r]eke : (281b6E).
trou, trau.
trokol (n.) ‘± provisions’
[trokol, -, -//] /// masa tarya tom trokol wi tom pi[] akä (441a3Col).
Identical in formation to the *yotkol ‘command’ (a derivative of wätk-) which
underlies the agent noun yotkolau ‘± director.’ Probably a derivative of truk-,
q.v., if the latter has been properly identifed as ‘apportion, allot; give.’
trok* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘cavity, hollow; inner part of the torso; cave’ [trok trus-
‘±eviscerate’]
[-, -, trok//trokanma, -, trokanma] lentse trokne lyam=ompalskoññe ‘in a
cave of the mountain he sat [in] meditation’ (4b7C), /// trone eneka ‘within a
cave’ (46b5C), karu
ae trok prutk[a]r ‘fill up the hollow of pity!’ (TEB-64-
08/IT-5C/L), /// manentso tro trusen-me wn-me msa /// ‘when they [=
different carnivores] rise up] they tear the innards [lit. ‘the hollow (part of the
body)’] of the living and they devour their flesh’ (IT-195b1C), trokanma (PK-
AS-7Ka3C [CEToM]); —troktse (adj.) ‘hollow’: onmiana pwrasa tsäkse-
mane marmanma troktse stm ra ‘vessels burning with the fires of remorse like
a hollow tree’ (TEB-64-05/IT-5C/L).
TchB trok is clearly the cognate of TchA truk ‘id.’ but extra-Tocharian
connections, if any, are unclear. VW (516) takes these Tocharian words to be the
equivalent of Latin truncus (adj.) ‘maimed, mutilated, cut short’ and truncus
(noun) ‘a lopped tree, trunk of a tree; trunk of human body,’ with both the
Tocharian and the Latin from a PIE *trunko-, a derivative of *treuk- ‘cut’ (s.v.
TchB truk-). However, the Tocharian forms demand a *trunku- (or *trnk-) and
the semantic equation is weak. Emphasizing the need for an u-stem, Hilmarsson
(1984[85]:32) suggests a derivation from PIE *tronku- ‘narrow’ (cf. Old Norse
þrngr) but again the semantic equation is poor. In Hilmarsson 1986 (pg. 22), he
takes it to be from a PIE *dhronghu- which he related to Old Norse drangr ‘rock,
monolith’ (< *dhrongho-) and Modern Icelandic dröngull ‘cylinder, icicle’
(presupposing PGmc *drangu-), as ‘cave’ and ‘rock’ are often associated (cf. Old
Norse hellir ‘cave,’ Old Norse hella ‘rock’). In both cases Hilmarsson assumes
that TchA truk results from the u-umlaut of *träku < *traku (cf. both wänt
and want ‘wind’ beside B yente). However, his rule whereby a TchA sequence of
-a- followed by resonant and stop becomes -ä- plus resonant and stop is restricted
to Tocharian A while u-umlaut, shared by both A and B, would appear to be of
Proto-Tocharian date.
342 trau
TchB twere reflects PTch *twere from *dhworo-, a derivative of PIE *dhwor-
‘door, gate.’ In PIE there was apparently a feminine consonant stem *dhwor-
/dhwr-, a plural or dual tantum, meaning ‘door’ (perhaps more particularly the
two leaves of a double door) [: Sanskrit dv$ ra (nom. f. pl.), durá (acc. f. pl.),
dv$ rau (dual) ‘door’ (the loss of aspiration, however it is to be explained, is
secondary), Avestan dvar'm (acc. sg. m.) ‘gate, door,’ Armenian durk‘ (nom. pl.)
‘door,’ Greek thúr (f.sg.) ‘door,’ Albanian derë (f.sg.) ‘door’ (< *dhwreha-),
Latin foris (f.sg.) ‘door,’ and for- in the adverbial Latin fors ‘to the outside’
and Latin fors ‘(from the) outside,’ Welsh dor (f.sg.) ‘door’ (< *dhureha- or
*dhworeha-), Old Irish dorus ‘door’ (< *dhworestu-), Gothic daur (nt.sg.) ‘gate,’
Old English dor (nt.sg.) ‘door, gate, pass’ (both < *dhurom), Old Norse dyrr
(fem.pl.) ‘door,’ OHG turi ‘id.’ (both < nom. pl. *dhures), Old English duru
‘door, gate’ (< acc. pl. *dhur
s), Lithuanian dùrys (fem.pl.) ‘door’ (< an old
consonant stem), OCS dv!ri ‘door’ (as if < *dhwr-ns). In addition there was a
derived neuter *dhworo- meaning ‘enclosure, courtyard’ (< *‘that enclosed by the
door’) and also possibly also ‘gate, door’ [: Sanskrit dv$ ram (nt.) ‘door, gate,
passage,’ Latin forum (vulgarly forus [m.]) ‘forum,’ Lithuanian dvãras (m.)
‘estate; court,’ OCS dvor! (m.) ‘court’ (P:278-279; MA:168; Beekes, 2010:565-
566)]. PTch *twere clearly belongs with the second group in terms of its
formation, though semantically perhaps better with the first group (VW:520,
though details differ). There is no need, with Normier, 1980:253, to take PTch
*twere to reflect a PIE dual *dhworeh1.
•D•
dakike (nm.) ‘worthy one, one worthy of sacrifice, one worthy of a gift’
[dakike, -, dakike// -, dakikets, -] maitar yopar warttone dak-
i
ke ritasi wrocce rke ‘they went and entered into the forest to seek out
the great, worthy seer’ (107a7L). From B(H)S daki
iya- + the Tocharian suffix
-ke (cf. TchA dakinak).
dakipat ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘southern’
/// daki
pat ypomnme ‘from the southern lands’ [= ‘from the Deccan’]
(110a7L). From B(H)S daki
patha- (cf. TchA daki
path).
Dantapur* (n.) ‘Dantapura’ (PN of a city)
[-, -, Dantapur//] (48b8C).
danti (n.) ‘danti (Baliospermum montanum Muell.-Arg. or Croton polyandrum
Roxb.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[danti, -, -//] (P-3b4/PK-AS-9Ab4E). From B(H)S dant-.
dantiphal (n.) ‘seed of the B. montanum Muell.-Arg.’ (a medical ingredient)
[dantiphal, -, -//] (Y-2a1C). From B(H)S dantphala-.
Da
akaml (n.) ‘Daakamla’ (PN)
[Daakaml, -, -//] (429b1L).
dara (n.) ‘look, glance’
[dara, -, -//] (PK-AS-13H.2C [Broomhead]). From B(H)S darana-.
346 daranamrk
• DH •
dhanik (n.) name of an oil
[dhanik, -, -//] dhanik ñem alype ‘an oil, dhanik by name’ (PK-AS-9A-a7E
[Broomhead]). Etymology unknown.
Dhanike (n.) ‘Dhanika’ (PN of a monk)
[Dhanike, -, -//] (IT-127a2C). Cf. TchA dhanke ‘rich man.’
dhanyam ~ tanyam ~ daññam (n.) a kind of bean?
[dhanyam, -, -//] traiwo • klua wye • dhanyam mäcakene se kayä ///
(497a8C), abaralodrä uppläana piltsa tänyam (P-2a5C); —dhanya-
mäe ‘prtng to dhanyam’: dhanyamäe = B(H)S ma- (543a3C).
Apparently from B(H)S *dhanya-ma- (compound not it M-W or Edgerton).
dharai (n.) a sort of bulb, various plants [a medical ingredient]
[dharai, -, -//] W-29b4C. From B(H)S dhara
-.
Dharmakmike (n.) ‘Dharmakma’ (PN in graffito)
[Dharmakmike, -, -//] (G-Su15Col). A Tocharian diminutive of the following
name.
Dharmakme (n.) ‘Dharmakma’ (PN in graffito)
[Dharnmakme, -, -//] (G-Su2Col). See also the previous entry.
Dharmacandre (n.) ‘Dharmacandra’ (PN [of a king in monastic records])
[Dharmacandre, -, -//] (605b1C/L, PK bois C.1a1Col [Pinault, 1994:91]).
dharmackkär (n.) ‘wheel of the law’
[dharmackkär, -, -//] (30b6C). From B(H)S dharmacakra-.
Dharmatrte (n.) ‘Dharmatrta’ (PN in graffito)
[Dharamtrte, Dharmatrtentse, -//] (G-Su10Col).
Dharmadse (n.) ‘Dharmadsa’ (PN of a monk)
[Dharmadse, Dharmadsentse, -//] (427b3C/L).
dharmadhtu (n.) ‘sphere of religion’
[dharmadhtu, -, -//] (192a3C). From B(H)S dharmadhtu-.
Dharmanse (n.) ‘Dharmansa’ (PN in monastic records)
[Darmanse, -, -//] (THT-4000, col. 1 -a7?).
Dharmamitre* (n.) ‘Dharmamitra’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, Dharmamitri, -//] (PK bois C.1a1Col [Pinault, 1994:91]).
Dharmarakite (n.) ‘Dharmarakita’ (PN)
[Dharmarakite, Dharmarakitentse, -//] (440a2Col, Otani II-12a3Col [Ching and
Ogihara, 2012:81]). See also Trmarakite.
Dharmaruci (n.) ‘Dharmarucin’
[Dharmaruci, -, -//] (PK-AS-6Aa5C [CEToM]).
Dharmawarme (n.) ‘Dharmavarma’ (PN in graffito)
[Dharmawarme, -, -//] (G-Su4Col).
Dharmareti (n.) ‘Dharmareti’ (PN of a monk)
[Dharmareti, -, -//] (IT-139b4C/L).
Dharmasome (n.) ‘Dharmasoma’ (PN of author of the Udnlankra)
[Dharmasome, -, -//] (428b6L); —dharmasomäññe ‘prng to Dh.’ (28a4C).
nakuiye* 349
•N•
nakänmatstse, s.v. nki.
nakunakhi (n.) ‘?’ (a medical ingredient)
[nakunakhi, -, -//] (W-18a5C).
nakle (n.) ‘mongoose’
[nakle, -, nakle//] : nakle temtsa[te] mamnta palskosa em arklaicä : ‘he
was [re-]born [as] a mongoose and went to the snake with evil intentions’
(42a6C). From B(H)S nakula-.
nakuiye* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, nakuai//] /// nakuaime - /// (IT-893b1?).
350 -naki*
[nandikwart, -, -//] ckkär svastik nandikwart otruna ‘the cakra, svastika, and
nandikvarta signs’ (107a1L). From B(H)S nandikvarta-.
Nandiple (n.) ‘Nandpla’ (PN)
[Nandiple, -, Nandiple//] (401a2L).
Nande (n.) ‘Nanda’ (PN of the Buddha’s half-brother)
[Nande, Nandentse, Nande//] • pañäktentse procer Nande ñem • (IT-247b2C).
From B(H)S Nanda (cf. TchA Nande). See also Nnde.
nan(n)aññe (n.) ‘?’
[nan(n)aññe (?), -, nan(n)aññe//] kroce nan/// (THT-2328, frgm. n-a2A; if it
belongs here), yurpkai wsar y lpar nannaññ(e)m(e) ak-kunae raine
ailye sesamae wyaisa kärntsi ywrtsa yaltse ‘the inhabitants of Yurpka paid
out 1,000 [kunes], half the purchase price of the tenth regnal-year [vintage]
from the nannaññe in Lapar, for a expenditure of a fine to the rai’ [= Kuci-Prakrit
Yurpaaii didati Laparami nanakañeme daa-ku[ni]ya honami dada
danena] (Bil 3.1/THT 4059Col, Schmidt, 2001:22). /Schmidt suggest ‘wine-
cellar’ or the like as its meaning. Perhaps this word is a verbal abstract from nn-
‘appear,’ whose Classical Tocharian B form would have been nanlñe and with a
meaning some thing like ‘display area/show-room.’ See also perhaps nn-.
nay* (n.) ‘politics, political affairs, governance’
[-, -, nay//] : po twe rt ñke ypauna kuaino klaina säwa [lege: säswa] lantso
nayä snai ke waipeccenta [:] ‘[if] thou givest up everything: lands, villages,
wives, sons, queen, political affairs, possessions without number’ (46a6=47b4C).
From B(H)S naya-.
Naradeve (n.) ‘Naradeva’ (PN of a king)
[Naradeve, -, -//] (111a6L).
Narahnte (n.) ‘Narnta’ (?)
[Narahnte, -, -//] (PK-AS-7Ab3C [CEToM]).
nalat (n.) ‘a variety of vetiver or khus (Chrysopogon zizanioides, Vetiveria zizani-
oides (Linn.) Nash, or Andropogon muricatus Retz.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[nalat, -, -//] (W-30a2C). From B(H)S nadala-.
nawanti* (n.) ‘place of the one most junior in rank’
[-, -, nawanti//] tume putantime waiptr aarintats paiyne winälle …
eke nawanti tätsi ‘then he [is] to honor the feet of the cryas each separately
from the most senior place to the most junior’ (KVc-20a5/THT-1112a5C [K. T.
Schmidt, 1985:760]). Borrowed from B(H)S navnta- or Pali navanta-. See
also putanti-.
Nawar- (n.) ‘Nawar-’ ([partial] PN in administrative records)
(SI P/117.12Col [Pinault, 1998:15]).
nawasa(-) ‘?’
/// r aiypse [a]rsa totte nawasa/// (324b4L).
nawke (n.[m.sg.]) ‘novice’
[nawke, -, nawke//] 18 masa sw=rhnte cau nawke amneco
pelaikn=k-ne : ‘the arhat went to the novice monk and proclaimed to him the
law’ (42a2C). From B(H)S navaka-.
nayl (n.) ‘?’ (a medical ingredient)
[nayl, -, -//] (P-2b1C).
352 nakara
TchB pat < B(H)S buddha-), and there is no good evidence that the -ä- becomes
the basis for a reconstructed ablaut in a given lexical item, rather than being
analogically replaced itself by -äu-, so a connection with the Sanskrit word
remains phonologically problematic. (Based on the erroneous meaning “support”
is VW: 316). See also netke and probably 1ñatke.
näno, nano.
näm- (vi/vt.) G (active) ‘bend (toward)’ [palsko näm- ‘bend the mind to, decide to’];
(middle) ‘bend, bow (as a mark of respect)’; K3 ‘incline’ (tr.)
G Ps. VIII /näms’ä/e-/ [A -, -, namä// -, -, namse; MP -, -, namtär//]: palsko
namä = B(H)S antarnmayati (537a4C), or namse tarkntsa añ añm
y[täske] = B(H)S dru namayanti takak hy tmnadmayanti (PK-NS-
107b1C [Thomas, 1976b:106]); Ko. I (active)/Ko. III (middle) /nämé- ~ ñämé-/
[MP -, -, nmetär//; Inf. ñmetsi; Ger. nmalle*]: tume s ke ñäkte nmeträ
‘thereupon will this earth bow to the god’ (PK-AS-13B-b2C [Couvreur, 1954c:
86]), ///l·iñ ñmetsi wtsi smañe /// (335a5E/C), om[t]e su nmälye /// (IT-187b5C;
IDP reads tsmälye); Pt. III /nemä- ~ nä mäs-/ [A // -, -, nemar; MP -, -,
namtsate//]: ñakti arju-stm nemar-ne cau eksate ‘the gods bent the arjuna-
tree to him and he seized it’ (107b4L); PP /nämó-/ (THT-1192a1A); ; —nmalñe ~
namalñe ‘± bending’ (?): namalñ[e] (190a1L) [this form is formally anomalous
and difficult to account for], kauc nmalyñe (414a2-fn.4C); —nmalyñee* ‘±
prtng to bending’ (?): ///ññe nmalyñee (414a2C).
K3 PP /ñeñämu-/: tusa ka[kcc]u ply[e]usa su keucä ñeñmu kektseñ yäprerne ot
[kamaiyyai no wi]na ‘thus rejoicing he flew high, bending [his] body in the
air; thereby he honored the ten-powered one’ (365a3A), ñeñmu tärne/// ‘inclining
[my] head’ (248a2E).
AB näm- reflect PTch *näm- from PIE *nem- ‘bend, incline’ [: Sanskrit
námati ‘bends, bows,’ Avestan n'maiti ‘id.,’ TchB räm- ‘bend (away), deflect’ (if
the present rämn- is from PIE *nmneha- by dissimilation) and other, nominal
cognates, in Greek, Latin, Germanic, Baltic, and Celtic (P:764; MA:63; LIV:
453ff.; Cheung, 2006:280-281; de Vaan, 2008:405)] (Schulze, 1927, VW:313).
LIV and Beekes (2010:1007) suggest a distinction between nem- ‘bend’ (in Indo-
Iranian and Tocharian) and nem- ‘share out’ (in Greek, Germanic, and Baltic).
See also possibly räm-.
närk- (vt.) ‘keep away’
Ps. IXb /nä rkäsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, narkää//] [pa]lsko narkää<>-ñ ‘keeps away
my spirit’ (THT 1538, frgm. a-b2?); Impv II /päñä rk-/ [Pl. päñarkas] (PK-AS-
17Hb2C [Pinault, 1988a:183]); Pt. II /ñ rk-/ [A -, ñrkasta, ñrka//]; –
narkäälyñe ‘abstention (from sin)’ [= B(H)S vairama
] (THT-3312a2 [cf.
Schmidt, 1986; Ogihara, 2011:139]). Etymology unknown. For a suggestion
(negative *n- + rg- ‘extend’), see VW (314). See also nerke and enerke.
närs- (vt.) ‘urge, press’
Pt. II /ñyrs-/ [A -, -, ñyrsa//]: /// ostme lantsi ñyrsa-me soylñe rsa /// ‘he
urged them to leave their homes; he knew satisfaction’ (50b1C). The present
narsää usually put here is, rather, to be read tarsää (so already Sieg and
Siegling and TVS); see s.v. tärs-. Etymology unknown.
358 nässait*
nässait* (~ niset*) (n.[m.sg.]) ‘spell’ [only in combination with ym- as (vi/vt.) ‘cast
a spell’; ‘cast a spell over’]
[-, -, nässait//] [ar]klo auk catä tska tesa näsait y[amaäle] ‘[if] a snake,
adder, or cat bites, thus a spell [is] to be cast’ (503a2C/L), kwri no ñme tka-ne
raddhisa yatsi war nässait yamale iprerne pärsnlle raddhisa yan ‘if [some-
one] has the desire to go with magical power, [he is] to cast a spell [over] water;
[it is] to be sprinkled in the air; he goes with magical power’ (M-3b6/7/PK-AS-
8Cb6/7C); war niset yamääle (SHT-146 [Malzahn, 2007b]). Related to TchA
nesset ‘id.’ but further connections are unknown (cf. VW:318).
nigranthe* (n.) ‘heretical monk’
[-, nigranthi, -//-, nigranthets, nigranthe] (28b5C, 20a6C). From B(H)S nir-
grantha- (cf. TchA nigranth).
nigrot (n.) ‘banyan (Ficus bengalensis Linn.)’
[nigrot, -, nigrot//] [91] Supratihit ñem nigrot [ai] stants wlo ‘S. was a
banyan, the king of trees’ (3a7C). From B(H)S nyagrodha- (cf. TchA nyagrot).
Nigrodhrm (n.) ‘Nyagrodhrma’ (PN of a park where the Buddha often stayed)
(349a3C). See also Nyagrodhrm.
nicitakmp (n.) ‘East Indian globe thistle (Sphaeranthus hirtus Willd.)’ [Filliozat] (a
medical ingredient)
[nicitakmp, -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S nicakadamba-
niculaphal (n.) ‘“Dragon’s blood,” the fruit of the rattan palm (Calamus rotang
Linn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[niculaphal, -, -//] (P-3b5/PK-AS-9Ab5E). From B(H)S niculaphala-.
nitt- (vi/vt.) G ‘break (intr.), collapse’; K ‘crush, pull down, tear down’
G Ps. I?/V /nittä- or nitt-/ [A -, -, nitta//]: läkleñ arañce nitta [lege: nittä?]
wesäñ ‘out of suffering [our] heart[s] break’ (88b4/5C); Ko. V /n itt-/ [Inf.
naittatsi]: /// [kek]ly[au]orme mndri läkleñ naittatsi aun[tsate] (370a3C); Pt.
Ib /nitt -/ [A -, -, naitta// -, -, naittre]: naitta-c pälsko ‘thy spirit broke’ (THT-
3597b4A [Schmidt, 1983a:274]), maiwa [ke] … kodyänm<sa> sumernt
naittre ‘the earth shook … by the billions the mountains collapsed’ (274b6A)
[naittre is from an archaic text and therefore not probative for the quite likely
post-root stress].
K Ps. IXb /n ittäsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, naittää//]: kmadhttuai yoñya kaut[a]-
n[a] Morñiktantse mnadhvaje waipe räskre naittää ‘he cut off the kma-
dhtu ways and roughly pulled down the fish-emblazoned banner of Mra’
(591a1L); Pt. IV /nittä -/ [A -, naittaasta, -//]: S[u]mer [a]le [lege: ale]
naittaasta ‘thou didst crush Mt. Sumeru’ (297.1b5L).
The present of the Grundverb is usually as given as a Class V (i.e. /nitt-/) but
a Class V present paralleled by a Class V subjunctive but differing in root ablaut
is otherwise not surely paralleled. An athematic nittä- is probably confirmed by
the derived adjective nitmo. Etymology unclear. TchB nitt- reflects PTch
*näitw- (cf. B naitwe ‘shell’) which may (VW:319) be from PIE *kneid- [: ON
hnta ‘push against something,’ hnita ‘rivet,’ Old English hntan ‘push, stick,’
Latvian knidêt ‘rivet,’ Greek kníz ‘scratch, pound, chafe,’ Middle Irish cned
‘wound’ (< *knid-) (P:561-2)], though one would have expected the PIE *-d- to
have dis-appeared before the *-w-. Alternatively, one might related nitt- to PIE
nirmite 359
*ghneidh- [: Old English gndan ‘rub (off),’ OHG gntan ‘id.,’ Latvian gnde
‘rough, dirty skin,’ etc. (P:437)]. See also nitmo and naitwe.
nitmo (adj.) ‘collapsing’
[m: nitmo, -, -//] 1[8] t[o] w[e]ña Hetub[like rekau]na kärstautstsai weeñ-
ñaisa nitmo ‘H. spoke these words with breaking voice, collapsing (283a2A). A
derivative of nitt-, q.v.
nitya (n.) ‘constant or indispensable rite or act’
(202a3L). From B(H)S nitya-.
nip- (vt.) ‘± pledge’ (??)
Pt. II /ñip-/ [A -, -, ñaipa//]: Purtaä kune nocot ñaipa taisa 6000 makte
nocot kune kamate 1000 ‘P. pledged a nocot of kunes, thus 6,000; he
himself brought 1,000 kunes as a nocot’ (490b-I-5/6Col). Sieg (1950:221) sug-
gests that nocot nip- might mean ‘abheben’ (‘withdraw [money]’) while nocot
pär/km- could be ‘abholen’ (‘collect [money]’). The interpretation is possible
but by no means certain. Winter (2000:135) suggests ‘fix, determine.’
If the meaning given here is correctly determined, it is likely that we have a
borrowing from Iranian, cf. Khotanese nv (< *nipya-) ‘pledge’ (Bailey, 1979:
196), Manichean Sogdian np’q ‘pledge,’ Zoroastrian Pahlavi np’k ‘pledge,’
Khwarazmian nibk ‘pledge,’ the latter three reflecting a Proto-Iranian *nipka-,
a nominal derivative of *ni-p- ‘deposit, pledge’ (the verb itself appears to be
nowhere attested in Iranian—cf. Cheung, 2007:289).
niprtse* (adj.) ‘adorned with footbells’
[f: // -, -, niprtsana] sikna niprtsana paine[sa] ‘he steps (forward) with feet
adorned with footbells’ (IT-40b2C [cf. Broomhead, 204, Hilmarsson, 1989a:12]).
The translation is Broomhead’s. Etymology unknown.
nimittjñe* (adj.) ‘acquainted with omens’
[m: -, -, nimittjñe//] (350b1C). From B(H)S nimittjña-.
niyam (n.) ‘fixed course, unchangeableness’
[niyam, -, -//] (193a6C/L). From B(H)S niyama-, or niyma-.
nirupadhie ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘free from the influence of upadhi’
(113b3L). From B(H)S nirupadhideea-.
nirodha (n.) ‘suppression (of pain)’
(580a4L); —nirodhäe* ‘prtng to the suppression of pain’ (520a4C). From
B(H)S nirodha-.
nirght* (n.) ‘hurricane’
[//nirghtänta, -, -] (PK-AS-16.1b5C [CEToM]). From B(H)S nirghta-.
nirjvare (adj.) ‘free from disease, healthy, sound’
[m: nirjvare, -, -//] (509b3C/L). From B(H)S nirjvara-.
nirmaacitt* ‘±creating thought’ (?)
[//-, nirmacittantats, -] (used as a gloss in SHT-1708 [Malzahn, 2007b]). A
borrowing from an unattested B(H)S *nirm
a-citta-.
nirmarati* (n.) a class of gods
[-, -, nirmarati//] (525b7C). From B(H)S nirm
arati-.
nirmite, nermite.
360 niryuha
AB nu- reflect PTch *näu- from PIE *neu- ‘shout (in praise)’ [: Sanskrit
návate ‘cries out, praise,’ Persian navdan ‘complain,’ nydan ‘cry aloud,’
navndan ‘cause to cry,’ Khotanese (3rd. pl.) Khotanese nuvaindä ‘howl’ [of
wolves, jackals] (stem nuv-), Old Irish núall ‘cry, alarm, proclamation’ (< *neu-
slo-), Latin nntius ‘(official) message’ (P:767; MA:89; LIV:456ff; Cheung,
2006:284-285)] (Reuter, 1934:11, Lane, 1938:29, VW:320-1). See also newe.
²nu- (vt.) ‘be(come) sick’ (??)
PP nuwó- (?): 34 wäntsi [or wättsi, the reading per IDP?] wes [t]wo eme ko///
(IT-105b3E? [cf. Couvreur, 1954c:84; Broomhead, 286]), /// wänt[r]e[ñ] no nwau
yän pdñakte ywau /// ‘however having suffered from/been sickened by this
affair, the Buddha goes/sets out, having matured …’ (342b7A).
In both attestations it is difficult to tell whether the words begin with a <tw> or
an <nw>. I give the transcription of these two attestations just as the first editors
(Couvreur and Sieg/Siegling) gave them. Couvreur’s [t] means t or n. Sieg and
Siegling say that yän may be read as yät but otherwise make no comments about
the n’s and t’s. Malzahn (TVS), for analytic reasons, chooses to read wäntsi wes
two and wänt[r]e[ñ] no twau. Given our ignorance of wäntsi/wättsi, there can
be no assurance about the meaning of n/wo in the first sentence. However, the
second sentence does not seem altogether semantically compatible with either
1
nu- ‘roar’ or tu- ‘shine/kindle.’ I wonder, then, whether it should not be put with
TchA nu- ‘be(come) sick’ (cf. particularly nwm ‘sick’). Our second sentence
above would be then yet another example of the common Buddhist topos of the
revulsion felt by the Buddha when confronted with sickness, old-age, and death.
The abstract nuwalñe in /// [y]p[a]rw[e] e[k]o[] nuwalñe läklentaai l///
(222b4E/C) may, because of its association with läklentaai, also belong here. ///
nuwoyträ [10] (236.1a2), with absolutely no context, might belong here too but
would go equally well with 1nu-.
TchA nu- ‘suffer/be sickened,’ nwm ‘sick’ (see TVS) and nu- ‘be(come) sick’
would reflect a PTch *näu- ‘id.’ The Tocharian A group is traditionally, and
probably correctly, taken to be related to various words in Balto-Slavic meaning
‘death’ or ‘fatigue’ [: Latvian nâwe ‘death,’ nâwîtiês ‘become tired,’ Czech
únava ‘fatigue’ (VW:322, following a suggestion of Duchesne-Guillemin
[1941]). See possibly also nutstse.
nuk- (vt.) ‘swallow’
Ps. VIa /nukn-/ [A -, -, nukna//]: mä[t] ptesä srukallee mdr se pontä
nukna pontäntso akalkänta kärstoca : (295b3A); Ko. V /nuk- ~ nuk-/ [A
-, -, nauka//; AOpt. -, nukoyt, nukoy (?)//]: te tsatsaltarme naukän-ne [sic]
‘having chewed it, he will swallow it’ (407a1/2E), [nuko]yt = B(H)S gile (U-
20b6?); PP /nuko-/: : yokaie vl nukowä ‘having swallowed the food of desire’
(295a7A), aklilyñe su cpi mäsketrä tan-mot ramt solme nukowa [lege: nukowä]
(407a3/4E).
Etymology unclear. VW (321) suggests a PIE *ghnu-gh- or the like and relates
it to the isolated Greek khnaú ‘nibble’ (which Frisk labels as “popular and ex-
pressive”; Beekes’ discussion is similar). Such a relationship is a possibility,
though neither the meaning nor the phonology is particularly encouraging.
362 nuñce*
añs ~ anàs ‘that,’ Greek n% ‘namely,’ Sanskrit nn ‘so-and-so,’ etc. (P: 319-21)]
(VW, 1941:71, Pisani, 1941-42:9, VW, 1976:308). See also nai and possibly nes-.
²-ne locative postposition
TchA -a and B -ne reflect PTch *-ne (the -a- of TchA is the thematic vowel
reassigned to the locative ending). PTch *-ne is from *h1eno, or perhaps
*h1endo, part of the wide-flung etymon of *h1en ‘in’ and *h1on ‘on’ [: Greek en,
‘in,’ Latin in ‘in,’ English in, etc. (P:311ff; MA:290)] (Klingenschmitt, 1975).
See also ene, nes-, and words beginning with the prefix y(n)-.
neuske, nauske.
nekarke (adj./adv.) ‘pleasant(ly)’
[m: nekarke, -, -//] [f: //nekarkana, -, -] nekärkana rekauwna ‘pleasant words’
(THT-1297b3A), /// [s]e pañäktaññe pelaikne ate tot empretse swre nekarke
pällarke ste ‘this law of the Buddha is so true, sweet, pleasant and praise-
worthy!’ (101a5C), /// gandharvv[i] ark[a] ymye nekark[e] /// ‘the gan-
dharvas sang a song pleasantly’ (382alC), nekarke ypa[rwe] ‘pleasant at first’ (=
B(H)S madhurgr) (IT-765a1? [Peyrot, 2008b:121]). Meaning assured by
B(H)S bilingual (Peyrot, 2008b:121). Etymology unknown. Clearly not to be
related to näk- ‘destroy.’
nekc ye (adv.) ‘last night, at night’ [= B(H)S do]
14 Upoathe … em nekcye pi-känte ce ñaktemp=ee : ‘U. came at night
with 500 [other] gods’ (23a1C), /// mka kuce twe nekciye pwrntse /// (IT-86b3C
[cf. Pinault, 1990:185]).
TchA nakcu ‘id.’ and B nekcye represent the adverbial use of an adjective
from PTch *nekwcäwye- (as if) from PIE *nokwtewyo-, a derivative of *nekwt-
‘night’ [: Sanskrit nák (stem nakt-), Greek núks (gen. nuktós), Albanian natë,
Latin nox (gen. noctis), Old Irish i-nnocht ‘hac nocte,’ Gothic nahts, Lithuanian
naktìs, OCS nošt", Hittite nekuz ‘at night’ (P:762-3; MA:394)]. The PIE u-stem
*nokwtu- is otherwise seen in Sanskrit aktú- ‘night, obscurity,’ Germanic
*unhtwn- ‘morning twilight’ [: Gothic htwo, OHG uohta] and TchA nokte ‘at
night’ and nokti ‘last night’ (Pinault, 1990:181-190). The existence of TchA
nakcu precludes taking B nekciye to be from a PIE *nokwtiyo- as is usually done
(Sieg, Siegling, and Schulze, 1931:267, VW:319).
nete (n.[m.sg.]) ‘power’
[nete, -, -//] tsmoytär-ñ nete pälskoe aklautka[t]te ‘may my spiritual and un-
changeable power increase’ (S-8b2/PK-AS-4Bb2C).
TchA nati ‘id.’ and B nete reflect PTch *nete, in the case of TchB, or *netäi
(like B leki beside leke ‘bed’), in the case of A. PTch *nete would be from a PIE
*noto-, a thematic derivative of *net- ‘help, support’ otherwise seen only in
Germanic, e.g. Gothic niþan ‘help, support,’ OHG ginda ‘divine favor, grace,’
Old Saxon (gi)ntha ‘help, grace, favor’ (VW:310).
netke* (n.) ‘urging, prompting,
pressure,’ only in the compound snai-netke*
‘unprompted person’
[-, -, -, netka (voc.)//] cäñcrona wñasta … äñ krentauna snai-netka ‘unprompted
one, thou didst speak thy own dear virtues’ (248b3E). A derivative of nätk-, q.v.
nette-stär (n.) ‘conduct-stra’
[nette-stär, -, -//] (203a1E/C). From B(H)S ntistra-.
364 nenekor
TchA nas- and B nes- reflect PTch *nes- which is usually taken as a reflex of
PIE *nes- ‘± return safely home; be with’ [: Sanskrit násate ‘approaches, resorts
to, copulates,’ nisate ‘they touch with the body, kiss’ (< *ninsntoi), Greek
néomai ‘return home,’ Greek n$ somai ‘id.’ (< *ninsomai), Gothic ganisan ‘be
saved, get well, recover,’ nasjan ‘heal,’ etc. (P:766-7; MA:484)] (so Meillet,
1911:456, VW:309; cf. also Jasanoff, 1978:14; Beekes, 2010:1008, is totally
agnostic about any connection of the Tocharian and Greek words). The
difficulties with this explanation are (1) PTch *nes- must reflect an otherwise
unattested o-grade athematic present (or an equally unattested old perfect that has
become reinterpreted as a present—so Jasanoff) and (2) it will not explain the
“short” form in A, namely nä-, in nä ‘is him,’ näm ‘are us,’ etc., or the
universal third person plural neñc ‘are.’
It is better to see in nes- an old “locative copula” *h1(e)no + ’s- ‘be here/there’
of the same type seen in medieval Greek éni (Modern Greek eínai) ‘is/are,’
Albanian (Geg) â (with just the preposition alone, as in TchA nä, neñc, etc.) or
Greek enésti, Albanian (Tosk) është, (Geg) âshtë, ‘is’ from *h1en + h1(e)s-ti (this
etymology goes back, in nuce, to Pedersen, 1941:161; for the Greek and
Albanian, cf. Hamp, 1980; for *h1es- in general, see P:340-341, MA:53). The
*h1(e)no is, of course, to be seen in the locative postposition -ne, q.v.
TchA e- and B ei-, the stem of the imperfect reflects an old PIE optative
*(h1)syeh1-/(h1)sih1- (cf. Old Latin sis/stis). Early on in the history of Tocharian
these ablauting optatives generalized the -- in all verbs except for ‘be’ and ‘go’
(compare later Latin ss, sit, etc.). PTch *-, from *h1syeh1-, was then recharac-
terized as an optative/imperfect by the addition of the productive ending --,
hence *ei- (in nuce Pedersen, 1941:206). Not, with VW (453), a PIE *sdy-.
B ste and skente reflect PIE *h1s-ske-to and *h1s-sko-nto (Meillet, 1914:28,
Watkins, 1969:200, VW: 428), cf. Old Latin escit, Greek éske. Why these
present-tense verbs should lack the primary ending -r, except when they have it
when followed by an enclitic pronoun, has not been explained. Ste, rather than
*te, is presumably to be accounted to its being always instressed.
Alternatively B ste could reflect PIE *sth2-ó; and it might appear that stare
(/stre/) could reflect *sth2-ró (cf. Sanskrit $ sthat and ásthiran [Watkins, 1969:
90-1, 200]). Against such a solution however, is that stare would appear to occur
only in eastern and Late or Colloquial manuscripts of Tocharian B. Such data
lead to the conclusion that it is innovative rather than inheritance from Proto-
Indo-European (Stumpf, 1990:86-91, Adams, 2006, Peyrot, 2008:141). It has
often been confidently labeled “analogical,” though as Malzahn (TVS) points out
there is no proportional analogy by which ste might produce stre. It remains
that stre must come from some place and an old *sth2-ró or *steh2-ró, perhaps
originally to be found only in a geographically or socially marginal dialect, would
fit the bill. It would be an old aorist which, having absorbed the perfect, was
‘stood/have stood’ > ‘have been standing’ > ‘are.’
AB tk- forms for subjunctive, preterite, and imperative stems for ‘be’ in
both A and B. It reflects PTch *tk- (as if) from PIE *(s)teh2-k- from *(s)teh2-
‘stand.’ An unreduplicated stative, apparently athematic, variant of *(s)teh2- is
also attested in Anatolian (Lycian sttati ‘stands,’ perhaps reflecting an earlier hi-
368 neske*
verb, and Hittite istant(i)- ‘tarry, delay,’ a denominative built to an old parti-
ciple), in Old Irish (in the “verbum substantivum”·táu, ·taí, ·tá), and in the
earliest Albanian shton ‘stands’ (at least in the past participle shtuom; now
‘becomes larger’). The s-less variant of *(s)teh2- is to be found in the Old Irish,
in TchB tsk-, q.v., and in Hieroglyphic Luvian tai ‘steps in,’ Hittite tiyezzi ‘steps
in’ and tittai ‘causes to step in’ (completely different is LIV:536-537)
In the subjunctive, TchA shows in part an unextended t- (e.g., 3rd sg. t. 1st pl.
tmäs), from the PIE subjunctive *(s)teh2-e/o- (cf. Avestan xšt ‘I will stand,’
Sanskrit sthti ‘he is to stand,’ and Greek aorist subjunctive, st¨/st©i, etc.). This
was presumably the Proto-Tocharian situation as well. The Tch *-k- of the
preterite, imperative, and in part the subjunctive (of Tocharian A), is generalized
from the “kappatic aorist” seen in Greek éthke or Latin fcit (where it is
extended throughout the paradigm as inTocharian). The same formation is also
to be seen in Greek perfect héstka (etymology in nuce Pedersen, 1941:194).
This -k- has been similarly generalized in Modern Greek stékomai ‘I stand,’ In
the imperative Tocharian A has unexpectedly a form with the initial s-, pätk.
VW (496) wrongly rejects this etymology in favor of one relating tk- with PIE
*dheh1- ‘put.’ See also atkatte, tsk-, takarke, and st-.
neske* (n.) ‘± tribute’
[-, -, neske//] : po to yke postä [weññane] neske ram no ñatä[r su srukal-
ñe] onolme : ‘in all such places, one after another, death seeks beings as tribute’
(45b4C).
A derivative (*‘that which is sought/required’) from ñäsk-, q.v. Such a
derivation would seem to be more likely on inner-Tocharian grounds than VW’s
supposition (318) of PIE *h1nek- ‘take, obtain, carry’ + -sko-.
nai ([intensifying] particle) ‘indeed, then, surely’
ñä m yesaññe wase yokalle rekaunae : m tañ kc=yor aille nesau m=
lyekepi ten nai pkrsa päst pa ñy ostame 23 ‘I will not drink the poison of thy
words, neither will I give any gift to thee or to another; know this well! Go away
from my house!’ (23b5/6C), sklok ket ra nai m tsäkau ste kuse cmträ m
srko[y] ‘doubt has arisen surely to no one [that] whoever is born might not die’
(46b2C), tus[]ks[a] nai ñak[e] rw[e]r tkam … ot cwi sp[aktanki al]läcci
tkam ‘[if] thus we are now completely ready, then we will be to him untiring
servants’ (77al/2C).
TchA -ne (a particle which characterizes certain indefinite and relative
pronouns) and B nai reflect PTch *ni from PIE *nai (*nehai?) [: Greek naí
‘indeed’] (Smith, 1910:12, Fraenkel, 1932:19, VW:317; Beekes, 2010:993).
¹naitwe* (n.) ‘±mud, mire’
[-, -, naitwe//] • naitwe kärkllene släppo kuntipaa wat parra pnna • ‘or
[if] he reaches for a pot [which has] sunk into the mud or mire’ [the first three
words = Uyghur canDk kök titigtä batmš (as normalized by Maue [2009:22])]
(331a1). That naitwe in this passage is to be equated with Uyghur canDk
seems certain, as does the latter’s meaning ‘mud, mire’ (elsewhere equated with
BHS paka- ‘mud, mire’). It does not seem possible to unite this word with the
next entry. Etymology unknown.
no 369
fruit] all fall or are plucked off’ (1b3=2a8C), 96 waimenetse aul totk= ttsaik su
p laklempa rittowo m no wnolmy aikenträ : ‘life is difficult and short and
bound up with suffering but creatures do not notice’ (3b6C), t no [= B(H)S hi]
ytri tne ñäkcyai weske po pudñäkti • ‘for this way all buddhas call divine’
(23a3C), no = B(H)S vai hi (24b6C), : m nw ayu-ne mäkte ‘how, then [= what
will happen, then], [if] I don’t give it?’ (25a7C), se no akliñe ste = B(H)S ayatv
gamo (199b3L), [yamaskemane] no lre yamasträ = B(H)S kurv
am upasevate
(308b7/8C), eatkai te ekaññetstse olyapotstse sa [lege: su] no entsesse • ‘he
[was] very rich and possessed of much, but he [was] greedy’ (375a4L), /// [kuse]
no reki ecce rito[w]o /// = B(H)S y hi vcbhinandit (IT-228a4C), m cäñcan-
me yor aitsi olypotse ateñ no ‘it does not please them to give a gift, though they
[are] very rich’ (K-6/PK-AS-7Fa2C).
TchA nu and B no reflect PTch *n from PIE *n [: Sanskrit n, Greek nûn,
Latin num, Gothic nu, Lithuanian nù, all ‘now,’ OCS n! ‘but, however,’ Hittite
nu connective sentence initial particle, etc. (P:770; MA:397)] (Smith, 1910:13,
VW:320). See also nano and nok.
nok (conj.) ‘± however’
aikärua ket pälsko snai säk[w] yaitu kektseñä nok ausu ramt pakware m
prutkää we[rtsyai]ne (254b3=255b2A), /// [wä]tklyce nok /// (223.1bE/C).
Related in some fashion to no, q.v. Presumably we have an old collocation of
no + ke and/or of no + -k(ä) (the intensifying particle) (so VW:320).
nocot* (n.) ‘± deposit’ (??)
[-, -, nocot//] Purtaä kune nocot ñaipa taisa 6000 makte nocot kune
kamate 1/// ‘for P. pledged (?) a deposit of kunes, thus: 6,000; he himself
brought a deposit of 1,000’ (490b-I-5/6Col). Sieg (1950:221) suggests that nocot
nip- might mean ‘abheben’ (‘withdraw [money]’) while nocot pär/km- could be
‘abholen’ (‘collect [money]’). Thus nocot might be more or less the equivalent of
German ab ‘down, away (from).’ More likely than an otherwise unknown adverb
attested only in adjacent lines with two different verbs is an interpretation that
takes it to be a noun with some sort of “commercial” meaning.
Very tentatively one might suggest ‘deposit’ and see this word as an old
compound of Proto-Tocharian *ne ‘in’ + the descendant of a PIE *dheh1tu-, a
verbal noun from *dheh1- ‘place, put.’
naut- (vi/vt.) G ‘disappear, be destroyed’; K ‘make disappear, destroy’
G Ko. V /n ut-/ [A -, -, nauta// -, -, nauta* (nauta-ne); AOpt. -, -,
nautoy//-, -, nauto; Ger. nautalle]: • nauta-me perne tume yukse ceu
aly[ai]k • ‘glory disappears from them and thereupon others conquer it’ (22a4C),
cie saimä kloyomar nauyto-ñ [sic] ymor ‘I fall to the shelter of thee; may my
karma disappear’ (TEB-64-11/IT-5C/L), nautalyi = B(H)S kaynt (304a5E); Pt.
Ib /nut -/ [A -, -, nauta* (naut-ne)// -, -, nautare (sic)]: cine ymu rigupti yolo
ymor naut-ne ciek saimtsa ‘who has taken refuge in thee, to him is the evil
karma destroyed by [being in] thy refuge’ (TEB-64-12/IT-5C/L), asta nautare
[lege: nautre-ñ] ‘my bones disappeared’ (584a6C?); PP /nn ut-/: kuse no cey
wnolmi ket aul nanautau ‘who then [are] these creatures whose life [is] lost’ (K-
7a4/PK-AS-7Ga4C), ymor aul pä antpi tka nanauta [dual] ‘deed and life,
both will be lost’ (K-7a6C); —nanautarme: nanauta[r]me ärmänmats ‘after
naunto* 371
grade receives some support from OCS bolji ‘stronger’ (to a root which is other-
wise always e-grade) or Latin pls ‘more.’ See also ñuwe.
nauaññe (adj.) ‘prior, previous’
[m: nauaññe, -, nauaññe//nauaññi, -, nauaññe] [f: nauañña, -, nauañ-
ñai//nauaññana, -, nauaññana] nauaññai … plc ‘[his] prior speech’ (3a7C),
nauaññana cmela … epiyac kalatsi ‘to recall previous births’ (31a8C), nauañña
ytrye = B(H)S pur
amrga- (528b4C); —nauaññe n
akäe* (n.) name of
a meter/tune’: (IT-36a5C, PK-NS-257a2?, Broomhead). An adjectival derivative
of nau, q.v.
nauame (adv.) ‘± foremost, first’
inte nauame nicare tka wate dhvaje larenämpa inmalñee palskalñe
arpi (511a3L), tuntse ke nauame ste ‘de cela la somme est avant’ (PK-
DAM.507-a8Col [Pinault, 1984a:24]). In form the ablative of nau, q.v.
nauu (adj.) ‘prior, previous’
[m: nauu, nauuwente, nauuwent//] nauuwente (IT-157b4E), nowent kau-
ñäkte ‘an earlier sun-god’ (290a4C), ksaise amne ñi nauu [tatkau] su
vykarit kalpa (400b1L). An adjectival derivative of nau, q.v.
nauske* (n.) ‘± oppression’
[-, -, nauske//] : läklentae nauskene ñauskuwa [sic] ñä aräñca [sic; lege
aräñcä] : ‘I depressed [my] heart in the oppression of sufferings’ (228b2/3A),
raddhenäts nauske källn arañcne ‘he brings the oppression of the faithful to
[their] heart[s]’ (15b1=17b2/3C). A derivative of nusk-, q.v.
nautstse (or nauntse?) ‘?’
• vajjropämo-samdhie cäke naut/ntse • ‘the breast of the thunderbolt-simile-
trance [is] (a) nautse’ (214a5/b1E/C), kaucä cakesa ktso sonopalya r ktsasa
walanalle anmäälle cakene naut/ntse mäskentär ‘high over the lap the
stomach [is] to be anointed; over the stomach a covering [is] to be bound; the
breasts [are] nautse [lege: naut/ntsi or naut/ntsene (dual)]’ or ‘… on the lap [is] a
nautse’ (W-14b1/3C). Neither word-class (adjective or noun?) or meaning is
clear. On presumed etymological grounds it has been variously translated as
‘destructive’ (as if related to naut-) or ‘brilliant’ (as if related to naumiye and
naumikke) but neither provides a compelling sense.
nta intensifying particle, usually in negative clauses
aientse kärtsec [sic] m pälsko nta sntsate-c ‘thy spirit has never been
despondent about the good of the world’ (224alA), akntsaññe [wikäs]ts[i] nke
krui m skyau ente nta kca p ñäskemar tañ e[rsna] lkts[i] ‘if I do not strive to
destroy ignorance and if I should [not] seek to see thy form’ (365b6A), mäkcew
ymor nta yamaskentr onolmi ‘what deed do beings do?’ (K-2a6/PK-AS-7Ba6C),
m ket ra nta kca aiä kuse yor ‘whoever does not give a gift to anyone’ (K-
6b2/PK-AS-7Fb2C). Etymology obscure. Related in some fashion to TchA
onta ‘id.’ (the o- is no doubt the intensive prefix) but extra-Tocharian
connections are not known (VW:336). See also manta.
nmit* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘sign, characteristic’
[-, -, nmit//nmittänta, -, -] sruka[l]ñ[e][a]na cpi nmittänta ‘the signs of his
death’ (118b5E). From B(H)S nimitta-.
374 Nyagrodhrm*
•P•
Pakacandre (n.) ‘Bhagacandra’ (PN in graffito)
[Pakacandre, -, -//] (G-Qa3.3Col).
pakacc* (n.) ‘period of rest from travel during the monsoon’
[-, -, pakacc//-, -, pakacc(nä)nta] Kemakare pañäkte käintse kaska
pakaccnta yama[amai] ‘I made sixty monsoon rest-stops for the buddha-
teacher K.’ (400b4L), nauuwent trai meñtsa mye pakäcc ymu ‘he took
the earlier three-month summer rains-residence’ (THT-991b1? [cf. Ogihara, 2011:
129]); —pakacce ‘prtng to the rest from travel during the rainy season’: ///
[paka]cme sakantse aiys[a] /// ‘bed and seat for the community in the
rains-residence’ (IT-143a1C [cf. Ogihara, 2011:130-131]). From B(H)S
*upagacchana- ‘entrée, début’ (Isebaert, 1978[80]).
pakata, pakna.
pakartse (adj.) ‘± obvious’
[m: pakartse, -, -//] pakartse/// = B(H)S prthubhta (528a3C). A derivative in
-tstse of pkri/pkre, qq.v See also apkärtse, pkri, and pkre.
pakna (postposition [with genitive]) ‘for the sake of’
[ono]lmets pakna ‘for the sake of creatures’ (IT-44b2E), pi-cmela[e]ts
pakna apine ka kwri cmmar ‘if, for the sake of those of the five births, I would
be reborn in Avci’ (S-8b2/PK-AS-4Bb2C), ka p wat oko warpoymar cets
pakna ‘and may I enjoy fixedly the result for their sake’ (TEB-64-04/IT-5C/L),
Cckare Ñauyikentse pakata [lege: pakna?] aiyye ala pkuwe aiyye wasa
eme ‘Cc. gave on behalf of Ñ. an ovicaprid, a [once] combed ovine male’ (SI B
Toch. 9.10Col [Pinault, 1998:4]).
Etymology unclear. Perhaps we have a derivative of pke ‘share, portion’
originally meaning *‘for/on the part of’ or the like. If so, the we might think of -
pañäkte 375
others of the same name] (SI B Toch. 12.4Col [Pinault, 1998:16]). An adjective
from an unattested Pañwaiar or Pañwear, presumably the name of some
locality in the vicinity of Kucha.
pa
ak* (n.) ‘kettle-drum’
/// [y]se kerunta paak/// ‘the golden drums and kettle-drums’ [dyadic]
(383a2C). Sieg and Siegling (1953:253) give a Pali paaha- ‘kettle-drum.’
pa
arauñe* (n.) ‘jaundice’
[-, -, paarauñe//] pa
arauñe rätrauñene ‘in [cases of] jaundice or redness’ (P-
3a5/PK-AS-9Aa5E). This abstract noun presupposes an underlying adjective
*pa
are from B(H)S pa
ara- (= p
u-).
pa
urnkäññe* (n.) a meter of 4x9 syllables (rhythm 4/5)
[-, -, paurkäññe//] (99b5C, 397b4C).
pa
urok* (n.) ‘jaundice’
[-, -, paurok//] PK-AS-9A-a5E (Broomhead). From B(H)S pa
uroga-.
pat (nnt.) ‘stpa’
[pat, ptantse, pat//-, -, ptanma] ptanma wrotsana e arirtsana yamträ ‘may this
one make for himself great stpas full of relics’ (290a3C), käintse pdñäktentse
patstsa yamaä kttre ak pärkwänta kulantse yorsa poyintse patne ‘who
over the stpa of the teacher, the Buddha, raises an umbrella, the ten benefits
[arise] through the gift of a bell to the Buddha’s stpa’ (K-9b4/PK-AS-7Ib4C); —
ptae* ‘prtng to a stpa’ (418b1L). Like TchA pät, from B(H)S buddha-
‘Buddha.’ For the phonology of the borrowed -u- compare sakw ‘luck’ from
B(H)S sukha- or pässakw ‘garland’ from Middle Iranian *passuk. See
ptamae and also pañäkte, pdñäkte.
patarye (adj.) ‘paternal’
[m: patarye, -, -//] [f: //pataryana, -, -] patäryana waipeccenta ‘paternal
possessions’ (128a2E), añ patarye sakrm star- ‘it is to thee thy own paternal
monastery’ (TEB-74-2/THT-1574Col).
An adjectival derivative of pcer, q.v. One should note that this derivative is
itself almost certainly an inheritance from PIE, as one should compare Sanskrit
pítrya-, Greek pátrios, Latin patrius, all ‘paternal,’ and Old Irish aithre (f.) (<
pre-Celtic *patri-) ‘father’s family’ (MA:195).
patalake* (n.) ‘cloth-dyer’ (??)
[//-, patalakets, -] patalakes pakeñe wer komtsa late pito ysre
kamte ‘the partner/representative of the cloth-dyers worked for four days: wheat
was brought, [one] ck, two toms’ (Otani II.12a14Col [Kagawa, 1915, Ching and
Ogihara, 2012:81]).
This entry in the monastic record of which it is a part has its share of
difficulties. The first word is a hapax and would seem to be a B(H)S compound
whose second member is lk- ‘lac (dye)’; the first member may be paa-
‘cloth.’ The Tocharian lake* ‘(one) prtng. to lac dye’ may be the equivalent
of B(H)S lkkara- ‘lac-worker’ (> in various Indic languages ‘lac-gatherer,’
‘varnisher’ or, in this case, ‘lac-dyer’?) (so Pinault apud Ching and Ogihara, pg.
94, fn. 33). If correctly identified, from an unattested B(H)S compound paa-
lk-
378 patk(o)*
(a) rme tu parna mäskträ : ‘he found himself outside of this city’ (48b6C),
alyek-ypoyi brhma
i parna klyenträ ‘foreign brahmans are standing outside’
(81b4C);
(b) mänta wäste ksa poyintsa pärna nesä ‘never is there any refuge apart from
the Buddha’ (THT-1193b4A), : m=lyk tesa parna ytrye nesä ksa tne sasr-
me latsi • ‘aside from this, there is no other way to emerge from the
sasra’ (28a3C);
(c) kercyenme parna [late] ‘they went out from the palace’ (85b2C), tu
ytarime parna lantsi ‘to go out beyond this road’ (330a3L), parna plakime
‘except by [special] agreement’ (THT-1579a2C [Ogihara, 2012:168]);
(d) war-waltsai<>tse [reading and suggested meaning by Malzahn, p.c.] parra
mañine kewye alywe kärym-ne trai ak ‘we bought for it [i.e., the monastery]
three ak of butter in the dairy (?) beyond the water-mill’ (Otani II.12a4Col
[Kagawa, 1915]; differently Ching and Ogihara, 2012:90-91);
(e) se amne plkisa aiyana[mpa o]lyine amä … parna totte kat[ka]lñesa
pyti ‘[if] any monk sits in a boat by agreement with nuns, except for crossing
over [to the other side], pyti’ (PK-AS-18B-b4/5C [Pinault, 1984b:377]), 81 se
amne yaka yaisa lnte kercyenne ya parna tu-yknesa ärmame pyti 82
‘whatever monk goes at night to the king’s palace absent sufficient cause, pyti’
(IT-246b3C/L).
—pärnññe (a) (adj.) ‘external’; (b) (n.) ‘one outside, heretic’: pärnññana
wäntarwats ‘by external things’ (K-8a6/PK-AS-7Ha6C), m tirthets pärnññets
‘not by the trthas [nor] by the heretics’ (29b4C); —pärn-pälskemane ‘when
seen from the outside’: /// [a]stari pärn-palkäske[mane] /// ‘[im]pure [on the
inside], and brilliant on the outside’ (IT-766a1? [Peyrot, 2008b:110]; CEToM).
TchA pärne and B parna reflect PTch *pärän(-i
ä)- from an earlier *pärär-,
exactly matching in stem formation Proto-Germanic *ferera/ seen in Gothic
fairra, Old Norse fjarri, OHG ferro, Old English feor(r). Both Germanic and
Tocharian reflect a (late) PIE *perero- ‘beyond, far.’ Tocharian shows dissimi-
lation of the the *r…r sequence (cf. P:810ff. for the widespread *per-). This
etymology goes back in nuce to Meillet (in Hoernle, 1916:381). VW (364)
would prefer to derive the Tocharian -rn- directly from PIE and compares Gothic
fairneis ‘old’ and Lithuanian pérnai ‘last year’ but both the semantics and
phonology are against such an assumption. The Baltic and Germanic words
appear to be the reflexes of old compounds *per-h1en-, where *h1en- is ‘year’
(just as in Sanskrit párut which represents *per + w(e)t-), and are thus
semantically quite divergent. In any case an original PIE *-rn- appears to give
Tocharian -rr- (as *-ln- gives -ll-), witness the present tense formation of skärr-
‘scold, threaten’ from earlier *skär-n-. Classical and later TchB parra ‘id.’
reflects the assimilation of secondary -rn- to -rr- by the persistence of the same
phonetic tendency that assimilated original *-rn- to -rr-. See also parra and
prna.
paryari* (n.) ‘wonder, miracle’
[-, -, paryari//-, paryarintats, paryarinta] ytalñee paryarsa = B(H)S rddhi-
prtihrye
a (527b2C); —paryarie* ‘prtng to a wonder, miracle, miraculous’
parwe 383
example give above is parwe found with its older meaning of ‘first.’ See also
pärwee, pärwetstse, and yparwe.
pariye* (nf.) ‘fire-brand, torch, lightning bolt’ (?) (prai tärk- ‘emit torchlight’ =
‘light up with torchlight’)
[-, -, prai//paraiñ ~ paraiC, parai, -] • pwarai parai /// ‘fire-brand’ (?)
(IT-250a4E), prai (IT-1013a2?), /// parai<> kamnte sakrmne cärkre
‘they brought the parai[s?]; they lit up the monastery’ (431b3C), /// [y]ma
parai kloye[nträ] /// ‘he did [this] and fire-brands (?) fall’ (IT-99a4C), mäkte
orotsana parai iprerme klyom[a]ne ‘like large lightning bolts falling from
the sky’ (PK-AS-17-Gb6C [Peyrot, 2008:79]), parai kloyoträ ‘lightning bolts
fall’ (PK-AS-16.1b3C [CEToM]). The translation ‘fire-brand’ is Broomhead’s;
‘lightning bolt’ would seem to fit the last texts better. If correctly identified
semantically, surely a derivative of PIE *bher/k- ‘be bright.’
parso* (n.) ‘letter’
[-, -, parso//-, -, pärsonta ~ pärsanta] 60 kuse parso watkää pai[katsi] ‘who-
ever orders a letter to be written’ (65a3C), parso lywwa- pl akr m lywsta
‘I sent a letter to thee [but] thou didst not send [an answer] back’ (492a3/4Col).
The alternation in the plural of pärsonta and pärsanta is like that of träkonta ~
träkanta, the plural of trako ‘sin,’ q.v.
TchA pärs and B parso reflect a PTch *pärso, presumably a borrowing from
Middle Iranian *parsa- ‘send’ (cf. the Iranian loanword in Armenian parsem
‘send out’), so Tremblay (2005:428), rather than a derivative of pärs- ‘sprinkle,’
q.v. (VW [1962b:343-6, 1976:365]).
parskalyiye* (n.) ‘fear’
[-, -, parskalyi//] (PK-AS-16.5C [CEToM]. A derivative of the subjunctive stem
of pärsk-, q.v.
pala, s.v. pale.
Palatte (n.) ‘Palatte’ (PN in administrative records)
[Palatte, -, -//] (SI P/117.9Col [Pinault, 1998:15]).
palamnta (n.) ‘?’ (a medical ingredient)
W-41a3C.
Palke (n.) ‘Palke’ (PN in administrative records)
[Palke, -, - //] (SI P/117.6Col [Pinault, 1998:13]).
paläe* (adj.) ‘prtng to the flame of the forest or palash (Butea frondosa Koen. ex
Roxb. or Butea monosperma (Lam.) Kuntze)’
[m: -, -, paläe//] paläe piltasa = B(H)S palapatre
a (308b5C). From
B(H)S pala-.
pale* (adj.) ‘prtng to Pavonia odorata Willd.’ (or ‘Bengal quince [Aegle mar-
melos Corr.]’)
[f: pala, -, -//] (500a8C). For a discussion of the semantic possibilities, see
s.v. enmetre. An adjective derived from an unattested *pla, itself borrowed
from B(H)S bl-. For the identification, see Maue, 1990.
pali* (n.) ‘± cord’
[-, -, pali//] (542a4C; see discussion of this passage and its corrections, in the
latter of which we find palsa, s.v. opplo).
palsko 385
If the meaning is correct, we may have a putative PIE *piluh1en (nt.), a
derivative of a word for ‘hair’ (more s.v. opplo). Hilmarsson (1991:140-143)
comes to very different conclusions for this passage and the meanings of the
words therein. He takes pali to mean ‘± cover’ and to be related to PIE *pel-
‘fold.’ More s.v. opp lo.
pale* the designation of some household official or servant (so Sieg and Siegling,
1953:322), a ‘guard’? (Winter, 2000:135)
[-, -, - (voc. pala)//] • tume purohite p[r]e[ka]n-ne [p]o[ks]e-[ñ] pala ente nai
ñake mäñc[uke] /// ‘then the chaplain asks him: “tell me, pala, where now [is]
the prince …?” ’ (520b8C).
Etymology uncertain. If the meaning is something like ‘herald,’ then it would
be hard not to see a connection with 1päl- ‘praise, commend.’
palauna (n.[pl.]) ‘praise’
[//palauna, palaunats, palauna] paleun[a] (248b1E), : snai ke aksacer wnol-
ments yorntse palauna : ‘you announce to numberless beings the praise of
giving’ (23b5C); —palaunae* ‘prtng to praise’: (PK-NS-414a4C [Couvreur,
1966:170]). TchA palo and B palauna suggest a PTch *peleun, a nomen
actionis from päl-, q.v. In TchB *peleun has been rebuilt to pleun on the
basis of the subjunctive stem pl- (itself of course *pel- historically).
palte (n.) ‘?’ (a medical ingredient)
[palte, -, -//] (499b4C).
palle (n.) some sort of foodstuff
• pälle • (IT-157a6E [cf. Ogihara, 2011:122]).
palskalñe, s.v. pälsk-.
palsko (n.[m.sg.]) ‘mind, spirit; thought’
[palsko, pälskontse, palsko//pälskonta, pälskontats, pälskonta] le pälsko
pälycä-pälyc ra weru ramt ‘with a thought as fleeting as a bubble’ (295a6A),
[w]ltsoy pälsko = B(H)S matheta cittam (U-22b5E/IT-206b5), wa[a]mñ[e]epi
pälsko[nts]e = B(H)S vayasyacittasya (307a6C), [pa]lskone = B(H)S manasi
(527a3C), palsko namä = B(H)S antarnmayati (537a4C), pkrsta sklok ñi
tsäko palsko[ne] ‘cut off the doubt [that has] arisen in my spirit!’ (2b5C),
pwar salpä palskone pälketär-ne po kektseñe antpce ramt ekältsa [39] ‘fire
glows in [his] spirit; his whole body burns like a firebrand with passion’ (8a5C),
pälskontse = B(H)S daranasya (27b6C), [pa]lskone = B(H)S manasi (527a3C),
palsko namä = B(H)S antarnmayati (537a4C), cecamo pälskosa ‘with
steady mind/spirit’ (PK-AS-7Ib5C [CEToM]), palsko salpä ekae = Pali
cakkhuviññ
a ditta (108b10L), palsko salpä ekae = Pali cakkhuviññ
a ditta (108b10L), wa[a]mñ[e]epi pälsko[nts]e = B(H)S vayasyacittasya
(307a6C); —allek-pälsko ‘distracted’ (PK-AS-17J-a2? [Peyrot, 2010:295]); —
astre-pälsko ‘with pure mind’ [= B(H)S ubhacitta (12b8C)]; —kakraupau-
palsko ‘with concentrated attention’ [= B(H)S samhita (29a3C)]; —le-palsko
‘one endowed with reason’ [= B(H)S sacittaka-?] (278b1 [cf. Peyrot, 2010:270]);
—pälskotstse ‘± (those who are) spiritual’ [= B(H)S vijñna- (157a4?)],
akraupatte pälskoci = B(H)S asamhit (537a5C); —palskoe ~ pälskoe
‘prtng to thought, mind, or spirit; spiritual’: pälskoe palskone = B(H)S
manovijñna- (177b5C); —palskossu ~ pälskossu ‘± thoughtful’: palskossu
386 palyiye-yok*
aumo ymi speltke po ñmntsa ‘may the thoughtful man strive with all his soul’
(K-8a4/PK-AS-7Ha4C); —palsko-ärpalñe ‘mind-reading’ (108b7L); —palsko-
ärpalñee ‘prtng to mind-reading’ (108b4L). TchA pältsäk and B palsko
reflect PTch *pälsko from pälsk-, q.v. See also ompalsko.
palyiye-yok* (adj.) ‘line-like’ (??)
[m: //palyiye-yokä -, -] kwri ñme tka-ne mña kwre weñi … ma
lne
palyiye-yokn=ewenta taalona ‘to whomever is the desire for a human skeleton
to speak, …. line-like (?) leathers [i.e., ‘strips of leather’?] [are] to be placed in
the ma
ala.’ (M-3b5/6/PK-AS-8Cb5/6C). Meaning suggested on the basis of a
possible relationship with pli, q.v.
Pawake (n.) ‘Pawake’ (PN in monastic records)
[Pawake, -, -//] (491a-III-1Col).
Patte (n.) ‘Patte’ (PN in monastic records)
[patte, -, -//] (THT-4000, col. 3 -a6?).
pacimike* (n.) ‘± low, vulgar person’ (?)
[//-, -, pacimike] (598a4L, 598a5L). If a derivative of B(H)S pacima- ‘low,
mean, vulgar.’
pace* (n.) ‘(a woman’s) breast; [in the plural] the seat of wisdom’
[/päcane, -, päcane/-, -, pastä] nyake weä pä Cchandakentse te pokse
klautsaine pästänne ‘the protagonist says, “go to Chandaka and make it known to
him in ear and heart” ’ (lit: ‘in his breasts’) (PK-AS-12H-a1A [Pinault, 2005:506,
2000b:150]), []ntpi päne su taträ ln[esa] ‘she placed the palms of [her]
hands on [her] breasts’ (84b5C), läkamñane päcane ‘pendulous breasts’ (PK-
NS-102b3? [Hilmarsson, 1989b:98]).
The Tocharian words look to be an exact etymological match of Hittite istanza
(/stants/) ‘soul,’ if, as some suppose, this reflects PIE *pst%n + later nominative
singular -s (Eichner, 1973, apud Puhvel, 1984:471; the equation is rejected by
Puhvel). All other cognates reflect thematicization [: Sanskrit stán (nom. dual)
‘breasts’ (stána- [m.]), and with lengthened grade (generalized from the nomi-
native singular?): Avestan fštna-, Modern Persian pistn (with the same kind of
epenthesis we see in Tocharian), Armenian stin, and Greek st%nion] (Duchesne-
Guillemin, 1941:169, Pedersen, 1941:74-5, VW:368; cf. P:990; MA: 81).
Payavrg* (n.) ‘Payavarga’ (chapter of the Udnavarga)
[-, -, Payavrg//] (S-6b1/PK-AS-5Cb1C).
pae (n.) ‘hare’
[pae, -, pa//] pae = B(H)S aa- [in the calendrical cycle of animals] (549a6C)
—pa-pikul* ‘year of the rabbit’ (SI P/117.1Col [Pinault, 1998:13], 21 kuntsa
Ye lnti pat-pikulne [error for pa-pikulne] oktañce ikä-ene ypoy-moko Wrau
po ypoyntse rtarsa wra pwrane aumoe [sic] pauye lau putkr ‘in the 21st
regnal year of King Ye, in the in the rabbit year, in the eighth [month], on the
twenty-first [day], the ypoy-moko Wrau, out of concern for the whole land,
divided out the levy of men for four fire-beacons’ (SI P/117.1Col [Pinault, 1998:
13]); for the exact reading and meaning, Schmidt, 1999c:12); —pññe ‘prtng to
a female hare’ (no locus given [Schmidt, ibid.]); —paka ‘young female hare’
(no locus given [Schmidt, ibid]). Schmidt’s reading pae rather than ae is
confirmed by the derived adjective pññe and the diminutive paka.
patsa* 387
From PIE *pes%n ‘possessed of a pesos’ (cf. Greek péos ‘penis’). The related
Hittite pesna- ‘male’ reflects a thematic derivation of the simple n-stem seen in
Tocharian. It is usual to compare also Latin pnis (< *pesn-i-) (Schmidt, 1999c:
12), but de Vaan (2008, 458) suggests that the latter is more likely to be from
petsni- since its earlier meaning is ‘tail.’
pakrro* (n.) an oil-bearing fruit? (‘linseed’?)
[-, -, pakrro//] /// [wsre nek]cy[e]ne cwi miye pakarro ‘they gave him at night
miye and pakrro’ (42b7C); —pakarroe: pakarroe alywe (Otani 1.5Col
[Sieg, Siegling, 1949:63]).
paske* (or pske?) (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, paske//] to[] ykentame : räktsime : lename[] stmtsa : ketsa - - -
[a]kne : iprene : warne : kolmaine : kokaleme : paskeme : ketsa tpästrä
‘from these places, from the mat, from the cell by the tree [or, if punctuation : is
missing, “from the cell, by the tree”], on the earth, … in the air, in water, on a
ship, from a wagon, from a paske, on the earth it is made known’ (IT-127b2C [cf.
Carling, 2000:176; Broomhead, 96]).
/Both form and meaning are uncertain. Whether we have páskeme or
paskéme (whose nominative would be pske) is unclear; both varieties of stress
are found in the ablative singular. In this passage kokaleme is clearly of the
first type but räktsime and lename are of the second. Following Broomhead,
Carling takes paske to be the equivalent of B(H)S bhraam (= Pali bhraha-
‘contained in a load, carried as a burden’) which, as a noun, would be ‘± load,
burden.’ Such a meaning does not seem to be demanded by the context. If the
form is pske, it is natural to think that it is a derivative of psk- ‘guard, protect’,
hence ‘protection’ (i.e., ‘fort’ or ‘watch-tower’?) or the like.
passoñ* (n.[pl.]) ‘muscles’
[//-, -, passo] [:] mant asti meski tne ñor-passontsa eamo • ‘thus [are]
bound the joints of the bones by sinews and muscles’ (5b1/2C).
The closest relative of passoñ (singular *pssi?) is Tocharian *pusäk ‘muscle,
tendon’ (plural puskñ, acc. pusks). The A form reflects a putative PIE *pesu-
keha- where the vowel of the initial syllable (PTch *-ä-) has been rounded by the
following -u- and the preceding p- and the original *-u- subsequently becoming -
ä- regularly. In TchB we see a vr
ddhied derivative, *psu-h1n-, conflated per-
haps with *psweha- (to account for the geminate -s-). Outside of Tocharian we
have Germanic, e.g. OHG faso, OHG fasa ‘fibre, fringe, seam,’ Old English fæs
‘fringe,’ etc. (P:823). Cf. VW:347, with differing details. See also pss-.
patsa* (n.) ‘± bottom’
[-, -, patsa//] snai-ptsa kätkre ra tparkeme tparke ‘like the bottomless deep
[is] the shallowest shallow [for thee]’ (SI P/2b-b4).
TchA päts and B patsa reflect PTch *pts, reflecting PIE *bhudhyeha-, the
morphological equivalent of the late Greek bússa ‘depth of the sea’ (the initial b-
of this and related words in Greek, instead of expected p(h)-, presumably reflects
crossing with the family of báthos ‘depth’ or of the influence of some Macedo-
nian-like dialect or language). Snai-ptsa is, mutatis mutandi, the equivalent of
Greek ábussos ‘bottomless, unfathomed.’
388 patso
he clung to some woman’ (69a2C), pkr[e] akane ‘in the open air’ (THT-
1859a1A); ; —pakree* ‘± open, public’ (?): tunek ptace pakreai ls<s>a
spawr ‘therein through open/public effort they reduced (?) the ptace’ (Otani
II.13Col [Kagawa, 1915]). The underlying meaning would seem to be something
like ‘manifest, visible’ (e.g., pkri ym- ‘make visible, bring to light’). Compare
Hilmarsson’s ‘in the open’ (1991:121-123). Further discussion s.v. ole.
If, with VW (1947 [Revue des Etudes Indo-Européenes 4:294-5], 1976:350)
and others we take Vedic pajrá- to mean ‘± brilliant,’ then we would have a
phonologically, morphologically, and semantically equation with TchB pkre (<
PIE *paró-; cf. also TchA pkär ‘evident’ < PTch *pkre). However, most
believe that Vedic pajrá- means ‘firm’ or the like, semantically too distant
(despite Mayrhofer, 1963:186, Hilmarsson, 1991:121-123) to be cognate with
the Tocharian words. Since the basic meaning is ‘visible,’ perhaps we should see
in this word group a relationship with PIE *(s)pek-/(s)pe- (see 3päk-) (LIV:524);
for the lengthened o-grade, OCS paziti ‘pay attention to.’ Pk-, 3päk-, pkri,
pakartse, apkätte, apkai, and apkärtse.
pk* (n.) ‘half a lunar month; side’
[-, pakantse, pk//pakanma, -, -] /// erket pkne meñe ra /// ‘as the moon in
the second [lit: ‘dark’] half of the lunar month’ (IT-104b5C), (PK-NS-22b1C
[CEToM]). From B(H)S paka-.
pcer (n.) ‘father’
[pcer, ptriC-L, ptär (voc. pcer)/pacereE, -, -/ptärñE-C ~ pceraC, ptärntsC ~
paceratsL, ptäräC] m s[o]y ket r m pcer ‘[there is] not a son to whom
[there is] no father’ (139a2A), c saim ymo … ptär mtär rntsmte pest
‘having taken refuge in thee, we have completely renounced father and mother’
(273a5A), ///[o]rotse-pacere nesteñy antp ktsait e-lmoä /// ‘my grandparents
are both old and blind’ (THT-1540 a+b-a4 [cf. K. T. Schmidt, 2007:325]); —
ptär-mtäre ‘prtng to father and mother’ (412b2C); —ptär-mtär-
säswere ‘prtng to father, mother, and children’ (266a2C)
TchA pcar and B pcer freflect PTch *pcr from PIE *phatr [: Sanskrit
pitár-, Avestan pitar-, Greek pat%r, Armenian hayr, Latin pater, Gothic fadar, all
‘father’ (P:829; MA:195)] (Sieg/Siegling, 1908:927, VW:351). The Tocharian
nominative singular reflects *phat%r exactly, while the accusative singular ptär
is exactly equatable with Latin patrem, as is the accusative plural ptärä
(403.3) with Latin patrs, (as if) from late PIE *phatrm and *phatrms respec-
tively. The nominative plural ptärñ is built by analogy on the accusative plural
while the nom/acc. plural pcera is analogically built on the nom. sg. (See the
discussion of their temporal distribution in Peyrot 2008:112-113.) The PIE
genitive singular *phatrós (cf. Greek patrós) would have given TchB *ptre (cf.
occurring tktre ‘daughter’s’) but the -e is replaced, as in all kin-terms except
tktre, by -i possibly originally from the i-stems. See also patarye.
pce the designation of some country?
/// ynei yene pce ypoyne w kä[nta] /// (428b7L). Cf. patse?
pt (n.) ‘abuta (Cissampelos pareira Linn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[pt, -, -//-, -, ptänta] (330b1L, P-3a2/PK-AS-9Aa2E). From B(H)S pha-.
pr* 391
From a putative PIE collective *prom ‘plumage’ beside *peróm ‘feather’ [cf.
Russian peró ‘feather’ and Tch B parwa ‘feathers’].
pramit* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘supremacy, mastery’
[-, -, pramit//-, -, pramitänta] pramitne yore m no kul-ñ palsko ‘my spirit
did not fail, however, in the mastery of giving’ (78a1C); —prmite ‘prtng to
supremacy, mastery’ (288a1C/L) From B(H)S pramit-.
privelak, parivelak.
pre (n.[m.sg.]) ‘?’
[pre, -, -//] ce sonopälya ·ke·i·e pre ra matsi mäsketär ‘the head [is] to be
smeared; the hair becomes like … pre (W-33b3C).
prna* (n.) ‘±external influence’ [snai prna ‘spontaneously’]
[-, -, prna//] ausa snai parnn yntatite ‘the two of them [scil. the Buddha and
Mahkayapa] exchanged garments [Tch. sg.] without outside influence (i.e.,
spontaneously)’ (THT-1859b2A). A vr
ddhied nominal derivative of parna, q.v.
pl-, päl-.
pli* (n.) ‘line’
[-, -, pli//] eplyuwai yasarne atkaro pline taallona ‘swimming in blood the
leeches [are] to be placed in a line’ (M-3a4/PK-AS-8Ca4C). From B(H)S pli-.
See also possibly palyiye-yok.
pliña (adj.?) ‘?’
(W-26a2C).
pwe (n.[m.sg.]) ‘powder’
[pwe, -, pwe//] pacane ktso po kektseñä arkwi pwe yamaä ‘the breasts,
the stomach, the whole body the powder makes white’ (W-30a5C).
Presumably with VW (1977) and, more fully, Isebaert (1983) we should see in
this TchB word a derivative from PIE *peuha- ‘purify’ (< *‘crush, mill, sieve’) [:
Sanskrit Sanskrit pun$ ti] ‘purifies,’ Sanskrit ptá- ‘pure,’ Avestan pitika-
‘serving to purify,’ Latin prus ‘pure,’ OHG fowen ‘sieve, purify grain;’ the
earlier meaning is preserved in Old English f¤ran ‘emasculate,’ Lithuanian
pjáuju (< *peuhaye/o-) ‘cut, harvest,’ Latin pavi ‘strike, stamp,’ Greek paí
‘strike,’ if the latter two belong here (P:827)]. A semantic development of ‘crush,
sieve’ > ‘purify’ is also probably to be seen in Gothic hrains ‘pure’ (Isebaert,
ibid.). TchB pwe then would represent a vr
ddhied *pwhao- (so VW).
pabhid (n.) ‘Indian borage (Plectranthus aromaticus/Coleus aromaticus’ (MI)
[pabhid, -, -//] (Y1-a5/PK-AS-2A-a5 [Carling, 2003b:39]. From B(H)S
p
abhid-.
-pe* (n.) ‘behavior’
[-, -, pe//] Only in the compound: l-pae ‘one who behaves morally’: l-
paesa yncantse sak ‘the good fortune of [one] going with moral behavior’ (A-
1a1/PK-AS-6Ba1C). A derivative of psk-, q.v. -Pae also exists in TchA
where it is presumably a borrowing from B.
ps-, päs-.
psk- (vt.) ‘guard, protect; practice [moral behavior], obey [rules]’ [paporñe
psk- ‘practice moral behavior’]
Ps. II /psk’ä/e-/ [MP paskemar, -, ptär// paskemtär, -, paskentär; MPImpf. //;
nt-Part. paeñca; paalle]: [ä]ñ aul rnäskenträ pest paskentr allyek ñyätse-
¹päk- 393
me ‘they renounce their own live[s] and guard another from danger’ (133b3A);
Ko. II (= Ps.) [A // pskem, -, -; MP -, -, ptär//; AOpt. -, pit, -//; MPOpt.
pamar, -, patär//-, -, payentär; Inf. ptsi ~ pssi]: pskem [m]añye ‘we
will guard [our] servants’ (574a4C), aultsa auap pamar laana sälyaino
‘throughout life may I practice the lines of moral behavior’ (S-3a3C), paträ =
B(H)S raked (U-23b4E); Ipv. I /p-/ [MPPl. pat]: [nak]anma palskal-
ñentats yolaina tome pat : ‘guard from them the evil reproaches of
thoughts!’ (8b5C), yaitkor po ñmtsa pat ‘keep the commandment with all
[your] soul[s]!’ (95a4C), • pälsko pt = B(H)S cittam raketa (U-24b5A/IT-
39b5); Pt. Ib /p -/ [MP pamai, patai, -//-, -, pante]: : aul r=anaiai
paatai ilä[a]na sälyai[no :] ‘for [thy whole] life thou hast practiced moral
behaviors’ (241a6E); PP /pp u-/: • anaiai kwri pa[p]o walke klyentär
k[o]kalyi : ‘if carefully protected, the wagons stand for a long time’ (5b2C); —
paporme; —paalñe ‘protection’ (127a1E); —paalñee ‘prtng to
protection’: paalñee ime = B(H)S raksmrti- (542a6C).
TchA ps- and B psk- reflect PTch *psk- from PIE *peh2-ske/o- [: Latin
psc ‘feed, lead to pasture; nourish,’ OCS pasti ‘protect, guard’ (< *peh2ske/o-,
Hittite pahs- ‘protect’ (cf. P:787; MA:198; LIV:460; Cheung, 2006:288-289; de
Vaan, 2008:448-449)] (Petersen, 1933:27, VW:353). See also -pe, pap-
orñe, apätte, and possibly paske/pske.
pss- (vt.) ‘rip off, tear out [flesh, etc.]’
Pt. Ib /pss -/ [A // -, -, passre; MP passmai, -, -]: 16 [kektse]nne ewe passre-
ne mane • ‘they tore off his inner skin in the body, [while] living’ (235a3C), ///
[ñi] passmai añ lare : aswre ka auwa-me /// ‘I flayed my loved ones and
let them be killed untenderly’ (IT-214b7C [cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:128); PP
/pp ss-/: papsausai kektsentsa etkasta ce cäk=aurcce ‘on [thy] flayed
body thou sentest them across the wide river’ (THT-3597b6A).
Etymology uncertain. Possibly the reflex of a PTch denominative with prefix,
*wä-psw-- ‘deflesh,’ a derivative of *psw- ‘muscle’ (see passoñ). Also
possible is VW’s suggestion (1962b:343, 1976:353) of a relationship with Greek
spá ‘flay’ [the Tocharian would reflect PIE *(s)pehas- + the common élargisse-
ment *-w- and the Greek would reflect *(s)phas- (not absolutely rejected by
Beekes, 2010:1378)]. See also possibly passoñ.
¹päk- (vi/vt.) G [Middle] ‘become ready for eating: i.e., cook, boil, ripen’ (intr.);
[Act.] ‘make ready for eating: i.e., cook, boil, ripen’ (tr.); K4 ‘have [someone]
cook’
Ps. VIII /päks’ä/e-/ [A -, -, pakä// -, -, pakse; AImpf. // -, -, päkiye; MP -,
-, paktär//; m-Part. päksemane; Ger. päkalle (päkallee ‘prtng to cooking’)]:
tsirauwñee kaun ya ompalskoe mrestwe pakä ysomo ‘it chops up the
bone of energy and cooks together the marrow of meditation’ (S-4b1/PK-AS-
4Ab1C), puwar ramt pa[kä] = B(H)S agnim iva dahati (U-13b7C), satkina
[lege: -añc] ka[]ynta pakse ‘the doctors cook the decoctions’ (324a5L), oko
pakträ ‘the fruit ripens’ (200b3C/L), paktär-ne = B(H)S vipacyate (K-2b3/PK-
AS-7Bb3C [CEToM]), [pä]ksemane = B(H)S pacyamna (U-22b6E/IT-206b6),
alype malkwersa klkä päkalle ‘the salve [is] to be cooked with milk [to] a
paste’ (497b3C), päkalle = B(H)S siddha- (Y-2a6C/L), päkallee nraiets
394 ²päk-
lakle ‘the cooking [i.e., roasting] suffering of hells’ (150a6C), /// malkwersa
pärkalle [sic] pärsarets stke (W-31b5C); Ko. III /päké-/ (see pkelñe); PP
/pepeku-/: [kua]lamlnta p[e]pekwa ‘the roots of merit [are] ripe’ (409b3C),
pepekwa oko[nta] ‘ripe fruits’ (THT-1572a3?); —pkelñe ‘ripening, cooking;
digestion; curing; requital, recompense’: antsets pkelñe = B(H)S skandha-pari-
pka (182a4C), pkel[ñ]e = B(H)S vipka (544a3C), antsentso pkelñe = B(H)S
indriy
paripka (PK-NS-53a4C [Pinault, 1988: 100]), pilentse pkelñe ‘the
curing of the wound’ (PK-NS-53b6C).
K4 PP /pepä ku-/: pepaku = B(H)S kvathita- (Y-2a1C/L), pepakuwa ‘bubbles
given off by a boiling liquid’ [= B(H)S kvtha-] (Y-2b4C/L), /// k[a]nt[i]mpa
pep[a]ko yu ‘soup [that has been] let to be cooked together with bread’ (THT-
1556b4?); —pepakorme: motäe war tane war akäs traunta te ee
pepakorme ‘alcohol water and grain water, 16 trau; having boiled it together’
(W-40a5C).
AB päk- reflect PTch *päk- from PIE *pekw- ‘cook, ripen’ [: Sanskrit pácati,
Avestan paaiti, Latin coqu, Albanian pjek, OCS pek, Lithuanian kepù (with
metathesis), etc., all ‘cook’ (P:798; MA:125; LIV:468; Cheung, 2006:303-304)]
(Meillet, 1911:145, VW:355).
²päk- (vt.) ‘comb’ (?) or ‘shear’ (?)
PP /pkúwe-/: aicce ala wästa-pkuwe aiyye plyeksa ‘he sold an ovicaprid, a
goat buck, twice-combed’ (SI B Toch. 9.5Col [Pinault, 1998:4)].
From PIE *pek- ‘pluck, comb, shear’ [: Greek pék, pékt, pekté ‘comb,
shear,’ pékos (nt.) ‘fleece,’ pókos (m.) ‘fleece,’ kteís (gen. ktenós) ‘comb,’ Latin
pect ‘comb,’ pecten ‘comb,’ Lith. Lithuanian pešù ‘pull, tear out, pluck,’
Modern Persian pašm ‘wool,’Old Norse fár ‘sheep’ (< *poko-), Old English feht
‘fleece,’ etc. (P:797; MA:570; de Vaan, 2008:453; LIV:467)].
In this word we have the unusual situation where the etymology is assured but
the meaning is not. PIE *pek- is the PIE word par excellence denoting the
recovery of wool from sheep or goats. In the earliest days of sheep and goat
domesticcation, wool was gathered at molting times by plucking it out from
among the kemps (the larger, coarser, guard hairs). A later refinement was to
comb out the molting wool. Much later, when varieties of sheep had arisen that
did not molt, the wool was obtained, as now, by shearing. The meaning of PIE
*pek- has fossilized on the various Indo-European groups at different
technological stages. Thus the lack of explicit testimony concerning the kind of
recovery method used by Tocharian B speakers cannot be remedied by recourse
to etymology. Following Pinault (1998) I provisionally translated ‘comb’ as
combing is still used for harvesting wool by certain nomadic groups in certain
parts of northwest China and Inner Asia today. Still, in the areas of settled
agriculture along the Silk Road, so open to outside cultural influence, the wool
may have been gathered by shearing even 1,500 years ago. Pinault believes that
the phrases ‘once-combed,’ ‘twice-combed,’ and ‘thrice-combed’ refer to the
practice of multiple combings at wool-gathering time whereby first coarse, then
medium, and finally, fine wool is recovered. Since the attestations refer to all the
various “combings” at a single time and place, it is at least as likely that ‘once-
pät- 395
combed’ refers to a sheep (or goat) a year or so old, i.e., one old enough to have
undergone his or her first wool-harvest, ‘twice-combed’ as two years old, etc.
³päk- (vt.) ‘intend; want’ [always with an infinitive object]
Ps. Xa /päkn sk’ä/e-/ [MP -, päknstar, päknstär// -, -, päknskentär; MPImpf -, -,
päknitär//]: saim-wasta k twe ñä ñke rtsi päknstar : ‘O refuge, why dost
thou intend to forsake me?’ (45a1C); Ko. V /päkn -/ [MP päknmar, -, päkntär//
-, -, päknntär; MPOpt. -, -, päknoytär//]: päknträ (THT-1663b4E), kwri no
sana päknträ ostme lyutsi ‘if one wants to drive an enemy from the house’
(M-3a8/PK-AS-8Ca8C), yolo añmantse kektseñ-reki-palskosa yamtsi päk-nnträ
‘[if] they intend to do evil to me in body, word, or spirit’ (K-11a6/PK-AS-
7Na6A); Pt. Ia /päk -/ [MP -, -, pkte//]: krent yamor m ymoä ce[n n]o
äccäts pkate ‘he did not intend to let pass those [who had] not done a good
deed’ (133a4A); —päknlñe ‘± intention’: /// [wä]ntarwane päknñe [sic]
(195a2L).
AB päk- reflect PTch *päk- from PIE *(s)pek- ‘see, look at’ [: Sanskrit
spáati/páyati ‘sees,’ Avestan spasyeiti ‘spies on,’ Greek sképtomai (with
metathesis) ‘look carefully, spy,’ Greek skopé ‘examine, inspect; consider,’
Latin speci ‘see,’ OHG spehn ‘spy’ (P:984; MA:505; LIV:575f.)] (VW,
1941:89, 1976:355). The semantic shift must have been something on the order
*‘look at’ > *‘inspect’ > *‘consider’ > ‘consider [doing].’ Also päknmo,
päkw-, and possibly pk-.
päknmo (adj.) ‘± intending, intentional’
[m: päknmo, -, -//] • m päknmo kauällya /// (IT-7a4E), (THT-1579b2, -b3C
[Ogihara, 2012:171]) (= B(H)S sacintya-). A derivative, based in the
subjunctive stem, of 3päk-, q.v. TchA päknmo ‘id.’ is borrowed from B.
päkw- (vt.) ‘expect, trust, rely on’
Ps. I /päkwä -/ [MP pkwamar, -, pak(u)tär// -, -, pkwantär; MPImpf. //pyemtär, -,
-; m-Part pkwamane; Ger. pkwalle]: triketär ramt akntsa onwaññe aul paktär •
‘the fool is confused and expects life [to be] immortal’ (31b3C), neuske aiske
lyekäts skwäsont pkwänträr [sic] äñ-[ñmä] ‘they give oppression to others
[while] they expect [to be] fortunate themselves’ (255a1A), p[e]rnerñe pkwa-
mane ‘relying on rank/splendor’ (IT-764a2?), yolo pkwalle yolaime ek ‘evil
[is] always to be expected from evil’ (23b8C); Ps. XII /päkwä ññ’ä/e-/ [MP
pkwaññemar, pkwantar, -//] (TVS); Ko. I (= Ps. I) [inf. pak(t)si]; —p(ä)kwalñe
‘confidence, trust, expectation’: aulne pkwälñe ritsi [pre]ke ‘[it is] the time to
renounce trust in life’ (281alE), ñake cii [sic] päkwalñesa weskem ‘we speak to
thee with confidence’ (TEB-74-5/THT-1574Col), ñäññee pkwälläññe ‘confi-
dence in myself’ (PK-AS-12Ha3A [Pinault, 2000b:150]).
TchA puk- and B päkw- reflect PTch *päkw-, (as if) from PIE *(s)pekw- (with
the verbal élargissement *-w- so commonly seen in Tocharian), a derivative of
*(s)pek-, the ancestor of 3päk-, q.v. For the semantic development we should
compare Larin exspectre (VW:395). See also empakwatte, ompakwättñe,
and 2päk-.
päccauk, s.v. tuk-.
pät- (vt.) ‘± dam, check’ (?) [= TVS pt-]
Ko. I (?) /pä tä-/ or /p tä-/ [Inf. patätsi]: : sasarepi cke[n]t[s]e [tn]e[k
396 pätk-
maiy]y[a] yata patätsi 11 ‘he will be able to dam the power of the sasra-
river’ (554a2/3E). The orthographic practices of this MS would allow <patätsi>
to represent either /p tätsi/ or /pä tätsi/ equally well.
Etymology unclear. If the meaning is substantially correct, one might suppose
an etymological connection with either PIE *bhedh- ‘bend, press (away)’ [:
Sanskrit bdhate ‘presses, forces, drives away, removes,’ Albanian bindem ‘bend
myself’ (P:114)] or *ped- ‘grasp, contain’ [: OHG fazzn ‘grasp, put into a
container,’ Old English ft ‘container,’ English vat, Lithuanian p^$ das ‘grain-
basket’ (P:790)]. See also perhaps the next entry and possibly ptmane.
pätk- (vi/t.) G ‘be aloof from, be disassociated, separated [from external influences]’
(with object either genitive or ablative); K ‘set aloof (from), make dislike (?)
G Ps. II /petk’ä/e-/ [-, -, peccä//] //// [tsä]kärwa lets ramt pecca
krenta<>tso ‘just as … from the peaks of the … mountains, he holds himself
aloof from the good’ (THT-1191-b3A) [pecca, lege: peccä (neglect of ä-
diacritic)]; Ko. V /p tk-/ [AOpt. -, -, ptkoy (?)//]; PP /pp tk-/ (see absolute);
—paptkarme: /// • paptkarme yän [•] = B(H)S vire
ayitv carati (IT-
164b3E [Thomas, 1974:91]), paptkarme ya (THT-1355b3A).
K Ps IXb /pä tksk’ä/e-/ [-, -, patkaä//]: patka[](ä aulm)e nuskaä
cmela /// ‘it [= disease] keeps [one] from enjoying life and depresses births …’
(?) (PK-AS-7Ma6C [CEToM]; reconstruction of lacuna mine).
Etymology dubious. VW suggests (354) a connection with PIE *pet- ‘fly, fall,
throw’ but the semantics are not compelling. No better is Duchesne-Guillemin’s
suggestion (1941:150) of a connection with PIE *pet- ‘extend (the arm).’
Semantically better would be a connection with PIE *bhedh- ‘bend, press (away)’
[: Sanskrit bdhate ‘presses, drives away, removes,’ and previous entry (P:114)].
In any case the Tocharian verb shows a generalization of the originally inchoative
suffix *-ske/o-. See also patko, pätkrñe, and perhaps pät-.
pätkrñe* (n.) ‘± disassociation’ (?)
[-, -, pätkrñe//] : mka cmelane su trä·rñe pätkrñecä ymor yamasträ : ‘in
many lives the deed will be done out of trä·rñe and disassociation’ (42b3C). If
correctly identified as to meaning, a derivative of pätk- (via an adjective
*pätkre?), q.v.
pätt- (vi.) ‘± climb, clamber’
Ps. II/III /pätt’ä/e- or pätté-/: [m-Part. pättemane]: lktär somp pättemane
Sume[rne] ‘she is to be seen climbing on Sumeru’ (PK-AS-13I-b3C [Krause,
1952:159]); —puttuwerme: oline ette puttuwerme ‘having climbed down
into the boat’ (PK-AS-13I-b1C [Krause, 1952:159]).
Etymology unknown. The pre-Tocharian form must have been *pätw- (cf. the
derivative petwe ‘bank [of a river]’), but further cognates are unknown. See
also petwe.
pänn- (vi/vt.) ‘stretch (intr. and tr.), reach for’
Active paradigm: Ps. IIb /pänn’í(ye)-/ [A -, -, paññi* (päñña-me)//; Impf. // -,
-, päññye]: päññän-m=ecce pälskont ‘he stretches forth the thoughts to them’
(253b2A),; Ko. V /p nn- ~ pä nn-/ [A -, -, pnna//; AOpt. pannoym, -,
pannoy// -, -, panno; Inf. pannatsi; Ger. pannalle]: • naitwe kärkkllene släppo
kuntipaa wat parra pnna • ‘[if] he pulls out a shell or a vessel sunk in the
pär- 397
mud’ (331a1L), kauc ñi sk pannoy ‘may the community raise me up’ (KVc-
21a5/THT-1113a5C), t ka p mñai kektseñtsa nraii sl[e]mi panno ñi
eky wine ‘and by this human body the flames of hell may stretch toward me
in Avci!’ (TEB-64-06/IT-5C/L); [ymaime ci]mpysta yolyyai onolme
apyntame kauc panatsi [sic] ‘thou wert able to pull creatures up from the evil
way and evil rebirths’ (238a1C), • maiyytsai yente klte tremeñ tirtets
pannallenta • (IT-178b4C); Pt. Ia /päññ-/ [A -, -, piñña//]: piñña sauke
walne ‘he stretched out streamers (?) and garlands’ (429a5L),; PP /pännó-/: 95
mäkte ña[re] tne pännowo kos sarkimpa w[]p[a]trä /// ‘as here the stretched
thread as often as he weaves [it] with the warp/woof’ (3b5C).
Medio-passive paradigm: Ps. IIb /penn’í(ye)-/ [MP -, -, peññtär(?)//]: te-mat
m añ añmä kauc peññaträ m alyekä snää ‘thus he does not raise
himself up [= puff himself up], nor does he oppress others’ (558b3/4C) [reading
clear, but perhaps a mistake for peññträ by neglect of the i-diacritic]; Pt. I:
/pänn -/ [MP -, -, pännte//]: po warkältsa wäntalyi ite pännte kara ‘with all
[his] strength he stretched to the full the bow and shot’ (109b6L).
Though there appears to be no (substantial?) difference in meaning, there is
clearly a difference in form between the active and medio-passive paradigms.
TchA pänw- and B pänn- reflect PTch *pänw- from PIE *(s)pen- ‘pull, spin’ [:
Greek pénomai ‘toil, work’ (intr.), ‘get ready, work at’ (tr.), Armenian hanum/
henum ‘weave, bring near,’ Lithuanian pinù ‘plait, braid,’ Old English spinnan
‘spin,’ spannan ‘span’ (P:988; MA:571-572; LIV:578f.)] (VW, 1941:90, 1976:
360, with differing details). Morphologically the Tocharian forms most closely
match the Germanic ones: Germanic spinnan < *spenwe/o- and spannan <
*sponwe/o- while PTch *pänw-yä/e- < *pnw-ye/o- and peññ- < *ponw-ye/o-.
The TchB subjunctive reflects an o-grade present while the preterite shows a
mixture of *p(e)nw-- and *p(e)nw-y-). See also pannauca.
pännoca/päntoca, next.
pännauca* (n.) ‘± stretcher, puller’
[//-, -, pännauca] pännoca (IT-27a2C). IDP reads päntoca. A nomen
agentis derived from the subjunctive stem of pänn-, q.v.
päp* ~ pup* (adj.) ‘foul, evil-smelling’
[m: -, -, pap (see compound)// pupañ, -, pupa ~ päpa] [f: -, -, päpiyai//] tai
[lege: ty] päpyai kektseñäntse (515a6A), pupa laksä askwacentse kesa =
B(H)S ptimatsy kugre
a (308b3C), • askwa[i] rano pupañ warske • =
B(H)S kupi ptik wnti [sic] (308b4C), päpiyaisa (IT-233b6C); —päpä-were
‘evil-smelling’; päpä-were (282a5A), pap-were (THT-1536 frgm. c+e-a2A).
Etymology unclear. VW (1941:90, 1976:396) suggests that we have hear a
reduplication of the PIE *peu(hx)- ‘foul, stink’ (cf. P:848-9; cf. MA:471).
Semantically such a connection is excellent but there are no extra-Tocharian
parallels for the form.
pär- (vt.) ‘bear (away), carry (off); take up; wear’
Ps. II /pär’ä/e-/ [A -, -, parä// -, parcer, pare; AImpf. // -, -, priye; nt-Part.
preñca; m-Part. premane; Ger. pralle]: te pwar tsakä war parä ‘fire burns it
and water carries [it off]’ (33a4C), kenne parä ‘he bears [his] head on [his]
knees’ (370a4C), amni makci naumyenta pare ‘the monks themselves are
398 ¹pärk-
wearing jewels’ (337a1C); Ko. and Ipv. supplied by 2s-, q.v.; Pt. Ib /km -/ [MP
kammai (?), -, kamte// -, -, kamnte]: kuce ñi kmmai [sic] tesa nau
larauwñesa arañcne po tserekwa • ‘all deceptions which I carried earlier in my
heart out of love therefore’ (271b1C), 26 makte sakna kamte ‘he himself wore
rags’ (12b3C), /// [p]tr[ai] kamte masa twä ‘he took up [his] alms bowl and
went to her’ (25a6C), pekwece s kmte pattrainne cp Utari [sic] ‘he carried
these rings in Uttara’s alms-bowls’ (133b4A); PP /kk m-/; —kakmarme.
AB pär- reflect PTch *pär- from PIE *bher- ‘bear, carry’ [: Sanskrit bhárati,
Avestan baraiti, Armenian berem, Greek phér, Albanian bie (< *bher), Latin
fer, Old Irish biru, Gothic bairan, etc. (P:128-132; MA:56; LIV:76f.)]
(Fraenkel, 1932:227, VW:361-2). See also prentsa.
AB km- reflect PTch *kem- (with -umlaut) from PIE *gem- ‘grasp (with
the hands), press together’ [: Greek génto ‘grasped’ (< *gemto), apógeme =
áphelke (Hesychius), gém ‘I am full,’ gemíz ‘fill,’ Latin gem ‘sigh’ (< *‘have
a full heart’), Latin gumia ‘glutton,’ Latvian gùmstu ‘grip,’ OCS ž"m
‘compress,’ etc. (P:368-9; MA:450; LIV:186, de Vaan, 2008:275)] (Meillet in
Hoernle, 1916:378, VW:194). See also kakmar.
¹pärk- (vt.) ‘ask, question; ask for, beg’
Ps. VIII /preks’ä/e-/ [A preksau, prekt, prekä// -, -, prekse; AImpf. -, -,
preki// -, -, prekiye; MPImpf. -, -, prektär//; m-Part. preksemane; Ger.
prekalle (adj.) ‘to be questioned,’ (n.) ‘questioning’)]: ceyna cne lau
c[ä]rkwa- po preksau- ‘I released the cnes to thee; [now] I ask thee [for]
everything’ (495b1Col), mälkwer prekse wnolme[n]m[e] ‘they ask milk from
beings’ (129a2E), [spa]ktanke kka ot preki-[n]e ‘he called the minister and
questioned him’ (385a3C), /// prekallen[e] wayre-ne prekenta weñre ‘they
led him into the questioning and the judges spoke’ (IT-131b1C); Ko. I /prékä- ~
pä rkä-/ [A preku, -, prekä// -, -, parkä* (parkä-ne); AOpt. -, parit, pari//;
Inf. parktsi; Ger. parkälle]: preku se stär winai abhidhrm aiykemane tka
pyti (TEB-65-5/ IT-247), ce-ra-tsa prekä-ne po weä ‘whatever he asks
him, he tells all’ (M-3b6/PK-AS-8Cb6C); Ipv. III /pä rks-/ [APl. parksat]; Pt.
IIIa /prekä- ~ prekäs- ~ pä rkäs-/ [A prek(u)wa, -, preksa// -, -, prekar; MP /
/ -, -, parksante]: : preksa amne pudñäkte mäktu plcsa mcer yes ‘the
Buddha asked the monks: “for what speech were you sitting?” ’ (3a6C), • ceu
prekar ate kampl yamaasta ‘they asked him: didst thou take away the cloak?’
(337a5C), [eka]ñenta yorme parksante-ne (577a6C); PP /pepärkú-/: ce
prä pepärko ‘having asked this question’ (588a7E); —pepärkorme.
AB pärk- (usually given as TchA prak- and B prek-) reflect PTch *pärk-
from PIE *prek- ‘ask’ [: Sanskrit prccháti ‘asks,’ Avestan p'r'saiti ‘id.,’
Armenian harcanam ‘id.,’ Latin posc ‘id.,’ OHG forscn ‘id.,’ (all ultimately
from a PIE present *prkske/o-), Lithuanian peršù, Latin precor ‘ask, request,’
Gothic fraihnan ‘id.,’ Old English frignan ‘id.,’ German fragen ‘id.’ (as if from
PIE *prk-), OHG fergn (probably with an analogical full-grade), OCS prositi
‘ask,’ Lithuanian praša ‘ask, research’ (P:821-2; MA:33; LIV:490ff., Cheung,
2006: 89-90, de Vaan, 2008:483)] (Petersen, 1933:15, VW:386). The Tch
present is (as if) from PIE *prkse/o-. See also prekenta, and prektstse.
pärkare* 399
²pärk- (vi.) ‘rise, come up [of celestial bodies]; arise, become clear’
mäkte kaunä pärkträ läkutse ‘as the sun will rise brightly’ (THT-1321b4A), Ko.
V /pärk -/ [A -, -, parka//; MP -, -, pärktär//; MPOpt. -, -, pärkoytär//; Ger.
pärklle]: tu-yäknesa aurtsana aiamñenta pärka-[m]e ‘suchwise broad
knowledge will arise to them’ (PK-AS-16.2b6C [Couvreur, 1954c:85]), pwarne
hom yamalya lnte rinale pärkalle mäsketrä (M-3a6/PK-AS-8Ca6C); Ipv.
/pärk-/ [MPSg. parkar]; Pt. Ia /pärk -/ [A -, pärksta, parka//]: [kau] pärkasta
läktsetse ‘thou hast come up [like] a brilliant sun’ (207a1E/C), /// parka meñe
wnolmentsa täñ • ‘the moon rose over thy creatures’ (214a1E/C); PP /pärkó-/: :
kauc ka kaum [sic] [ai] pärkawo [sic] ‘the sun had already risen high’ (5b3/4C);
—parkorme: k s kä[]i [ak]e parkorme [sic] [t]e [o]t weña ‘Why has
the teacher, the sky having risen, then said this?’ (178a/45C); —pärklñe ‘rising
[of the sun]; origin’: pärklyñe mä[sk]e[trä] = B(H)S samudayo bhavati
(156a6C), poy[i]ññe kauñäktentso pärklñe triim manta ‘may I never miss the
rising of the Buddha-suns’ (S-6b6/PK-AS-5Cb6C); —parkor ‘rising of the sun’:
skakaname kaunäntse pärkorne wawkauwa piltas /// ‘from the balconies
petals [that had] unfolded/bloomed at dawn [were strewn]’ (PK-NS-12K-b2C
[Winter, 1988:788]).
AB pärk- reflect PTch *pärk- from PIE *bherh- ‘raise up’ [: Sanskrit
barhayati ‘increases,’ brhati ‘strengthens, raises,’ Hittite parkiya-/park- raise
oneself, become tall, grow,’ Armenian (ham)ba:nam ‘raise up,’ and a host of
nominal derivatives, e.g. Sanskrit brhant- ‘tall, big, strong,’ Avestan b'r'zant-
‘id.,’ Old Latin forctus ‘strong,’ OHG berg ‘mountain,’ Armenian berj ‘height,’
Hittite parkus ‘tall,’ Armenian barjr ‘id.,’ Cuneiform Luvian parri/parrai ‘high’
(< *bhrhi-), TchB pärkare ‘long,’ etc. (P:140-141; MA:269; LIV:78ff.; Cheung,
2006:12-13; Kloekhorst, 2008:637)] (VW, 1941:90, 1976:362). See also
pärkare, pärkor, -pirko, and kau-parki.
pärkare* (adj.) ‘long’
[m: -, -, pärkare//-, -, pärkare] [f: pärkarya, -, pärkaryai//pärkrona, -, -] :
yailuwa taki pärkron[a] pr[a]r[o]ññ ‘curved, thick, long fingers’ (73b1C),
[a]nmausa nmyatai prkre twe pärkre prekentsa ‘thou wert bound fast with
bonds for a long time’ (83a2C), pärkaryai ytri masta ‘thou didst set out [on] the
long road’ (353b4C), /// pärkarya no ksae[ntantse yiye] /// = B(H)S drgha hi
jgrato rtri (IT-114a1C; reading corrected by Malzahn (TVS)]), [m pär-
ka]r[e] = B(H)S acira (PK-NS-306/305b5C [Couvreur, 1970:177]); —
pärkre-aul ‘long-lived’ (PK-AS-12J-a6A [Thomas, 1978b:150]); —pärkre-
klauts ‘having long ears’ (IT-138a1C); —pärkarñe ‘length’: • omte se yarm
pärkarñesa wi rsoñc • ‘there the measure in length [should be] two spans’ (IT-
247a6/b1C).
TchA pärkär and B pärkare reflect PTch *pärkäre, (as if) from a PIE *bhrh-
ró-, the pre-Tch replacement of PIE *bherh-u- [: Hittite parkus, Armenian barjr,
both ‘tall,’ and with different morphology Sanskrit brhant-, Avestan b'r'zant-,
both ‘tall,’ and Khotanese bulysa- ‘long’ (P:140-141; MA:269)], an adjectival
derivative of *bherh- (cf. 2pärk-). The semantic shift from ‘tall’ to ‘long’ (what
is ‘tall’ when standing up becomes ‘long’ when laid down) is paralleled in
400 pärku
(m.), Old Bulgarian br!v", all ‘brow’ (P:172-3; MA:188). This etymology goes
back in nuce to Schrader-Nehring 1917:635 (VW:366-7). As variants on this
theory we might mention that K. T. Schmidt (1982:364) takes PTch pärw- to be
the exact match of Sanskrit bhr$ (both from PIE *bhruhx) while Lindeman
(1987:301) would start from the dual, *bhrúhae (phonetically *bhruhaa) to which
the regular Tocharian dual -ne was added giving *pärwne. Beekes (2010:1136)
reconstructs *h3bhruhx-.
pärwe, parwe.
pärwee (adj.) ‘first’; (adv.) ‘first, earlier’ [pärweeme ‘from the first/ beginning]
[m: pärwee, -, pärwee//] : Prbhse wlo pärwee Siddharthe pä postäññe :
‘P. [was] the first king and S., the later’ (228a2A), : esa wertsyaimpa kalpa perne
su pärwee : ‘together with [his] retinue he achieved the first grade [of
distinction]’ (23a1/2C), pärwee yai ‘in the first part of the night’ [= B(H)S
pratham rtri] (IT-38a7C), pärwee kuntsa • pikce mene • ikä okne ‘in
the first [year of] the regnal period, in the fifth month, on the twenty-eighth [day]’
(LP-14a1/2Col). An adjectival derivative in -e from parwe, q.v. Cf. wtee
beside wate. See also the following entry.
pärwetstse* (adj.) ‘± aged’ (?)
[f: -, -, pärwetstsai//] kuñctäe alypesa pärkaalle tume pärwettsai mlasa
yokalle ‘it [is] to be dissolved in sesame oil; then it [is] to be drunk with an aged
alcoholic drink’ (W-33a4/5C). An adjectival derivative in -tstse from parwe,
q.v. See also the previous entry.
päreri* ~ päreri* (n.) ‘(head-)louse’ (?)
[//-, -, päreri ~ päreri] ne yamaälle pärere [sic] nakä ‘it [is] to be
put on the head; it destroys lice’ (W-3a4C), mrestwe warsa päkalle päreri
nakä ‘marrow with water [is] to be cooked; it destroys lice’ (W-5a5C). The
meaning is, very tentatively, suggested on the basis of the connection with the
head. Etymology unknown.
päreri, päreri.
pärs- (vt.) ‘sprinkle, splash’ [with a liquid as either direct object or as instrument, as
in English]
Ps. VIa /pärsn -/ [A -, -, parsna//; AImpf. // -, -, pärsno; Ger. pärsnlle]: wär
r parsnn tesa ceken-ne ärsa ‘they sprinkle water all over, then they touch
him/it with the hand’ (121a6E); Ko. V /pärs-/ [Inf. pärsatsi (sic) (?)]; Pt. Ia
/pärs -/ [A // -, -, pärsre* ~ pirsre; MP -, -, pärste//]: [warsa] krnae pirsre
ke po wnolmi cew prek[e] ‘in that time creatures sprinkled the whole earth with
the water of mercy’ (45a3C), alyekä kca warttoe makltsa tatrp-parme rpsa
klya pärste kene mrakwe yopsa-ne ‘tripping over some forest root, he fell on
[his] face; a little [of the container’s contents] splashed out and entered in the
ground’ (88a2/3C); PP /pärsó-/ [pärsau (?)].
AB pärs- reflect PTch *pärs- from PIE *pers- ‘sprinkle’ [: Hittite pappars-
‘sprinkle,’ and nominal derivatives such as Sanskrit prat- ‘drop,’ Sanskrit
prant- ‘sprinkled, speckled,’ Lithuanian purs; la (f.) ‘drivel; spray,’ OCS prax!
(m.) ‘dust’ (< *porso-), pr"st" ‘heaped up soil’ (< *prsti-), Slovenian pr h (m.)
‘dust, ash,’ (denominative) prhati ‘strew; drizzle,’ Old Norse fors/foss ‘waterfall’
(P:823; MA:540; LIV:788ff.; Cheung, 2006:298; Kloekhorst, 2008:627-628)]
402 pärsanta
(Friedrich, 1931:41, VW:365-6). Perhaps TchA päs- ‘id.’ belongs here also if the
original -rs- cluster was facultatively simplified. See also pärsntse, pränts-,
and praciye.
pärsanta, parso.
pärsantae* (adj.) ‘splendid, brilliant’ (?) or ‘spotted’ (?) or ‘lettered’
[f: //pärsantaana, -, -] i[mna] /// [tona]k pärsantaana wäsanma wastai
latuñe yetwetsa aññ añmä ytatai ‘among men…thou didst wear splendid
clothes and thou didst adorn thyself with kingly jewels’ (KVc-2a3C [Schmidt,
1986]). Like the semantically similar pärsntse ultimately a derivative of pärs-,
q.v. Similar in formation to yukntae and kapntae?
pärsare* (n.) ‘headache’ (?)
[//-, pärsarets, pärsare] /// malkwersa pärkalle pärsarets stke (W-31b5C),
kwäñctäe alypesa ane yamaälle tse lutää pärsare nakä (W-
38b1/2C). The meaning is suggested by Sieg (1954:76).
pärsntse (adj.) ‘resplendent’
[pärsntse, -, -//pärsñci, -, -] [f: //pärsntsana, -, -] kokalyi olyapotstse pärsñci
[olyapotstse pärsñci = B(H)S sucitr] (5a8C), pärsntsana to krentauna :
‘these resplendent virtues’ (23a5C). Along with TchA pärs ‘id.’ a derivative of
AB pärs-, q.v. For the formation one should particularly compare Skt. prant-
‘speckled’ (Sieg, Siegling, and Schulze, 1931:6, 449, VW, 1941:91, 1976:365).
pärsk- (vi/t.) G ‘feel fear, be afraid’ [N + -sa = ‘be afraid of,’ aultsa pärk- ‘to be in
fear of ones’ life’]; K ‘frighten’
G Ps. V /pr sk- ~ pä rsk-/ [A prskau, prskat, prska// -, -, parska; Ger.
parskalle]: praska = B(H)S bibheti (U-16b2A?), cey cew ymorsa m parska
m ykñenträ ‘these, by such a deed, do not fear, nor are they ashamed’ (K-
2b6/PK-AS-7Bb6C); Ko. V (= Ps.) [A prskau, -, prska//]: arai srukalyñe cisa
nta kca m prskau … k ñi eske tañ prskau … cisa prskau pon preken-ne ‘O
death, I will fear nothing more than thee; Why will I alone fear thee? I am/will be
afraid for thee in all times’ (298L); Pt. Ia /pärsk -/ [A -, -, parska// -, -, pärskre]:
pärsk=[ksa]ukints lyäk ‘the thief was afraid of the informers’ (133b5A); PP
/pärskó-/: 92 s pärskau [au]ltsa lac ostm[e] ‘he, fearing for [his] life, went
out of the house’ (3b2C); —parskalñe ‘± fear’: (124a6E).
K Ps. IXb /pä rskäsk’ä/e-/ [A // -, -, parskäske; MP -, -, parskästär//] (PK-AS-
7Aa4C [CEToM]), /// • yolaiñesa parskästrä kärtsauñe /// (THT-1419 frgm. g-
a1C).
One should note that the TchB present is nothing more than the subjunctive
used as a present. AB pärsk- reflect PTch *pär(k)sk-, (as if) from PIE *prK-
ske/o- from the root *p(e)rK- seen otherwise only in Germanic, and there too only
in the zero-grade [: Gothic faurhtei, Old English fyrhtu ‘fright, fear,’ Gothic
faurhtjan ‘to fear’ (P:820; MA:198; cf. LIV:491)] (Holthausen, 1921:65, VW:
366). See also prosko, parskalyiye, and praskre.
¹päl- (vt.) ‘praise, commend’ [añ-
m päl- ‘boast’]
Ps. VIa /päll -/ (< *päln-) [MP pällmar, -, pälltär// -, -, pällntär; MMPart.
pällmane, Ger. pälllle*]: m tusa ktkau m tu pällmar ‘thus I do not rejoice
and do not praise it’ (596a4C), [in Manichean script] pl’m’r = pällmar (Gabain/
Winter:13), /// [ä]ñ-[]ñm pällnträ kr[eñc] /// ‘the good boast’ [= B(H)S
¹pälk- 403
lapayanti santa] (IT-1020a2? [Peyrot, 2008b:115]); Ko. V /p l-/ [MP plamar, -,
-// -, -, plantär; MPOpt. ploymar, -, -//]: • plamar ci po täws ‘I will praise
thee with all [my] love’ (240b6E); Pt. Ib /pl -/ [MP palmai, paltai, palte// -, -,
palnte]: 24 takarkñesa nätkausa kuce palamai-c pälalyu : [sic] ‘while I, pressed
by faith, have praised thee, O praiseworthy one’ (241b5E), [a]ñ añm palmai
ñä ‘I boasted’ (46a5C), mantat pasi märsasta platai-ne ukomtsa ‘never hast
thou forgotten to guard [thy behavior]; thou has praised him [scil. the Buddha] for
seven days’ (296b1=297.1a4L); PP /pp l-/: paplau = B(H)S praasita (U-
18a3C), paplau = B(H)S -ia- (Y-1b3C/L); —paplar* ‘praise’: /// aktly[e]
papalarsa ci ñakta nervvan [sic] oko kälale ‘the seed [is] to achieve the
nirvana-fruit by praise of thee, O lord’ (205a2E/C); —plalñe ‘praise,
commendation, fame’: plalñe = B(H)S praas (14a6C); —plalyñee
‘prtng to praise’ (THT-2377, frgm. y-b1E).
Etymology uncertain. Perhaps AB päl- reflect PTch *päl- from PIE *bhel-
‘speak, yell; bark’ [: Sanskrit bhaá- ‘barking, yelping,’ Sanskrit bhate ‘speaks,
tells, announces’ (in both cases -- reflects PIE *-ls-), and possibly Sanskrit
bhá
ati ‘speaks’ if this reflects *bhelne/o- (Middle Indic seems to have had a
bha
- [Mayrhofer, 1963:465] which would exactly match the Tch present
päll-, both [as if] from PIE *bhl neha-) but its relationship with bhánati ‘id.’ and
Khotanese ban- ‘cry out’ remains uncertain), Old Norse belja ‘roar,’ Old English
bellan ‘roar, yelp, grunt,’ Old Prussian billt ‘speak,’ Lithuanian bìlstu ‘begin to
speak,’ bilóju ‘speak,’ bal;sas ‘voice, tone,’ etc. (P:123-4)] (Meillet, 1911:457,
VW:356). Also possible is a connection with *(s)pel- ‘say aloud, recite’ [: Goth
spill ‘speech, story,’ Alb fjalë ‘word, tale, statement,’ Arm a:a-spel ‘saying,
riddle’ (P:185; MA:536; LIV:576)] (Pinault, 2008:345). See also palauna,
pällarke, ploriyo and, more distantly, pälw- and possibly pälsk-.
²päl-, pil-.
päliyee (adj.) ‘?’
Purvvarsätne päliyee irsau uktä näsait yamaäle (M-2a3/4/PK-AS-8B3/4C).
¹pälk- (vt.) ‘see, look at; take heed of’
Ko. V /p lk- ~ pä lk-/ [A plkau, -, plka// palkam, -, -; Inf. palkatsi]:
[anti]puräana klainampa Rhule palkasi ‘to see R. with the harem women’
(109a6L), palkam r ‘we will see the city’ (PK-AS-16.8b3C); Ipv. /p lk- ~
pä lk-/ [ASg. plka; APl. palkas; MPSg. palkar]: plka kektseñ ñi ‘look at my
body!’ (47a7C), [: pe]laikne täkwsa pw ñmtsa päklyautso pelaikn=ki
karttse palkas ‘hear the law with your whole hearts; look with favor on the
announcers of the law!’ (19a2C); Pt. I /pälyk - ~ pälk -/ [A -, pälyksta, palyka//
-, -, pälykre ~ pilykr; MP -, -, pälkte//]: [pa]lyka täwsa no keucä katkemane
p[d]ñ[ä]kteme amññe ot rtte ‘he saw with love and greatly rejoicing he
sought monasticism from the Buddha’ (365a5A), /// [yo]lai ymorä m palyka :
‘he took no heed of the evil act’ (IT-78b4C); PP /pälkó-/; —pälkorme ‘having
seen; with regard to’: [naumi]käne kreñc eanesa brhma
e pälkorme ‘seeing
the brahmans with good, shining eyes’ (PK-NS-35a3C [Couvreur, 1964:238]), ce
arm palkorme [sic] palska ñmämpa ‘having seen the reason he thought about
himself’ (288b5C/L); —palkalñe ‘± observation’: ets[w]ai palkalñe = B(H)S
upalaka
(41a7C).
404 ²pälk-
This verb provides the only imperative and alternate subjunctive, preterite, and
preterite participles to läk- ‘see, look at,’ q.v. AB 1pälk- reflect PTch pälk- and
is basically identical to both 2pälk- and 3pälk-. The semantic development has
been from ‘burn’ (3pälk-) to ‘shine, illuminate’ (2pälk-) to ‘see.’ For extra-
Tocharian cognates, see 3pälk-. See also pälkaucäkka, pälkostau, and pilko.
²pälk- (vi.) ‘shine, be highlighted’
G Ps. I /pälkä -/ [A -, -, palkä//; AImpf. -, -, palyi// -, -, pälyiye]: saswe -
cwi krentaunac palkä ‘the lord shines with his virtues’ (91b4/5C), • kee-yärm
lki palyi ke/// ‘he saw the measure of a fathom; the earth [?] shone’ (517b1C),
[kau]c särwn päly[e y]w[]rc : ‘the face highlighted half’ (394a2A); Ko. I
(= Ps.) [see pälkaññetstse]; Pt. Ia /pälk -/ [A -, -, palka//-, -, pälkre]: ysaa
askace mänt pälka kektseñe täñ ‘like golden kua-grass thy body shone’
(224b2A), /// []l[e]ntse tärnene kaun ra pälk klyemne • ‘as if standing on the
summit of the mountain the sun shone’ (IT-22a7A).
K Ps. IXb /pä lkäsk’ä/e-/ [m-Part. palkäskemane] (IT-766a1? [TVS]): Pt. II
/pylk-/ [A -, -, pylka//]: ///sa pylka iprer sae kana[k]e /// (429a4L).
AB 2pälk- reflect PTch *pälk-. For a discussion of its prehistory and extra-
Tocharian cognates, see 1pälk- and 3pälk-. One should note that the athematic
present of 2pälk- reflects the most archaic morphological state for this verb com-
plex, but not the most archaic meaning. Also pälkamo and pälkaññetstse.
³pälk- (vi/vt.) G ‘burn (intr.)’; K ‘burn (tr.), torture’
G Ps. III /pälké-/ [MP -, -, pälketär//]: /// pwar salpä palskone pälketär-ne po
kektseñe antpce ramt ekältsa [39] ‘fire glows in [his] spirit; his whole body
burns like a firebrand with passion’ (8a5C).
K Ps. VIII /pälks’ä/e-/ [A -, -, palkä//; MP -, -, palktär//]: [o]soträ aie se
akain-pilkoe kaun pälkän-me [lege: -ne] ‘the world dries up; the sun of false
insight burns it’ (282a3A), /// [ke]kts[e]ñ m palkträ ‘it does not burn the body’
[= B(H)S kyo na paridahyate; see the discussion in Thomas, 1983:165] (14b3C);
Ko. II /pä lk’ä/e-/ [MPOpt. -, -, palyitär//]: m palyitär = B(H)S na tpayet
(20b2C); Pt. IIIb /pelykä- ~ pelyks- ~ pä lyks-/ [A pelykwa, -, pelyksa//; MP
-, palyksatai, -]: larenme tsrelñ[e]s[a] sasrn[e] kä[r]py[e] ce p[a]ly-
ks[a]t[ai twe no] ‘thou hast been tortured in this common sasra by separation
from dear ones’ (83a1C); PP /pepä lyku-/: : kekmusai wertsyai lyka pu[d]-
ñ[äk]t[e lä]kl[e]ssuntsai p[epa]lykusai ‘the Buddha saw the company [which
had] come, suffering and tortured’ (17a4/5C); —pälalñe ‘burning, inflammation;
pain, torture, mortification; penance’: pälälyñ[e] = B(H)S upatpanam
(251b1E), yolo reki [tärkau] koynme pälalläññe källä : ‘an evil word
released from the mouth brings torture’ (19b4C), pälalñe = B(H)S vidha- (Y-
3a2C/L).
AB pälk- reflect PTch *pälk- from PIE *bhleg- [: Greek phlég (tr.) ‘burn,
singe, ignite,’ Latin flagr (intr.) ‘blaze, burn, glow,’ fulg/fulge (intr.) ‘flash,
lighten, shine,’ OHG blecchen ‘become visible, let see,’ and with nasal infix
OHG blinken ‘glitter, gleam,’ Old Lithuanian blinginti ‘shine,’ etc. (P:124-5;
MA:513)] (Meillet, 1911:148, VW:357). The relationship with Latin fulge is
particularly close. The Latin represents *bhl g-eh1-, while Tocharian represents
*bhl g-h1-ó-. The pelyk- of the preterite singular is from *plyek- (< *bhlg-) on the
pältwlñee* 405
basis of the plural pälyk- (< *bhleg-). Other semantic developments from this
root are to be seen in 1pälk- and 2pälk-, qq.v. See also 1pälk-, 2pälk-,
pilcalyñe, and probably pilke, pilkwer, pälkiye, and pälsk-.
pälkaññetstse* (adj.) ‘beautiful’
[m: -, -, pälkaññecce//] = B(H)S ubha- (IT-274b5C). From 2pälk-, q.v., more
particularly from an unattested abstract *pälkalñe ‘beauty.’
pälkamo (adj.) ‘± luminous, shining, bright’
[pälkamo, -, pälkamo//] [f: pälkamña, -, -//pälkamñana, -, -] pälkämñ tka
ken ‘the earth will be luminous’ (571a7A), akne eneka wäntarwa pälkamñana
skente ‘there are luminous things in the sky’ (178a4C), [in Manichean script]
plk/// = pälkmo (Gabain/Winter:11). An adjectival derivative of the present
stem of 2pälk-, q.v.
pälkiye (n.) ‘desert, waste’
[pälkiye, -, -//] pälkiye = B(H)S iri
a (534a2C). Presumably a derivative of
3
pälk-, (as if) from PIE *bh(e)lgu-yo- or *bh(e)lgu-h1en- ‘the burning place.’
pälkostau* (n.) ‘spy’
[//pälkostañc, -, -] (K-T). A derivative of 1pälk-, q.v.
pälkaucäkka (n.) ‘fortune-teller, seer’
[pälkaucäkka, -, -//] pälkaucäkka = B(H)S ika
ik- (529alC). A derived nomen
agentis, probably feminine, from the subjunctive stem of 1pälk- (the form not
marked specifically as feminine would be *pälkauca).
pält- (vi/vt.) G ‘± drip’ (intr.); K ‘± drip’ (tr.)
G Ko. I? /pältä-/ [Inf. paltsi]: /// [tä]ttw pältsi taurne wat ly[a]kemne (118a2E).
K Ps. IXb /pä ltäsk’ä/e-/ [Ger. paltä(äl)le]: /// paltä[l]e cau e r kutär
(324b2L).
Etymology uncertain. Either from a PIE *p(e)l-d- [: Lithuanian példu ‘swim,’
OHG fledirn ‘flutter, float in the wind,’ Greek pládos ‘humidity,’ Greek pladá
‘be damp,’ etc. (P:800-1)] (VW, 1949:301, Couvreur, 1950:129, VW, 1976:358)
or PIE *plu-d- [: Old Irish im-lúaidi ‘exigitat,’ Old English flotan ‘flow,’ flotian
‘float,’ Lithuanian pláudžiu ‘wash, purify,’ etc. (P:837)]. See also next entry
and possibly pälyca-pälyc and either plutk- or plu-.
pältakw (n.[m.sg.]) ‘drop; dew’
[pältakw, -, pältakw//] 94 aul attsaik totka mnats ñke wryee pältakwä
[ramt] atyats a[k]entasa : ‘life of men [is] now very short, [like] a drop of dew
on the tips of grasses’ (3b3/4C), : mantanta ksa p nge campi pältak swese
swsästsi : ‘never could the nga rain a drop [of] rain’ (350a3C). A derivative,
with the concrete nominalizer -äkw, from the previous entry.
pältwlñee* (adj.) ‘?’
[f: pältwlñea, -, -//] ///ts eklye [sic] pältwlñea yarke p arrntats 15 ‘the
pältwlñea season of the …s and the honoring of relics’ (IT-19a4C). Formally
we have here an adjective derived from a verbal abstract in -lñe, presupposing a
verb stem in pältw- (< earlier *pult- or *plut-?) of unknown meaning. Broom-
head (158) reads pälwlñea, but there would definitely appear to be either a <t>
or an <n> between the <l> and the <w>. In any case, ‘complaint [Broomhead’s
pälwlñea] season and honoring of relics,’ would be an odd combination.
406 pällarke
*plw- and equating it with Proto-Slavic *blj"vati ‘vomit,’ itself from *bl!vati
by contamination with the present *bljuj. Like VW’s suggestion, this is
semantically unsatisfying.
K. T. Schmidt (1982:365) much more plausibly suggests an equation with Vedic
br- and Avestan mr- whose Proto-Indo-European present was an athematic
*mrauhx-. For Schmidt the Tocharian *pälw- would represent the generalization
of the PIE zero-grade *mluha-. Cf. Lindeman (1987:300-301). However, we find
both ml- (e.g. mlutk-) and mr- (e.g. mrausk-) preserved in Tocharian so there is no
compelling reason to see a PIE *ml- as PTch *pl- in this case. However, the
denasalization in Sanskrit is also unexpected (MA:535; LIV:445ff.; Cheung,
2006:274-275). See also päl- and possibly pälsk-.
pälsk- (vt.) ‘think about, consider’ [Act. = MP in meaning]
Ps. VIb /pälsk(ä )n-/ [A -, pälskanat, pälskana//; AImpf. pälskanoym, -,
pälsknoy (sic)//; MP -, -, pälskanatär//; MPImpf. -, -, pälskanoytär//; m-Part.
pälskanamane; Ger. pälsknlle (sic)]: ce cowai carka tu m pälskana ‘what he
has robbed, he doesn’t think about’ (PK-DAM.507-a9Col [Pinault, 1984a:24]),
taiysu pälskanoym sanai aryompa yau karttse aulu-wärñai ‘thus I thought: I
will live well with one lover all [my] life long’ (496a3/4L), krui añme m nesä
kete ñäke tsälplñe pälskanträ ‘if there is no self/soul, whose redemption is
being thought about?’ (PK-AS-12Ib5A [Thomas, 1979:43]); Ko. V /pl sk- ~
pä lsk-/ [A plskau, -, plska//; AOpt. palskoym, -, palskoy//; MPOpt. -, -,
palskoytär//; Inf. palskatsi]: [tu]sa plme plska eme eme kärtsauñe ‘thus
he will consider each single good deed [as] the best’ (64b8C), sm palskoyträ =
B(H)S samketa- (300a3C); Ipv. I /pl sk- ~ pä lsk-/ [Sg. plska, pl. palskaso]:
karn nai plska pdñä[ktentse] ‘consider indeed the Buddha’s mercy!’
(283a1A); Pt. Ia /pälsk -/ [A -, -, palska// -, -, pälskre; MP -, -, pälskte//]: :
palska su klyi[ye] yamale ñi ce preke : ‘the woman thought: [“what is] to be
done by me in this time?” ’ (25a6C); PP /pälskó-/: (see next); —pälskorme; —
palskalñe ‘thinking, thought, idea’: [palskal]ñ[e]nta pälskome nätknallona :
‘the ideas/thoughts [are] to be thrust from the mind’ (8b1C), [nak]anma
palskalñentats yolaina tome pat : ‘guard from them the evil reproaches
of thoughts’ (8b5C), palskal[yñe] = B(H)S sapradhra
(PK-NS-414a2C
[Couvreur, 1966:170]), palskalyñeme = B(H)S sakalpt (U-2b3C), Both
palskalñi and palskal
enta are attested as plurals; the former is perhaps a semi-
artificial metrical variant (Peyrot, 2008:116); —palskalñee ‘prtng to thought,
idea, etc.’ (8b1C).
Etymology uncertain. It is probable that AB pälsk- reflect PTch *päl(k)sk-,
(as if) from PIE *bhl g-ske/o-, with zero-grade and an inchoative suffix from PIE
*bhelg- ‘burn’ > ‘shine’ > ‘look (at)’ (see 1-, 2-, and 3pälk-). The semantic
development would have been something like *‘come to look (at)’ > ‘consider’ >
‘think’ (cf. Greek sképtomai ‘look; examine, consider’ > Modern Greek ‘think,’
Sanskrit dh- ‘think’ but Avestan d- ‘look at, observe’). This is the position of
VW:358 and of Jasanoff (1978:40, fn. 30) who points to the presence of *ske/o-
presents in this verb in other Indo-European languages, Indic (Sanskrit brjjáti
‘roasts’) and Lithuanian (blizg^$ ti ‘to glitter’). Mayrhofer, however, takes the
408 pälskoe
Sanskrit brjjáti to reflect an earlier brjyáti and relates the latter to Latin ferctum
‘roasted sacrificial cake,’ etc. (1963:520-1). If so, it would not belong here.
However, AB pälsk- could reflect PTch *pälsk- (as if) from PIE *bhl ske/o-, an
inchoative (‘± come to say’) of *bhel- ‘speak, yell; bark’ which may be seen also
in päl- ‘praise’ and pälw- ‘bewail,’ qq.v. The semantic development would have
been something on the order of *‘come to say’ > *‘deliberate’ > ‘think’ (cf. Old
Irish imrádim ‘think’ from im- ‘about’ + rdi- ‘speak’). Much less probably,
Toporov (apud Thomas, 1985b:114) suggests a relationship with PIE *pel-
‘shove, push’ (cf. Latin pulsus). In any case, the inchoative suffix has become
extended to the entire paradigm, as is so often the case (cf. for instance pärsk-
‘fear’), and the full-grade in plsk- (historically *plesk-) is analogical. See
also palsko and pälskauca and, more distantly, probably pälk- but possibly päl-
and pälw-.
pälskoe, pälskossu, s.v. palsko.
pälskauca (n.) ‘thinker; philosopher’
[pälskauca, -, -//pälskaucañ, -, pälskauca] wkäske pälskaucañ Marantse
anmau kleae : ‘the thinkers will destroy the klea-bond of Mra’ [pälskaucañ
= B(H)S dhyyina] (27b6C), [pä]lskaucntsa = B(H)S trkikair (U-17a4C). A
nomen agentis derived from the subjunctive of pälsk-, q.v.
pälyca-pälyc ([indeclinable] adj./adv.) ‘fleeting(ly)’
pälyca-pälyc ra waskamo ‘moving fleetingly’ (245b4A), le pälsko pälycä-pälyc
ra weru ramt ‘with a thought as fleeting as a bubble’ (295a6A). Etymology
uncertain. VW (1944:136-7, 1976:359-60) suggests a connection with plutk-
‘rise up’ and an original meaning *‘flying’ > ‘fleeting.’ Semantically this is
satisfying, though phonologically difficult. Another possibility would be a
relationship with pält- ‘drip,’ q.v., where evanescence is compared with, say, a
drop of dew (cf. its use in 295a6). See also possibly pält-.
päcane, pace.
päs- (vi.) ‘speak, utter’ (?) [klautsaine päs- ‘ ± whisper’ (?)]
Ko. V /ps- ~ päs -/ [A -, -, psa//; Ger. pslle]: || kattke klautsaine psa-
[n]e /// ‘[if] the householder whispers in his ear’ (328b4L), /// me pslle /// ‘the
thought [is] to be spoken’ (?) (IT-946a2?).
It is reasonably certain that these words begin a discussion of Ptayantika 30
(TVS). Malzahn would tentatively translate, “if [beforehand] the householder
speaks out [an invitation] in his ear,’ where ‘speak in the ear’ would be pragmati-
cally ‘±whisper.’ She also notes that the akara <p> of 328b4 is damaged and
might be read as p· with an initial cluster (only pl, pr, and py would be at all
likely). However, Ockham’s Razor suggest that psa be connected with pslle
in IT-946a2.
Etymology unknown. Since the meaning seems to be something like ‘speak,’
neither VW’s (353) connection with PIE *pes- [: OCS paxati ‘ventilre, agitre,’
Russian paxnut" ‘blow,’ Old Norse fnn ‘snowbank,’ etc. (P:823-4)] nor another
with PIE *bhes- ‘blow’ [: Sanskrit bábhasti ‘blows,’Greek psúkh ‘cool off’ (tr.)
(originally ‘cool off by blowing’) (MA:72)] seems likely.
päst (particle) ‘away, back’ also used with verbs with a completive force
päst yaikorme = B(H)S apanya … päst klautkoträ = B(H)S nivartate (lla5C),
pi- 409
päst pa ‘go away!’ (23b6C), aul ñi lre päst rinale : ‘ my dear life must be
completely renounced’ (25a8C), ompalskoññe päst prakää ‘he checks
meditation’ (33b2C), päst ke w-ñ ‘they will eat me up’ (83a6C), le witsakai
päst nkema[r] ‘I will be completely destroyed with [my] root’ (94a4C), cai ntsi
päst yelalyi ‘these elements [are] to be examined carefully’ (152a5C), päst
yaytäorme = B(H)S vinya (IT-187a5C), cey wer meñ päs takre • ‘these four
months were past’ (331a5/b1L), te epiktene su oko[rño] päs pyautka ‘in the
meantime, the porridge had become ready’ (107a3L), päs aiy-ñ … tu päs aiskem-
ne ‘he must give it back to me … we will give it all back to him’ (PK-DAM.
507a8/9Col [Pinault, 1984a:24]). The unstressed, and later, byform of pest, q.v.
pässak(w)* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘garland’
[-, pässakwäntse, pässak(w)//-, -, pässak(w)änta] pyapyai pässakäntasa ya[ito]
‘decorated with flowers and garlands’ (589a2C), [in Manichean script] br’mnyk///
ps’kr’m = bramñik[tetse] pässak ram (Gabain/Winter:11), ce pässak wpa
kavvie ‘he wove this kavi-garland’ (429b1L); —pässak(w)äe ‘prtng to a
garland’: päsakäe pypyo ‘garland flower’ (M-2a5/6/PK-AS-8Ba5/6C ).
TchA psuk and B pässakw reflect PTch *pässkwä, a borrowing from Iranian
*pusaka- (cf. Sogdian ’pspkh/’ps’k or Parthian pwsg and the corresponding
Iranian loanword in Armenian, namely psak (Hansen, 1940:153, VW:636,
Tremblay, 2005:425).
pi (particle) ‘± really, indeed’[used to emphasize questions and commands or to
indicate deference]
54 saswa pstinar pi mcukant[a] ‘O lord, (if you please) keep the princes
silent!’ (53a2C), /// w[e]sk[e] kuse pi se ewe ste ‘they ask: who is this man
really?’ (91b4C), Vibhua
aprabhe weä ñaktets saswa kuse pi ksa ayi-ne
pelaikne klyautsi ‘Vibhuaaprabhe speaks: “Lord of gods, who will give him to
hear the law?” ’ (99a4C), • tume weña au • watkai pi pañäkte nida ñreme
kälymi raso tsamtsi • ‘then he spoke out: may the Buddha order the sitting-mat to
increase a span from the direction of the fringe!’ (IT-247a5/6C).
Probably related to the -pi of TchA which occurs as part of decade numbers,
e.g., taryk-wepi ‘32.’ PTch *pi
ä is presumably a descendent of PIE *h1epi [:
Sanskrit ápi ‘also, in addition,’ api-/pi- ‘near, by,’ Avestan aipi ‘near, etc.,’
Armenian ew ‘and,’ Greek epí ‘to, on,’ Greek ópithen ‘behind,’ Latin ob ‘in front
of, because of,’ Lithuanian ap(i)- ‘around,’ etc. (P:323-4; MA:391)] (Smith,
1910: 13, VW:373-4). See also mapi.
pi- (vi/vt.) G ‘sing’; K ‘cause to sing; blow [a musical instrument]’
G Ps. V / p y -/ [A // -, -, pya; AOpt. // -, -, p(i)yoye]: kalne plorya tne
pya lwsa ‘the flutes (?) resound and the animals sing’ (589a6C), mek pyoye
‘they had to sing a melody’ (PK-AS-15-D-a7C [Couvreur, 1954c:88]; for mek, see
MW, s.v. rga-); Ko. V /p y-/ (see abstract); —pyalñe ‘singing’: lo lmau
tkoy m ke wyoy pyalyñe ‘he must sit afar and not pay attention to the
singing’ (PK-AS-15-D-b2C [Couvreur, 1954c:88]).
K Pt. II /p y-/: [spä]ntaiytsñeai wrkai pysta klenauntsai ‘thou didst cause
to sing [i.e., blow] the resounding shell of confidence’ (214b4E/C).
TchB pi- ‘sing; make sing’ is probably cognate with the hapax TchA pis- at A-
301b3 rapeyäntu pisla kotla ‘musical instruments [are] to be blown and
410 pik-
struck.’ The TchA word is clearly transitive and so the functional equivalent of
the B causative. TchA pis-s- may be an extension of a PTch *päy-äsk-, the pro-
bable shape of the causative present and subjunctive in TchB (corresponding to
the attested preterite stem py-). PTch *päy- is probably to be related to the
otherwise isolated OCS p@ti ‘sing’ (1st pers. sg. poj) (Adams, 1982:133; MA:
519-520). Not (with VW:374) related to Latin sprre under the assumption that
the Tocharian words primarily meant ‘± blow.’ See also possibly p ya·rä.
pik- (vt.) ‘write, paint, delineate’
Ps. VII /pikä -/ [A -, -, pikä//-, -, , pikä; m-Part. pikemane; Ger. pikalle]:
le-ta pikä Yuaico ‘the mountain-commander writes to Y.’ (LP-1a1Col),
tarya piakänta pikemane tkoym ‘may I be writing the three piakas’
(605b3/4C/L); Ko. V /p ik-/ [MP -, -, paikatär//; Inf. paikatsi; Ger. paikalle]:
ytka paikatsi to pelaiknenta ‘he ordered [him] to write these laws’ (357a6C);
Pt. Ib /pik -/ [A -, -, paika// paikm, -, paikre; MP paikmai, -, paikte//]:
parso ette paiyka ‘he wrote the letter down’ (492a2Col), te Puñakme paiyka ‘P.
painted this’ [adjacent to a wall-painting] (G-Qm3Col), ?ilayae Wiryadewe tuntse
otri paiykm ‘. and W., we wrote the sign thereof’ (G-Su32Col), kuce te makte
paiykmai ‘since I myself have written this’ (S-2b1/PK-AS-5Ab1C); PP
/ppik-/: mäkte ost poiyantsa [wa]wrpau [pa]paikau [s]tre ‘as a house
surrounded by walls, painted, and clean’ (A-2/PK-AS-6Ca4/5C); —papaikar
‘±document’: ty papaikar lyuwa ‘he sent the document to her’ (THT-1321a5A);
—paikalñe ‘writing’: paikalñesa Avavrg cola [yakwe yälloe ytä-
mar] ‘by the writing of the Avavarga may I tame the wild horses of the
senses!’ (313a4C).
AB pik- reflect PTch *päik- from PIE *pei-/peik- [: Sanskrit pikte ‘paints,’
Latin ping ‘paint,’ Sanskrit piati ‘hews, carves; forms, fashions; adorns,’
Avestan pas- ‘color, adorn,’ Persian nu-vsad ‘write,’ Lithuanian pišti ‘paint,
write,’ OCS p"sati ‘write,’etc. (P:794-5; MA: 414; LIV:464 or 465ff.; Cheung,
2006:291-292; de Vaan, 2008:465-466)] (Meillet, 1914:18, VW:374). See also
probably pikr and possibly pikanma.
pikae* (adj.) ‘?’
[f: -, -, pikaai//] ///pikaai rutsi preke : (281a6E).
pikr* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘gesture’
[-, -, pikr//-, -, pikränta] /// lyelyko ceu pikrsa wnolm=alyek ‘having seen
another being with this gesture’ (606a3C), lekanma pikränta (109b8L). AB
pikr looks to be a derivative of pik- ‘write, paint’ (so VW:374) though the
semantic development is not obvious.
pikul (nf.) ‘year’
[pikul, -, pikul//pikula ~ pikwala, pikwalats, pikula ~ pikwala] käs käntenma
pikwäla kuce cärka kektseñä ‘[it had been] six hundred years since he released
[his] body’ (THT-1859a5A), ywrkññi pikulame ‘[those of] middle years’
(2a5C), : mnats aul ai kas-tmane pikula ‘the life of men was 60,000 years’
(3b1C), w pikla ñi no tsaukwa c ‘[for] two years I suckled thee’ (415a3L), nke-
pikulne ‘in the serpent year’ (G-Qa3.2Col), /// kwri pä pikwalats kante [yi] ///
‘even if one lived a hundred years’ (= B(H)S yac ca varaatam jvet [IT-308a6?
(Peyrot, 2008b:105)]); — (-)pikwalaññe ‘having [so-many] years’: ikä-
pikte 411
picuma
a (n.) ‘neem tree (Azadirachta indica A. Jus. or Melia azadirachta Linn.)’
(a medical ingredient)
[picumaa, -, -//] (P-3a2/PK-AS-9Aa2E). From B(H)S picumanda-.
Piñaute (n.) ‘Piñaute’ (PN in administrative records)
[Piñaute, -, -//] (SI B Toch. 12.4Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
pi
ak* (n.) ‘(canonical) collection of buddhist works’
[//-, -, piakänta] (400b3Col, 605b3C/L). From B(H)S piaka-.
pit (n.) ‘gall’
[pit, pittantse, pit//] te keklyau[o]rme Ara
emiñ lnte pit maiwte-ne k[e]tsa
klya ‘hearing this the gall of king A. shook [= he fainted] and he fell to the
ground’ (85b4/5C), pittantse otruna ‘signs of bile [disease]’ (Y-3a2C/L), pit =
B(H)S pittam (Y-3b6C/L); —pittae* ‘prtng to gall, bile’ (497a7C); —pit-
maiwalñe ‘fainting’: = B(H)S mrccha- (Y-3a2C/L). From B(H)S pitta-. See
also pittk.
pitari (n.) ‘finger-leaf morning glory (Ipomoea paniculata R. Br.)’ (MI)
[pitari, -, -//] (W-39b2C). From B(H)S vidri-. See also bi
ari.
p to (nm.) ‘price, cost’
[pto, ptantse (?), pto//-, -, pitai] aulänmae pitosa ce p[e]rnerñe kraupatai
‘thou hast gathered this glory at the cost of lives’ (203b3/4E/C), wastsitse pito wat
‘or the price of clothes’ (315b3E/C), • a varginta karyor pito misko ailñe
yamayenträ • ‘the a vargikas were buying selling, exchanging, and giving in
exchange for themselves’ (337a2C), yäkwece pitai ‘prices of horses’ (IT-
253a2C); —pitaitstse ‘± having a price’: (316alE/C).
Borrowed from some Middle Iranian source, presumably pre-Khotanese
*pa-, cf. attested Khotanese pha- ‘price,’ and also Ossetic (Digoron) fedun
‘pay’, Bailey, 1967:196-7 (also VW:637, Tremblay, 2005:428). The Iranian may
ultimately be connected with OHG feil ‘be for sale.’ Not with Greek peith
‘persuasion’ (as earlier suggested by VW), nor from a PIE preform in *pi-d-
(Isebaert’s suggestion, apud Thomas, 1985b:135), comparing Messapic pido
‘dedit, donavit.’
pitke* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘spittle’ (?)
[-, -, pitke//] kete ñme tka tweri ruwyenträ partktaññe pitkesa arne laika-
nalle ‘to whomever is the wish: may doors open! [his] hands [are] to be washed
with camel (?) spittle’ (M-3b1/PK-AS-8Cb1C), mñe pitke /// eane epikte
pärwne wat no lupale ‘human spittle [is] to be smeared between the eyes or on
the brows’ (M-3b4/5/PK-AS-8Cb4/5C).
If correctly identified semantically, this looks to be a nomen actionis from a
verb *pitk- ‘spit’ related most nearly to Germanic *spit- seen in Old English
spittan (Adams, 1986). Somewhat more distantly related are a host of other
words in Indo-European descended from *spyeu-: Sanskrit hvati ‘spits,’ Greek
pt$ ‘spit,’ Latin spu ‘id.,’ Gothic speiwan ‘id.,’ Lithuanian spiáuti ‘id.,’ etc.
(P:999-1000; MA:538).
pittk* (n.) ‘blister, swelling’ (?) or ‘gallstones’ (?)
[//-, -, pittkänta] ///ñantsa pittkänta ti • ‘he placed the blisters (?) over the …’
(IT-173b4C). From B(H)S pittaka-.
pittsau*, pintsau.
pirko* 413
original and (2) gratuitously inserted ‘five-fold’ for which there was no warrant in
the Sanskrit text. In sum, Filliozat’s reading of pipikne as the Tocharian
equivalent of B(H)S -stana-, a reading implicitly upheld by Sieg (1954), is
preferable.
Etymology unclear. It is possible that we have here a reduplicated formation,
i.e., putative PIE *peikipeiki-, related to such words as Latin spca/spcus ‘ear of
grain,’ Old English spc ‘pointed piece of land’ (cited from P.; not in Clark Hall
or Bosworth, Toller, Campbell), spca ‘spoke, ray,’ Old Norse spíkr ‘nail’ (>
New English spike) (P:981)] (VW:375, though he starts from *peispeik-). If so,
this word would be related to pikye, q.v. On the other hand, the possibility that
this is a nursery word of some sort cannot be ignored.
p säl (n.[m.sg.]) ‘chaff (of grain), husk’
[pisäl, -, pisäl//] pi[säl] = B(H)S tua- (174b2C), atiyai-pisäl-melte-orae puwar
‘a fire of grass, chaff, dung, or wood’ (194b1C/L).
Etymology unclear. TchA psäl (attested in the phrase sne psäl ‘husked’) and
B pisäl reflect PTch *pi
äsäl perhaps (as if) from a PIE *pesl , a nomen actionis
from *pes- ‘blow’ seen otherwise in Germanic and Balto-Slavic [: OHG fesa
‘chaff,’ faso ‘thread, fringe,’ OCS paxati ‘ventilre, agitre,’ etc. (P:823-4)].
Alternatively one might prefer to connect this word with PIE *bhus- ‘chaff’ seen
in (popular) Sanskrit busa- (nt.) (< *bhusa-; see Burrow’s discussion, 1976:38)
and Latin furfur ‘id.’ (< *bhus-bhus-) though the phonology is a bit more difficult.
Pissure (n.) ‘Pissure’ (PN in administrative records)
[Pissure, -, -//] (SI P/117.11Col [Pinault, 1998:15]).
pissau (n.) ‘dill (Anethum graveolens, A. sowa Kurz., or Peucedanum graveolens
Linn.)’
[pissau, -, -//] pissau (THT-1535, frgm. 2 a3E), ypiya yäkiye pissau okarño
päkalya ‘barley flour, dill, porridge, [it is] to be cooked’ (P-1a6C), pissau =
B(H)S puphv- (Y-2b5C/L); —pissaue ‘prtng to dill’ (P-1a2C); —pissautstse
‘having dill’ (497a7C) Etymology unknown.
pits* (n.) ‘trifle’ (?)
[-, pitsantse, -//] • pitsantse armtsa nraie lakle wat warpoymar • ‘because of a
trifle I would enjoy the suffering of hell’ (220b5E/C), pitsatse ra (IT-99a2C). It
is possible that this word might be a variant of either pintsau or patsa, qq.v.
Puñakme (n.) ‘Puyakma’ (PN in graffito)
[Puñakme, -, -//] (G-Qm3Col, G-Qm7Col).
Puñarakite (n.) ‘Puyarakita’ (PN of a monastic official)
[Puñarakite, -, -//] (G-Su29Col).
Puñicandre (n.) ‘Puyacandra’ (PN in graffito)
[Puñicandre, -, -//] (G-Su26Col, G-Su34.1Col, SI P/117.5Col [Pinault, 1998:13]).
Puñaiye (n.) ‘Puyayaa’ (PN in graffito)
[Puñaiye, -, -//] (G-Su26Col).
Puñyisene (n.) ‘Puyasena’ (PN in administrative records)
[Puñyisene, -, -//] (SI P/117.10Col [Pinault, 1998:15]). See also Puyisene.
Puyamitre (n.[m.sg.]) ‘Puyamitra’ (PN in graffito)
[Puyamitre, -, -//] (G-Su9Col, G-Su23Col).
Puyarak te, see Puñarakite.
418 Puyasene
Buddha emerged from [his] cell’ (5b3C), : mka pudñäkti tsaka aiene
‘many buddhas will arise in the world’ (17a8C), : pudñäktentse kektsene
lkye cai yetwe laknta : ‘they saw on the Buddha’s body adornments and
marks of excellence’ (30b1C), pdñäktentse = B(H)S buddhasya (IT-267a2C); —
pdñäktäññe ‘prtng to the buddha’; —pdñäktäññee ‘id.’ (71a2C); —pd-
ñäktee ‘id.’ (135a5/6A). A compound of pd- (< B(H)S buddha-) + ñakte
‘god,’ q.v. See also the prose equivalent, pañäkte.
Puddhadepe (n.) ‘Buddhadeva’ (PN in monastic records)
[Puddhadepe, -, -//] (THT-4000, col. 3 -a6?).
punarnap (n.) ‘red spiderling (Boerhavia diffusa Linn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[punarnap, -, -//] (W passimC). See also wärcik and epee. From B(H)S
punarnav-.
Punarwasu* (n.) ‘fifth (or seventh) lunar mansion’
[-, -, Punarwasu//] Punarwasune päknträ ekwe [sic] klai wat no ekalmi
ymtsi ‘[if] in P. one intends to make subject a man or woman’ (M-1b7/PK-AS-
8Ab7C). From B(H)S Punarvasu-.
pup, päp.
Prike (n.) ‘Prika’ (PN)
[Prike, -, -//] (59b2C).
purohite (n.) ‘house-priest, chaplain, chancellor’
[purohite, -, purohite//] (88b6C). Like TchA purohit, from B(H)S purohita-.
prakoäññe (adj.) ‘?’
[m: prakoäññe, -, -//] (W-22a5C). Derived from an unattested *pr
ako, a
borrowing from B(H)S pr
ako- ‘cake made from barley flour’ (Filliozat) or
the name of a plant (M-W).
Pury (n.) ‘Purya’ (PN)
[Pury, -, -//] (Lévi, 1913:320).
Purta* (n.) ‘Purta’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, -, Purta//] (490b-I-5Col; see discussion of this passage s.v. nocot).
Purnakke* (n.) ‘Purnakke’ (PN)
[-, Purnakki, -//] (Lévi, 1913:320).
Purnakeme (n.) ‘Purnakema’ (PN)
[Purnakeme, -, -//] (Lévi, 1913:320).
prnnikadr
nt (n.) ‘?’
[prnnikadr
nt, -,-//] ///mlne prnnikadrnt käs[t]e (342a2A).
Prvaved dv p* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘Prvaveddvpa’ (the mythical Eastern Continent)
[-, -, Prvaveddvp//] (PK-AS-17A-a4, -b1C [Pinault, 1984c:169]).
prvayok* (n.) ‘former existence’
[-, -, prvayok//] (349b2C). From B(H)S prvayoga-.
prvaklntarbhaw* (n.) ‘former existence’
[/prvaklntarbhawäñc, -, -/] (175b2C). From B(H)S *prvak-antarbhava-
(compound not in M-W or Edgerton).
prvntik ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘past [of time]’
prvntik nauuwe[nt preke] ‘the earlier time of the past’ (151a2C). From
B(H)S prvnika-.
pwar 421
*-r-, *ph2ur-, or again, with the addition of laryngeal metathesis, *puh2r-. The
latter form seems to have been the basis for a pre-Tocharian nominative/
accusative *puh2r or possibly *p(e)uh2r. (If the former is the preform one
might compare especially Gothic fon [< *pwn] (cf. the gen. sg. funins reflecting
a weak stem *p(h2)un-) and Old Prussian panno [< *pwon-u-].)
Already in late Indo-European there would appear to have been generalized a
new non-collective *p(h2)r from the weak stem *p(h2)ur- with rule-governed
lengthening in monosyllabic nominative/accusatives. The resultant paradigm
*pr/pur- is seen most clearly in Greek pûr/purós and in Umbrian nom. pir (<
*pr), locative purom-e ‘in the fire.’ Both Germanic (Old Norse fúrr [m.]) and
Slavic (Proto-Slavic *prya- [m.] ‘glowing ashes’) also reflect *pr-. Old
English f¤r and early OHG fuir (bisyllabic) appears to result, by a more complex
restructuring, from a putative late PIE *puwer (with the *e of the final syllable
introduced only after the laryngeal had been lost) while later continental West
Germanic fiur would appear to be (as if) from *peuri (P:828; MA:202). Cf. Sieg
and Siegling (1908:927) and VW(382-3), though the details here are almost
completely different. For explanations closer to this one, see Schindler (1967
[l968]:242), Normier (1980:257), Hilmarsson (1986:215, fn. 6), and also Linde-
man (1978:301-302). De Vaan (2008:500) would add Latin pr(i)g ‘clean’ (<
*‘lead fire’).
puwe* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘spoke’
[//pwenta, -, -] • em kautte koklentse waiptr pwenta käsknte : ‘the axle of the
wagon broke and the spokes were scattered all about’ (5a2C), 31 kauc ette
kluttakentär to pwenta ckr ente sprta : ‘up [to] down change the spokes
when a wheel turns’ (30b6C).
TchB puwe presumably reflects a putative PIE *pewes- (nt.) whose only
suggested relative is the isolated Sanskrit paví- (m.) ‘wheel-band, metallic point
of spear’ (Couvreur, 1950:130, VW:397), though the meanings are distant.
pu* (n.) ‘albugo’ (a particular disease of the eye)
[-, -, pu//] (W-15a5C). From B(H)S pupa-.
Pkarasri* (n.) ‘Pkarsin’ (PN)
[-, -, Pkarsi//] (PK-AS-12H-b6A [Pinault, 2000b:163]). From B(H)S
Pkarsin-.
puvati* (n.) a meter [probably 14/11/11/11 syllables, rhythm a: 7/7, b-d: 5/6]
[-, -, puvati//] (108a8L), {419b4L}.
Punäktär* (n.) ‘the sixth (or eighth) lunar asterism’
[-, -, Punäktär//] (M-1b7/PK-AS-8Ab7C). From B(H)S puya- + nakatara-.
Pupavrg* (n.) ‘Pupavarga’ (a chapter of the Udnavarga)
[-, -, Pupavrg//] (S-5a2/PK-AS-5Ba2C).
pupae (adj.) ‘prtng to a flower’
[m: pupae, -, -//] (IT-1094a2?). An adjective derived from an unattested
*pup ‘flower’ from B(H)S pupa-.
pu(ye) (n.) name of a constellation
[puye, -, pu//] (M-1b7/PK-AS-8Ab7C, 240b6E [lege: puye] [Broomhead]).
One would have expcted a Tocharian B *pui from B(H)S puya-.
peti 423
peri nestä totka tsamo wat ‘thou owest not some debt to another, [whether] small
or large?’ (KVc-9b2/3/THT-1102b2/3C [Schmidt, 1986:18]), ce [= kuce] peri
nesem tu päs aiskem-ne ‘what we are owing, that we [will] give back to him’
(PK-DAM.507-a9Col [Pinault, 1984a:24]), Sakatepe ysre peri towä 5 ‘S [is]
owing grain, 5 tau’ (491b-II-5Col). What suggests that peri here is not an
adjective is that it can be modified by the determiner [k]ca as in the last example.
See discussion s.v. nes- and Adams (2011).
Toch B peri ‘debt’ and TchA pare ‘id.’ reflect a putative PTch *peräi. It has
been suggested that this word is inherited in Tocharian (Schneider [1939]), but it
is far more probable that it is a borrowing from some Iranian language (Meillet,
1916:159, Lane, 1938, VW, 1976:636-7; Cheung, 2006:293]). Possible Iranian
sources include Avestan pra ‘debt’, Khotanese pra- ‘debt’, pera- (< *prya-)
‘what is to be paid, debt,’ pra- (< *parya-) ‘what is to be paid, debt,’
Tumshuqese para- ‘debt,’ Sogdian p’r ‘debt’ (cf. also Sogdian pwr ‘debt,’
Afghan pr ‘debt’). Of these, the one which matches the putative Proto-
Tocharian form best is the pre-Khotanese *parya-. With regular loss of Iranian
final *-a, the change of other *-a-’s to *-e-, and the epenthesis of *-ä- in the
difficult resultant final cluster *-ry, *peräi would be the expected Proto-
Tocharian outcome of *parya-. Tremblay (2005:428) opts for an antecedent
Iranian *prya-.
peruwär, see perwär.
-pere (n.) ‘± stalk,’ see s.v. akwam-pere.
peret (n.[m.sg.]) ‘ax’
[peret, -, peret//] : ewentse tane tetemoepi peret ko[yne tanmästär no] [peret =
B(H)S kuhr] (16a5C). TchA porat and B peret reflect a PTch *peretä, a
borrowing from some Middle Iranian source (Lidén, 1916, VW:637; MA:37,
Tremblay, 2005:425). One should compare Ossetic färät or Khotanese pa a- (<
*par(a)ta-).
perk- (vi.) ‘peer, peep’
Ps. II /perkä/e-/ [MP // -, -, perkentär; MPImpf. // -, -, peryentär]: mna emi
tsrorntsa ka peryeträ m parna lännaye ‘some people peered through the
gaps [of the houses] [but] they did not emerge’ (PK-AS-17J-a4/5C [Pinault, 1994:
115]), yenme prkre putkuwe tsrorntsa ka p[e]rk[e]nträ m parna lnaske
‘having closed the gates firmly, they just peer through the gaps [but] do not
emerge’ (PK-AS-17J-b1C [ibid.]).
Etymology uncertain. Pinault himself suggest a connection with Armenian
p‘orj (with expressive p‘-?) ‘attempt,’ Greek spérkhomai ‘move rapidly, hasten;
be eager, vehement,’ Vedic sprháyati ‘desires, covets,’ all from a PIE *(s)perh-,
but the semantic distance is great. Instead one might think of expressive or
onomatopoetic origin (cf. English peek and peer).
Perñik (n.) a proper name?
[Perñik, -, -//] moko Perñik (LP-33a2Col).
Perñita (n.) ‘Perñita’ (PN in administrative records)
[Perñita, -, -//] (SI B Toch. 12.6Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
perne (n.[m.sg.]) (a) ‘rank, stage, (high) position; glory’; (b) NOUN-genitive +
pernesa = ‘for the sake of’
426 perneu
(a) [perne, pernentse, perne//] • nauta-me perne tume yukse ceu aly[ai]k •
‘their glory may disappear and thereupon others conquer it’ (22a4C), <•> ce krent
ymorsa källoym perne poy[iññe] 70 ‘by this good deed may I achieve buddha
rank!’ (22b1C), arhanteñe perne [sic] kälpre ‘they achieved the arhat-rank’
(THT-1551b4C), trice perne kälpä ‘he achieves the third rank’ (591alL);
(b) [•] ñi pernesa aul rintsante ‘they renounced life for my sake’ (220a4E/C), po
weä wtsintse pernesa : ‘he says anything for the sake of food’ (31b4=
32a6C);
—perne in the compound yekte-perne ‘of little worth’: /// [wtsisa] cesa yau
ñi yekte-perne : ‘by the eating of this I live at low rank’ (25a7C); —pernee
‘prtng to rank’: pañäktäñe pernee aklksa ‘by wish for buddha-rank’ (88b4C);
—pernetstse ‘worthy, honorable’: ce pernece wnolmenno (IT-218b5C [cf.
Broomhead, 254; read: perne ce wnolmen no by IDP].
TchA parä and B perne reflect PTch *perne, a borrowing from some Middle
Iranian source; cf. Sogdian prn (farn), Khotanese phrra- (< *farna-) from older
Iranian *hvarnah- (Avestan xvar'nah- ‘fame, glory, dignity’). This explanation
goes back to Sieg, Siegling, and Schulze (1931:18; also Bailey, 1935-37:914-
915) and in one form or another has been universally accepted (VW:635, with
previous literature; cf. also Tremblay, 2005:425 with an interesting discussion of
possible Iranian antecedents). See also the next two entries.
perneu (adj.) ‘worthy, glorious’
[m: perneu, -, pernent/-, -, perneñc/perneñc, -, pernentä] [f: pernauntsa, -, -
//pernenta, -, -] s nte pralya pernauntsa ‘she, the brilliant one [scil. the
Buddha’s mother], [is] to be borne on the forehead’ (246a4E), po pernenta [sic]
(203a4E/C), <:> cai perneñco kuse tsälpoo kärkklleme yelmee : ‘these
worthies who [have been] freed from the swamp of sensual desire’ (8a4C). An
adjectival derivative of perne, q.v. See also Pernau.
pernerñe (n.[m.sg.]) ‘[awe-inspiring] splendor, glory’
[pernerñe, -, pernerñe//-, pernerñentats, pernerñenta] snai pe[rnerñe] = B(H)S
niprabhkrta- (311a3C), • pernerñesa plätkwene tuitäe wimne • ‘in the
tuita-palace, overflowing with splendor’ (231a2C/L); —pernerñee ‘glorious’:
pernerñee Sumersa täprauñentats [tä]rne[ne] masta ‘thou hast stood on the
summit of the heights over glorious Sumeru’ (203a4/5E/C). As TchA parnore
‘id.’ is a derivative of parä, so B pernerñe is an abstract noun derivative from
perne, or pernew, qq.v.
Pernau (n.) ‘Pernau’ (PN in administrative records)
[Pernau, -, -//] (SI P/117.11Col [Pinault, 1998:15]). Presumably identical with
perneu, q.v.
perpette* (or perpente*?) (n.[m.sg.]) ‘burden, load’
[-, -, perpette ~ perpecce//] pi-atsee perpente [sic] täne yatä aläsi <•> ‘he
will be able to throw down the burden of the five members’ (554b1E), : cai tne
m talla perpett[e] /// [sic] ‘they don’t bear here the burden’ (44b2C), perpecce
[sic] ñi clawa ‘I raised up the burden’ (401b5L). There are six attestations of
this word. The five usable ones are all accusative singulars and one of these, the
perpecce of 410b5, must be an analogical innovation for perpette.
pele 427
you renounce the prison of the house [even] a little?’ (5a1C), [:] prautka pelene
‘he locked [him] up in prison’ (21a4C); — -pele ‘law’ in snai-pele (adj.) ‘unjust,
unlawful’; (n.) ‘something unjust or unlawful’: okonta lwsa [wo ce]w preke
m snai-p[e]le ymye : ‘the animals ate fruit at that time [and] they did
nothing unlawful’ (3b1C), snai-pele = B(H)S adharmam (U-16b1A?), saswa ce
wessi [Pu]ttewante snai-paille [lege: -pele] ymu ste ‘lord, what P. has done to us
[is] an injustice’ (unpubl. Paris fragm. [Pinault, 1984a:25]).
The few examples of the meaning ‘way’ would be consonant with a more
specific ‘established way’ or the like. Etymology unclear. TchA pal and B pele
reflect PTch *pele but extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain. VW (345)
assumes a PIE *pod-lo-, a derivative of *ped- ‘seize, contain’ which is phono-
logically possible but is made less likely by the complete absence of any other
reflex of *ped- in Tocharian. VW attempts to bolster the semantic side of the
equation by pointing out that Sanskrit dharman- ‘law’ is a derivative of dhar-
‘maintain, sustain’ but the notion of ‘law’ as ‘that which sustains or maintains’ is
rather distant from ‘that which contains, seizes.’ Given the possibility of a word
for ‘law’ developing from ‘declaration’ (cf. Greek rh%tr), one might wish to
connect pele with päl- ‘praise, commend’ or pälw- ‘complain, bewail,’ qq.v.,
both from *‘speak out strongly.’ See also empele and pelaikne and possibly
päl- and pälw-.
peleañ ‘?’
snai peleañ (PK-AS-17J-a6C). For peleañ (cf. kälymie)? Could we have
a compound snai-pelee* ‘lawless one/outlaw’?
pelaikne (nm./nnt.) ‘law; righteousness’
[pelaikne, pelaiknentse, pelaikne//pelaikni, pelaiknets, -; or pelaiknenta,
pelaiknentats, pelaiknenta] papu pelaikn[e] ‘practicing righteousness’
(123alE), täñ pelaikneme = B(H)S tvtmatt (251a6E), kret pelaikne = B(H)S
saddharmam (U-22E/ IT-206a5), [ka] … pelaikne twr=emprenm[a] ‘he
announced the law and the four truths’ (1a4C), pelaik[n]e = B(H)S saddharma-
(23a7C), [pelai]knesa [a]y[e]ñca[ntse] living according to the law’ (= B(H)S
dharmajvina-) (IT-479a2? [Peyrot, 2008b:91-92]); —pelaiknee ‘prtng to the
law, righteous’: /// [pelai]knee reki kärtse a[ko] /// = B(H)S dharmapada
sudeitam (IT-52b6E), pelaiknee []au[l] ‘righteous life’ (15b7C), lasna
ltsi pelaikneana ‘to work works of righteousness’ (15b5=17b7C), pelaiyk-
nee wäntare ‘a concern of the law’ (IT-246b1C/L), pelaiknee pto ‘price of
righteousness’ (IT-134a1C). The rare plural pelaikni may well be a semi-
artificial metrical variant (though attested in both older and classical TchB) of the
expected pelaiknenta (Peyrot, 2008:115-116). A compound of pele and yakne,
qq.v.
pelkiñE-C (pelkiC ~ pelykiC-L) (postposition) ‘for the sake of’ [with noun in
genitive]; ‘in order to’ [with infinitive in genitive]
sprtatsintse pelyki = B(H)S nirvrty-artha (177a6C), /// ceu sm ymtsintse
pelkiñ yaltse tinränta ytrine allre ‘they threw on the road 1,000 dinars in
order to make a repetition’ (IT-131a5C), ñi pelyki ‘for my sake’ (109b4L).
Synonymous, or largely so, with pernesa (cf. perne) and pakna, qq.v. In
pelkiñ we have a noun, *pelki, with the causal case-marker (cf. läkle-ñ ‘because
peele* 429
of suffering’). The -ly- of the variant pelyki is probably nothing more than
anticipatory palatalization of the -l- to the -i- (Peyrot, 2008:81). The underlying
noun pelki is a morphological variant of pelke, q.v. as leki is of leke. See also
next entry.
pelke (n.) ‘solemn but joyous utterance’
[pelke, -, -//-, -, pelke] yetwe santse pelke amññe otri krentäntso soylñe
weweñu ‘the jewel of teaching, the udna, the monkish exemplar [is] called the
satisfaction of the good’ (33a2/3C), pelke = B(H)S udna- (547a6C), pelke
paikm ce ‘we have written these udnas’ (SHT-768 [cf. Schmidt, 1974:451]).
From PIE *bhelgh- ‘praise’ [: Avestan b'r'ayeiti ‘honors, greets with honor,’
b'r'g- (f.) ‘± religious rite,’ Khotanese bulj- (< Proto-Iranian*braya-) ‘honor,
praise,’ buljs (< *brk- or *brak-) ‘good quality, virtue,’ perhaps Skt.
brhaspati- (name of a god, perhaps ‘lord of praise’), OCS blag! ‘good,’ Old
Russian bólog! ‘good’ (Slavic < *bhólghos) (the Slavic and Indo-Iranian are
brought together by Vasmer, 1953)]. The Tocharian would be from PIE
*bholghós ‘praising.’ PIE *bhelgh- would be an élargissement of bhel- ‘speak
forcefully’seen in päl- and pälw-. Not from a putative PIE *bhólgo- ‘utterance,’ a
nomen actionis from *bhelg- ‘utter, make a noise’ [: Old English bealcan ‘utter,
splutter, send forth, belch’ (< *bholge/o-), unattested *b(i)elan ‘id.’ (> English
belch), Dutch bulken ‘bellow, roar’]. The meaning is distant and this
enlargement is otherwise restricted only to Germanic. Also not with VW (1971c:
159, 1976:371) from *bhelh- [: Old English belg ‘bag, purse, pod, husk, belly,’
Middle Irish bolg ‘bag, belly’] since the underlying meaning of this set would
seem to be ‘puff up’ or the like rather than ‘blow’ as his explanation would
demand. See also pelkiñ and, more distantly, päl-, pälw-, and pele.
pelykiñ, see pelkiñ.
-pew (adj.) ‘-footed’
[-pew, -, -//-, -, -pewa] lyakä kr[au]pträ : snai-pewa : wi-pewa : twer-
pewa : mak-pewa : klepe mällasträ : weperke parkää : lyakä som-
pasträ ‘thieves he gathers; [kinds of stolen goods:] the footless, the two-footed,
the four-footed, the many-footed; he denies theft, he makes the booty disappear;
he takes [from] the thieves’ (IT-127b2/4C, translation apud Malzahn).
TchB -pew represents PIE *-pod-wen- ‘having [so-many] feet’ [: Sanskrit
dvipád-, Old English twifte ‘two-footed’ without the “possessive” suffix *-wen-]
(Winter, 1962:29, VW:373; similarly Ringe’s *-pod-wnt- [1996:13f.]). See
also paiyye.
Penre (n.) ‘Penre’ (PN in monastic records)
[Penre, -, -//] (THT-4000, cl. 1 -a3?).
peele* (n.) ‘± worm, insect’
[//peeli, -, -] mactsi pä peeli aiene mäskenträ pkri ‘mice and worms/
insects appear in the world’ [peeli = B(H)S ka-] (K-8b1/PK-AS-7Hb1C).
Etymology uncertain. It is possible that we have a nomen agentis (as if) from
PIE *bhoslo-/bhslo- ‘devourer’ from PIE *bhes- ‘rub; chew, devour’ [: Sanskrit
bábhasti ‘chews, devours’ (3rd. pl. bápsati) or ps$ ti ‘id.’ (< *bhs-eha-) and Greek
psá ‘rub’ (P:145-146)]. The semantic agreement between Indic and Tocharian
would be noteworthy. It is possible that this root appears in the TchA present
430 peke
päsn- (if from *bhesn-) that appears as a hapax legomenon at (A) 96a3: camyo
talke ypam kosm päsnm which might be translated ‘therewith making a
sacrifice, killing and devouring [it].’ That Sanskrit too shows an -eha- extension
(in ps$ ti) might be accounted an additional small bit of evidence for introducing
päsn- here. At least as attractive, however, would be a relationship with Latin
pdis ‘louse’ and Avestan pazdu- ‘beetle, maggot’ from PIE *pezd- ‘± annoying
insect’ (cf. de Vaan, 2008:454). In such a case the Tocharian would reflect a
putative PIE *pezdlo-. In any event, we do not have some derivative of PIE
*pes- seen otherwise in words for ‘penis’ (so VW, 1951:151, 1976:372). See
also possibly pete.
peke (n.) ‘clarified butter, ghee’ (a medical ingredient)
[peke, -, -//] peke = B(H)S sarpis- (Y-1alC/L). Probably a borrowing from
some Middle Iranian source. Compare Modern Persian maske ‘fresh butter’
(Menges, 1965:131, VW:637). Tremblay (2005:441) supposes a Sogdian *pšk
from Proto-Iranian *payuška- ‘butter.’
pe
i* (n.) a kind of dwelling
[-, peintse, -//] [le]nantse peintse wat twerene aipu [t][ka] ‘it has covered
the … in the door of the cell or of the peti’ (329a3L). Etymology uncertain.
Isebaert (1979[81]:367) suggests that we have here a borrowing from a putative
B(H)S *(u)pei-, a derivative of (Skt.) upa-vi- ‘approach, enter, sit down.’
pete* (nm.) ‘± worm’ (?)
[//-, -, pete] pete wikää ankai<> pilkonta[n]e po • ‘he destroys the
worms in all heretical thoughts’ (THT-1192b3A), tnek nai pete kleae
pontats k·/// (554b3E). If the meaning is correct, we might have another
derivative of PIE *bhes- ‘devour’ (cf. peele), namely a putative *bhoseto-/
bhseto- ‘devouring.’ See also next entry and peele.
peteu (adj.) ‘having a pete,’ that is ‘worm-ridden’ (?)
[m: peteu, -, -//] /// [eka]lñe peteu ewe ra ‘passion [is] like a peteu man’
(152b4C). Presumably an adjectival derivative of the previous entry.
penettannm ‘?’
/// pa
arauñe rätrauñene penettannm [sic] tsärkalle (P-3a5/PK-AS-9Aa5E).
Pesane* (n.) ‘Pesane’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, Pesanentse, -//] (433a20Col).
pest (particle) used with verbs with completive force
[kru]i krent yamor po pest ce [lege: cai] kälpske ‘if they achieve every good
deed’ (135a2A), akruna pest lyelyuworme • ‘having brushed away the tears’
(514a8A), ymor rano pest nanautau ‘the deed [is] completely lost’ (K-7a4/PK-
AS-7Ga4C). Synonymous with päst, its later variant. For the chronological
distribution, see Peyrot (2008:163-164).
I take TchB pest (and its unstressed byform, päst) to be the exact equivalent of
Latin post ‘afterwards; behind, after’ and Armenian 'st (< *posti) and the close
relative of B postä ‘afterwards, later,’ (< *postu + nu) q.v. (so already Meillet,
1914:7). Phonologically we have in both the Latin and Tocharian forms the
regular descendants of a PIE *pos-ti with, in Tocharian, the lack of palatalization
before an original *-i- that is regular when that *-i- is in the neighborhood of
(phonetically retracted) PIE *-s- (cf. B laks [nom./acc. sg.] ‘fish’ from *leksis and
paintsa 431
*leksim, the TchA first person plural -mäs from *-mesi or, as here, through an
intervening, allophonically retracted, apicodental stä ‘heads’ [acc. pl.] with the
reflex of the normal i-stem acc. pl. *-ins). PIE *post and its relatives [: Lithu-
anian pãstaras ‘last,’ Sanskrit pac ‘after,’ OCS pozde ‘later,’ Albanian pas
‘after,’ etc. (P:841-842; MA:43; de Vaan, 2008:483-484)] are probably to be
derived from *h4apo ‘away’ (so Watkins, 1969). In TchB pest we have a
semantic development of ‘away from’ (hence ‘behind, after’) to a general perfec-
tivizing sense (much as ‘away’ in English can be). Not with VW (367) from PIE
*pel- ‘push’+ -s- + -tu-. See also päst and postä.
peste (n.) ‘?’
[peste, -, - //] /// postä ceu ikeme peste /// IT-285b2C).
pets (n.) ‘husband’
[pets, -, pets//] [7] tktre petso ai-ñ cai mn ‘these people will provide a
husband for my daughter’ (275b4A).
TchA pats and B pets (petso shows ‘bewegliches o’) reflect PTch *petsä from
PIE *poti- ‘master’ [: Sanskrit páti- ‘master, possessor, husband,’ Avestan paiti-
‘id.,’ Latin potis ‘capable,’ Greek pósis ‘husband,’ Gothic brþ-faþs ‘bride-
groom,’ Lithuanian pàts ‘husband’ (< patis) (P:842; MA:371; de Van, 2008:484-
485)] (Feist, 1913:103, VW:349 [unnecessarily starting from *potyeha-]).
paikalñe, see s.v. pik-.
paitar* (n.) ‘calf’ (i.e., young cow’)
[-, paitrntse, -//] K. T. Schmidt (1999c:15) gives paitrttse (no locus) and
translates ‘possessing a calf.’ The third akara is more likely to be read -rntse
and thus be a genitive singular.
Perhaps with Latin ftus (< *bheh1i-t-u-) ‘bringing forth or hatching of young;
offspring, brood; fetus; fruit, shoot,’ Greek phîtu (nt.) ‘scion, offspring,’ Albanian
mbi(n)- ‘take root, sprout; sprout up’ (< *m-bit-nj- where the -nj- is the
ubiquitous verbalizing suffix and *-t- regularly disappears before -n-), bitmë ~
bitonjë ‘seedling, sprout, shoot.’ The Tocharian would reflect a putative PIE
*bheh1i-t-r. See also paitarke and perhaps painrña.
paitarke (n.) ‘young calf’
paitarke (THT-1536, frgm. g-b3A) (cf. K. T. Schmidt, 1999c:15, who gives no
locus). A diminutive of the previous entry.
painrña ‘?’
[ma]lyakke painrña akwa// (PK-AS-17A-b6C [Broomhead, 62]; as read by
[CEToM]). Should this be read paitrña, a denominal adjective to paitar? The
akara does indeed look more like an n- than a t-, but it also looks identical to the
undoubted t- three lines before.
paintsa (adv.) ‘in the evening’ (?)
// paintsa ksartsa wa[t] // (KVc-27a2/THT-1118a2C [Schmidt, 1986]), ///pästä
wiyau paintsa kuse tka • ‘I will dwell in the evening [with] whoever it will be’
(THT-1681b5?). This is the meaning suggested by Schmidt. While the Karma-
vcana passage as a whole is full of gaps, it is clear that it is talking about
different kinds/degrees of daylight: full sun, sun obscured by clouds, and paintsa
or ksartsa. Etymology unknown.
432 paiytiññe
post* (n.) ‘Buddhist “sabbath” [four times a month when a pious Buddhist layman
performed eight las, etc.]’
[-, -, post//] pos[]t paa[t] ‘observe the poadha!’ (IT-198+196a5 [cf.
Hitotoshi, 2011:125]). [Cited wrongly by Bailey, 1950b:653, as poat.] From
B(H)S poadha-, or rather from some Prakrit equivalent (because of -s- rather
than --).
postak* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘book’
[postak, -, postak//] postakne a[krnta] ‘the akaras in the book’ (S-7b4/PK-
AS-5Db4C). Probably from either Sogdian pwst’k or Bactrian ^
‘document, writ’ (Tremblay, 2005:439) (cf. TchA postak from the same source,
perhaps via Tocharian B).
postaññe (a) (adj.) ‘later, latter;’ (b) (adv.) ‘later; even [as much as]; eventually’
[m: postaññe, -, postaññe//] (a) : Prbhse wlo pärwee Siddharthe pä
postäññe : ‘P. [was] the first king and S., the later’ (228a2A), postäññe (THT-
2373a2E), [ña]ke postäñ[ñ]e ‘now and later’ (25a4C), 73 twer meñtsa postaññe
am-nentse pudgalyik kko wä[rpa]nalle ‘and four months is the latest a monk
[is] to enjoy a personal invitation’ (IT-246a2C/L); (b) se amne plkisa
aiyanampa ytri ya p[o]stañe rano kuaime kwaai tätsi pyti ‘[if]
whatever monk travels along by agreement, even from one village to the [next]
village, with nuns, pyti’ (IT-124a2+PK-AS-18B-b2C [cf. Pinault, 1984b: 377]).
A derivative of postä, q.v.
postanu (adj.) ‘later, latter; last’
[m: postanu, -, postanontC (~ postonontL [sic])//] [f: -, -, postanuntsai//]
postanutsai preciyaine ‘in the last age/time’ (PK-NS-266a3C [Broomhead]), se
ñi posa postanu … pinwt warpalñe tka ‘this one will enjoy my last [i.e., best]
alms above all’ (107b10L), postanu pkä = B(H)S aparapaka- (510alL), eke
postanont camelne vajrsantsa la[moym] ‘may I sit on a diamond-throne even in
this latter birth!’ (580a3L). An adjectival derivative of of postä.
postanme (adv.) ‘finally, following, thereafter’
[wänta]rwats tsrelñe ke postanme : ‘separation from things [is] finally the
end’ (4a1C), [Brahma]datti lnti weswe postanme m p arsa ‘and finally he
did not recognize the trace of king B.’ (358a4C). The ablative of postä, q.v.
postä (adv.) ‘finally, afterwards’; ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘latter’
[: ma]nt mn[a]ts aul…kaunats meñats kätkorne kärsntr attsaik
postä : ‘so the life of men is cut off finally in the passing of days and months’
(3b5C), : m walke nke ñi ksemar tu postä onmi tka-me : ‘before long I
will be extinguished and afterwards you will have regret’ (29a8C), • ymtr
alyekä appamt ya postä nraintane 43 ‘he will treat others badly and go
afterwards into hells’ (31b5=32a7C), nau pke post pke iintse ‘the former
portion and the latter portion of the night’ (PK-AS-6Bb6C [CEToM]), ktow ramt
aktalye m postä aiai ymu ‘like a sown seed [is] not made visible [until]
later’ (K-3b5/PK-AS-7Cb5C [CEToM]), postä ynemane = B(H)S anusaran (U-
3b1C), postä = B(H)S pacd (U-11a3C/IT-260).
In TchB postä ‘afterwards, later’ we have a cognate of Latin post ‘after-
wards; behind, after’ (so already Meillet, 1914:7, though he does not offer any
exact account of the phonological side of the relationship; cf. also Jasanoff,
pautarke 437
(305a4C), • pkantesa le ywrc • ‘in width/crosswise one and a half’ (IT-247b1C),
pkäntenm=opynta waiptrtsäññenta etsñenta • ‘hindrances, stratagems, differ-
entiations, singularities’ (SI P/2a5C [Pinault, 2008:300]); —pkänte-pilko ‘±
looking askance’: : pkänte-pilkw attsaik daki
[ke lyelyakor]me : ‘having
looked on the worthy ones only [with] envious looks’ (24a4C); —pkänte-yami*
‘hindering’: pkänte-yamiñana wäntarwa ‘those circumstances which hinder’ =
B(H)S antaryik dharm (KVc-19a4/THT-1111C, KVc-19a4-21b5/THT-
1113C [Schmidt, 1986]) .
TchA pkänt ‘separate’ and B pkante reflect PTch *p(ä)känte which is probably
(as if) from PIE *bh(e)gnto-, a derivative of *bheg- ‘break’ [: Armenian bekanem
‘break,’Sanskrit bhanákti ‘break, interrupt, impede,’ Old Irish bongid ‘breaks’
(P:114-115)] (VW:376). Morphologically it is similar to yente ‘wind,’ q.v., from
*h2weh1-nto-, a derivative of *h2weh1- ‘blow.’ See also epikte.
pkelñe, s.v. 1päk-.
pkopi ‘?’
/// ukly pkopi se/// (580b5L).
pkwalñe, pkwalle, s.v. päkw.
ptako (adv.) ‘firmly’ (?)
/// wäntälyä mäne ptako enkoä /// ‘having taken the bow ptako in his fist’ (IT-
163a6E). Meaning uncertain, etymology unknown.
ptamaeCol (adj.) ‘prtng to a stupa’
[ptamae, -, -//ptamai, -, ptamae] cñi ptamai ‘the stupa’s money’
(Pinault, 1994:91), p[t]amae pito aisi cne wswa (PK-Cp. 38.54-55Col
[Pinault, 1994:103]), ptamae werwiyesa ‘for the stupa’s garden’ (Huang,
1958Col). A derivative of pat ‘stupa,’ q.v. See also Peyrot (2008:93-94).
ptmane* (n.) ‘?’
[-, ptmanentse, -//] (IT-922?). A declined present participle from a verb pät-?
Ptmparre (n.) ‘Ptmparre’ (PN in administrative records)
[Ptmparre, -, -//] (SI P/117.3Col [Pinault, 1998:13]).
ptäkcäññe* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, ptäkcäññe//] /// añmantse wantaresa [sic] ptakcaññesa takwaññe
ecce e/// (IT-139b6C/L). This manuscript at times writes -ä- as -a-.
Ptompile (n.) ‘Ptompile’ (PN in monastic records)
[Ptompile, -, -//] (491b-III-4Col).
pyk- (vt.) ‘strike (downwards), batter; beat [of a drum]; penetrate [as a result of a
downward blow]’ ( pyk- ‘depress, distress’)
Ko. I /py kä-/ [AOpt. pyim, -, pyi//-, -, pyye; MPOpt -, -, pyitär
(possibly imperfect); Inf. pyktsi; Ger. pykälle]: • walo cew ekorme • pyi-
ne [a]nmäi-ne wat ypoyme wat lyuc-ne • ‘the king, seizing him, would beat
him, or bind him, or drive him from the country’ (IT-127a4/5C; optative used as
an imperfect), kautsi pyktsi skratsi pär[makänta karstatsi] ‘to kill, to strike, to
revile, to cut off hopes’ (266b3C), pelaiknee ker cai … ente pyye ‘if these
beat the drum of the law’ (313b4=S-5b2C); Pt. III /pykä- ~ pykäs-*/ [//-, -,
pyakar] eneka pyakar ‘they struck within’ (PK-NS-410a2? [TVS]); PP
/ppy ku-/: lyka pä ce aie papyko po läklentats • ‘he sees [in] this
world the head battered/distressed by all sufferings’ (220a5E/C); —pykälyñe
440 pypyo
pyutk- (vi/t.) Act. ‘come into being, become manifest’; MP ‘bring into being’ [päst
pyutk- (vi.) ‘become ready’]
Ps. IXb /pyútkäsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, pyutkää// -, -, pyutkäske; MP -, -,
pyutkästär//]: ///rktär pyti pyutkää ‘[this sin] establishes pyti’ (329a4L),
pyutkäske-ne krentau[wna] ‘his virtues become manifest’ (591a5L), pyutkästär
(THT-1371, frgm. a5L); Ko. IX (= Ps.) [Opt. pyutkäim, -, -//; Inf. pyutkäs(t)si]]
/// pyutkäim waste nestsi /// (THT-1335 frgm. a-a2?); Pt. II /py utk-/ [A -, -,
pyautka// -, -, pyautkare; MP pyautkamai, -, //]: te epiktene su oko[rño] päs
pyautka ‘in the meantime the porridge had become ready’ (107a3L), pyautkamai
(PK-LC-XVICol [TVS]); PP /pepyutko-/: [: añ]m[a]llñe aiamñe ente tko-ñ
pepyu[tko] ‘if mercy and wisdom have been created for me’ (268b3C); —
pyutkaälñe ‘± establishment’ (586a5L). [Note the remarkable valency values,
confirmed by TchA data, for the active and mediopassive of this verb.]
AB pyutk- reflect PTch *pyäutk-. Traditionally this word is connected with
PIE *bheuhx- ‘be, become’ (Schneider, 1941:48, Pedersen, 1941:228, Melchert,
1978: 121 “unavoidable”). It presumably has the same *-T- élargissement as the
semantically similar klutk-. The py-, originally proper only to the class II preterit,
has been generalized perhaps so as to differentiate this verb from 1putk- and
2
putk-. But such an extension of palatalization in a verb beginning with p- is
otherwise unknown. Instead, perhaps we have the same prefix *pä- to be seen in
pläk- and prutk-, qq.v, prefixed to PIE *yeudh- ‘set in motion’ [: Sanskrit
yúdhyati ‘fights,’ yodháyati ‘engages [someone] in fighting,’ udyodhati ‘wells up
(of boiling water), Latin jube ‘give a command/order,’ Lithuanian jáudinti
‘excite, stir, move [emotionally],’ jud^$ ti ‘move, stir, get in motion,’ jùsti ‘feel,
perceive,’ TchA yutk- ‘be worried’ (P: 511; LIV: 201-201, s.v. *Hi
eu
dh-)]. The
TchB meaning comes from ‘±set initially in motion.’ Not with VW who
connects this word with PIE *pei(ha)- ‘be swollen.’
pyorye (nf.) ‘yoke’
[pyorye, -, -//] <•> enesa mekitse tkoy kacp ompä pärkre yeñca <•>
pyorye äp tkoy cew warne somo lyautai läktsa m kly[e]ñca 24 ‘[if] there
should be there a tortoise lacking eyes, living long, and there would be a yoke in
that water with a single opening, light [in weight] and not staying [still]’
(407a6/7E); —pyorie ‘prtng to a yoke’: kaccap pyorie ‘the turtle of the yoke[-
tale]’ (THT-2247b5E), näno aiyse pyorie lnte kunetsa 150 ‘furthermore
they worked a yoke-pot [= pot to be fitted and carried on one end of a laborer’s
shoulder-yoke?] for 150 kunes’ (490a-III4Col).
Etymology unclear. VW (399) suggests a connection with PIE *bheihx-
‘strike,’ Hilmarsson (1991b:173-174) a derivation from *peh1i- ‘injure, abuse,’
and Adams (1999) a putative PIE *bhi-yeha-ru- (+ later -ye) ‘that which goes
around.’ None is compelling. Semantically perfect but phonologically more
daring would be a derivation from a putative PIE *dhwrhx-uh1en- ‘yoke,’ itself a
morphological elaboration of the *dhwrhx which gives Sanskrit dh$ r. PIE
*dhwrhx-uh1en- would have given Proto-Tocharian *twyoräyän- which, with the
reassignment of gravity and acuteness in the unusual initial cluster might have
given *pyoräyän-. See also perhaps truskäñña.
442 prakr
a
which would regularly have given TchB prati (for the phonological develop-
ment see also krit).
pratipat, see pratiwat.
pratipal (n.) ‘arrow-leaf sida (Sida rhombifolia Linn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[pratipal, -, -//] (W-34a6C). From B(H)S pratibala-.
pratimok, prtimok.
Prate 443
spoke these five lokas before the envious and hateful ones [in order] to restrain
[their] spirit[s] and tongue[s]’ (18a2/3C).
If correctly identified semantically, TchB prm- is closely related to Latin
premere (preterite press, participle pressus) ‘press down, press upon, squeeze’
(VW:390). Given the semi-suppletive preterite and participle, the morphological
division underlying the Latin forms must be pr-em-/pr-es- or pr-et- with *-em-
being an élargissement with durative meaning added to *per- ‘strike’ [: Greek
peír ‘pierce,’ OCS na-perj ‘id.’] (Ernout and Meillet, 1967:533-534). The
same analysis of *prem- must of course be historically true of Tocharian prm- as
well (MA:450). The PIE *-em- is presumably the same as is to be seen in äm-,
and käm-, qq.v. (Differently, and without the possibility of a Tocharian connec-
tion, de Vaan, 2008:487-488, who assumes that Latin prem- is analogical, after
trem-, for pres-).
Prm-ñäkte* (n.) ‘Brahma-god’
[-, -, Prm-ñäkte//] (wall-painting caption 36.1 [K. T. Schmidt, 1998:75]). See
Bra(h)m-ñäkte.
prri* (nnt.) ‘finger’
[-, -, prri//praroñ, -, praro] amnentse yelmi pälskone tsaka kwipe-ike
keuwco kalltärr-ne t[u pra]rontsa yatär … [krke] län-ne ‘[if] desires arise in
the mind of a monk and his shame-place [= penis] stands tall and he excites it
with [his] fingers and filth emerges’ (334a7-10E/C), : prri raso pokai wat lauke
ykuwa 19 ‘having come out a finger[’s worth], an ell, or an arm[’s worth]’
(41b4/5C), • twra praro pañäkteme menki ai • ‘he was lacking [in height]
four fingers’ (IT-247b3C); —prriññe* ‘prtng to (a) finger(s)’: [pe]kwe prriñ-
ñan[a] ‘finger rings’ (116a4L); —prrñe* ‘id.’: [pe]kw[e] prrña<na>
(242b1C).
Since a nominative singular is not attested, it is possible that it is *prariye
rather than the *prri given above and by Krause and Thomas. TchB prri has
as its closest relative TchA prr (plural prru) which are reflexes of putative PIE
*p(e)reharu- (for TchA) and *p(e)reharu-h1(e)n- (for TchB), the latter extended
by the “definitizing” *-h1en- (see Adams, 1988d). The (acc.) singular prri
reflects full-grade *p(e)reharuh1enm (with regular loss of final *-n in non-animate
nouns, while the (acc.) plural reflects zero-grade *p(e)reharuh1enns (the resultant
-o- has been extended to the nominative). I take the underlying (and TchA)
*p(e)rru to be PIE *p(e)reha-r-u-, a neuter nomen agentis in *-r, extended, as is
usually the case in Tocharian by -u-. Similarly VW (1970a:166-7, 1976:390),
though he starts from a nominal *per-r. Further s.v. prere.
prnike (n.) ‘arbiter, director’
[prnike, -, -//] (G-Su33Col). From B(H)S prnika- (see Pinault, 1987a:151).
prä* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘question’
[-, -, prä//] ce prä pepärko ‘having asked the question’ (588a7E).
From B(H)S prana-.
präk- (vi/vt.) G ‘stay away; restrain oneself’; K ‘keep away, reject’
G Ps. III /präké-/ [MP -, -, präketär//-, -, präkentär]: wertsiyaime
präketrä : ‘he stays away from the assembly’ (14a2C), m cai präke[]trä
‘they do not restrain themselves (THT-1126b3?); Ko. V /präk -/ [Inf.
448 präkarac
tsainwai l[]ñsa kälymi prutkaskau [sic] ‘I rain over the earth with a flood
of weapons and I fill [it] up [in all] directions’ (93b4C), olyapotse mka eu kor
sää arañc ñuskaä … aulo prutkää ‘having eaten too much it dries
the throat, depresses the heart and plugs up the vessels [of the body]’ (ST-a1/IT-
305C); Ko. IXb (= Ps.) [-, -, prutkaä//; Opt. -, -, prutkäi//; Ger. prutkäälle;
Inf. prutkästsi]: prutkaä ramtt po jla iprerä ‘he [scil. Mahkyapa] will
fill up the whole blazing (?) sky’ (THT-1859“a”3A); Pt. II /prutk-/ [A -, -,
prautka//]: [:] prautka pelene ‘he locked [him] up in prison’ (21a4C), [: yke]-
postä prautka ramt ost cau po yolai weresa 27 ‘afterwards he filled up the
whole house with an evil smell’ (42b6C), /// p[r]kre satñe anñe akr
prautka • ‘he firmly kept in [= ±controlled?] [his] exhalation and inhalation’
(115a2L); PP /peprutku-/: p[e]prutko (THT-1552A-a3C).
AB prutk- reflect PTch *päräutk- (presumably with rebuilt zero-grade [cf.
Adams, 1978]). I think it likely that we have here an example of the same
(intensifying?) prefix *p(ä)- (that we can see in pläk- and pyutk-) and -rutk-.
This -rutk- is etymologically identical with rutk- ‘move away, remove’ (q.v.)
though the prefixed derivative *pä-räutk- better preserves the apparently original
meaning ‘keep away, hold away’ seen in Sanskrit rudh- and its derivatives (note
that prutk- often enough serves as the translation of Sanskrit ni-rudh-). Less
likely, it seems to me, is VW’s derivation from a putative PIE *(s)preudh-ske/o-,
otherwise appearing only in Baltic [: Lithuanian spráusti ‘thrust, foist; push, press
[as into a crowd],’ Latvian spraûst ‘stick in,’ sprûst ‘squeeze’] (VW:392-393).
See also prautke, probably pruccamñe and, more distantly, rutk- and
possibly pränk-.
preutke, prautke.
prek-, 1pärk-.
preke (nm.) (a) ‘time, (appropriate) occasion, period of time’; (b) cew preke = tu
precyaine = ‘at that time, then’; (c) snai preke = ‘unseasonable, inopportune’;
(d) mäkceu preke ‘when(ever)’
[preke, -, preke//-, -, preke] (a) [a]nmausa nmyatai prkre twe pärkre
prekentsa ‘thou wert bound fast with bonds for a long time’ (83a2C), • walo ey
tane Jabudvipne nau preke • ‘there was a king here in J. [at] an earlier time’
(372b1C), preke = B(H)S kla- (547a4C), pärkare prekentsa ‘for long periods of
time’ (562a3C), • istak wat prekesa ymorme] • ‘or made immediately for the
occasion’ (IT-306b4C [cf. Carling, 2003a]), [in Manichean script] k’tkv brygyy =
kätko preke (Gabain/Winter:12), carit päs pymtso preke päs ste • …
tanpatentse kakoe wer meñi päs arre ‘do [this] calculation! the time is past;
the four months of the benefactor’s invitation have ended!’ (331b5L); (b) okonta
lwsa [woye ce]w preke ‘the animals [at] that time were eating fruit’ (3b1C);
(c) snai preke yenti tsekanträ snai preke suwa pä swesi ‘unseasonable winds
arise and unseasonable rains rain’ (K-8b2/PK-AS-7Hb2C); (d) mäkceu preke (=
B(H)S yad) (12a6C); —prekee ‘timely’ (?): tsäkst kret prekee tsäk-
oä ce pdñäkte np [sic] krenteunsa emaikne nest ñakte[nts ñakta 27]
(273a4A).
(As if) from PIE *bhroko- ‘instant, blink of an eye’ similar to the *bhrokwo-
that lies behind Gothic *brahw (in the phrase on brahwa augins = Greek en rip
452 prekalle*
*-r- to -n- in Greek). If parna, q.v., is from PIE *perero/eha-, the second solution
may be preferable. See also prri and -pere (s.v. akwam-pere).
preciyaC (~ preciyaE ~ preiyaL) (~ preciyoC-L ~ preiyoL) (nf.) ‘time, occasion;
season’ [tw precyaine = cew preke = ‘at that time’; myana preiyañ ‘summer
time’ (Tch pl.)]
[preciya ~ preciyo, preciyantse, preciyai//-, preciyats, preciya] 71 allok
nano preyaine ?rvastine mä[sktär :] ‘at another time he found himself in .’
(5b3C), [ta]ne walke preyantsa emp[e]lona akwatsana lkä nrainne
läklenta : ‘he sees through long ages the terrible and sharp sufferings in hell’
(19a1C), [yne]aññai preciyaicä ‘to the present time’ (149b4C), kätkausai
precyaine ‘in a past time’ (359a5C), ktsaitsñai precyaine ‘in the time of old-
age’ (K-5a6/PK-AS-7Ea6C [CEToM]), myana preciy[ats] [preciy- =
B(H)S samaya-] (THT-1579a3C [cf. Ogihara, 2011: 129]), yparwe preyaine =
B(H)S -prvakla- (541alC/L); — -precyae only in the compound po-
precyae ‘prtng to all times’ (TEB-58-20/SI P/1bC).
TchB preciya/preciyo is related to TchA prat (f.) ‘id.,’ reflecting PTch
*prsciy- and *prst- respectively. In PIE terms we have *prst(i)yeha- and
*prsteha- (I assume vr
ddhied derivatives here [*], but PIE *-o- as the root
vowel is also possible). As has long been seen (Holthausen, 1921:66, VW:388),
these Tocharian words are the only close relatives of OHG frist (m./nt.) ‘period of
time, interval,’ Old English first (m.) ‘id.’ (< *presti-) and Old Norse frest (nt.)
‘id.’ (< *prestom) whether or not there is any further relationship with *per-
‘hervor’ (P:811; MA:583; cf. Hilmarsson’s [1986:42] *pro-sth2-iyeha-). See
also possibly the next entry.
presto* or presno* (n.) ‘time’ (?) [Winter suggests ‘width’ (?), p.c.]
[-, -, presnai (or prestai)//] kektse[ñä]ntse yarm pres[n]ai[sa] /// (IT-132a4C),
///·tt· r wi praro presnaisa /// (598b1L). If the correct reading is prestai
(rather than presnai as usually supposed), then it is possible that we have here a
word meaning ‘time’ and the exact morphological equivalent of TchA prat (f.)
‘time,’ discussed in the previous entry.
pretsa, pretsa.
proksa (pl. tant.?; pl. f.) ‘grain’
[//proksa, -, -] (Schmidt, 1999c, no locus given) Morphologically this noun may
be like lwke ‘pot,’ pl. lwksa, or the singular may be *proks or *prokse. It may
well be, however, that proksa is a plural tantum and there is no associated
singular.
Clearly related to Slavic, e.g., Russian, próso (nt.) ‘millet (Panicum milia-
ceum)’ and to Old Prussian prassan ‘millet,’ whether that word is native Baltic or
borrowed from Polish. The Slavic (and Baltic) word would reflect a neuter
singular *próksom, the Tocharian a neuter plural *prókseha. The Slavic-Toch-
arian correspondence is striking. Whether *prokso- is further related (with
schwebeablaut), to *perk- ‘dig (out),’ seen in *pórkos, one of the PIE words for
‘pig’ (i.e., the ‘rooter’), and words for furrow (so Ivanov, 2003:197) is less
obvious.
procer (n.[m.sg.]) ‘brother’
[procer, protriC-L, protär//proceraC-L, protärñtsC, - (voc. proceraC-L)] protärñts
plakissu 455
nona ysentär era tktärñ ‘the wives of brothers are ravished, sisters and
daughters [too]’ (2b7C), [Ao]k[e] walo añ protär Vita[okempa] ‘king Aoka
with his own brother V.’ (363a2C), /// ñ protri teki empele tsaka /// ‘a terrible
disease arose to my brother’ (IT-97b2C), moko protär ‘older brother’ (108a3L).
For a discussion of the chronological distribution of the plural forms, see Peyrot
(2008:112-113).
That TchA pracar and B procer are the descendants of PIE *bhréhatr
‘brother’ [: Sanskrit bhr$ tar-, Old Persian brtar-, Latin frter, Old Irish
brthair, Gothic broþar, Old Prussian brti, etc., all ‘brother’ (P:164-165;
MA:84)] is universally accepted (Sieg and Siegling, 1908:927, VW:387) but the
exact details are a matter of dispute. I take TchA pracar and B procer to reflect
PTch *prcr with … the regular outcome, via mutual rounding (cf. Adams,
1988c:21), of an earlier (PTch) *… (i.e., *prcr). The vowel of the nomina-
tive singular was subsequently extended throughout the paradigm. In TchB we
have e in the final syllable, rather than the o that is regular from *, by analogy
with other terms of relation such as pcer ‘father’ and er ‘sister.’ (Since * and
*e fall together as a in TchA, it is not possible to know whether this same
analogical shift happened in the history of the latter language.) VW and Hilmars-
son (1986:9) offer different accounts of the origin of the vowel of the first
syllable. Finally, one should note that (nom.) procer and (acc.) protär match
Latin frter/frtrem perfectly from the morphological point of view. See also
omprotärtstse.
proskoE-C ~ proskiyeE-C (nf.) ‘fear; danger’ [snai-proskaitstse* ‘fearless’]
[prosko ~ proskiye, -, proskai//-, -, proskai] proskye (THT-2371, frgm. a1E), m
aula[a] p[ro]sky=wate ‘no fear or anxiety about life’ (20b7C), pro[skai] =
B(H)S bhayam (32b5C), snai proskai ceu [p]warne yo[pasta] ‘thou didst enter
into the fire without fear’ (368b2C), lma-ñ prosko ‘may my fear subside!’ (TEB-
64-08/IT-5C/L), proskoi (= proskai?) (IT-985a2?), /// proskai lkä wrotsana :
‘he sees great dangers’ (14b4C), aulaai proskaine ‘in fear of his life’ (THT-
3596a2C); —proskaitstse* ‘± fearsome, dangerous’: (555a4E), snai-proskaicce
[= B(H)S abhaya] (IT-175b6C); —proskaitsñe ‘± fear’: (541b7C/L).
Along with TchA praski, B prosko/proskiye is a nomen actionis derived from
pärsk-, q.v. (VW:388). In early PTch we would probably have found *presk-
(probably preserved in TchA praskañi ‘fearful’ with the regular shortening of *-
to -a- in a syllable following -- or -a-) and its “definite” byform extended by
(PIE) *-h1en- (cf. Adams, 1988d). The early nominative singular of this extended
form, *preskaye would regularly have given *presko which, with o-umlaut,
would have produced *prosko (so Hilmarsson, 1986:29). A restored nominative
singular *proskaye would have given *proskiye, whence TchA praski and B
proskiye (differently Hilmarsson).
prautke ~ prewtkeE ~ preutkeE (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± closure; prison’
[prautke, prautkentse, prautke//] preutke wrottse entse meu[te] /// (145a8A), ///
tärkärwae prewtkeme • ‘from the prison of clouds’ (514b5A). A derivative
of prutk-, q.v.
plaka, 2plk-.
plakissu, s.v. plki.
456 plaktukäñña
savsika-. Did the Turkish glossator miss the point, or is there an even rarer
Turkish verb, sävil- with an appropriate meaning?
The Tocharian equivalent of steyasavsika- does not appear to be a literal
translation (savsa- is translated, as one would expect, by wsaälle at IT-
127a7C) but must be ad sensum. The Tocharian word would appear to be a
compound whose second member is -km-, a verbal adjective from km-, the
suppletive preterite of pär- ‘bring, carry, take up, wear’ (Malzahn, p.c.). The first
member of the compound might be plata, the accusatve plural of plce
‘conversation, talk.’ A ‘taker up/sharer of conversations’ might be ‘companion.’
If so, our phrase might be ‘those who are by deceit companions.’
platkre* (n.) ‘± rash’ (?)
[-, -, platkre//] platkre mäakene aiye ärselle se laiko rkwi yamaä ‘in
[cases of] rash or jaundice, goat’s ärselle [is to be used]; this bath whitens’ (W-
11a4/5C). If the meaning has been correctly divined, a derivative of pltk-, q.v.
platkye (< *platkiye) ‘?’
[platkiye, -, -//] /// platkye amokce yonmä ‘[if] the platkye reaches the artists’
(432a2C). Formally this word would appear to be a derivative of pltk-, q.v., but
in the absence of any notion of its meaning, any such connection remains very
uncertain.
¹plk- (vi.) [impersonal] ‘reach an agreement’ [subject is thing agreed upon], ‘be
in/reach an agreement’ [with N = N-mpa]
Ps. VIII /plks’ä/e-/ [AImpf. // -, -, plakiye]: [t]w[mpa] mka onolmi
plakiye ‘many beings agreed with her’ (592a3C); Ko. I /pl kä-/ [A -, -,
plkä//; Ger. plkälle; Inf. plktsi]: karyor plkä ‘[if] agreement is reached
concerning the price’ [PK-NS-95b2C (Pinault, 2000:82)] /// pto em säswenä
plktsi watkää • ‘he came to the lord and orders an agreement to be reached
[concerning] the price’[ (??) (516a2C)]; Impv. /plks-/ [sg. plksar] pañikte
kä[i] weñ-me cisso kyapi aklalye[m]pa plksar ‘the Buddha teacher
spoke to them: go, kyapas, reach an agreement with [your] pupils’ (108a2L); Pt.
III /plkä-* ~ pl käs-/ [MP -, plksatai, -//]: amne tañ p[c]e[r m]ce[r]
plksatai-me kre[nt p]e[laiknene]ostme lantsi ‘Are thy father and other living?
Didst thou reach agreement [with] them in accordance with the law to become a
monk?’ (KVc-19b4/THT-1111b4C [K. T. Schmidt; cf. Pinault, 2005:509-510];
PP /ppl ku-/: amne paplku ‘the monk [has] agreed’ (THT-4001-b5Col
[TVS]).
AB plk- reflect PTch *plk- from PIE *plak- ‘please,’ seen otherwise only
in Latin placre ‘to please, be agreeable to’ and Latin plcre ‘to soothe, calm,
reconcile, appease’ (Meillet, 1914:14, VW:377; MA:205, 434; LIV:485f.; de
Vaan, 2008: 469). As VW points out, we have here a remarkable Latin-
Tocharian semantic correspondence, whether or not the Latin and Tocharian
words are further related to a group meaning ‘even, flat’ [: Greek pláks ‘flat
surface; plate,’ etc.] (so P: 831). See also amplkätte, plki, and pläkk-.
²plk- (or pläk-?) (vi.) ‘± bring/send’ (?) [not in TVS]
Pt. I /plk-/ [-, -, plka//]: Pawake ece mlae plaka ‘P. plaka’d the mlae
hither’ (491a-Col IIICol). The first two columns on this side of the wooden
tablet are records of contributions received. Column III is composed of this
458 plki*
single line of text. The position (at the end of its sentence) and form of plaka
strongly suggest that we have a (third person singular preterite) verb form. That
it co-occurs with ecce ‘hither’ suggests a verb of motion. Thus, perhaps, ‘P.
brought/sent the total-contribution hither.’ It is probable that what written as
plaka would really, in standard Tocharian B, be written plka. On the opposite
side of the tablet there are examples of cakä for standard ck. Certainly plka
would be a more expected form than plaka.
If the meaning is near correct, it is natural to think of a relationship with Greek
peláz ‘(intr.) draw near, approach; (tr.) ‘bring near, send near.’ The Greek
would be from *pelha-t- while the Tocharian would be from *pleha-K-.
plki* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘permission, agreement; promise’
[-, -, plki (plakime)//] se amne lyka wrempa plkisa ytri ya pyti
‘whatever monk goes [along] the road with thieves and robbers by agreement
[plkisa = B(H)S savidhya], pyti (IT-246C/L), /// [sa]kame tvrka [sic]
yie plki yaskaskemar parna simtsa yatsi /// ‘from the community I seek
permission to go for forty nights outside the border [of the country]’ (IT-
139b5C/L), parna plakime ‘except with [special] permission’ (THT-1579a2C
[Ogihara, 2012:168]); —plakissu* ‘± agreeable’: [p]l[aki]sso aiko kärso[
ne]cer ‘you are wise, knowledgeable and agreeable’ (108a2L). A derivative of
1
plk-, q.v. (i.e., *plakmen-, note the morphophonological similarity with wki
from wk-).
plce (nf.) ‘word, (idle) talk, speech; reply’
[plce, -, plc ~ plL-Col//plci, -, pltä] : preksa amne pudñäkte mäktu
plcsa mcer yes ‘the Buddha asked the monks: “for which speech are you
sitting [and waiting]?” ’ (3a6C), [65 tu] plc klyaure ‘they heard this word’
(25b7C), [62 re]kauna pltäne ikau wna kalla kästwer panene : ‘by day
they will find pleasure [in] words and conversations, by night in sleep’ (27a4C),
pw[i]ks[o] po pl[t] ‘eschew all idle talk’ (PK-AS-7Aa2C [CEToM]), parso
lywwa- pl akr m lywsta ‘I sent a letter to thee but thou didst not send
back a reply’ (492a3/4Col).
TchA plc and B plce reflect PTch *plce. This *plce is probably in Indo-
European terms *bh(e)l-eha-ti-, a ti-abstract built on an old subjunctive stem to
päl- ‘praise,’ q.v. A *päl- is the subjunctive we would expect beside the
indicative *päln-, though even in PTch (to judge by the agreement of A and B)
this subjunctive had been replaced by *pl-. Such a derivation seems semantic-
ally and phonologically better than that offered by Holthausen (1921:66, also
VW:378-9) whereby he relates *plce to Greek phledn (f.) ‘idle chatter’ and
phlédn ‘(m/f.) ‘idle talker.’ VW sees *plce as representing PIE *bhlden-.
However, on the basis of pai-ne ‘feet’ (< dual PIE *pode + later -ne), we would
expect *bhlden- to have given **ply- and not plc-. In any case Greek
phledn/phlédn are usually taken as intra-Greek derivatives of phlé ‘teem with,
abound in; babble’ (< *bhleu-; so Frisk, 1970:1025), though Beekes (2010:1577)
takes them to be of non-Indo-European origin. See also aplc and, more
distantly, päl- and pälw- and probably platakama.
pläk- 459
sells dearly’ (337b3C), [: krui m] ks=allek ñke ñi mläkalle [lege: pläkalle]
nesä : añ añm pläsemar /// ‘if there is nothing else but me to sell, I sell
myself’ (64a6C); Ko. II /plyäk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, plyañcä//; Inf. plyañc(t)si]: ysre
rine plyasi [< *plyañcsi] wya Toke armire ak cakanma ‘the novice T.
brought 10 cks of wheat to sell in the city’ (Otani 18.9Col [Couvreur, 1954c:
90]); Ipv. /peplyake/ (THT-1548 frgm. b-b3 and -b4C); Pt. III /pl(y)ekä ~
pl(y)ekäs-/ [A plek(u)wa, -, plyeksa ~ pleksa// plyekam, -, plyekare (cf.
Couvreur, 1954c:90)]: tau ysre ple[k]wa (Krause, 1954:186), aiyye pleksa ‘he
sold an ovicaprid’ (Pinault, 1998:4), Pertaie ck ñu tom klyokontau pleksa …
yältse pi-känte ikätsa ‘Pertaie sold [one] ck and nine tom of klyokontau for
1,520” (Huang, 1958Col); PP /peplyäku-/; —plyañcälñe ‘± selling’: (K-T); —
peplyakor* ‘sale’: cf. ysre-peplyakore* ‘prtng to the sale of wheat’ (PK-
LC-XXXVI-5Col).
Etymology unclear. VW (378-379) derives B pläk- from a PIE *peln- seen in
Lithuanian pel;nas ‘profit, gain, earnings,’ pelnýti ‘to profit, gain, earn,’ OCS
pl@n! ‘booty, plunder,’ Sanskrit pa
ate ‘barters, purchases.’ The -k- then is the
reflex of some sort of nominal suffix and pläk- itself is a denominative
derivative thereof (so, with somewhat different details, MA: 185). However,
there seem to be insuperable difficulties with such a view. First, as Greek plé
‘sell,’ OHG fli ‘for sale,’ and Old Norse falr ‘id.’ surely belong here with
pel;nas, etc., it is clear that the -n- is suffixal (i.e., the present-stem forming -nha-).
Second, no other IE group shows a nominal derivative in a velar and, in any case,
there are no good examples of a denominative verb in Tocharian, except those
(“factitives”) in -eha- and denominatives in -ye/o-.
We might save VW’s equation by taking the *-K- as an élargissement of the
underlying *pel- (roots ending in *-l- seem to have attracted the *-g- élargisse-
ment, cf. English steal/stalk, English tell/talk, or TchB päl-/pälw-/ pelke) but, if
so, the -n- must represent a generalization of the present-forming n-infix and
infixed presents in such cases (of *-l-g-) are otherwise unknown.
Therefore, it may be desirable to cast our net more widely. Semantically at least
as attractive as VW’s connection would be a comparison with Latin lice ‘be on
sale, be valued at.’ The Latin word might presuppose a PIE *leik- ‘id.’ which I
think may be seen Sanskrit rik- ‘put up for sale’ (present ri
akti)—this is an
equation that goes back to Grassmann—and Latvian lkstu/lku ‘come to an
agreement,’ Latvian salkstu ‘come to an agreement, conclude a bargain’ (with
lk- reflecting Proto-Baltic *link-). In Sanskrit *leik- has become phonologically
and morphologically indistinguishable from the semantically similar *leikw- ‘let
go.’ Similarly in Baltic *leik- ‘come up for sale’ has become intertwined with the
descendants of *leig- ‘like, even’ (Lithuanian lýgus and Gothic ga-leiks). So,
beside Latvian lkstu we have Latvian lgstu ‘come to an agreement,’ Lithuanian
lýgstu ‘be similar,’ and Lithuanian lýgti ‘bargain’ (Pinault, 1994c:336f, further
cognates P:669; LIV:406).
These words form a perfect match for B pläk- if the -n- of the latter is
generalized from the attested n-infix present and the initial p- is the reflex of a
former prefix. A PTch *p(ä)- could be from PIE *h1(e)pi- ‘upon,’ *bhi- ‘by,’ or
*h4(e)po- ‘from, away.’ The latter is to be seen in the imperative prefix pe- or its
plätk- 461
unstressed variant pä- (cf. pest/päst). Cf. also pyutk- and prutk-. With only a
little phonological legerdemain, we might even see in TchB pläk- the reflex of
PIE *prlink-, the nasalized equivalent of Latin polliceor ‘offer, promise’ (MA:
348-349).
See also plaki and pläkiñña.
-pläki, -plaki.
-pläkiñña* (nf.) ‘seller’
[//-, -, -pläkiññana] /// käryor pläkiññana[mpa] /// (IT-129b5C). Perhaps the
two words form a compound, ‘buyer-seller.’ A derivative of plaki, q.v.
plätk- (vi.) ‘arise, develop, swell, overflow’
Ps. III /plyetke-/ [m-Part. plyetkemane]: iñcew rekine arth plyetkemane ramt ///
[a]rth plätku lktär ‘in which word the sense, arising as it were … the sense
having arisen is seen’ (183b4/5C); Ko. I /pletkä- ~ plä tkä-/ [A -, -, pletkä//;
AOpt. // -, -, placye]: [k]ete no letkä [lege: pletkä] karu aiamñe
asakyainta kalpanmaai llys=akr m mauka ‘to whom, however,
sympathy and wisdom arise, he will not turn back from the effort of countless
ages’ (591b6L); Pt. III /pletkä- (~ pletkäs-*) / [A // -, -, pletkar]: klokastan-
me ok-tmane pletkar-c ysra ‘thy blood overflowed from eighty thousand
pores’ (S-8a4/PK-AS-4Ba4C); PP /plätkuwe-/: • pernerñesa plätkwene tuitäe
wimne • ‘in the tuita-palace, overflowing with splendor’ (231a2C/L).
For a discussion of the exact meaning, see Melchert, 1977:118. Etymology
unclear. AB plätk- reflect PTch *plätk- but extra-Tocharian cognates are uncer-
tain. Translating plätk- as ‘(s’)avancer, saillir,’ Schneider (1941:48, also VW:
379) connects this word with Sanskrit práthate ‘spreads, extends.’ Since the
Sanskrit word also means ‘increase, arise,’ etc., this etymology remains possible
even with the better specified meaning given here (after Melchert, 1977:119). In
IE terms the Sanskrit verb represents *plet(h2)-e/o- while the PTch would
represent the corresponding -ske/o- derivative *pl t(h2)-ske/o- [: Sanskrit práthate
‘spreads, extends,’ Old Irish ledaid ‘spreads, extends,’ Welsh lledu ‘spread,
extend,’ Lithuanian spleiù ‘widen, spread out,’ pl^tóti ‘to expand,’ possibly
TchB pltk- ‘spread (out),’ and its widespread derived adjective *pl th2ús >
Sanskrit prthú- ‘wide, broad,’ Avestan p'r'u- ‘id.,’ Greek platús ‘id.,’ Sanskrit
práthas- (nt.) ‘breadth,’ Avestan fraah- ‘id.,’ Greek plátos (nt.) ‘id.,’ Welsh lled
‘id.’ (< *pletos), etc. (P:833-34; MA:539)].
Melchert, on account of plätk-’s meaning, would associate it with PIE *bhel(h1)-
‘swell; gush forth; blossom’ [: Greek phallós ‘penis,’ Latin follis ‘leather sack,’
Old Irish ball ‘member, part of the body,’ Latin flre ‘blow,’Greek paphláz
‘bubble; splutter,’ and a very heterogeneous collection of other cognates (P:120-
122)]. Militating against Melchert’s suggestion is the very weak attestation of
dental enlargements, amid a plethora of other extensions, to this root.
It should be noted that AB plätk- is semantically equivalent with AB plutk-
which suggests a PIE *PluT- with (in the case of TchA plutk-) and without (in the
case of AB plätk-) a rebuilding of an old zero-grade (cf. Adams, 1978). If so,
we might reconstruct *bhleud- and relate this word to Grk phludá ‘have an
excess of moisture, overflow’ (MA:561). However, the change of *u to ä is quite
462 plä(t/k)k-
late and there are no compelling parallels to such rebuilding.See also platkre
and possibly platkye-.
plä(t/k)k- (vi.) ‘± extend one’s stay’ (?)
Subj. V /plä(t/k)k -/ [MP -, -, plä(t/k)ktär//] wer meñtsa ka amnentse kko
wärpanalle ste • tusa olypotse ente plä·k· - [lege: plä[t/k]ktär] [pyti •] ‘an
invitation is to be enjoyed by a monk for only four months; if, in addition, he
plä(t/k)ktär more, pyti’ (331a2L).
The corresponding section of the HMR manuscript has wärpatar [sic] where
331 has plä·k·. Thus plä·k· is a partially preserved third person singular sub-
junctive; it is not stressed on the root and therefore must be medio-passive in
shape. The only possibilities are plä·ktär (from a common subjunctive type) or
plä·ketär (from an uncommon one). The reconstruction of the root final conso-
nantism is more difficult. Sieg and Siegling transcribe [kk·] where the square
brackets indicate uncertain or imperfectly preserved letters. Of the four phono-
tactically possible, -kk-, -tk-, -k-, -sk-, the last two are excluded as the first
consonant of the compound akshara would have left clear graphic traces which
are not present. As already noted, Sieg and Siegling read -kk-; a reading of -tk- is
almost as likely graphically and much more likely statistically (root final -kk-
occurs otherwise only in yaukk- and staukk-). In sum, the word is most likely to
have been plätktär. However, if the root is plätk-, it is not the same as plätk-
‘overflow.’ The latter is everywhere intransitive in syntax and active in form; this
plätk- (2plätk-) is apparently transitive and medio-passive. If the meaning is
something on the order of ‘extend one’s stay,’ this plätk- may be the same as the
hypothetical pltk- and have the etymology proposed by Melchert for 1plätk-
above. (Further discussion s.v. platakama.) See also platkre, possibly
platkye-. [Not in TVS.]
plätrakontae (adj.) ‘?’
[m: plätrakontae, -, //] kapyres watsie plätrakontae Ñnacatretse ‘For
the workers provisions consisting of plätrkos; to/by the agency of/at the behest
of (?) Jñnacandra’ (Huang, 1958Col). Meaning and etymology unknown.
plu- (vi/vt.) G ‘soar, fly up’; K ‘let fly’
G Ps. VIII /plus’ä/e-/ [-, -, pluä//-, -, pluse; Impf. -, -, plui (plu-ne)//] 3
mentsie samudtärne pluä ‘he floats as if on the sea of suffering’ (282b3A),
kr[e]nt aumo[e] naumyempa ee amtsi kälpwa palkas sak ñ : plua<>-ñ
‘I got to come together with the good jewel of men; behold my joy! He flies to
me’ (PK-AS-17.3b2C [Couvreur, 1954c:84]; also TVS), • lkoym-c krui ynemane
ypauna kwainne ci plui-ñ [sic] saksa palskw=rañce ‘whenever I would see
thee going through lands and villages my spirit-heart soared with good fortune’
(246a1E); Ko. I /plyewä- ~ pluwä-/ [A -, - plyewä// AOpt -, -, pluwi//]: kat-
kauñaisa arañce po ke plyewä-ñ ‘out of joy my whole heart will leap’ (PK-
AS-17.3a5C [Couvreur, 1954c:85]), /// p[lu]wi teteka ‘suddenly it would soar’
(100b2C); Pt. I /plu -/ [A -, -, plua* (plu-ne)//]: : katkomñaisa arañce plu-
ne ‘out of joy his heart soared’ (375b4L); Pt. III /(plyewä-*) ~ plyéwäs-/ [A -, -,
plyewsaE-C//]: tusa k[akc]cu ply[e]usa su keucä ñeñmu kektseñ yäprerne ‘thus
rejoicing he soared high, bending [his] body in the air’ (365a3A), ywrc
wertsyaine plyews=iprerne ms-c ompostä ‘[from] in the midst of the assembly
ploryatstse* 463
he flew up and followed him’ (SI P2b-a2), plyewsa ram no skwae iprerne ‘he
flew as it were however in(to) the sky of good fortune’ (THT-151b3); —
pluwälyñe ‘soaring’: /// katkawñai pluwälyñe pälskontse /// (IT-30b5C).
K Ko. IXb /pl(y)úwäsk’ä/e-/ [Inf. plyus(t)si]: aurce akne plyustsi ‘to let [it] fly
in the broad sky’ (71a2C).
Tch AB plu- reflects PTch *pläu- from widespread PIE *pleu- ‘flow, float,
swim, fly’ [: Sanskrit plávate ‘swims, flies,’ Greek plé ‘ships, swims,’ Latin
pluit ‘it’s raining,’ Lithuanian pláuti ‘to wash,’ OCS pluti ‘to flow,’ etc. (P:835-
837; MA:561; LIV:487f.)] (VW, 1941:96, 1976:377). The TchB subjunctive
plyew- reflects an old lengthened-grade present, a putative *plu-. Such a
lengthened-grade present is probably a Tocharian innovation since an -grade is
only very weakly attested elsewhere in IE (i.e., in Middle High German vlœ&jen
‘wash, rinse, flush’). In TchA we have only a third person plural preterite plawar
and the participle plum. See also plewe, eplyuwai, and possibly plätk-.
plutk- (vi.) ‘arise’ (?)
PP /plutku-/ /// atomñesa kau plutku • ‘over the richness [= treasures] risen
high’ (THT-1371 frgm. g-b2L). Tch AB plutk- reflects PTch *pläutk-, probably
representing PIE *bhleu-T- ‘swell, gush forth’ (Melchert, 1978:119-120). See
further discussion s.v. plätk-.
plewe (n.[m.sg.]) ‘raft’
[plewe, -, plewe//] ot wärsa plewe ra ken mai[wte] ‘then the earth shook like a
raft on the water’ (THT-338b1A), plewe ecä[nmorme] ‘having tied up the
raft’ (IT-52a1E), plewe = B(H)S kolam (U-12a1E/IT-52). A derivative of plu-,
q.v. From PIE plowó- [: Sanskrit plavá- (m.) ‘float, raft, boat,’ Russian plov
‘ship’ (P:836-837; MA:74)] (Boisacq, 1916:1121, VW:379).
ploriyo* (nf.) ‘a kind of musical wind-instrument, ± flute’
[-, -, ploriyai// ploriyañ ~ ploriyaC, ploriyats, ploriya] tume akme
ploriyai yamäske ‘then from the sky they play flutes [Tch. sing.]’ (PK-AS-
12Hb5A [cf. Pinault, 2000b:151]), pi-yäknes ploryaime ‘from a five-fold
flute’ (?) (THT-1450, frgm. d-b4A), /// ploryai arn[e] (383alC), kalne plorya
tne pya lwsa ‘the flutes (?) resound and the animals sing’ (589a6C), mka
kerunta wrakai kerats ploriyats newe klyauträ ‘the noise of many drums,
conchs, keras, and flutes is heard’ (PK-NS-77.2+AS-17Ka3/4C [Pinault, 1993-
94:189]), arka ploriyaisa yarke yamasta ‘thou didst render honor with lute and
flute’ (Qumtura-34d5C/Col [Pinault, 1993-94:176]).
With the meaning established fairly firmly as a kind of wind instrument,
Pinault (1993-94) is surely right in seeing this word as a reflection of PIE *bhleh1-
‘blow.’ Perhaps we have a virtual *bhloh1-ru-yeha-. Not with VW (379) a
derivative of the same PIE *bhel- ‘speak forcefully’ seen in päl-, and pälw-, qq.v.
plor yatstse* (n.) ‘musician’ (or more particularly ‘flute-players’?)
[//-, -, ploryacce] Tane sakanma ploryace yparwe käryakr yamaante
‘here the monastic communities have already made an agreement/arrangement
with the musicians” (PK-L.C.Xa5 [Pinault, 2008:382, 385]). A nomen agentis
from the previous entry.
464 plyakwa
• PH •
phalalaka* (n.) ‘± sign of result’
[-, -, phalalaka//] (197b3L). From B(H)S *phalalaka
a- (compound not in
M-W or Edgerton).
phalasapat (n.) ‘success, prosperity’ (?)
(182b1C). If from B(H)S phalasampad-.
Phalgumati (n.) name of a river
[-, -, Phalgumati//] Phalgumati cakesa (IT-127b7C).
Phalgoi* (n.) designation of a lunar mansion
[-, -, Phalgoi//] Phalgo
i karyor pläktsisa kurkala pwarne hom yamaäle
karyor pläketrä ‘[in] Phalgui: to bring to sale the [goods for] sale, a kurkala
[is] to be put in the fire [as] an offering; the sale is made’ (M-1b9/PK-AS-
8Ab9C). From B(H)S phalgun-.
Phallik (n.) ‘Bhallika’ (PN of a merchant)
[Phallik, -, -//] (IT-8a4C).
bodhistve 465
•B•
Ba
i (n.) ‘Bai’ (PN of an asura)
[Bai, -, -//] (76b2C).
banto, pnto.
bal() (n.) ‘country mallow (Sida cordifolia Linn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[bal ~ bal, -, bal ~ bal//] bal = B(H)S bal- (Y-2b4C/L). From B(H)S bal-.
bahudantk* (n.) a meter of 4x25 syllables (rhythm 5/5/8/7)
[-, -, bahudantk//] (521a5C, AMB-b1/PK-NS-32C). Cf. TchA bahudantk.
bahupayik* (n.) the name of a meter
[-, -, bahupayik//] (G-Qm1.1Col).
bahuprahr* (n.) a meter of 4x25 syllables (rhythm 5/5/8/7)
[-, -, bahuprahr//] (108a3L).
bahurut ([indeclinable?] adj.) ‘learnèd’
///r pilykr cwi kavvintse bahu[]ru/// (429b2L). From B(H)S bahuruta-.
Brasi* (n.) ‘Benares’ (PN of a city)
[-, -, Brasi//] (25b7C, 112a3L); —brasie* ‘prtng to Benares’ (349b5C);
—Bras-rii ‘inhabitants of Benares.’ From B(H)S Br
as (cf. TchA
Br
as(i)).
bl* (n.) ‘(magical) power’
[//balanma, -, -] [m] gatänta m antinma balanma ‘neither medicines, nor
spells, nor powers’ (46b3C). From B(H)S bala-.
bhye* (n.) ‘heretic’
[//bhyi, -, -] (108a2L). From B(H)S bhya-.
bi
ri (n.) ‘finger-leaf morning glory’ (Ipomoea paniculata R. Br. or Batatas pani-
culata Choisy)’ (a medical ingredient)
[biri, -, -//] (W-7a5C). From B(H)S vi r- (var. vi l-).
Bimbasre* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘Bimbasra’ (PN of a king)
[-, -, Bimbasre//] (22a1C).
bilamati, pilamatti.
buddhavaca ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘containing the Buddha’s voice’
(S-2a5/PK-AS-5Aa5C, S-6a2/PK-AS-5Ca2C). From B(H)S bhuddhavacana-.
buddhotpatäe* (adj.) ‘± prtng to the Buddha’s origin’
[m: -, buddhotpatäepi, -//] (586a3L). From B(H)S *buddhotpatti- (compound
not in M-W or Edgerton).
brhati (n.) ‘Indian nightshade (Solanum indicum Linn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[br
hati, -, -//] (P-1a4C). From B(H)S brhat-. See also prahati.
bodhapakik* ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘prtng to enlightenment’
(51b7C). From B(H)S bhodhipkika- (cf. TchA bodhapakik).
Bodhe (n.) ‘Boddha’ (PN)
[Bodhe, -, Bodhe//] (123b4E).
bodhistve (n.[m.sg.]) ‘bodhisattva [i.e., buddha to be]’
[bodhistve, bodhistventtse, bodhistve//bodhistvi, bodhistvets, bodhi-
stve] bodhisatwentse kakraupauwa snai keä ymornta krenta ‘numberless
good deeds gathered by the bodhisatva’ (K-11b2/PK-AS-7Nb2A); —bodhist-
466 bodhyk*
• BH •
bhakti* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘± row, streak’
[//bhaktinta, -, -] (571b1A). From B(H)S bhakti-.
bhaga
la* (n.) ‘fistula of anus or vulva’
[//bhagalanta, -, -] pranka erä epe bhaga
lanta mäskenträ ‘it
evokes an eruption of pustules or fistulas appear’ (ST-b5/IT-305C). From
B(H)S bhagadara-.
Bhag rate (n.) ‘Bhagrata’ (PN of a buddha)
[Bhagrate, -, -//] (/IT-128b2C).
bhadrakalpike* (adj.) ‘belonging to the [present] age’
[//-, -, bhadrakalpike] (365.2A). From B(H)S bhadrakalpika-.
Bhadre* (n.) ‘Bhadra’ (PN)
[-, -, Bhadre//] (302a2C).
bhant (n.) ‘Indian madder (Rubia cordifolia Linn. or Rubia munjista)’ (MI)
[bhant, -, -//] (Y-1b1C/L). From B(H)S bha
- (Sieg, 1954:65).
bhap ~ bhav (nnt.) ‘state of existence’
[bhap, -, bhap//] (177a2C, 180b5C). From B(H)S bhava-.
bhava* (n.) ‘state of existence’
[//-, -, bhavä()nta] istak cai ngi ñr bhavantane yopar ‘suddenly the ngas
entered into their own states of existence’ (350a4C). From B(H)S bhavana-.
Bharaccatre (n.) ‘Bharacandra’ (?) (PN in monastic graffito)
[Bharaccatre, -, -//] (G-Qm8Col).
bhargi, bhrk.
bharyacintk* (n.) a meter of 4x12 syllables (rhythm 4/4/4)
[-, -, bharyacintk//] (89a6C).
bhalltak (n.) ‘marking nut (Semecarpus anacardium Linn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[bhalltak, -, -//] (W-42b3C). From B(H)S bhalltaka-.
468 bhav
bhav, bhap.
bhavkär (n.) ‘the last, highest existence’
[bhavkär, -, bhavkär//] (29b6C); —bhavkäre* ‘prtng to the last, highest
existence’ (108b3L). From B(H)S bhavgra-.
bhavk* (n.) ‘± element of existence’
[/-, -, bhavkäñc/-, -, bhavkänta] (180b4C). From B(H)S *bhavga- (not in
M-W or Edgerton).
bhkottär* (n.) ‘addition of one portion’
[-, -, bhkottär//] [list of ingredients] bhkottärsa ‘[each] by the addition of one
portion [greater than the last]’ (Y-1b3C/L). From B(H)S bhgottara- (compound
not in M-W or Edgerton but see Emmerick’s [1980:286] discussion of this and
semantically similar words).
bhja* (nm.) ‘vessel, pot’
[-, -, bhja/bhja(nä)nta, -, -] lwksa bhja[nta] ‘pots and vessels’ (K-10b2/PK-
AS-7Jb2C). From B(H)S bhjana-.
Bhdra (n.) ‘Bhdr’ (PN of a princess)
(K-T).
bhrk (n.) ‘tubeflower (Clerodendrum indicum (Linn.) Ktze. or C. siphonantus (R.
Br.) C.B.Clarke)’ (a medical ingredient)
[bhrk (~ bhargi), -, -//] (W-24b2C, Y-1a2C/L). From B(H)S bhrg-.
Bhtantär* (n.) ‘book of (demonic) beings’
[-, -, Bhtantär//] (P-2b4C). From B(H)S bhtantra-.
bhmi* (nnt.) ‘± state, element, earth’
[-, -, bhmi//-, -, bhminta] [:] okt bhmintame yaiko kleanma stmo bhavg-
gärne 19 ‘having driven away the afflictions from the eight states, standing in the
state of highest existence’ (29b6C); —bhmie* ‘prtng to a bhmi’ (175a6C).
From B(H)S bhmi-.
bhmyupaghta (n.) ‘± earth-injuring’
(331a2L). From B(H)S *bhmy-upaghtna- (not in M-W or Edgerton).
bhok ‘?’
kwaai vdai bhok kälpau (110a6L).
bho-bho (interjection) ‘good!; hello’
[t] rrine yaiporme lyauce weske bho bho ‘having reached the city, they
said to one another: good! good!’ (81b3C). From B(H)S bho(s) (cf. TchA bho-
bho).
bhräkr* (n.) ‘vessel’
[-, -, bhräkr//] 78 karu
äe bhrkr enku ärsa ymee : ‘seizing the vessel of
pity with the hand of consciousness’ (212a2E/C). From B(H)S bhrgra-.
bhräkarac, prakarac.
•M•
makamo* (adj) ‘urged, impelled, dispatched’
[f: -, -, makamñai//] makamñai = B(H)S prerit (539b3C). A derivative of
causative meaning from mäk-, q.v.
mak-y(ä)kne, s.v. mka.
makl* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘root’
[-, -, makl//] warttoe makltsa tatrpparme rpsa klya ‘tripping over a
forest root, he fell on [his] face’ (88a2/3C). Apparently the equivalent of the
inherited witsako, q.v. From B(H)S makla-.
makte (pronoun) ‘ipse, -self’ [emphatic and reflexive]
[m: makte, mäkcepi, makce/maktai, -, -/makci, -, -] [f: mäkciya, -, -//] : memyas
makci ono[l]me ‘you yourselves [have] deceived beings’ (28a7C), mäkcepi
aikorme [mäkcepi = B(H)S svayam-] (531a3C), makte t ka ‘the commander
himself has announced [this]’ (LP-6a2Col), • maktai nn·sa - /// (IT-898a1?); —
mäktauñe ‘final end’ (in compound snai-mäktauñe ‘incomparable’): snai mä[ktauñe]
= B(H)S aparya
a (534alC), snai mäktauñe ekaltse sporttotär ekalymññene ‘he
dwells in the incomparable power of passion’ (A-2b2/PK-AS-6Cb2C).
TchA mättak (m. acc. sg. mäccak) is clearly related to B makte (m. acc. sg.
makce) but just how has been somewhat obscure. TchA mättak/mäccak, with its
final -k, is inflected just like lak (m. acc. sg. lyak) ‘other’ (cf. B allek). In both
cases the final -k is obviously a secondary accretion (though in the case of the
words for ‘other’ one of PTch date) of the intensifier -kä (cf. suwak, mäntrk, etc.).
We must start from PTch *mäkte/mäkce (reflected in B) and *mäkte-kä/mäkce-kä
(reflected in A). In A the first -k- has become assimilated to the immediately
following consonant, probably as a form of dissimilation to the second -k-
(Couvreur, 1947:50). PTch *mäkte itself is a conflation of the contrastive and
emphatic *mä (< *mé(n); cf. mäkte, mant, and mäksu and, more distantly, the
enclitic Latin -met ‘-self’) + the intensifier *kä + -to-, the same *-to- seen in Greek
autós ‘-self’ and Albanian vetë ‘id.’ VW (294-5) isolates the intensifier -k in the A
forms and identifies the mä- of both A and B with that of mant, mäkte, etc. but,
rejecting Couvreur’s insight concerning the origin of the A forms, separates the A
and B paradigms and otherwise explains the constituent elements very differently.
makwaällona, s.v. kwäsk-.
Magha* ‘the tenth or fifteenth nakatra’
[-, -, Magha//] (M-1b8/PK-AS-8Ab8C). From B(H)S magh-.
makl (n.) ‘good fortune, bliss, health; good omen’
[makl, -, -//-, -, maklänta] ärnen=eko maklänta ‘taking in the hands the
good omens’ (213b1/2E/C); —makläe* ‘prtng to good luck, bliss, health’
(107a1L, PK-AS-16.1a4C [CEToM]). From B(H)S magala-, as is its TchA
equivalent makal.
mañi* (n.) ‘dairy’ (??)
[-, -, mañi//] war-waltsai<>tse [reading and suggested meaning by Malzahn,
470 mañiññe*
p.c.] parra mañine kewye alywe kärym-ne trai ak ‘we bought for it [scil. the
monastery] three ak of butter in the dairy (?) beyond the water-mill’ (Otani
II.12a4Col [Kagawa, 1915]; differently Ching and Ogihara, 2012). The meaning
is suggested because one buys butter there; a more generic meaning such as
‘shop’ is of course also possible. Etymology unknown.
mañiññe* (n.) ‘slavery, servitude’
[-, -, mañiññe//] : mañiññe ramt kattkets ymä ‘he does, as it were, servitude
for the householders’ (31b4C). A derivative of mañiye, q.v. See also
following two entries.
mañiya (nf.) ‘female slave, maid-servant’
[mañiya, -, mañiyai//-, mañiyanats, mañiyana] ostä-memanentse mka kurpelle
mñye mañyanats noy säswa tktärts ‘the householder must [be] much
concerned about male servants and maid-servants, for wife, sons, and daughters’
(33a5/6C). With a feminizing suffix -, from mañiye, q.v. Also preceding
and following entries.
mañiye (n.[m.sg.]) ‘(male) slave, (male) servant’
[mañiye, -, mañiye//-, mañiyets, mañiye] : yokaitse mñye netsi [lege: nestsi]
m ñke preke : ‘now [is] not the time to be the slave of thirst/desire’ (281a4E), :
ñr ñr mañye mañyaname nemcek yarke källlyi ‘[you are] to achieve
honor from [your] respective slaves and maid-servants’ (33a7C), mñye ya-
ytää ‘tamed slaves’ (IT-259a2C).
With TchA mññe from Old or Middle Iranian *(d)mn(i)ya-; presumably
from the (unattested) eastern Iranian equivalent of Old Persian mniya- ‘house-
hold servant’ from mna- ‘house’ [: Avestan nmna-/d'mna-] (Sieg, Siegling,
Schulze, 1931:11, fn. 2, Hansen, 1940:149, VW:631, Tremblay, 2005: 435). The
Tocharian form would seem to require an oxytonic Iranian *(d)mniyá-. See also
previous two entries and -mññe.
mañu* (n.) ‘desire’
[-, -, mañu//] Upagentse mañu kärstte-ne añ ytri masa ‘the desire of Upaga
was cut off and he went his own way’ (107a6/7L).
TchB mañu and TchA mnu ‘± spirit, appreciation, desire’ are surely to be
related but the exact PTch preform and extra-Tocharian connections, if any, are
uncertain. Perhaps with VW (1941:68, 1976:301) we have PTch *mäñäu- (the -
n- of TchA results from depalatalization once it has come into contact with m-),
itself a derivative of PIE *men- ‘think,’ i.e., *men-eu- (perhaps one should com-
pare mlyuwe for form).
mañca
a (n.) ‘chay root or choy root (Oldenlandia umbellata Linn.)’ (MI)
[mañcaa, -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S mañjiha-.
mañck* (n.) ‘couch, bed’
[-, -, mañck//] 84 se amne pir mañck yamasträ ‘whatever monk makes for
himself a stool or bed’ (IT-246b4C/L). From B(H)S mañcaka-.
-maññe, -mññe.
Maivare (n.) ‘Maivara’ (PN of a merchant)
[Maivare, -, -//] (89b6C).
ma
l* (n.) ‘circle; special ground marked out for religious or magical ceremony’
[-, -, mal//] mña kwre … ma
lne taalya ‘a human skeleton [is] to be
mant 471
TchA marmañ (pl.) ‘vessels (of the body)’ and B marmanma represent inde-
pendent borrowings from B(H)S marman- ‘vulnerable point of the body’ (Sieg,
Siegling, and Schulze, 1931:53, n. 3, VW:630).
Malakke (n.) ‘Malakke’ (PN in administrative records)
[Malakke, -, -//] (SI P/117.8Col [Pinault, 1998:15]).
malkalñe, s.v. mälk-.
malkwer (n.[m.sg.]) ‘milk’
[malkwer, -, malkwer//] /// mälkwerämpa tetriwo<> ere rä[tre] /// ‘with milk
mixed red color’ (IT-106a1E), aiye malkwersa spärkaälle ‘with goat’s milk it
[is] to be dissolved’ (W-7a6C), kewiye miosa malkwersa wat ‘with cow urine or
with milk’ (Y-2b5C/L); —mälkwere* ‘prtng to milk’ (IT-199b1C).
TchB malkwer (/mälkwer/) is related to TchA malke ‘id.’ and its denominative
mlk- ‘to milk’ (in PTch terms *melk--). These derivative presuppose a pre- or
Proto-Tocharian *(2)mälk- ‘to milk’ from PIE *mel- ‘wipe, milk’ [: Sanskrit
mri/mrjati/mrjáti ‘wipe (off), purify,’ Avestan mar'zaiti/ m'r'zaiti ‘stroke,’
Greek amélg ‘milk,’ Latin mulge ‘id.,’ Old Irish bligim ‘id.,’ Albanian mjel
‘id.,’ Old English melcan ‘id.,’ Lithuanian mélžu ‘id,’ etc. (P:722-3; MA:381; de
Vaan, 2008:393)] (Meillet, 1911:146, VW:284).
mallntsa* (n.) ‘± vintner’
[//-, mallntsats, -] kaumaii wsar y tkkai mallantsas-me ñu-kunae
stane kesa yältse okänte uktamka ‘the inhabitants of the Pool gave 1,870 for a
quantity of ninth regnal year stane from the vintners in Tkko’ (Bil 2.2/THT-
4062L? [Schmidt, 2001:20]). I take mallantsas to be a reduced form of the
genitive plural mallntsats. Either we have a rare instance of a secondary case
ending added to a genitive (cf. wi meñantse-ne ‘on the second of the month’) or
the genitive plural has been hypostasized into a noun stem of its own (cf.
mutkntse). In either case we have ‘from the vintners’ [place].’ With Schmidt
an agent noun derived from the subjunctive (mll-) stem of mäll- ‘crush,’ q.v.
malllyñe, s.v. mäll-.
Mallika* (n.) ‘Mallika’ (PN)
[-, -, Mallikai//] (Pinault, 2000b:163). From B(H)S Mallik-.
malyak(k)e (adj.) ‘youthful, puerile; firm (of flesh)’
[m: malyak(k)e, -, -//] [f: malyak(k)a, -, -//] tume ktsasa laupe ymusai tesa
ktso malyakka mäsketär m ylrya ‘then over the belly to which salve has been
applied, thus the belly becomes youthful [but] not flaccid’ (W-37b2/3C), •
malyakke ne[s]tä • = B(H)S blo ’si (IT-127a5/6C).
Etymology unclear. VW (1977b:390-1) suggests a borrowing (through a
Prakrit intermediary where Sanskrit -r- appears as -l-) from Sanskrit maryaka-
‘young man.’ However, maryaka- survives only sparsely in Modern Indic (in
Dardic) and only in -r- languages, so a possible Middle Indic source is by no
means assured. Note too that the Tch word is an adjective and not a noun.
Isebaert (1978[80]) suggests a hypochoristic derivative of *mlye/ mlle ‘devant
dompté, fougaux, folâtre’ < *dmehalyo-, a derivative of *demha-/dmeha- ‘domp-
ter, soumettre.’ More probably we have a derivative of 1mäl- ‘crush’ just as we
do in Latin mollis ‘soft, tender, gentle’ with a further semantic development to
476 Mauta
‘young’ (cf. Latin mollibus annis ‘in tender youth’). See also mäll- or possibly
mlle.
Mauta (n.) ‘Mauta’ (PN in administrative records)
[Mauta, -, -//] (SI P/117.10Col [Pinault, 1998:15]).
mac tse* (n.) ‘mouse, rat’ (?)
[//mactsi, -, -//] ly no mka krui tka /// alapä mactsi pä peeli aiene
mäskenträ pkri ‘if, however, there are many thieves, grass-hopper[s], mice and
worms appear in the world’ (K-8b1/PK-AS-7Hb1C).
Etymology unknown. Possibly there is a connection with the isolated Hittite
mashuila- ‘mouse’ (Kloekhorst, 2008:563-564). Not phonologically relatable to
*mus- ‘mouse’ (so Adams, 1999) nor to the improbable *muhxs- set up by de
Vaan (2008:396-397) since the long vowel in Latin ms, etc., can always be taken
as a generalization from the nominative singular where it would be regular
(*muss > *ms) and TchB mactse cannot be from *muhxs-ti- (pace Beekes,
2010:985).
mace ~ mäceE (nf.) ‘fist’
[mace, -, mac//maci, -, -] wäräñcäa mäce [sic] ‘a fistful of sand’ (142a3A),
akne ma mantä ksa wpää ‘he never shakes [his] fist in the air’ [?]
(597a5C).
Regularly from PIE *musti- ‘fist’ seen otherwise in Indo-Iranian [: Sanskrit
muí- (m./f.) ‘fist,’ Avestan mušti- ‘id.,’ Sanskrit mustu- ‘id.’ (Mayrhofer, 1963:
658, 661; Normier, 1980:260; MA:255)]. It may be that there is a further connec-
tion of this Tocharo-Indo-Iranian etymon with Lithuanian mùšti ‘to strike’ but
surely not with *meus- ‘steal’ or *mus- ‘mouse.’ Tocharian differs from Indo-
Iranian in reflecting a hysterokinetic PIE nominative singular *must%(i) rather
than *mustis. Given the accentuation of Sanskrit muí-, the nominative singular
seen in Tocharian may well be more original than that seen in Indo-Iranian.
Certainly not with VW (281) from *mn- ‘hand’ + -sti-.
mat (n.) ‘scorn’ [ N-Gen. mat ym- ‘to scorn’]
amnentse mat yamaä ‘he scorns the monk’ (THT locus lost), 77 [se
am]ne pañäktentse mat yamaä pyti 78 ‘whatever monk scorns the
Buddha, pyti’ (IT-246b1C/L). Etymology unknown. For a suggestion (m ‘not’
+ an Iranian borrowing *t ‘joyous, rich’), see VW (630).
masr (adv.) ‘in great number’
amni no masr ostuwaiwenta kakka tko wtsico ‘[if] monks should be
invited to eat in great numbers’ (masr = B(H)S sambahula-) (IT-248b5C [cf.
Couvreur, 1954b:44]), masr vailii mcukanta ‘the princes from V. In great
numbers’ (IT-131a4C). For the meaning, see K. T. Schmidt (1980:407) and
Pinault (2005:509). Etymology uncertain. VW (1985:487) suggests a borrow-
ing from Iranian *maz- ‘great’ with the addition of “distributive” suffix -r (see
somr or waiptr).
Maskali* (n.) ‘Maskali’ (PN of a heretical teacher)
[-, Maskalintse, -//] (28a8C).
maskelle, s.v. 1mäsk-.
maskwana ‘?’
///t·mane ·e ·enta mas[k]wana /// (594a4C).
Mahsamate 477
‘very’ [intensive prefix]), nt. nom/acc. sg. *méha (Skt. nt. máhi, Greek nt.
méga).
Often taken as in complementary distribution geographically with meha- in late
Proto-Indo-European is *ma- [: Latin Maius (< *mayo-) ‘May,’ Latin magnus
(< *ma(i)no-) ‘great,’ Proto-Celtic *magyo- (Middle Irish maige ‘great’),
*magino- (Middle Irish maignech ‘great’ [< *maginiko-), *maglo- (Middle Irish
mál ‘noble, prince’), Albanian madh ‘great’ (< *mayo-) (P:708-9)]. To the
material assembled here by Pokorny we might add Lithuanian mãgulas
‘numerous’ (cf. for the suffix Greek mégalos), though its isolation with Baltic
invites caution. De Vaan (2008:358-359 with earlier references) takes the Latin
(and Celtic?) to reflect a zero-grade *mha (*RCD- > *RaDC-). The Albanian
and Lithuanian words could reflect *moha-; the Tocharian could be from *moha
or *moha (cf. Ringe, 1996:161). See also possibly moko.
mkaranda (n.) a species of jasmine; a species of mango (?)
[mkaranda, -, -//] (497b2C). From B(H)S makaranda-.
Mgat (n.) ‘Magadha’ (PN of a country of India)
(110a2L, Broomhead); —Mgatäe ‘prtng to Magadha’ (21a3C, Broomhead).
From B(H)S Magadha (cf. TchA Mgat).
mcer (n.) ‘mother’
[mcer, mtriE-C-L, mtär//mtärñC ~ mceraC, -, mtäräC] soi mcer awästär
‘the mother nourishes [her] son’ (142a4A), tänmastär … mtri kektseñme : ‘he
was born from [his] mother’s body’ (16b7/8=18a5C); —matare ‘prtng to a
mother’ (only attested as second member of the compound ptär-matäre
‘prtng to father and mother,’ q.v.). For a discussion of the chronological distri-
bution of the plural forms, see Peyrot (2008:112-113).
TchA mcar and B mcer reflect PTch *mcr from PIE *mehatr [: Sanskrit
mtár-, Avestan mtar-, Greek m%tr (Doric m$ tr), Latin mter, Old Irish
máthir, Old English mdor, OCS mati, Latvian mâte (all) ‘mother,’ Lithuanian
mót^ ‘woman, wife,’ Albanian motër ‘sister’ (< motrë < *mehatr-eha- ‘maternal
[sister]’), etc. (P:700-1; MA:385)] (Sieg, Siegling, 1908:927, VW:283-4). One
should note the exact equivalence of the accusative mtär with Latin mtrem
(and, if the identification is correct, the acc. pl. mtärä [403.3] with Latin
mtrs). Both the genitive singular and the nominative plural are analogical. The
vowel -- of mcer is likely to be analogical after that of pcer ‘father’ or after
the accusative mtär (or both) as I would expect PTch *…- to have given o…o
(see procer). See also matarye.
-mññe (n.) ‘hall, pavilion’ [only (unstressed) as the second member of compounds]
See yärke-maññe, wn-maññe, taupe-maññe. Compare TchA kropal-mññe
‘assembly hall,’ and talke-mññe ‘hall of sacrifice’ (Pinault, 2002:320-322). At
least in the attested examples, where the word would appear to be translating
B(H)S -ala, the structure referred to is apparently roofed but not necessarily
provided with solid sides.
Identical with TchA -mññe. Both represent borrowing from Old or Middle
Iranian *(d)m$ n(i)ya- ‘pertaining to a house.’ Unlike mañiye (< *dmníya-),
q.v., this word would seem to reflect an Iranian accent on the first syllable.
mme* 481
m
hare (n.[m.sg.]) ‘superintendent of a monastic school’
[mhare, -, -//] (110a8L). From B(H)S mhara-.
mavi (n.) ‘young girl’
[mavi, -, -//] : Cañca m
avi em ‘the young girl Cañc came’ (18b7/8C).
From B(H)S m
avik-.
Mibhadra (n.) ‘Mibhadra’ (PN)
[Mibhadra, -, -//] (THT-2379, frgm. o-b4E).
mtar (~ mdar) (n.[m.sg.]) ‘sea-monster’
[mtar, matrntse, -//-, -, matr] srukallee mdr se pontä nukna ‘this
sea-monster of death swallows every-one’ (295b3A), tetemu matrne ‘born
among the sea-monsters’ (PK-AS-6Ab6C [CEToM]). TchA mtr and B mtar
are both ultimately from B(H)S makara-, perhaps through the intermediary of
Khotanese mdara- (Bailey, 1937:913, Tremblay, 2005:434).
mtuluk (n.) ‘citron (Citrus medica Linn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[mtaluk, -, -//] (Y-1a5C/L). From B(H)S mtuluga-.
mträdr
nt* (n.) ‘maternal example’ (?)
[-, -, mträdr
nt//] mäkte maitrajñe käryorttante nau tka : mträ-drntne
kärsanalle aurtsesa (K-2b4/PK-AS-7Bb4C). For the meaning see the discussion
by Sieg (1938:8).
mtrilarcepi ‘?’
/// mtrilrccepi [word separation uncertain] sprtto m lkle (324a4L).
mtre* (adj.) ‘sharp, acid, sharp’
[m: -, -, mtre//] [f: //matrona, -, -] räskarona matrona stna ‘trees, bitter and
sharp[-tasting]’ (K-8b6/PK-AS-7Hb6C [CEToM]); —matre-wse ‘having a sharp
poison’: matre-wse r[amt ar]klai ‘like a snake with sharp poison’ (S-4/PK-AS-
4Ab1C).
A derivative of PIE *h2meh1- ‘cut, mow’ [:Greek amá ‘cut, mow,’ Greek
amt%r ‘reaper,’ Greek amt%rion ‘sickle,’ Greek ámtos ‘harvest; harvested
field,’ Old English mwan ‘mow,’ mQd (f.) ‘mead, meadow,’ etc. (P:703;
MA:258)], i.e., *h2moh1-tro- ‘cutting’ (VW:285, with differing details).
mdar, mtar.
Mdali* (n.) ‘Mdali’ (PN of the Buddha’s charioteer in the akra Jtaka)
[-, -, Mdali//] (362a6E).
mntalñe, s.v. mänt-.
mndre* (n.) ‘?’
[//-, mndri, -] [te kekl]y[au]orme mndri läkleñ naittatsi aun[tsante]
(370a3C).
mnts-, mänts-.
mme* (adj.) ‘unripe, raw; immature’
[m: -, mamepi, -//mameñ, -, -] [•] mameña [lege: mameñä] tparki lkske
pärnme ka 6 ‘[those] immature and shallow see only from the outside; [end of
loka] 6’ (282b7A), mamepi ypantse traksi ‘awns of unripe barley’ (W-10a5C),;
—mamauñe* ‘rawness, unripeness’: mamauñempa [sic] ritto teki = B(H)S
mnvita (Y-3b4C/L).
TchA mmak and B mme reflect PTch *mme(ke)- but further connections
are uncertain. Perhaps *(ha)meh1- ‘reap, mow’ + *-mo- ‘cuttable, reapable’ (cf.
482 Mya
Szemerényi, 1966:222, and Winter, 1971:219) is not clear (see also VW:630). In
any case it must come from some variety of Iranian where *-d- gave -l- (e.g.,
Bactrian \^ ^ [Tremblay, 2005:436]). See also mlatsa.
mllalñe, s.v. mäll-.
mlle (adj.) ‘± ground-down, dull’
[m: mlle, -, mlle//] cmelne sasrne sportomane mlle m tkoym •
tiknendri tkoym ‘in birth while turning in the sasra may I not be dull, and
may I have sharp senses’ (605b2/3C/L).
Probably a simple o-stem derivative of mll-, q.v., as in talle, pske, and
others. Isebaert (1978b:345) suggests a meaning ‘± idiot, ignorant’ since it seems
to be used in opposition to tik
endri and relates the word to Greek damál ~
dámalis ‘young cow, heifer’ and Greek dámalos ‘calf.’ VW (1988:98-99) looks
to Hesychian adml% ‘aporía, oligría, ágnoia, sukhía’ which he takes to be
from *sm- ‘together’ + *-dml- which he leaves unexplained. The latter part he
would equate with the Tocharian mlle. See also possibly malyakke.
mak (n.) ‘mung bean, green gram (Vigna radiata or Phaseolus radiatus Linn.)’ (a
medical ingredient)
[mak, -, -//makänta, -, -] (W passimC). From B(H)S maka-.
mavari (n.) ‘pistache morrone (Teramnus labialis Spreng.)’ (MI)
[mavari, -, -//] (W-13b2C). From B(H)S mapar
-.
mikni (n.) a kind of bean (a medical ingredient)
[mikni, -, -//] (W-20a3C). From B(H)S mika-.
mkne, mace.
mskw (n.) ‘difficulty’
[mskw, -, mskw//-, -, maskwanta] m=psl m mskwo srkalñe [ce] ceträ
cek warñai : ‘neither sword nor difficulty checks this death in any way’
(45b4/5C), sanu maskkamñeme [lege: maskw orkamñeme] tal[]nt aiye
sälkatai ‘out of danger, difficulty, and darkness hast thou pulled the suffering
world’ (247b2C); —maskwatstse* ‘difficult to traverse’: • maskwa[tstsai] ytri
ykwerme • = B(H)S viama mrgam gamya (305a3C); —maskwantaññee
‘prtng to difficulties’ (591b6L).
Related to TchB amskai ‘with difficulty’ (with an “intensive” prefix) and
TchA mski ‘difficult’ and msk- ‘present difficulties’ (Peyrot, 2011). If we take
the meaning to be more like ‘struggle,’ we can add TchB mesk- ‘±wrestle,’ q.v.,
for further discussion. See also amskai and mesk-.
mäk- (vi/t.) G ‘run’; K ‘chase, hunt’
G Ps. V /mk -/ [MPImp. makoymar, -, -//]: makoymar kälymi-tsa c
ñama[r] ‘I ran in [all] directions and sought thee’ (78a4/5C); Ko. V /mäk -A ~
mä k-C/ [MP// -, -, mkntär; MPOpt. -, -, makoytär//; Inf. makatsi] mkanträ
tärkä[rwane] ‘they will run among the clouds’ (THT-1859b4A), [kwri no] cwi
palsko käs[k][trä waiptr] aunträ makatsi ‘if, however, his thought is scattered
and begins to race’ (10a4C); Pt. I /mäk -/ [MP//-, -, mknte] (PK-AS-15A-b6C
[TVS]); PP /mäkó-/ mkauwa (PK-NS-51-a4? [Pinault, 1995]); —makalñe ‘river’
(scil. ‘that which runs’): [= B(H)S sarit] (PK-NS-107a2C [Thomas, 1976b:105]);
—makalñetstse* ‘running’: [yo]k[o] arm makalñetsa ‘thirst [is] the origin, the
running one’ [makalñetsa = B(H)S sarit] (11a4C); —mäkorme ‘having
484 mäkomtäyne
‘How will you act? Tell, it sons! Tell the truth—can you leave the house with us
or not?’ (108a5L), aklk tsäk-ne mäkte pi kca t okorñai ñi wtsi källlle
eym ‘a wish arose to him: how might I obtain this porridge to eat?’ (107a3L); —
mäkte-yäknesa ‘of whatever form’: mäkte-yäknesa = B(H)S yathrpe (IT-
127a4C).
(As if) from PIE *mé(n) + kwu-t (the ablative singular of the relative
pronoun). For a full discussion, see mant.
mäktewñeE ~ mäktauñeE-C (n.) ‘±aim, purpose, object; essence’
[-, -, mäktauñe//] snai mäktauñe ‘without purpose’ (127b7E), mäktewñe (= B(H)S
parya
a- [cf. Pinault, 2008:278]). An abstract noun derived from mäkte, q.v.
mäksu (a) (interrogative pronominal adjective) ‘which, who, what’; (b) (relative
pronominal adjective) ‘which, who’; (c) mäkceu preke ‘when(ever)’
[m: mäksu, mäkcepi ~ mäkcwi ~ mäkcpi, mäkceu//mäkcai ~ mäkci, mäkcenas, -]
[f: mäksu, -, mäktu//-, mäktoynasL, -] [nt: mäktu, -, -//]
(a) : mäksu wat wäntre lykats kärkatsi a[mskai :] ‘or what thing [is] difficult
to steal by thieves?’ (14b7C), mäkcepi ke kektseñe ‘whose body?’ (78b4C),
yällots käll[]lñe mäksu = B(H)S yatna-pratilabha katara (181a5C); :
preksa amne pudñäkte mäktu plcsa mcer yes ‘the Buddha asked the
monks: “for which speech saying are you sitting?” ’ (3a6/7C), mäkceu-ykea
kektseñe ‘to which place the body belongs’ (41a3C), [• mä]kcwi onolmetse aul
n[anautau] [mäkcwi = B(H)S katamasya] (524a6C), mäkcew ymor nta
yamaskentr onolmi ‘what deed, indeed, do beings do?’ (K-2a6/PK-AS-7Ba6C);
(b) mäktu = B(H)S yat (545b5E), /// p[e]pärkorme yamor krentä näkcpi [lege:
mäkcpi] okonta wärpänoyträ ‘having asked after the good deed whose fruits he
enjoyed’ (588a8E), mäkcpi = B(H)S yasya (311b5C), intsu no ymor mäkcewsa
wnolmi ette cmelne tänmaskenträ ‘what, however, [is] the deed through which
creatures are [re-]born in a lower birth?’ (K-7b4/PK-AS-7Gb4C), cauwak yakne
enkaskemttär mäkcau procer e[sa]te ‘we take that very way that [our] brother
has taken’ (108a4L), mäksu yñakte = B(H)S yo deweu [sic] (198b5L), B(H)S
ys (199b1L), mäkcenas = B(H)S ye (199b2L);
(c) mäkceu preke = B(H)S yad (12a6C).
As a relative pronoun mäksu usually signals a definite relative clause which is
non-correlative (cf. kuce which is usually used with indefinite correlative clauses).
In Indo-European terms we have *mé(n) (see also mant and mäkte) + *kwu-so
(cf. kuse) + *u (as in s [< *so + u] as opposed to se [< *so alone]) (VW:285, with
differing details).
mäk- G ‘be deprived of, suffer the loss of; lack [impersonal]’; K ‘overcome’
G Ps. III /mäké-/ [MP -, -, mäketär//]: mäketrä = B(H)S parjayet (16a7C),
tre lauke mäketär-me ‘we lack grain’ [lit. ‘grain is lacking to us’] (TEB-74-
4/THT-1574a2Col); Ko. V /mäk -/ [A // mäkm(o), -, -; MP -, -, mäktär//-, -,
mäkntär]: anityte sanampa ee cimpa mäkmo • (231b5C/L), ekñinta m
[mä][k]n[tä]r-me ‘[if] their possessions are not lost’ (24b3C); Pt. I /mäk -/
[A mäkwa, -, maka* (mäk-ne)//]; PP /mäkó-/: • se rano amne mäkau
mäsketrä • ‘this monk is also [to be] deprived [of his right to live in the
community]’ [mäkau mäsketrä = B(H)S prjiko bhavati] [T-127a6/7C); —
mäklñe ‘±deprivation’ (TVS); —mäkorñe* ‘deprivation, lack’: ///
486 mäñcuka
takäsre [lege: takärke] mäsketra [sic] ‘thereby the evil-minded one becomes
gracious’ (SHT-146 [Malzahn, 2007b:301-302]).
As Malzahn (TVS) points out the basic meaning is ‘stir’ (e.g., ‘stir clay’)
whence more broadly ‘destroy.’ In the medio-passive we have the passive, ‘be
stirred, be destroyed’ (and ‘be deleted’), and the figurative, ‘be stirred (up), be
angry.’
TchA mänt- and B mänt- reflect PTch *mänt- from PIE *menth2- [: Sanskrit
mánthati/mathn$ ti/math$ yati ‘stirs, whirls; churns; hurts, destroys,’ Lithuanian
m;sti ‘stir, agitate,’ OCS msti ‘turbare,’ motati s ‘agitari,’ and other nominal
derivatives in Italic and Germanic (P:732; MA:547; LIV:438ff.; Cheung,
2006:264; de Vaan, 2008:361-362)]. One should note there we have an exact and
double morphological equation in Sanskrit mathn-/mathya- and Tocharian
mäntän-/mäntäññ-. The first pair reflects PIE *mntneh2- while the second
reflects PIE *mntnh2ye/o- (Hackstein, 1995:29f.). Thomas, 1987a:173-174, is
apparently the first to suggest an equation with Sanskrit manth- but he does not
mention the double morphological correspondence. We see here a shift in
meaning *‘stir’ > ‘disturb’ > ‘irritate’ or ‘harm’ > ‘destroy’ at least partially
paralleled in Sanskrit. Not with VW (288-9) from *mäk-t- and related to mäk-
or with Anreiter (1984:95) from *mend- ‘harm’ [: Latin menda ‘bodily defect’
and Sanskrit mind- ‘id.’]. See also mäntarke, amntatte and, more dis-
tantly perhaps, mänts-.
mänta, see manta.
mäntarke (ad.) ‘evil’
[m: mäntarke, -, -//] : mäntarke [lege: mäntarke] aul mnats ñke
m=rsenträ mrauskalñe 93 ‘evil now [is] the life of men [for] they do not evoke
aversion to the world’ (3b2C). Derived from mänt-, q.v.
mäntrkka, see s.v. mant.
mänts-, see ments-.
märk- (vt.) ‘besmirch, smudge, make bleary’
Ps. IX /märkäsk’ä/e-/ [nt-Part. märkäeñca (sic)] /// [ta]kärke märkäeñca •
‘besmirching the clear …’ (THT-1227 frgm. b-a2?).
The basic meaning of the TchB word would appear to be ‘besmirch, make
turbid’ (see the noun -markär). Thus it is not altogether certain that it is the same
verb as TchA märk- ‘take away’ (whose meaning is also assured by B(H)S
equivalents). The most obvious extra-Tocharian connection would be the
Germanic group reflected in English murk(y). The Tocharian and Germanic
would reflect a PIE *merg-. A PIE variant *merk- is seen at least in OCS
mr!knti ‘become dark,’ Lithuanian mérkti ‘close the eyes.’ See also markär
and possibly marki.
märkwace* (n.) ‘(upper) leg, thigh’
[-, -, märkwac//märkwaci, -, -] : twer märkwaci soylñei p[alskalñenta]/// ‘four-
legged [i.e., swift] [are] the conceptions of satiation’ (11b1C), wlyai märkwatsa
[sic] ok-pokai Vi
[u] saiwaisa no Mahivare märkwactsa tañ kauura-pkai ‘on
the right thigh [is] the eight-armed Viu on the left, however, on thy thigh [is]
the chowried Mahivara’ [this would appear to be a “top-down” description; in
the previous verse there is reference to the ntse, in the following, to ckckai]
488 märtk-
Tch TchA märs- (present: märsn-) and B märs- reflect PTch *märs- from PIE
*mers- ‘forget’ [: Sanskrit mryáte ‘forgets,’ Armenian mo:anam ‘forget,’
Lithuanian mirštù ‘id.,’ Old English mierran (< *morseye/o-) ‘disturb, confuse,’
Khotanese hmuru ‘forget’ (< Proto-Iranian *fra-marš), Hittite marse- ‘be false’
(P:737-8; MA:209; LIV:440-441; Kloekhorst, 2008:561-562)] (VW, 1941:62,
1976:291). The quasi-exact equations of TchA märsn- and Armenian mo:ana-
on the one hand and TchB märse- (< *mrsh1-ó-) and Hittite marse- (< *mrseh1-)
on the other suggest that both present formations may be old.
mäl- (vi.) ‘melt’
Ps. I /mälä -/ (see mlamo); PP /mäló-/: nano nraiyn[e] eñcuwañe palkoä[]
krepasta [sic] awsta mloä pilke // ‘again in hell thou hast eaten glowing iron
balls and [drunk] molten copper’ (KVc-15b3/THT-1107b3C [Schmidt, 1986]).
On formal grounds we should probably add the adjective mlamo. The relation-
ship between mlamo and past participle mlo- is the same as between plälkamo
and pälko-. Mlamo occurs as a hapax at S-8b1C: añ läklenta warpatsi war
klautkoy-ñ arañce tsmoytär-ñ nete mlamo tkoy-ñ arañce ‘may my heart turn to
diamond to endure my own sufferings; may my power grow; may my heart be
mlamo.’ I had earlier thought to translate ‘overflowing’ or the like, but if a heart
can melt with joy or the like in English, there is no reason it could not in
Tocharian. (And while not perfect, the juxtaposition of the metaphor of the heart
becoming diamond-like in its hardness and then melting is surely better than a
diamond-hard heart overflowing.) The same metaphoric use is to be found in
Tocharian A: contextual examples include: (312b8) wsokoneyo eñc mlooki
ñäktañ, (22a6) mlamnn oki sukyo, or (398b4) [m]l[a]mnn oki wsokoneyo
ptñkät käinac tränkä. Tocharian A differs in that it shows either a Ps. II or a
Ps. III whereas TchB mlamo is derived from an athematic present.
From PIE *(s)meld- ‘become weak’ (LIV:431) as English melt and English
smelt (Schmidt, 1986:133). The semantic correspondence of Germanic and
Tocharian is striking. See also mlamo.
¹mälk- (vt.) G ‘± interweave, bind on (jewels, armor)’; K3 ‘cross, fold’ [pokaine
mälk- ‘fold/cross the arms’]
Ps. VI /mlä kä-/ [-, -, mlakä//]: 351.2; Ko. V /mä lk-/ [Inf. malkatsi]; Pt. Ia
/mälk -/ [MP -, -, mälkte// -, -, mälknte]: /// tsaiñe mälkte ‘[s]he bound on the
jewel’ (IT-131b3C), /// [stmo]rme kertte okor mälknte ‘standing [in the
door], they sheathed [their] swords’ (79a2C); PP /mälkó-/: /// mässäkwä [lege:
pässäkwä] t=okor mälko tka ‘the garlands, they will be woven together’ (?)
(118a6E), /// mälkau kreñcä samkane ‘binding on the good cuirass (?)’
(214b2E/C), [kua]lamlänta mälkauwwa (391b4C); —malkalñe (K).
K3 Ps. IXa /mä lkäsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, malkää//]: tusa rsa musnträ [mal]kä-
ä pokaine ‘thus he stretches out, raises, and folds [his] arms’ (119a2E).
The TchA equivalent does not help to determine the meaning very closely.
The attestations at 11b6 and 12b1 give us kaal mälk- ‘± to gather together.’
Better are the attestations at YQ-1.2a5 and -1.3a1 (Pinault, 1990:190-4). Here we
have kälnm mläkm yetwesyo ‘with tinkling, [well-]arranged jewels.’
TchA mälk- and B mälk- reflect PTch *mälk- but extra-Tocharian connections
are uncertain. Perhaps *mälk- is from PIE *melk- ‘put, weave together’ seen in
490 ²mälk-
truthful, and clear’ (65b7C), s ste ytre [sic] poyiña tesa poyi maskele : [sic]
‘this is the Buddha’s way; thus the Buddha [is] where he’s supposed to be’
(296a2/3L), mäskelle = B(H)S bhava- (PK-NS-53a2C [Pinault, 1988:100]), añ
mäskelye yakene [lege: ikene] ‘in his proper place’ (= B(H)S svakya-rama-
‘hermitage proper to ascetics who follow the same rules’); Pt. Ia /mäsk-/ [A -, -,
maska//]: /// [u]pp[]läts[e] kaumiye maska Ylai[ñäkte] /// ‘the lotus pool
became Indra[’s …]’ (?) (357b1C).
TchA mäsk- and B mäsk- reflect PTch *mäsk-; further connections are not
absolutely certain. Most probably the verb is regularly from PIE *mnske/o- (for
the loss of a nasal immediately before -s-, cf. msa) from PIE *men- ‘remain’ [:
Avestan man- ‘remain, wait for,’ Greek mén/mímn ‘remain,’ Latin mane
‘remain,’ Hittite mimma- ‘refuse, decline’ (< *mimnV- ‘stand pat’) (P:729; MA:
482; Beekes, 2010:931; LIV:437)] (Meillet, 1911:456; also Melchert, 1977:105-
6). Otherwise VW (292). One should also compare TchA omäske ‘bad’ which
Hilmarsson (1986:192) would derive from PTch *e(n)- (the negative prefix)
+ -mäsk- + -ain-. For the semantics he compares Sanskrit asatyá- ‘wrong, false’
ábhva- ‘terrible,’ Old Norse óværr ‘unpeaceful.’
Cheung (2006:257) suggests a possible alternative by relating the Tocharian
words to a set of Iranian verbs in Khotanese, Sogdian, and the Pamir languages
which suggest a Proto-Iranian *mi- ‘be.’ The isolation of the forms in Iranian
gives one pause (and there are other explanations for the Iranian data, but all
complicated morphologically or phonologically). But Tocharian *mäsk- could as
easily be from *mi-ske/o-. If the Iranian and Tocharian belong together, it is a
notable isogloss between two Indo-European groups that have very few
exclusively shared similarities.
²mäsk- (vt.) ‘exchange’ [we mäsk- ‘take the guise of, disguise oneself as’]
Ko. IXb /mä skäsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, maskää//]: • kuse amne naumye naumyesa
maskää pärkwe imesa ‘whatever monk trades a jewel for a jewel with the
thought of [financial] advantage’ (337a3C); Ko. IXb (= Ps.) [Inf. maskäs(t)si]:
maskässi (THT-1683a5?); Ipv. IV /mä skä-/ [MPSg. maskäar]; Pt. II
/my sk-/ [A myskawa, myskasta, myska/-, myskas, -/; MP myskamai, -,
myskate//-, -, myskante]: • tume pakwrentsa myska-ne • ceu prekar ate
kampl yama-asta s weña Upanandi myskawa • (337a5C), nakne sasre
wrocce sporttomane myskas te wesä • ‘turning in the great drama of the sasra
you make us change it’ (PK-AS-7Lb6 [CEToM]), Indre krpa rkäññe we
myskate ‘Indra descended and disguised himself as a seer’ (107a7L), • nakktse
[sic] ra yäkne yäkne ñm myskate ‘as an actor has exchanged himself [for] role
[after] role’ (290a7C); PP /memäsku- ~ memisku-/: Ylaiñikte rkäññe we me-
misku ‘Indra disguised as a seer’ (107a8L), akobhe tretke memis(·)·/// (367b6C).
With Melchert (1977:107) TchB 2mäsk- is probably not related to TchA msk-
‘be difficult, struggle.’ He takes 2mäsk- to be from PIE *mi-ske/o-, a derivative
of *mei- ‘(ex)change’ [: Sanskrit máyate ‘exchanges,’ Latvian míju ‘exchange,’
and nominal derivatives in Latin, Celtic, Germanic, Iranian and Baltic (e.g. Latin
commnis, Gothic gamains) (P:710; MA:184; LIV:426; Cheung, 177-178)].
Normier (1980:258) offers what might be taken as a variant hypothesis in taking
²mi- 493
Instead of the very strange root shape mem- as is usually supposed (cf.
VW:296), it is far better to see memyas as a reduplicated preterite such as are
common in TchA as the regular way of creating “causative” preterites (e.g., cacäl
‘he lifted’). The root 2mi- ‘deceive’ (to be distinguished from 1mi- ‘harm’) is the
descendant of PIE mei- ‘± exchange’ [: Sanskrit máyate ‘exchanges,’ Latvian
míju ‘exchange,’ Lithuanian manas (m.), Latvian mains, ‘exchange,’ Latin com-
mnis ‘common,’ Gothic gamains ‘id.,’ and particularly OHG mein ‘falsch,
trügerisch,’ Old English mn ‘id.’ (cf. P:710; MA:160) and thus related to B
mäsk- ‘exchange,’ q.v. TchB mäsk- ‘exchange’ and mi- ‘befool’ would have a
semantic relationship similar to German tauschen ‘exchange for, swap’ and
täuschen ‘deceive, delude.’ See Adams, 1993b:35-36. Further discussion, and
different conclusions, can be found in Malzahn (TVS).
mik- (vi.) ‘close the eyes’
PP /mikó-/: /// s asträ mikou ene cok rmtä (134a6A), miko äp = B(H)S
nimilit ca (545a2E), an [sic] nakänma lkalyñese [lege: -ne?] mokow ene se
aie ‘the world has closed [its] eyes to the sight of its own faults’ (THT-
1191b4A).
From PIE *meigh-/meik- ‘close the eyes’ [: Lithuanian (už-)mìgti ‘fall asleep,’
Latvian (àiz-)migt ‘id.,’ miêgt ‘close the eyes,’ Russian Church Slavonic megnuti
‘blink,’ OCS s!-meziti ‘close the eyes;’ Latin micre ‘move quickly, flash,’ Old
Sorbian mika ‘blink,’ etc. (P:712-3; MA:109; LIV:427)] (VW, 1970b:526, 1976:
297, with differing details).
Mikicandre (n.) ‘Mikicandra’ (PN in administrative records)
[Mikicandre, -, -//] (SI B Toch. 12.3Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
Mikinare (n.) ‘Mikinare’ (PN in administrative records)
[Mikinare, -, -//] (SI B 12.6Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
Mikione, Mikkione.
Mikkaswiñi* ‘Mikkaswiñi’ (PN in monastic record)
[-, Mikkaswiñintse, -//] (Otani II-12a15Col [Ching and Ogihara, 2012:81]).
Mikkinaiye (n.) ‘Mikkinaiye’ (PN in administrative records)
[Mikkinaiye, -, -//] (SI P/117.7Col [Pinault, 1998:13]).
Mikkione ~ Mikione (n.) ‘Mik(k)i()one’ (PN in administrative records)
[Mikkione ~ Mikione, -, -//] (SI P/117.3Col, SI B 12.6Col [Pinault, 1998:13,
16]).
m t (n.) ‘honey’
[mit, -, mit//] : uwoy katkemane lisa wey=entwe mt akk[ar ram no] ‘she
[scil. a preta] would eat joyfully excrement from [her] palm as if it were honey or
sugar’ (42b5C); —mitäe ‘prtng to honey’ (W-22b3C).
From PIE *médhu- (nt.) ‘honey, mead’ [: Sanskrit mádhu- ‘honey, mead,’
Avestan mau- ‘alcoholic drink,’ Greek méthu ‘wine,’ Old Irish mid ‘mead,’ Old
English meodu ‘id.,’ Lithuanian medùs ‘honey,’ OCS med! ‘mead’ (P:707; MA:
271)] (Schrader/Nehring, 1917-23:139, VW:298). In its Proto-Tocharian form
this word was borrowed into Archaic Chinese as *mjit, whence Modern Chinese
mì. See also possibly mot.
mit- (vi.) G ‘go; set out’ [as ‘go’ it provides the preterite plural to i-, q.v.]; K ‘let go;
cause to yield’
Mitraiye 495
mithyadr
i* (n.) ‘false doctrine, heresy’
[-, -, mithyadr
i//] (85b1C). From B(H)S mithydri-.
M na (n.) ‘Mina’ (PN)
[Mina, -, -//] (Broomhead).
m nadhvaje* (adj.) ‘fish-emblazoned’
[m: -, -, mnadhvaje//] kmadhttuai yoñya [lege: yoñyai] kaut[a]n[a]
Morñiktenste [lege: Mr-] mnadhvaje waipe räskre naittää ‘he cuts off the
way of sensual pleasure and he roughly tears Mra’s fish-emblazoned banner’
(591alL). From B(H)S mnadhvaja-.
miyake* (n.) an oil-producing fruit?
[-, -, miyake//] miyake warpatai • (294a7C/L). See also miye, of which this
word is presumably the diminutive.
miye* (n.) an oil-producing fruit?
[-, -, miye//] /// [wsre nek]cy[e]ne cwi miye pakrro ‘they gave him at night
miye and pakrro’ (42b7C), /// miye /// lyinlye (W-32b5C). See also miyake.
mir- (vb.) ‘?’
Ps. III /mire-/ [MP -, -, miretär//] /// me mretär-ne • ek m pakträ ku· /// (IT-
201b6C). Meaning and etymology unknown. [Not in TVS]
mil- (vt.) ‘± wound, damage’
Ps. VIIIa /mils’ä/e-/: [A -, -, milä//; Ger. milälle]: /// mäkte milä arañco ‘as
it wounds [my] heart’ (415a2L), mälälle (341a1A; there is no context, so it is
not certain it belongs here); PP /memílu-/: [r]aiwepi meml[oe]pi ysrccepi
kosintse ‘of a slow, damaging, bloody, cough’ (497a4C); —m lar (in phrase mlar
kälp- ‘suffer damage’): witskats m mlar kälpauwantso :… stm … tän-
ma[strä] /// the roots not having suffered damage, the tree is born again’
[kälpauwantso = B(H)S anupadrutai (11a6C). [One should compare TchA
milrts ‘wounded.’]; —milre ‘injurious, harmful’ (IT-237b6C).
The historically older variant of the root is mäl- which is to be seen in the
gerund (cf. the quasi-regular change of -ä- to -i- in a labial environment in msa
and mit). Thus the *milr which lies behind TchA milrts must be a borrowing
from B to A. The present mäl-s’ä/e- reflects PIE *mel-se/o-. PIE mel-se/o- is seen
in the Old Irish deverbative noun mell ‘harm, destruction’ and a further
denominative verb millid ‘harms’ (Watkins, 1969:75; MA:258). Not with VW
(297-9) from a nominal *mei-lo- and related to mi-. Certainly, a se/o-present
would be most unusual in a denominative verb. On the basis of the meaning it is
probable that this *mel- is the same *mel- ‘crush’ also seen in mäll- ‘crush’ and
mely- ‘id.’ Thus TchB preserves three different present tense formations to this
one root, (in PIE terms) *ml n(e)ha-, *molw(e)ye/o- and *mel-se/o-, all of which
appear to have impeccable Indo-European antecedents (P:716-719). See also
mäll-, and mely-.
milkautstse ~ milykautstse + allative (adj.) ‘relating to, based on’
[m: milkautstse, -, milkaucce//] [f: -, -, milkautstsai//milkautstsana, -, -] duhul
pl [for plc] yksälñe milykotstsai klaiñi weä ‘he speaks the word of
grave offence relative to concupiscence to the woman’ (325a3L), [m] no nta
mäskitär-ne ekaññe • kucesa su yor milykaucce yarpo • kraupalle ey ‘however
mio 497
m e (n.[m.sg.]) ‘field’
[me, mientse, me//] 13 ktso … • wlaka lyakwañña lya[a] prakarya
kätkre wartse kele ywrka me kare-pe[rnettse :] ‘a belly soft, shining (or
‘flat’?), firm, and taut, a deep, broad navel in the midst of [this] worthy field’
(73b2/3=75a3/4C), me rap[l]ñe ‘ploughing the field’ (PK-NS-53a5C [Pinault,
1988:100]).
From Khotanese mia-/mäa- ‘field’ (cf. TchA mii) (K. T. Schmidt, 1980:
411, Tremblay, 2005:434) or Gndhri mia-.
mii* (n.) ‘community’
[-, -, mii//] (K-T). The external connections of mii and TchA mii ‘id.’ and
B mii are unknown. The usual connection with Sogdian ‘myry, putatively
‘place’ (VW:633), is impossible as the Sogdian word means ‘Mitra’ (Tremblay,
2005:439). Perhaps belonging here as well is TchA mapanti ‘army chief.’
m sa (n.[f.pl.tant.]) ‘meat, flesh’
[//msa, mists, msa] msa stwentär-me ‘flesh congeals’ [as the embryo
develops] (THT-1324, frgm. b-b1A), /// msasa ost aste [:] ‘through the flesh
the skeleton [lit. house of bone] [is seen]’ (9a8C), ika[ñce] tarce ukaunne
msa kektse[ñtsa tänma]skentär-ne ‘in the 24th week flesh appears over his [scil.
the embryo’s] body’ (603a3/4C), läksañana misa lykake kekarwa ‘fish meat
finely chopped’ (P-1al/2C).
From PIE *memseha, the plural to *memsom (nt.), with regular loss of a nasal
before -s- (cf. -me ‘us/our’ from *nsmó, the latter with subsequent regular loss of
non-initial -s- before a nasal) and quasi-regular change of -ä- to -i- in a labial
environment (cf. mit, misko, and mil-) [: Sanskrit msá- (nt.) ‘flesh, meat,’ ms
(nt.) ‘id.,’ Armenian mis ‘id.,’ Old Prussian mens ‘id.,’ Albanian mish ‘id.,’
Gothic mimz ‘id.’ (the last two from *memso- as in Tocharian), etc. (P:725;
MA:374-375; de Vaan, 2008:370-371; Beekes, 2010:947)] (Meillet, 1911:145).
Not with VW (632) a borrowing from Pali misa- ‘food, flesh, bait.’ See also
the next two entries.
misañ (adj.[pl.]) ‘meat-eating’
[m: //misañ, -, -] [lye]wce misañ lws pretenne ‘[they are] cannibals [lit:
eating the flesh of others] among animals and pretas’ (573a2A). From mis + -
(w)-. For the formation, see Winter, 1979.
mis=aiwenta (n.[pl.]) ‘± pieces of meat’
kuse mi[s]-ai[w]e[nta] - - [te]kisa yä[kw]eñe oksaiñe läksaññe wästarye tu
wikalle (559b4/5C). A compound of msa and aiwe-, qq.v. (see Winter, 1962b:
116-7).
misko* (n.) ‘trading, exchanging’
[-, -, misko//] • a varginta karyor pito misko ailñe yamayenträ • ‘the a vargis
were given over to selling, buying, trading, and inheriting’ (337a2C). A
derivative of 2mäsk-, q.v.
muka (adj.) ‘mute’
[m: muka, -, -//] muka = B(H)S sya- (Y-2a3C/L). The Tocharian here is a free
translation of the corresponding B(H)S, giving in this case the disease afflicting a
particular part of the body rather than the body part itself as in the B(H)S original.
From B(H)S mka-.
mutkntse 499
might suppose mutk- gave rise to a noun *mutk- ‘± container, pitcher’ whence
the genitive mutkntse ‘[that] of the pitcher’ was used as an independent
nominative from which a full paradigm was derived. See also mutk-.
mudit* (n.) ‘joy’
[-, -, mudit//] (296a1L). From B(H)S mudit-. See also modit.
mudgavari, mutkavari.
mudgaly ‘?’
///la cmele mudgaly cmele a/// (218a2E/C).
Mudgulyyane* (n.) ‘Maudgulyna’ (PN)
[-, Mudgulyni, -//] ///ñña aankentse mudgulyyani ce prä pepärko pä///
‘… this question asked of the worthy M. …’ (588a7 E).
murc (n.) ‘fainting, swooning’
[murc, -, -//] (ST-b5/IT-305C). The equivalent of pit-maiwalñe, q.v. From
B(H)S mrcch-.
murtae* (adj.) ‘± prtng to exaltation’ (?)
[m: -, -, murtae//] ale tapre murtae olak nai ke rakatsi : ‘it is easy now to
climb the high mountain of exaltation (?), isn’t it?’ (554b5E) [cf. Thomas, 1954:
746]. Etymology unknown.
Mrdhgate (n.) ‘Mrdhgata’ (PN)
[Mrdhgate, -, Mrdhgate//] (111b2/b3L).
murye* (n.) ‘(irrigation) ditch’
[-, -, murye//] wärsañe täryka-ne Cckarentse muryesa war alässi klyinai
‘on the thirtieth of [the] wärsaññe [month] water is to be released through
Cckare’s ditch’ (SI B Toch. 13.1Col [Pinault, 1998:6]). From Sogdian (or some
similar Eastern Iranian language) mwry’y (Pinault, 1998).
murvva (n.) ‘snake plant (Sansevieria zeylanica Willd. [Filliozat] or Sansevieria
roxburghiana Schult.)’ [M-W] (a medical ingredient)
[murvva, -, -//] (P-3a3/PK-AS-9Aa3E). From B(H)S mrv-.
( )
muni* (n.) ‘file of camels’ (?)
[//munainta, -, -] tw[e ñ]i y[ai]tkor[sa ma]t pym • kuce ñake • munainta •
mna korai parra yane • twer ceynats ok[s]ai wi [ceyna parra pt]r[k]a
[tentsa] o[ap m tärkanat] ‘fulfil thus my command that now the munainta,
men and korai[], go through, let four of them and two oxen; let these pass;
more than that do not allow’ (LP-16a2/5Col). Pinault suggest there are four
akaras missing between wi and ptrka. The usual formula for these documents
would have ptrka preceded by either te parra or te parra, but at least once we
have the ceyna parra which is suggested here.
Together mna ‘men’ and korai must compose the company of muna-
inta. Drawing on accounts of traditional Central Asian camel caravans at the
beginning of the last century (see Owen Lattimore’s The Desert Road to
Turkestan [London, 1928]), it seems reasonable to take the muni to be a file of
camels, roped together (and called in Chinese a lián), led by a “camel-puller”
(Chinese l luòtuo-de). Etymology unknown.
mus- (vt.) ‘raise, lift (aside)’
Ps. VIa /musn -/ [MP -, -, musntär// -, -, musnntär]: [añ ke]ktseñ tusa rsa
musnträ [mäl]kää pokaine ‘thus he stretches out his body, raises and folds
musk- 501
[his] arms’ [or ‘… rises and folds [his] arms’] (119a2E), kauc ka tsne
musnnträ : ‘and [their] shoulders move upwards’ [or ‘… they raise their
shoulders upwards’; either way = ‘and they shrug their shoulders’] (IT-1a5C [cf.
Hilmarsson, 1989a:7]); Ko. II /mus’ä/e-/ [Inf. mu(t)si ~ mussi]: priya-vrgsa
larauñe aul kektsenne se ñke ra cämpim mussi ‘though the priyavrga may I be
able to put aside love of life and body even now’ (S-3a2C), /// campya musi lakle
kwri • ‘if he were able to lift the suffering’ (IT-93a2C); PP /muso-/: m kauc wasi
[mu]sau osne yänmaälle 19 ‘one [is] not to enter a house raising up high [his]
garment 19’ (322a1-3E/C).
All Tocharian B attestations can be read transitively, though in a couple of
cases they need not be. In Tocharian A, on the other hand, the same forms would
appear to be intransitive (TVS:218-219).
TchA mus- and B mus- reflect PTch *mäus- from PIE *meus- ‘move, take’ [:
Sanskrit mu
$ ti ‘robs, ravishes’ (< *‘take away’), Khotanese mue ‘robbers’ (<
*muš-ya-), Old Frankish [Lex Salica] chro-msido ‘robbing the dead bodies’
(Mayrhofer, 1963:658; P:743; MA:388; LIV:445; Cheung, 2006:271-271 [with
doubts])] (VW:307). As VW points out, the agreement in present formation be-
tween Sanskrit and Tocharian is both striking and important. Even more striking
is the agreement of the subjunctive stem in both languages as well. A similarly
preserved PIE subjunctive is found for käm- ‘come,’ q.v. The root vowel in both
A and B must reflect PTch *-äu-, a rebuilt zero-grade (see Adams, 1978). See
also mäs- and, more distantly miw-, mutk-; possibly also musk-.
musk- (vi/t.) G ‘disappear, dissipate, perish,’ K2 ‘make subside, make disappear’
G Ps. III /muské-/ [MP -, -, musketär// -, -, muskentär; MPImpf. // -, -, muskntär;
m-Part. muskemane]: /// [pe]laikne sakträ se aul pä musketär ‘the law remains
[but] this life is lost’ (555a3E), kentane trekältsa perne peñyo musk[ntär]
‘because of avidity for tastes, rank and glory disappeared’ (PK-AS-16.2a3/4C
[Pinault, 1989:155]); Ko. V /musk -/ [Inf. musktsi]: ainakempa larauñe m
yammar musktsi po krentaunats ‘may I not love the common/ vile ones [so
as] to be rejected by all virtues’ (S-6a4/PK-AS-5Ca4C); Pt. Ia /musk-/ [A -, -,
muska//]; PP /musko-/: : sprtalñent=cränta muskauw= ttsaik : ‘completely
disappeared [in the lives of those monks] were good behavior and manners’
(12b2C); —musklñe ‘± perishing’: /// musklläññe kärsorme m kca
mrausktär /// (K-12a6/PK-AS-7La6C); —musklñetstse* in the compound
snai-muskl-ñetstse ‘undecaying, imperishable’: snai-muskl-ñ[e]ts[ts]a =
B(H)S akay (542b1C).
K2 Ps. IXb /múskäsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, muskää//]: ktso sonopälya … ymusai
ktsa muskaä ‘the belly [is] to be smeared … it makes the treated belly
subside’ (W-4a4/5C); Ko. II /musk’ä/e-/ (see abstract); —mualñe ‘±subsi-
dence’ (PK-AS-6E-a2C [CEToM]).
TchA musk- and B musk- reflect PTch *mäusk- but extra-Tocharian cognates
are less certain. Melchert (1977:105) suggests that we have, in Indo-European
terms *m(e)u-ske/o- (presumably as ‘move away’; *m(e)us-ske/o- would also be
possible [MA:388; LIV:445f.]), related to Latin movre ‘move’ and, therefore,
also to miw-, mus-, mäs-, and mutk-, qq.v. (Similarly Hackstein, 1995:445f.).
502 must
and B meki reflect PTch *meke and *mekäi respectively. Both are derivative
of PTch *mäk-, q.v. For the variation in suffix, compare B leke and leki. For
the formation as a whole, see Adams, 1990a.
meñe (nm.) (a) ‘moon’; (b) ‘month’
[meñe, meñantse, meñ/meñane, -, -/meñi, meñats, meñä] (a) /// [k]au meñe
ciri po p /// ‘sun, moon, and all the stars’ (45b7C), [mä]kte orocce lyamne
orkamotsai yaine meñantse cirits läktsauña ‘as the light of the the moon and
stars in the large lake on a dark night’ (154b2C); —meñ-yok* ‘moon-like’:
arkwina meñ-yokäññana ‘white and moon-like’ (73a4C); —meñe-pälleu* ‘full
moon’ (292b1C); —meñ-ñäkte ‘moon-god’ (389a8, -b2E); meñäe* ‘prtng to
the moon’ (389a6E):
(b) kaunats meñats kätkorne ‘in the passing of days and months’ (3b5C),
me[ñe] = B(H)S indu- (311a2C), wi meñantse-ne ‘on the second of the month’
(433a11Col); —meñye ‘monthly’ (?): meñye kälworsa [lege: kälporsa]
(467a2Col), ///ntse yap meñye wswa tarya to[m] (468a2Col); —meñäe* ‘prtng
to the month’ (389a6E); —ywarca-meñe ‘half a month, fortnight’ (IT-248a2C).
Of the twelve months, nine are designated numerically. Thus we have wate
meñe ‘second month’ through kante meñe ‘tenth month.’ The other months
(first, eleventh, and twelfth) are designated by non-numerical adjectives. Rapañ-
ñe meñe designates the twelfth month since the underlying *rp is borrowed from
Old Chinese *rap (Middle Chinese *lap, modern Mandarin là). Naimaññe meñe
and wärsaññe meñe are the first and eleventh months respectively.
TchA mañ and B meñe reflect PTch *mñ from PIE *meh1n(n). The n-stem
was rebuilt on the nominative singular *meh1n(t), itself analogical for *meh1nt,
oblique *meh1nes- (see Beekes, 2010:945, for further discussion). The same
chain of events led to the n-stem Gothic mena ‘moon.’ (Normier, 1980:254,
suggests a pre-Tch *meh1ns, analogical to the loc. sg. *meh1nesi.) Elsewhere
there are different analogical restructurings, except in Lithuanian where
Lithuanian m^$ nuo/ m^$ nes¯ retains the archaic pattern [: Sanskrit m$ s-, Greek m%n,
Latin mnsis, Gothic menoþs, etc. (P:731-2; MA:385; de Vaan, 2008:373)] (Sieg
and Siegling, 1908:927, VW:280).
met ~ meda (n.) ‘Gymnema aurantiacum’ [Filliozat] (a medical ingredient)
[met ~ meda, -, -//] (P-3a8/PK-AS-9Aa8 E, 500a7C). From B(H)S med-.
metär, maitär.
-me ending of the ablative.
This ending sometimes shows mobile stress (e.g., läkleme ‘from suffering,’
rather than lakleme) like inherited case morphemes (e.g., läklentse ‘of
suffering,’ never *laklentse) rather than the agglutinative postpositions which
form the other case endings, which never show mobile accent (e.g., laklesa
‘through suffering,’ never *läklesa). This phenomenon suggests that in -me we
have a bit of inherited morphology rather than an agglutinated postpostion. Thus
we have the PIE ablative plural *-mos, rebuilt to *-mons on the basis of the
accusative plural (cf. the independently rebuilt -mans of Old Prussian). In
Tocharian B the plural ending was generalized to the singular (and one assumes
the dual) while in Tocharian A the singular, - (< *-ti) was generalized the plural
(Adams, forthcoming).
504 menk*
menk* (a) (n.) ‘example, comparison, parable, metaphor;’ (b) (particle) ‘like’
[-, -, menk/-, -, menkäñc/-, -, menknta] (a) menak yamää po-aiyi ‘the
Omniscient one makes a comparison’ (407a4E), le menknta ‘with metaphors’
(PK-AS-6Eb3C [CEToM]), tsrwo m su yta wentsi ksi m menktsa [a]r-
[sässi] ‘he cannot speak of or announce the joy nor [can he] make [it] known by
example’ (591a6L); (b) mäntrakkk imä-menak = B(H)S evam gropamam (U-
23b2E), [tai]we menk ce [lege: cai] maiweñ [taiwe menk = B(H)S yath phal-
nm] ‘like a ripe fruit these youths’ (2a7C), ñikcye menk aiamñesa ‘because of
[thy] divine-like knowledge’ (PK-DAM.507a2Col); —menkätstse* ‘± com-
parable’ (?): (324a3L). TchA menk and B menk are both borrowings from
some Iranian source, probably from Sogdian myn’k ‘like, resembling’ (Hansen,
1940:150, VW:631; Tremblay, 2005:438, Cheung, 2006: 272-273).
ments- (vi.) ‘be sorrowful, afflicted; lament’
Ps. II /ments’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, menttär// -, -, mentsentär]: me[trä] = B(H)S ocate
(13a4C), : laute katko mesenträ nraintane cai wawyo ymo[rntan]ts[o 87]
[mesenträ = B(H)S ocante] (11a4C); Ps. VI /mntsä n-/ [MP -, -,
mantsanatär//; m-Part. mantsanamane]; Ko. II (= Ps.) [MPOpt. memar, -, -//];
Ko. V /m nts-/ [MP // -, -, mntsantär]; Pt. Ib /mnts -/ [MP -, -, mantste//]:
/// m[]ka räskre mantsate [lege: mantsatai?] /// (208b3E/C), /// [säswe]re
larauñesa mantste • (415a5L); —mntsalñe ‘sorrow, heaviness of heart’: tu
lyelyakorme … ñakte le mtsalyñe ano weä ‘having seen this the god
says with sorrow to [his] wife’ (88a4C).
Etymology unclear. Perhaps we have an extension in -s- (a generalization
from a se/o-present?) of the PIE *menth2- seen in AB mänt- (q.v.) ‘remove,
disturb, meddle with.’ VW (289) accepts a connection with mänt-, but derives
both implausibly from mäk-. See also mentsi and, more distantly, mänt-.
mentsi (n.[m.sg.]) ‘sorrow, mourning, grief’
[mentsi, -, mentsi//] /// plntw alyekäs ñi no tsamtä me[tsi] … ‘the joy of
others to me, however, thou increasest sorrow’ (415a4L), /// [te]ki mentsi
krasonta proskai /// ‘sickness, sorrow, discontents, fear’ (512b1L), snai metsi
klätsañcer ‘you sleep without sorrow’ (G-Su1-dCol); —mentsie ‘prtng to
sorrow’ (282b3A); —mentsissu* ‘sorrowful’ (IT-221b3C). A derivative of
ments-, q.v. For the formation, see Adams, 1990a.
mepe* (n.) ‘?’
[//-, -, mepe] ///·yai mepe •/// (IT-1239?).
mem-, see 2mi-.
memis(·)·, s.v. 2mäsk-.
meli (n.[pl.tant.]) ‘nose’
[//meli, -, mele] ent=nä melentsa : ‘when he inhales through the nose’
(41b3C); —melee ‘prtng to the nose’: melee indri ‘the sense of smell’ (K-
11al/PK-AS-7Na1A).
TchA malañ ‘nose’ (also a plurale tantum; cf. the A singular in the compound
akmal ‘face’ [lit: ‘eye-nose’]) and B meli reflect a PTch *mele- (pl. tant.) but
extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain. The major formal datum for any
etymology is the fact that we have a plurale tantum, not a singular or duale
tantum as we might expect. Thus the usual connection (VW, 1941:66, 1976:277)
mewiyo/mewiya 505
mailyi ‘?’
/// [ene]ka mailyi ite kre/// (563b3C). The masculine plural gerund from the
verb mai-, q.v?
maiw-, miw-.
maiwe (adj.) ‘young’
[m: maiwe,-, -//maiweñ, -, maiwe] /// ywrkññi pikulame kuse rano
maiwe[ño] ‘[those of] middle years and those who are young [maiweño = B(H)S
dahar-] (2a5C); —maiwäññe* ‘youth’: mäksu no ymor mäkcewsa wnolmi
maiwaññesk warñai entwek läkle-lyakñ mäskenträ ‘what is the deed through
which creatures from youth on see only suffering?’ (K-5a6/PK-AS-7Ea6C
[CEToM]).
The exact equivalent of Old Norse mjór ‘small, thin’ (< Proto-Gmc. *maiwa-).
Both reflect PIE *moh1i-wo- ‘growing,’ whence ‘young, in the full vigor of
youth’ (semantically the Germanic form represents a case of pejoration
[Melchert, p.c.]). The same *moh1i- is seen in Hittite (3rd sg.) mi (3rd pl.
miyanzi), from *móh1yei ~ mh1yénti, maya(nt)- ‘grown man’ (*moh1yo-), miyant-
‘grown’ (*mh1yént-). In Cuneiform Luvian we have Cuneiform Luvian mayassi-
‘assembly, crowd, mass,’ Hieroglyphic Luvian maya(n)t- ‘many,’ and in Lycian
miñt ‘group which oversees the tombs.’ (See Melchert, 1984:46, for the Hittite
forms and Melchert, 1987:184, fn. 5, for the Luvian and Lycian ones; MA:249.)
The unextended *moh1- is perhaps to be seen in TchB mme ‘unripe,’ q.v. Less
likely as the PIE antecedent would be *moihxwo- (Lane, 1938:24, VW:277; cf.
P:711), a derivative of *meihxw- ‘tremble’ (see miw- for further discussion). The
semantic develop-ment would be *‘trembling’ > ‘young’ (i.e., ‘trembling’ >
‘tender (of plants’) ‘young’—cf. Rumanian tînar ‘boy’ < Latin tener ‘tender’).
Not with Hilmarsson (1989c:85-87, fn. 8) from a PIE *md-i-ha-, a collective
derivative of *md-i- ‘thought’ [: Armenian mit ‘thought’]. See maiyyo and
possibly mme.
moko (adj.) ‘old (of people)’; (n.) ‘elder’
[m: moko, -, moko//mokonta, -, -] kau maitam lyakm moko protär wes le
aklalye po watesa osta[me ltuwe poyi] ‘we went out and saw our older
brother with [his] disciples [who had] for a second time left the house [= become
monks] of the Buddha’ (108a3L); moko Perñik ‘the elder P.’ (LP-33a2Col), ypoy-
mokonta ‘± senators’ (?) (Pinault, 1984a:27).
The equivalent of TchA mok ‘id.’ but beyond that equation things are very
uncertain. TchA shows a plural adjective moklñ ‘old,’ apparently in comple-
mentary distribution with mok (singular only attested), which looks like a
deverbal construction *mokal or *mokäl, presupposing a verbal root *mok-. If all
this is so, mok/moko might result from a present participle in *-nts (incidentally
there is no need to see B mok as a borrowing from A [as per VW:301]), parallel
to the verbal adjective in -l-. Sieg, Siegling, and Schulze (1931:456) opt for a
connection with TchA muk-, B mauk- ‘desist’ (< *‘let go, slip away, run away’)
as the underlying verb which would be phonologically impeccable for both
languages but the semantics are not very convincing. (So also VW:301 and
Hilmarsson, 1986:39-40.) Certainly in TchB there is no inherent notion of
feebleness in moko, cf. ‘older brother’ at 108a3. Perhaps we have a verb
510 mokoc(e)*
[the bedstraws] and Asperula [woodruff] spp., now Rubia tinctorum], Old Norse
maðra ‘galium boreale’, OHG matara ‘madder’ [cf. P:747; for the Slavic and
Hittite, see Derksen, 2008:320-321, with prior references]). The Slavic and
Germanic suggest a PIE *modhr-o/eha- ‘coloring [agent]’ (*modh-r would be a
verbal noun from an otherwise unattested *modh- ‘color’); the Tch would reflect
a PIE *modhr-u- ‘color(ing)’ plus the later -tstse. The Germanic association with
‘madder’ and ‘red’ is secondary, because of the use in dyeing of the roots of
madder and some of the bedstraws. It is possible the bedstraws were originally
named for their characteristic yellow-green flowers. If so, the PIE meaning
would likely have been in the ‘blue-green’ area.
Motisre (n.) ‘Motisre’ (PN in administrative/monastic records)
[Motisre, -, -//] (SI B Toch. 12.4Col [Pinault, 1998:16], THT-4000, col. 2 -13?).
modit (n.) ‘pleasure, delight’
[modit, -, -//] (333b7E/C). From B(H)S modita-; see also mudit.
morauka* (n.) a kind of flowering plant
[//-, -, morauka] /// tare morauka [sic] ‘they scattered the moroks’
(389a7E); —moraukae* (~ morokae*) ‘prtng to a morauk’: morokaa
pypyo (M-1b7/PK-AS-8Ab7C).
moli(ye)* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘± dispute’
[//-, -, moli] : rekiana ke to molints=lyauc[e] /// ‘[if] then these verbal
disputes [should arise]’ (27a4C).
In Indo-European terms from *mluh1en- or *moluh1en-. Semantically this
word is most closely related to Greek mlé (Cretan mlí) ‘contend, bring an
action at law,’ mlos ‘toil of war, struggle,’ antímlos ‘adversary in a suit’
(VW:302, with differing details; MA:125). Whether with VW this Greco-
Tocharian etymon is further related to Latin mls ‘shapeless mass, bulk, pile,’
Latin molestus ‘troublesome, irksome, grievous,’ etc. (see Frisk’s cautious
discussion, 1970:282; Beekes, 2010:990, doubts the Greek connection with Latin
and does not mention Tocharian) is unclear. Perhaps also to be connected is Old
English mQl ‘speech, quarrel’ and Old Norse mál ‘speech, legal dispute’ on the
other. (Cf. Hilmarsson, 1986:13, though not with him from *m(e)had-tlo- with
reduction of *-dtl- to *-tl- in pre-Germanic [and a connection with Gothic maþla-
‘meeting place, market’] but *-dl- in pre-Tocharian.) See also possibly mäll-.
Molyoke (n.) ‘Molyoke’ (PN)
[Molyoke, -, -//] (LP-13a2Col).
mosake PN?
/// • ak-ene • mosake • /// (LP-28a3Col).
mauk- (vi.) ‘desist, refrain’
G Ko. V /muk-/ [A -, -, mauka//]: [k]ete no letkä [lege: pletkä] karu
aiamñe asakhyainta kalpanmaai llys=akr m mauka ‘to whom,
however, pity and wisdom arise, he will not turn back from the effort of countless
ages’ (591b6L); Pt. Ib /muk -/ [A -, mauksta, mauka// -, -, maukre; MP -,
mauktai, -//]: lakl=lyekäts kalatsi m ñi mauka arañce eme kan ra
(266b2/3C), /// aul kärytai tainasäñ m mauk[]st[a •] (239b2C), yolaiñeme
maukatai ‘from evil hast thou desisted’ (241a4E).
mcuke 513
K Ps. IXb /m ukäsk’ä/e-/ [MP -, maukästar, -//]: ///ñe näno maukästr ene
(PK-AS-12Aa3A [TVS]).
TchA muk- and B mauk- reflect PTch *mäuk- (B having generalized full-grade
forms) from PIE *meuk- ‘slip away (from)’ [: Sanskrit muñcáti/mucáti ‘let loose,
free,’ Lithuanian mùkti ‘slip away from, escape, run away,’ Russian OCS m!knuti
sja ‘pass over,’ OCS m!ati ‘chase’ (P:744; MA:527-528; LIV:443f.)] (VW,
1941:63, 1976:306). From this root also comes B mäk- ‘run,’ q.v. See also
amaukatte and mauki and, more distantly, also mäk- and perhaps moko.
mauki* (n.) ‘stop, pause’
[-, -, mauki//] poyiññee aklksa yam ñi ytri snai mauki /// ‘because of my
wish for Buddha-hood I go the way without stop’ (S-8a5/PK-AS-4Ba5C). A
derivative of mauk-, q.v. For the formation, see Adams, 1990a.
maute (n.) ‘avarice, avidity’
[maute, -, -//] meune (145a8A), maute (PK-AS-6Bb4C, PK-AS-6Ca3C [both
CEToM]). The Paris MSS make clear that the medial consonant is <t> rather
than <n>. (As if) from PIE *moudh-o- a derivative of *moudh- seen in Lithu-
anian maudžiù/masti ‘desire passionately’ and Czech mdlíti po em ‘desire,
strain after’ (cf. VW:282; MA:158).
Maudgalyyane (n.) ‘Maudgalyya’ (PN of a pupil of the Buddha)
[Maudgalyyane, Maudalyyani, Maudgalyyane//] (3a2C, Broomhead),
(Pinault, 2000b:162). From B(H)S Maudgalyyana- (cf. TchA Maudga-
lyya).
mau (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, mau//] [wewe]ñu [yo]lo [r]eki mau kä[llä] ‘the evil word spoken
brings mau’ (20b3C).
maur, see mahr.
maul ‘?’
[po]me po kualassrap maul rupi/// (173b4C).
mcukaE-C ~ mñcukaC ~ mäñcukaC ~ miñcukaC-L (nf.) ‘princess’
[mcuka, -, mcukai//mcukana, -, -] cw no lnte tkcer mñcuka temtsate ‘to
this king, however, was born a daughter, a princess’ (349b4C). Derivative of
mcuke with feminine -.
mcukeA-C ~ mñcukeC ~ mäñcukeC ~ miñcukeC-L (nm.) ‘prince’ [asne mcuke
‘crown prince’]
[mcuke, mcukentse, mcuke //mcukantaC, -, mcukantaC (= voc.) ~
mcukaA] mcuke tu lyaka ‘the prince saw her’ (THT-1312b3A), mcukants
‘by princes’ (THT-1321b3A), asne mcuke ‘throne prince’ (= ‘crown prince’)
(IT-12a6C [cf. Broomhead, 191]), 54 saswa pstinar pi mcukant=/// ‘O lord,
(if you please), keep the princes silent’ (53a2C), pymtso säswentse yaitkor
mcukanta ‘do, princes, the command of the lord!’ (589b3C). For the chrono-
logical distribution of the different shapes of the initial of this word, see Peyrot
(2008:76-77).
TchA mäkit and B mcuke reflect PTch *mä- with different diminutive
suffixes. Extra-Tocharian connections are unknown. Since the -ñ- of the TchB
form is an inner-Tocharian B innovation (Peyrot), the Tocharian words cannot
come from PIE *m(e)nk-eu- as usually supposed.
514 mñcuka
mlakä ‘?’
/// s•k mlakä : (351.2C). In all probability a third person singular, Class VII
present of a verb whose root is mälk-. Perhaps the present of 1mälk- ‘interweave,
bind on’ above, q.v.
mlamo (adj.) ‘melting’
[m: mlamo, -, -//] añ läklenta warpatsi war klautkoy-ñ arañce tsmoytär-ñ nete
mlamo tkoy-ñ arañce ‘may my heart turn to diamond to endure my own suffer-
ings; may my power grow; may my heart be melting’ (S-8b1/PK-AS-4Bb1C).
From mäl-, q.v., for further discussion.
mlae (n.) ‘?’
[mlae, -, -//] Pawake ecce mlae plaka ‘P. brought/sent the mlae hither’
(491aIIICol). In form it looks to be a nominalized adjective of appurtenance
(in -e) to a noun *mal or *mala. See discussion s.v. 2plk-.
mlucku, see s.v. mlutk-.
mlut- (vt.) ‘pluck’
Ps. IXa /mlut sk’ä/e-/ [Ger. mlutälle*]: skrenantse paruwa mlutällona ‘the
feathers of a crow [are] to be plucked’ (W-32b3C); Ko. V /mlut -/ (see abstract
noun); —mlutlle (n.) ‘plucking’: tse lutaä mlutlle skää pärsare
nakä ‘it drives away thickness [of wits], it surpasses plucking [of the hair], it
destroys lice [?]’ (W-42b2C).
Probably (as if) from PIE *ml-eu-T-, an extension of *mel- ‘crush, etc.’ (cf.
mäll-), though otherwise an extension in -eu- seems to exist only in Iranian, i.e.,
Avestan mruta- ‘aufgerieben, schwach’ and mrra- ‘aufreibend, verderblich’
(P:716-718; MA:247). Not, on both phonological and semantic grounds, with
VW (300) related to Greek blsk ‘come, go.’ See also 1mlutk-.
¹mlutk- (vi/t.) G ‘± disengage oneself, escape’ [with the ablative]; K ‘take off’
G Ps. III /mlutké-/ [MP -, -, mlutketär//]: m su mlutketär - - me ketara (G-
Qa5-bCol); Ko. V. /mlutk -/ [MP mlutkmar, -, -//]: wer orocce mahr[ma-
ec] kalymisa sprttau ce tallrñeme mlutkmar ‘turning in the direction of
the four great ascetics, may I escape this suffering’ (375a5L).
K Pt. III /mlautk-* ~ mlautkä s-/ [-, -, mlautkasa//] [pañ]äkte lktsi to
tsaiññenta mlautkasa mañiyantse wa[sa] ‘in order to see the Buddha, she took off
these ornaments and gave them to her maidservant’ (PK-NS-44b4 [TVS:782]).
Etymology unclear. The TchB word would appear to be related in some
fashion to TchA mlusk- of the same meaning but the exact nature of their
relationship is unclear. Lane (1965) and VW (299-300) would connect these
words with Greek blsk which would make sense semantically but is possible
phonologically only at the cost of reconstructing a PIE *melu- which seems very
unlikely. Beekes (2010:223) calls the Greek-Tocharian relationship “uncertain.”
²mlutk- (vt.) ‘± crush’
PP /mlutku-/: /// mlucku [sic] kuñcit ‘crushed sesame’ (W-7a6C), mlutku kuñctä
(W-38b4C).
If correctly identified as to meaning, probably originally an intensive in -ske/o-
to mlut-, q.v. Note that the same string of élargissements and stem formative
(*ml-eu-T-ske/o-) is probably to be seen in klutk- (*kwl-eu-T-ske/o-), q.v.
yak 517
•Y•
y (preposition) ‘in’
kaumaii wsar y tkkai mallantsas-me ñu-kunae stane kesa yältse
okänte uktamka ‘the inhabitants of the Pool gave 1,870 for a quantity of ninth
regnal-year stane from the vintners in Tkko’ (Bil 2.1/THT 4062Col, Schmidt,
2001:20), similarly: y laikar ostame (Bil 1.1/ SI P/141Col), y lpar nanna-
ñ(e)m(e) (Bil 3.1/ THT 4059Col). The texts are Tocharian B-Kuci-Prakrit
bilinguals. In the Prakrit version y tkkai was matched by i tkkai (with Tch y);
the other two instances have Prakrit locatives: y laikar = laiarami, y lpar =
laparami. The Tocharian word is found only in these texts as a preposition
(otherwise it is a prefix); as a preposition it seems to occur only in addresses.
As with the prefix y(n)- from PIE *h1en ‘in, into’ (P:311-314; MA:290). For
more, see ene. See y(n)-, yñakte, ynñm, yne, ymna, ysomo, and also
ene.ya-, i-.
yak (particle) ‘still’
• [ya]k no cwi soke lalake ainki caimp br[hma
i yä]rt[t]en-ne le
treme ‘still, however, these common brahmans drag away his dear son with
518 yaka
anger’ (88a5/6C), ekä saimacce yak vijñ lkeñca (194b6C/L), : ci yak raksau
al[yi]ne : weñmo ptka-ñ onolme[ts ta]rko-ñ trako : (IT-5a2/3C/L). Perhaps
with VW (586, though the details differ) we have a PIE *yu [: Gothic ju ‘already,
but, then,’ Lithuanian ja ‘already,’ OCS ju ‘ibid.’] plus the strengthening
particle k(ä), q.v. See also yaka and ykk.
yaka (particle) ‘still, nevertheless; furthermore, moreover’
81 se amne yaka yaisa lnte kercyenne ya parna tu-yknesa ärmame pyti
82 ‘whatever monk still goes at night to the king’s palace absent sufficient cause,
pyti’ (IT-246b3C/L), tume leswi esante-ne ~ yaka ynemane nauntaine klya
‘then waves of weakness seized her; still walking on the street, she fell’ (IT-
248a4C). From yak, q.v. + (cf. taka). See also yak and ykk.
yakte, yäkte.
yakne (nm.) ‘way, manner, custom, habit’ [as the second member of a compound
with a number = ‘-fold’; also kärpiye-yakne ‘common’; yakne ym- ‘pretend/act
as if, feign’]
[yakne, -, yakne//yakni, -, yakne] kärpye-yakne m klyomo : ‘of common type,
not noble’ [kärpyeyakne = B(H)S grmya-] (5b8C), käññe yäknesa asnne
lymate-me ‘he seated himself on the throne in the manner of their teacher’
(81b6C), []ntsesa watslai premane war tsi yakne yamaä ‘carrying the
water-jug on [his] shoulder he acts as if/pretends to fetch [some] water’ (91a1C),
weñau nänok yakne ymorntats ‘I will speak again of the ways of deeds’ (K-
2a4/PK-AS-7Ba4C [CEToM]); — -yakne ‘-fold’: • äk-okt yakne kleänmame
empelona : ‘the eighteen-fold dangerous kleas’ (212a3E/C); —yäknaikne ‘?’: •
paporñe-yetwetsa yaitu añ añm yäknaikne • (372a2C); —yäknetstse*
‘having [such] a manner’ (?): /// yäkneci lkntär (201a4C); —yäknessu ‘id.’ (?)
(Broomhead); —yäknessor ‘?’ (PK-AS-12Da4 [Broomhead]); —kuce-yknesa
‘by whatever way, by whatever means’: t no kuce-yäknesa ‘but that, by what
means?’ (PK-AS-16.2a6C [Pinault, 1989:155]).
TchA wkä (pl. wäknant) and B yakne reflect PTch *wi
äkne < PIE *wehno-
from *weh- ‘move, pull (as of a wagon), travel’ [: Sanskrit váhati ‘leads, pulls,’
Avestan vazaiti ‘ibid.,’ Greek (Pamphylian) wekhét ‘he should bring,’ Albanian
vjedh ‘steal,’ Latin veh ‘travel, lead, bring,’ OHG wegan ‘move (intr.),’ Lithu-
anian vežù ‘travel,’ etc. (P:1118-1120; MA:91)]. *wehno- is formally equivalent
to Old Irish fén, Welsh gwain ‘a kind of wagon’ but shows the same semantic
development we see in Germanic *wega- (PIE *weho-), e.g., English way
(Jacobsohn, 1934:212, VW:575-576).
yakwe (nm.) ‘horse’
[yakwe, -, yakwe//yakwi, yäkwets, yakwe] yäkwe (PK-AS-12A), yältse
yäkwe[]c reritto cwi [kokale] ‘his wagon hitched to a thousand horses’
(362b6E), yakwe = B(H)S ava- (306a5C), a[r]wre krentä yakwe[]mpa
‘with the good horses saddled’ (409b1C), yakwe pikulne ‘in the horse year’ (G-
Su34.1Col); —yäkweññe ‘prtng to a horse’: yäkweñña kolyi ‘horse-tail’ (M-
1b4/PK-AS-8Ab4C), parwe kuntsa Kemrcune [sic] lnti pikce mene
Ñwetakke yikweñe tarme yparwe Kippntse aiyye wasa ‘in the first regnal year
of king K., in the fifth month, Ñ., the horse-tarme, first gave K. an ovicaprid’ (SI
yap 519
very early in the history of pre-Tocharian, reinforces the notion that we have an
inheritance rather than a borrowing. It may be that TchB yap is from PIE
*yeb(h)om, itself by manner dissimilation from *yewom ‘grain, particularly barley’
(unstressed *-o- before a resonant in a final syllable becomes -ä- is in su < *so-u,
third person MP -(n)tär < *-(n)tor, nom. pl -i < *-oi). Pinault (2008: 371) offers
a variation in taking the Tocharian word to be from *yewit (with the same “food
suffix” seen in Hittite seppit- ‘wheat’and Greek álphi (pl. álphita) ‘barley.’ From
*yeu- ‘ripen, mature.’ See also yu- and also 1ypiye.
yape* (n.) ‘spider’
[-, ypentse, -//] : mäkte ypentse wpelm=auñento pak wpatsi : ‘just as the
beginning to weaving [is] the spider’s web’ (286a5C).
From PIE *webh- ‘weave, plait, spin’ [: Sanskrit ubhn$ ti, Greek huphaín,
Albanian venj (< *webhny), OHG wefan, Old English wefan (P:1114; MA:572)],
more particularly from a *webho- (m.) ‘spinner’ (Couvreur, 1950:128, VW:606).
Cf. Sanskrit r
a-vabhi- (m.) ‘spider’ (lit: ‘wool-weaver’). See also wp-,
2
ypiye, and wpelme.
yapoy (n.[f.pl.]) ‘land, country’
[yapoy, ypoyntse, yapoy//-, -, ypauna] kuiññe ypo[y] /// (THT-1179a2E), ypauna
kuaintsa ‘with lands and villages’ (2b6C), 26 ytka-me walo lyutsi po ypoyme
‘the king ordered all of them to leave the country’ (18a2C), ypoy[n]tse salyai ‘the
border of the country’ (86a5C), yapoyme wat lyuc-ne = B(H)S pravsayed v
(IT-127a4C); —ypoy-moko: ‘land-elder’ (an official of some sort): ypoy-mokonta
(unpubl. Paris fragm. [Pinault, 1984a:27]; Lévi, 1913:320), kañce ak-werne
ypay-moko [lege: ypoy-moko (the o-diacritic is mistakenly omitted)] Raktaku-
lentse Cckare … aiyye ala pkuwe aiyye wasa eme ‘in the tenth [month], on
the fourteenth [day], Cc. gave to R, the ypay-moko, one ovicaprid, an ovine male’
(SI B Toch. 9.9-10Col [Pinault, 1998:4]), ypoy-moko [nom.] (SI P/117.1Col
[Pinault, 1998:13]).
TchA ype and B yapoy reflect a PTch *i
äpoy that may reflect a putative PIE
*h1ep-o-wen (pl. *h1ep-o-uneha) ‘dominion,’ a derivative of PIE *h1ep- ‘take’ [:
Hittite epzi ‘takes’, Albanian jap ‘give’ (with well-paralleled reversal of direc-
tion), Armenian unim (< *h1opn-) ‘possess,’ Avestan apayeiti (< *h1opeye/o-)
‘obtains,’ Sanskrit pnóti ‘obtains’ (P:50-51; MA:563)]. For the semantic
development we might compare Avestan xšara- (or Pahlavi šahr, Khotanese
kra-) ‘dominion.’ Not from a PIE *h1en-pod- (nt.) as with Duchesne-Guillemin
(1941:162), who compares Middle Irish inad (< *h1eni-podo-), since the loss of
the nasal is not expected. Similarly difficult is Hilmarsson’s (1988) h1en-bhuhx-i
(nt.) ‘dwelling place.’ Nor with VW (606) who connects this word with yäp-
‘enter’ but he can do so only because he wrongly thinks yäp- is from *yeu- and
meant ‘go.’ Nor yet a compound *h1ep-ouden of *h1epi ‘on, near, adjacent’ and a
proterokinetic *h1/4óudn- ~ *h1/4udén- ‘earth, land’ (Adams, 1990a:72-77). See
also ypoye, -ypoye, amd perhaps the next entry.
yapko, see ypko.
yamauki (n.) ‘participant’
[yamauki, -, -//] (132b6E). A nomen agentis from ym-, q.v.
-yami, -ymi.
yartae* 521
er[kw] anmale ‘if one intends, however, to drive an enemy from [his] home or
village, [one is] to bind a bond of yarta’ (M-3a8/PK-AS-8Ca8C). Perhaps an
adjectival derivative of the following entry.
yartto (n.) ‘?’
[yartto, -, -//yärttonta, -, -] (Or.8212/1379b9A, PK-AS-16.2a4C [Broomhead]).
In form this looks to be a nominal derivative of yärtt-, q.v.
Yarpläke* (n.) ‘Yarpläke’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, Yarpläki, -//] (490a-II-3Col).
yarpo (nnt.) ‘(religious) service; good deed, merit’
[yarpo, yärpontse, yarpo//yärponta, yärpontats, yärponta] y[ä]rp[o]ntasa (IT-
45b2E), yarp[o] nraints[e] = B(H)S pu
yappa- (4b1C), yärponta [= B(H)S
pu
ya-] lykatsä pos=amskai karkats[i] ‘meritorious services [are] the most
difficult to be stolen by thieves’ (14b8C), amññepi yärpontse ‘of monkish
service’ (IT-155b4C); —yärpontae* ‘prtng to good deeds/meritorious
services’: yärpontae klautke ‘operations of meritorious services’ (K-10a6/
PK-AS-7Ja6C [CEToM]), || mie yirpontae /// ‘the field of meritorious
services’ (THT-1468a5L); —yärpossu ‘meritorious’: yärpossu wnolme ‘a merit-
orious creature’ (K-9b4/PK-AS-7Ib4C [CEToM]); —yärpontatstse* ‘having
merits’ (no locus, Broomhead).
Etymology uncertain. Is it a derivative of yärp- ‘oversee, observe, take care
of,’ q.v., as the meaning would seem to indicate, or of wärp- ‘enjoy, undergo’ (so
Winter, 1988:777, following Krause, 1952:51)? The latter might be a better fit
morphologically as these (PIE) e-grade abstracts ending in (Tch) -o (e.g. raso,
iko, pilko, pirko) are otherwise matched by an -subjunctive as we find with
wärp- rather than a thematic subjunctive as we find with yärp-. See also
yärper and yärparwa.
yarm* (nnt.) ‘measure, extent, size’
[-, -, yarm//-, -, yärmanma] snai yärm ke ‘without measure or number’
(220a4E/C), yarm = B(H)S mtra- (547a4C), • pañäktentse wästsintse yarmtsa …
pañäktentse wästintse yarm • ‘by the measure of the Buddha’s robe’ (IT-247b5C),
kana-yärmne ‘in only an instant’ (S-8b4/PK-AS-4Bb4C), wärmiye tsartre
sakpce sarja yarm ‘ant-extract, sakpce, sal tree, (each) a measure’ (W-3a5C),
[aia]mñentse yaräm [sic] pram ‘the mete and measure [dyadic] of wisdom’
(110a4L); —totk-yärm (= yäkte-yärm), see s.v. totk; —yäkte-yärm, see
yäkte; —eme-yärm ‘in the same measure’ (W passimC); —yärmassu ‘well-
measured, moderate’ or ‘according to measure’ (?): yärmassu yamaälle ‘it [is]
to be made well-measured/moderate’ (IT-247a6C).
TchA yärm and B yarm reflect PTch *i
ärmä. The best connection outside of
Tocharian is probably VW’s (1979:912-3) with Hittite arma ‘moon’ (<
*‘measurer’). VW himself connects both words with PIE *ar- ‘arrange, etc.,’ but
the phonetics are against it and he must assume an “intensive prefix” y-. We can
refine the comparison by positing a PIE *h1er- ‘measure’ (probably distinct from
*h1er- ‘stand, arise’). The Tocharian reflex would represent *h1ermn and the
Hittite *h1ormo-. Cf. Puhvel’s discussion of arma- (1984:151-155; and now
Kloekhorst, 2008:207). Also conceivable is Hilmarsson’s suggestion (1987:66-
71) that we have in *i
ärm a verbal noun from *h1er- ‘stand, arise’ (probably
Yaa ~ Ya 523
better ‘go, move’; see er-). This Tocharian word would be related to Proto-
Germanic *ermena- ‘great, entire’ as in OHG irmindeot ‘great/entire nation,’
irmingot ‘great god,’ Old English eormen- ‘great, spacious,’ etc. See also
yirmakka.
yal (n.[f.pl.]) ‘gazelle’
[yal, -, -//ylyi, ylats, yla] [krentau]natse ylats walo ‘the virtuous king of the
gazelles’ (232b5C/L), to ylyi (363b2C), yal ylake [a meter of 4x17 syllables;
rhythm 6/6/5] (PK-AS-16.3b3C [Pinault, 1989:157]).
The Tocharian A yäl is masculine in the singular (no plural forms are attested).
Krause and Thomas (1964) give the TchB form as “alternans” (i.e., neuter) but
there is no positive evidence for the gender of any singular form; the one plural
attestation is definitely feminine. It seems unlikely that the designation of so
salient an animal would be neuter (i.e., masculine in the singular, à la TchA, and
feminine in the plural, à la TchB) so it seems reasonable to suppose that we have
an epicene noun, masculine when referring to a male and feminine when referring
to a female.
TchA yäl and B yal reflect a PTch *i
älä. Hilmarsson (1986a:162), supposing
this *i
älä to be neuter, derives the PTch form from a PIE *h1el-n and related, as
Schulze had already seen (1927), to OCS elen" Armenian e_n, Greek ellós ‘fawn,’
élaphos ‘red deer,’ etc. (P:303-314; MA:154-155; Beekes, 2010:403; see also
Adams, 1985a). Different in ablaut and stem formation is Hittite aliya(n)- ‘roe-
(buck)’ (Puhvel, 1991:139). VW (591) also suggests a *h1el-n as the antecedent
of PTch *i
älä-, only to reject it in favor of *h1eln which would give TchA yäl
regularly, a form that was then borrowed into B. I prefer to take both A and B
forms from *h1eli-, though *h1el-n is also possible. See also ylake.
yaltse (numeral) ‘thousand’
[yaltse, -, yaltse//yältsenma, -, yältsenma] y[ä]ltsenma tmanenma … wnolmi
‘thousands, tens of thousands of beings’ (3b2/3C), sanai sanai yaltse tinrnta
‘one by one a thousand denarii’ (366a4C). In compounds (‘X-thousand’) we
find late and colloquial forms in -ltse and in colloquial texts an even more
reduced -se. See Peyrot (2008:128-129) for discussion.
TchA wälts and B yaltse reflect a PTch *wi
ältse possibly from PIE *wel-tyo-,
cf. OCS vel"j" or velik! ‘great’ also ‘thousand’ (Meillet, 1911-12:292, VW:555).
Winter (1991:124) suggests instead a PIE *welso-, a thematic derivative of
putative *wélos ‘greatness.’ Whether, with Van Windekens and Pokorny (1959:
1138), the Slavic and Tocharian forms are derivatives of a verbal root *wel-
‘press’ remains unclear.
yawakr ~ yavakr (n.) ‘an alcali prepared from the ashes of green barley’ (a
medical ingredient)
[yawakr, -, -//] (FS-b2/IT-305b2). From B(H)S yavakara-.
Yaa ~ Ya (n.) ‘Yaa’ (PN)
[Yaa, -, -//] Yaa (Dd3Col) [this comprises the entire text], kroemaññe k[är]yau
wi känte ak kaummasa Ya kaumñe pauye eñcil kante ikä kaummasa
‘having bought an ice-cellar for 210 bolts of white silk, Ya [imposed] a tax-
levy on the … of 120 bolts of white silk’ (?) (Otani 13.14-5 [Ching, 2011:74]).
524 yaakme
last the mountain precipice’ (338a4A), pälsko erste wrocce yäst 56 ‘the spirit
evoked the great precipice’ (338a5A); (b) • cäke[n]e [l]e[nts]e stmais yäst
[t]aiy ñäktene <•> ‘the two gods stood up precipitously in the bosom of the
mountain’ (338b7A), kukrapdä-äleme {yä}st lä ‘from the Kukkuapada-
mountain he [scil. Kaypa] will precipitously emerge’ (THT-1859“b” 3A).
Though only attested with the spelling yäst, the texts in which it appears are all
from the Archaic Tocharian period where underlying /ä/ appears as <ä> whether
or not it is stressed. The Classical spelling would be <yast>. In Classical
Tocharian B the simple noun used adverbially was replaced by a combination of
noun plus intensifying particle, yäst +k, i.e., istak, q.v.
Etymology uncertain. Perhaps from PIE *h1es-tu- (or *h1es-ti- or *h1es-to-
[nt.]), a verbal noun from *h1es- ‘throw’ [: Sanskrit ásyati, Avestan ahyeiti,
Hittite si/ya-, all ‘shoot, spurt, gush, flow’ (< *h1s-ye/o-; cf. Kimball, 1987)]
(VW:596, though without the Hittite and differing in details). Perhaps here also
belongs Hittite ezzan ‘chaff’ (< *h1eso- [nt.] ‘that which is thrown [in the air]’)
and Greek %ia ‘id.’ (< *h1siyo-) (Puhvel, 1984:322-3). See yäst- istak.
yasna (n[f.pl.]) ‘treasure chamber, treasury’
[//-, -, yasna] plme wat naumiye tka : tu m ente ra [ta]al[l]e • prakrona
yasnane taalle ‘[if it] is an excellent jewel, it is not to be set just anywhere, [but
it] is to be set in a strong treasury’ (KVc-22a4/THT-1114a4C [Schmidt, 1986]).
Some connection with yasa ‘gold’ would seem to be likely, but the exact
connection is unknown (*hawes(i)neha ?).
Ykue (n.) ‘Ykue’ (PN)
[Ykue, -, - //] Ykue ñem (THT-1179b4E).
yke (nm.) ‘spirit, ghost; genius loci (neither good nor bad)’
[yke, -, yke//yki, yakets, yke] also [yke, -, yaka//yak,
yakats, -] yki maiyya kälpske kause wnolme mka : ‘the yakas find
strength and kill many creatures’ (3a1C), nki yaki preti ‘ngas, yakas, pretas’
(333b9E/C), yakats arnene tatar-ñ ‘thou placest me in the hands of the yakas’
(84a1C); —yakaññe ‘prtng to a yaka’ (99a5C); —yakee ‘prtng to a yaka’
(606a4C). From B(H)S yaka-.
ygnusmrti (n.) ‘calling to mind an oblation or offering’ (?)
(567a1C/L). If from B(H)S yga- + anusmrti- (not in MW or Edgerton).
yk- (vi.) G ‘be deluded’; K ‘cast a spell on, bewitch’
G Ps. IV /yoko-/ [m-Part. yokomane; Ger. yokolle]: /// läkleñ yokoma[n]e ///
‘deluded by suffering’ (352b5C), auntsate Kapilavstu yatsi ekka ekka
enersäk lka[]i[trä] … [lakle]sa [y]lr[e] kaklautkau yokomame troppomane
bhodhisatve kwmane yey ‘he began to go to Kapilavstu; always he could only
look on helplessly … having become weak through suffering, delirious and
stumbling, he went calling [for] the bodhisattva’ (PK-AS-15A + NS-350a6fC
[Couvreur, 1964:240, fn. 17]); Ko. V /yk-/ [A -, -, yka//]: /// ke - - - w·r
plka yka wat m tu s[klo]kn[e] ekale : (516b1C); Pt. I /yk-/ [A -, -,
yka//]: ///m yka wrotsai werstaine [sic] k/// ‘… he was deluded in the great
assembly … (THT-1299a2C).
K Ps. IXb /y käskä/e-/ [A ykäskau, -, -//]: cau ñä ///[six syllables]///me
ykäskau : (351b4C); Ko. IXb (=Ps.) /y käskä/e-/ [Inf. ykäs(t)si] /// weña e
yt- 527
ka yatte ñi ykässi • ukentasa swaro[na] ‘[the Buddha] spoke: just once was
she [scil. Yaodhar] capable of bewitching me with [her] sweet charms’
(109a10L).
For the meaning, one should compare the Tocharian A causative at A-120a2:
/// plyaskei ytluneyä pkänt yk ‘without [the protection of] [his]
meditational capacity, [someone] bewitched [him]’ (= ‘without the protection of
meditational capacity he was bewitched by him or her’).
Etymology uncertain. Hilmarsson (1991b:139-142) argues that it should be
connected with PIE *ya- [: Sanskrit yájati ‘worships, offers, hallows,’ Avestan
yazaite ‘worships,’ Greek házomai ‘venerate,’ Greek hagíz ‘consecrate, hallow’
(P: 501; MA:650; LIV:224)]. The Tocharian verb would reflect a variant with an
infixed nasal, such as we find in the semantically similar root *sak- in its Latin
guise sanci ‘consecrate, make inviolable (of a law); condemn with a penalty.’
For the Tocharian semantic development he points to Old Norse heilla ‘bewitch,
enchant, infatuate, spellbind,’ in origin a denominative to heill (nt.) ‘omen,
auspice’ and/or heill (f.) ‘good omen, happiness,’ all further related to heilagr
‘holy.’ For the intransitive meaning we might compare English dizzy and giddy,
derivatives of PIE *deus- ‘spirit’ and Proto-Germanic *guda- ‘god’ respectively.
ykune, see s.v. tsykune.
yt- (vi/vt.) G ‘be capable of’ [often with infinitive complement]; succeed’ K2 ‘have
power over, control; tame’; (MP) ‘be enabled’
G Ps. IV /yoto-/ [MP -, - yototär//-, -, yotontär; MPImpf. -, -, yotitär//]: yauca
tnek yotonträ [sic] soyasi : ‘the beggars are capable, then, of satisfying [them-
selves]’ (554b2E), /// ñke rttai wentsi m yotonträ : ‘now they cannot say/offer
an encouragement’ (IT-151b4C), /// ek yototrä yakn[e] /// ‘[his] manner always
succeeds’ [= B(H)S sad sapadyate vratam] (IT-931a2? [cf. Peyrot, 2008b:102;
CEToM]); Ko. V /y t-/ [A -, -, yta//; AOpt. -, -, ytoy//-, -, ytoye; Inf.
ytatsi; Ger. ytalle ‘capable’]: : pi bhminta saim ymu yta ertsi : ‘having
made a support/refuge of the five bhmis, it [scil. npsmrti] can be evoked’
(41a6C), m po ytalle mñe kantwasa wetsi ‘all [are] not capable of speaking
in a human tongue’ (408a6C); Pt. Ib /yt -/ [MP -, -, yatte//]: /// weña e ka
yatte ñi ykässi ‘[the Buddha] spoke: just once was she [scil. Yaodhar]
capable of bewitching me’ (109a10L) [or is yatte to be interpreted as yat-ne as
per TVS?]; PP /yy t-/: • yaytau plme mna[ts •] = B(H)S dnta reho
manuy
m (306a4C), weñ-ne ñakta se okolmo yaytau plme ‘he said to
him: lord, this elephant [is] best tamed’ (DA-1b1/PK-NS-398b1 [cf. Stumpf,
1970:112]); —ytalñe ‘ability; (magic) power, majesty’: savaräe ytalñe m
karstaytär-ñ 36 [lege: karstoytär-ñ] ‘may my ability/power in the sasra not be
cut off’ (270a3C), wärpmai lantuñee ytalñe • ‘I enjoyed my kingly majesty’
(372b3C); —-ytalñetstse ‘capable, powerful’ (506a2C/L); —ytalñee ‘prtng to
power/ ability’ (527b2C).
K2 Ps. IXb /y täskä/e-/ [A -, -, ytää//; nt-Part. ytäeñca]: ///ke yayta
menktsa cau arth ytä (201a3C); Ko. (= Ps.) [AOpt. -, -, ytäi; MPOpt.
ytäimar, -, ytäitär//; Inf. ytäs(t)si]: kuse yäkwe ytai [sic] = B(H)S yo hy
ava damayej jtyam (310a5E), 50 pcer saim-wästa r y[tä]ssi epastyu :
‘O father and refuge, learnèd to make ready a hiding-place’ (244b2C); Pt. II /y t-
528 Ynayae
/ [//-, -, ytante]: /// ts·rnta taisa ytante • ‘the … thus are enabled’ (THT-
1250a2C); Pt. IV /y tä-/ [MP -, ytäatai, ytäate//]: käss yälloe
colä yakwe ytäatai ‘thou hast tamed the six wild horses of the senses’
(213a1E/C), ytäte (IT-263A?); PP /yy täu-/; —yaytäorme: päst
yaytäorme = B(H)S vinya- (IT-187a5C); —ytäeñca ‘one who tames,
tamer’: [po] wäntarwa ytäeñcaicä = B(H)S sarvrthasiddhya (311b2C).
TchA yt- and B yt- are from PTch *yt-- (in formation like Latin clre—
cf. tsp-) or possibly *yt-- (cf. ym-) to the PIE verbal root *yet- ‘strive, fly at,
concern oneself zealously’ [: Sanskrit yátati], Avestan yateiti ‘place in order;
strive after,’ also Old Irish ítu ‘thirst’ (< *ytu-tt-) (P:506-507; MA:472; LIV:
313f.)]. Under this analysis the original (iterative-intensive) present *yt- (>
yt- by -umlaut) has been relegated to the subjunctive by a newer, analogical
present yoto-. This etymology goes back in embryo to Duchesne-Guillemin
(1941:173) and VW (1941:167; cf. also Jasanoff, 1978:45; Cheung, 2006:215)
and is surely preferable to VW’s later suggestion (645) of a borrowing from the
Sanskrit past participle yata- from yam- ‘hold, sustain, tame, etc.’ See also
aytaitte and ayto and, more distantly, yät-.
Ynayae (n.) (PN?)
/// Ynayae /// (G-Su-25.ACol).
yntär* (n.[sg.m.]) ‘± restraint, fetter’
[-, -, yntär//] [sruka]lñee yntärne ‘in the fetter of death’ (47b1C). From
B(H)S yantra-.
yntaite, s.v. 2wänt-.
ypko* (n.) ‘± duke, count palatine, sub-king’
[-, yapkontse, -//] wi kuntsa Kemrcune lnti rapañe mene yapkontse
yaitkorsa antalya ‘in the second regnal year of King K., in the rapaññe month,
by order of he duke, it [scil. the ewe of the previous line] [is one that is] due to
give birth’ (SI B Toch. 13.3Col [Pinault, 1998:6]); —yapkoññe ‘prtng to a duke’:
?aile yapkoñe yaitkorsa nta wya /// [tune]k aiyyna tarya sanai w oroce
kemesa e l wästa-pku ‘. brought, by order of the duke, three ovine animals, to
wit one ewe with adult teeth and one male, twice-combed’ (SI B Toch.11.10-11Col
[Pinault, 1998:8-9]). The form of this word is not altogether clear. If the
attested yapkontse and yapkoññe are stressed on the first syllable, the underlying
shape is /yäpk-/. If on the other hand, in the more likely event that the stress is on
the second syllable, the underlying shape is /ypk-/. TchA yppäk seems to
suggest the latter.
Clearly the Tocharian B equivalent of the same widespread Central Asian title
seen in Turkish yabu and also Chinese, both Tocharian languages, Sogdian,
Bactrian, etc. (see below). It was the title of the leaders of the five divisions of
the Yuezhi. A Manichean Sogdian document (the Mahrnmag) records it used
once of a ruler immediately dependent on the king of Kucha and Chinese sources
use it once of a cadet of the Kuchean royal house who succeeded to the throne. It
was the designation, then, of a noble, inferior only to the king. The earliest attes-
tation of the word is in Old Chinese *hjep-u (pinyin xi-hou) as a designation of a
leader among the western barbarians and later, more specifically, of the leaders of
the five divisions of the Yuezhi (1st century BC). Later we have iabgo among the
ym- 529
Overwhelmingly more common are transi-tive verbs. In the usual case the direct
object of the compound verb is in the accusative, e.g. ate ym- ‘take off
[clothes]’ (= B rutk-), anumodit ym- ‘give approbation to,’ appamt ym-
‘mistreat,’ arwer ym- ‘prepare,’ ite ym- ‘fill,’ utsahm ym- ‘encourage,’
upacai ym- ‘help,’ aiai ym- ‘take care of, tend,’ kari ym- ‘soil,’ kalpit
ym- ‘render permissible,’ ke ym- ‘count’ (= B äs-), käryakr ym-
‘make an agreement with,’ knti ym- ‘forgive,’ cotit ym- ‘accuse’ (= B(H)S
codaya-), telki ym- ‘sacrifice’ (possibly intransitive), nermit ym- ‘shape,’
pkri ym- ‘make public,’ mentsi ym- ‘sadden, trouble,’ yakne ym-
‘pretend’ (takes an infinitive in -c as object), ymor ym- ‘do (a deed),’ yoai
ym- ‘irrigate,’ yne ym- ‘realize,’ reme ym- ‘make manifest, witness,’ lre
ym- ‘love’ (= B(H)S sev-), laupe ym- ‘apply salve,’samanit ym- ‘convoke,
assemble,’ sarit ym- ‘memorize,’ or saim ym- ‘take refuge in,’ spantai ym-
‘trust in,’ smille ym- ‘smile at.’ Less frequently the direct object is in a case
other than the accusative, usually the genitive, e.g. ke ym- ‘end’ (+ gen.), kli
ym- ‘teach’ (+ locative), kartse ym- ‘do good’ (+ gen.): [ai][e]ntse kärtse
ym[ts]i ‘to do good to the world’ (IT-47a4E), pke ym- ‘share’ (+ gen.),
paucci ym- ‘renounce’ (+ ablative), pkante ym- ‘hinder’ (+ gen.), yarke
ym- ‘honor’ (+ gen.), wasapa ym- ‘ordain’ (+ gen.), spakt ym-
‘serve’ (+ gen.). In a few cases it is not clear what case the direct object takes,
e.g. erkatte ym- ‘mistreat,’ carit ym- ‘practice’ (?), tep ym- ‘?,’ perk ym-
‘have faith in,’ waamñe ym- ‘make friends’ (= B(H)S sakhya kr- [308a1C]),
spelke ym- ‘be zealous for,’ ykssäññee prayok ym- ‘have sexual
intercourse’ (IT-127a2C).
Etymology uncertain. Certainly to be rejected is VW’s suggestion (644-645)
that ym- is a borrowing from Sanskrit yam- ‘hold, sustain, tame’ and Tch yäm-
‘achieve, attain,’ q.v. However, it is possible to see in PTch *ym- an -grade
iterative-intensive to this root. Certainly a semantic connection between ‘attain,
achieve’ and ‘do, make’ makes eminent sense (P:505; MA:270-271). The
relationship between “basic” yäm- and iterative-intensive ym- may be paralleled
by näk- ‘destroy,’ nk- ‘blame,’ and tsäk- ‘burn,’ tsk- ‘illuminate.’ All six of
these verbs have athematic (Class I) subjunctives and Class III preterites; For
ym- one should note TchA preterite ymäs; the TchB preterite ymä- is
clearly secondary to the present ymäsk’ä/e-. (With different morphological
relations between the paired roots with short and long vowels are plätk-/pltk-
‘arise, develop’/‘spread (out),’ wäsk-/wsk- ‘move,’ TchA räp-/TchB rp- ‘dig,
plow,’ klutk-/klautk- ‘turn’/‘turn into,’ and lit-/lait- ‘pass on, move’/‘depart.’)
Another possibility is that AB ym- reflects a PIE *yoh1-m- from *yeh1-
‘throw; put [by throwing]’ (P:502) with an -m- élargissement as perhaps in äm-.
For the o-grade of *yoh1m- one might compare English do, etc. from *dheh1-.
Such an analysis connects this word with the other forms of ‘do, make’ in TchA,
namely ya- and ypa- which are from yeh1- and possibly *pi-yeh1- (with
metathesis) respectively. This connection for ym- goes back originally to
Benveniste (1936: 235). For a discussion of PIE *yeh1- ‘do,’ see Adams (1987b).
See also ymätstse, yamauki, -ymi, ymor, and possibly yäm-.
532 ymätstse*
the TchB shift of intervocalic -p- to -w-, especially after long vowels. Is the first
-y- a reflex of the EMC -²-?
yre (n.) ‘gravel’
[yare, -, yare ~ yre//] kuse sw aw=omte yare krke wat kwärweñi : ‘that which
[is] coarse here: gravel, dirt or stones’ (7a7C), ///keñc kektseñ käccye-ne
yresa : ‘they lowered his body on the gravel’ (22b4C), kärweñi yare tarkañ
salañce mäskenträ pkri ‘rocks, gravel, potsherds, salt-ground appear’ (K-
8b4/PK-AS-7Hb4C). Yare is definitely the majority form (2 to 1), but the most
frequent spelling deviation is the lack of a vowel diacritic on an akshara, so yre
is likely to be that correct form. Etymology unknown. All previous attempts,
none very satisfactory, have taken yare as the starting point.
Ye (n.) ‘Ye’ (PN of a king in monastic records and administrative records)
[Ye, Yi, -//] (460a7Col, G-Qa3.B1Col, SI P/117.1Col [Pinault, 1998:13]). See
also Ya.
Ytare ‘Ytare’ (PN in monastic records)
[Ytare, -, -//] (491b4Col).
-yi (adj.) ‘seeking’ (??)
[-yai, -, -//] [newly ordained monk’s concluding words to the ordination
service] [ra]ktsi-yai arkañ lukatsi täktsi oktacce klyommo pa[][mai yakne
aanikets] yaitkor wärpanamar psi astare paskemar ‘seeking shelter by what
is fitting I observed the noble eight-fold way even unto/up to lukatsi; I receive the
command of the arhats and I observe the pure observance’ (PK-Cp-40b4/5=PK-
DAM.507 40-42Col [Pinault, 1994b:102 and Pinault, p.c.]). /The restoration
[ra]ktsi-yai is not assured, but the presence of a nominal combining form of
ysk-, q.v., seems very likely.
yu* (n.) ‘alms, i.e., food obtained by begging’
[-, -, yu//] : woy[e] yu ‘may they eat begged food’ (12b1C), yu
awñcaññe ‘alms-eating’ (i.e., ‘eating by alms-begging’) (IT-11a3C), yu pete
‘give begged food!’ (325b4L); —yae (adj.) ‘prtng to alms’ yae
pelaikne ‘the law of alms-begging’ (IT-11a4C). A derivative of ysk-, q.v.
See also yaca.
ys- (vi) G ‘be excited’; K ‘excite’
G Pt. I /ys -/ [MP -, -, yaste//]: [t]wn[e] yaste ‘he was excited about/by her’
(?) (366b3C); PP /yy s-/: yaysa palskosa ‘excited by the spirit’ or ‘with
excited spirit’ (325b3L).
K Ps. IXb /y säsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, ysää//]: 91 arm okone tserenträ [su t]n[e
w]n[o]lm[e] ysää ktkästär-me : ‘in cause and effect it [scil. the klea-
thirst] deceives men here; it excites them and gladdens them’ (11b2C).
In form a long-grade derivative of yäs-, q.v., though highly divergent
semantically. The meaning of this form, when combined with a locative noun,
should be compared to the cognate Sanskrit yas- + dative ‘strive after.’
yso* (nf.) ‘pleasure, delight, excitement’
[-, -, yso//] katkauñai ys[ompa] [e]sa yn[ca] ‘going together with joy and
excitement’ (155b4C), yso = B(H)S cchandanam (527a4C). A derivative of
ys-, q.v.
534 ysk-
ysk- (vt.) ‘beg’ [often used with the object superficially deleted (as in English)]
Ps. IXa /yskä sk’ä/e-/ [MP yaskaskemar, -, yaskastär//; Ger. yaskaalle]: ///
[sa]kame tvrka yie plki yaskaskemar parna simtsa yatsi /// ‘of the
community I ask permission to go outside the border for forty nights’ (IT-
139b5C/L); Ko. II /ysk’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, ytär//yaskemtär, -, -; MPOpt. //-, -,
yayentär; Inf. y(t)si]: yacañ lare auly ñi yayeträ ‘[if] the beggars
would beg my dear life’ (78a1C); Pt. Ib /y -/ [MP -, yatai, yate/]: soy
ano makce pä yate-ñ ‘son, wife, even myself, has he begged from me’
(95a1C), • Upanande cewme kamps yate s m ws-ne • ‘U. begged of him
his robe; he did not give it to him’ (337a4/5C); PP /yyu-/.
The primary etymological datum here is the perfect semantic and morpho-
logical equation of B ysk- ‘beg, entreat’ (with -sk- extended from the present
throughout the paradigm [cf. nsk-, psk-, etc.]) and Avestan ys- ‘beg, entreat’
(with -s- [< *-sk-] similarly extended). Avestan ys-, in turn, is the equivalent of
Sanskrit y- ‘beg, entreat’ both semantically and syntactically (both Sanskrit and
Avestan verbs take a double accusative; see Insler, 1975:116) (P:503; MA:33).
Thus Avestan ys- and TchB ysk- must be from *yeha-sk- rather than from *yk-
sk- (VW, 1941:165-6, 1976:589; Cheung, 2006:210) or *yhak-sk- (Hilmarsson,
1986a:11) and connected by them with Sanskrit ycati ‘ask, solicit, demand.’
Both Pokorny (503-504) and Mayrhofer (1976:14-15) agree that yc- is not to be
connected to y-. (Also we have Greek zêlos ‘zeal, ardor,’ and Old Irish á(i)lid
‘wishes strongly, implores.’) See also yaca,yu, and -yi.
ystaci (n.) ‘juniper (probably Juniperus excelsa Bieb.)’ or ‘bird cherry (Prunus
puddum Roxb. ex Wall.)’?
[ystaci, -, -//] In a list of medical ingredients: (500a5C). See Maue (1990) for a
discussion of this word. He opts, on what seem to me slender grounds, for
‘juniper’ rather than ‘bird cherry.’ Etymology unknown.
yäk- (vi.) ‘neglect, be careless about’ [with N-me]
Ps. X /yäkn sk’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, yäknstär//]: [m yä]knsträ tu postä krentauna-
me 21 ‘thereafter he is not careless about virtues’ (12a6C); Ko. VI /yäkn - [MP
//-, -, yäknntär]; PP /yäkó-/: arwarets ykoäts = B(H)S uddhatn
pramattn (305a7C).
Etymology uncertain. AB yäk- reflect PTch *i
äk- and I think it likely that we
have a derivative of PIE *h1eg- ‘lack’ [: Latin ege ‘am lacking, suffer want,’
Latin egests (f.) ‘lack,’ Latin egnus ‘lacking,’ Old Norse ekla ‘lack,’ ekla (adv.)
‘scarcely,’ OHG ekordo ‘only’ (P:290; MA:343)]. In the Tocharian word we
would have the transitive verb corresponding to the intransitive of Latin and
Germanic. Less likely, but still a possibility, is VW’s suggestion (590) of a
relationship with PIE *h1eigh-, an élargissement of *h1ei- ‘go’[: Greek oíkhomai
‘go, depart; be undone, be lost, ruined,’ oikhné ‘come, go; be gone; approach,’
possibly íkhnos ‘foot-print, trace,’ Armenian ianem ‘come, climb up,’ Lithuanian
eigà ‘way, course, progress,’ Old Irish óegi ‘guest’ (<*h1oight-) (P:296)]. VW
assumes a “thème II” *h1yegh- here but it is not necessary since a zero-grade
*h1igh- would do the trick and a zero-grade *h1igh-neha- would be expected
anyway. The n-stem parallels in Greek and Armenian are attractive but the
semantic difficulties are great. *h1eigh- appears to mean ‘go’ tout simple (as it
yäks- 535
does in the one certain instance where it occurs in Tocharian, in the suppletive
preterite participle, yku-, to i- ‘go’). VW assumes a causative ‘let go’ > ‘be
negligent’ which is a possi-bility semantically but not paralleled elsewhere.
See also ykorñe and possibly yekte-.
yäkte- ‘little, small’ [only as the first member of compounds]
yäkt-ñm (a) ‘± feebleness/thinness’ (?) [‘cowardice’ Couvreur, 1954d:105;
‘inferiority’ Thomas, 1983:251]; (b) ‘feeble, weak’: menkitse tesa pkrsa-ñ yakt-
ñm ñi ‘by this lack, recognize my feebleness’ (99b3C), kosi • yäkt-ñmä …
stke ‘[it is] the remedy for cough and feebleness/thinness’ (497a6C); [yä]kt-
ñmä satlñe ‘feeble breathing’ (IT-1a5C), yäkt-ñm kosi ‘weak cough’ (PK-9D-
b2? (Broomhead); —yäkte-aiam-ñetstse ‘dull-witted’: yakte-ai[amñetste] =
B(H)S durmedhas- (IT-152a8C); —yäkte-perne ‘of little worth or fortune’:
yäkte-pernentse = B(H)S alpalakme (531a1C); —yäkte-yarm ‘a little merely;
short [of time]’: [yä]kte-yarm = B(H)S alpa-mtra- (51a7C); —yäkte-weeññai
‘with little noise, without talking’ (321a4E/C); —yäkte-skeye ‘with little effort’
(21b6C); —yakte-swralñe ‘not very tasty’: yakte-swralñe = B(H)S alpsvda-
(IT-152b2C). /I take this to be the unstressed variant (which might be
restressed under certain circumstances) of yekte-, identical in meaning. The two
types, yäkte and yekte exist side by side at all times in Tocharian B history, but
yekte is much more common in the earlier texts (Peyrot, 2008:166-167). See
also yekte.
-yäkre s.v. par-yäkre.
yäkraiti, ikrai-.
yäkwake* (n.) ‘little horse’
[//-, -, yäkwaka] kokalyika yäkwaka /// ‘little wagons and little horses’
(352a2C). A diminutive of yakwe, q.v.
yäkweññe, s.v. yakwe.
yäkiye ~ yikiye (nf.) ‘flour, meal’
[yäkiye ~ yikiye, -, yaksai//] amokces yikye pi ankä ‘for the artisans 5
anks flour’ (434a3Col), ypiya yäkiye ‘barley (?) flour’ (P-1a6C), ysrña yäkye
‘wheaten flour’ (W-37b1C), yaksai aw[re] ‘they ate yaksai’ (434a2Col). The
variation, nominative -kiye, accusative -ksai is also seen in lyekiye/lyeksai.
Perhaps a derivative of yäks-, q.v. The formal comparison is perfect, but the
semantic comparison is strained as yäks- means ‘embrace, entangle,’ perhaps
‘squeeze,’ all of which are semantically distant from ‘grind’ or ‘press down,
crush’ we might expect to lie behind ‘flour.’
yäks- (vt.) ‘embrace, entangle’
Ps. VIb /yäksä n-/ [MP -, -, yäksanatär//]; Ko. V /yä ks-/ [Inf. yaksatsi]:
///laryai ramno yaksatsi ‘…like to embrace a beloved [woman]’ (THT-1262a3C);
PP /yäksó-/: te keklyauorme Candramukhe walo ecakecce asme ñor
klya Ara
emiñ lnte paine yäksau pälwmane weä ñäkte-yok saswa ‘hearing
this king C. fell down from his lion throne, embraced the feet of king A. and says,
bewailing: O divine-like lord!’ (93a5+PK-NS36+20a3C [Thomas, 1983: 246]), ///
[tä]ws yäksau prkre ‘fully embraced in love’ (283a4A), /// pilkosa yäksau
ramtä tka täne se klainantsä ‘with a look as if this was fully embraced by the
women’ (PK-AS-12Kb2C [Thomas, 1979:14]).
536 yät-
The more abundant TchA attestations supplement those of B and make it clear
that we have ‘embrace [of lovers]’ or, less frequently, ‘entangle’ (as lianas may
entangle the feet).
Etymology uncertain. Tch AB yäks(n)- reflect PTch *i
äks(n)- ‘± embrace,
entangle.’ The Tocharian meaning would be compatible with the otherwise not
well-explained Hittite kt- ‘net’ and Hieroglyphic Luvian aggati- ‘(catch-)net’
(Puhvel, 1984: 257-258). Certainly ‘net’ as ‘that which entangles’ seems
unproblematic. Sanskrit -yakati looks phonologically appealing but is
disqualified on semantic grounds as it means ‘± appear’ (cf. Yaghnobi yaxš-
‘appear,’ Mayrhofer, 1976:1, with literature). In any case, not with VW (590-1)
to be compared with Greek piéz as, contra VW, it would appear that forms like
piésai are original and piéksai analogical (cf. the forms of paíz ‘play’ from
paid-). Only the former are to be found in Homer. See also, yeksnar and
aiksnar, and possibly -yäkre (see s.v. par-yäkre) and yäkiye.
yät- (vt/i.) G ‘be decorated’; K ‘decorate, adorn, beautify’
G Pt. I /yät -/ [MP -, -, ytte//]: ///rme rine ytte • ‘he was decorated in the
cities’ (PK-AS-13Eb7C [TVS]).
K Ps. IXb /yä täsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, yatässä (?)//; MP // -, -, yatäskentär;
MPImpf. -, - yatäitär//]: ceu prekene Nande ñem … kektseññeai olypotse
tetreku yatäitär-ne sonopitär lktär wästsanma krenta yätär ‘at that time
Nanda by name … was completely attached to [the things] of the body; he would
adorn himself, anoint himself, bathe and wear fine clothes’ (A-1a5/PK-AS-6Ba5C
[CEToM]); Ko. IX (= Ps.) [Inf. yatästsi]: yatästsy aunantär-ne ‘they begin to
adorn him’ (118b2E); Imp. /päyät-/ [ASg. pta]: plme tsaiñ[enta]sa pta
‘adorn with the most splendid jewelry!’ (94b2C); Pt. Ia /y t-/ [MP ytamai,
ytatai, -//]: ytri ytamai ‘I adorned the road’ (THT-1392 frgm. g-b2? [TVS]),
lantuññee yet[w]entsa ytamai-ne kektse[ñ] ‘with royal jewels have I
decorated his body’ (PK-AS-17.6a6C [Couvreur, 1954c:89]); PP /yeyäto-/:
yetwetsa yaitu ‘decorated with adornments’ (372a2C); —yaitor: /// yaitor
wawlawar (134b5A), /// ra abdhsa yaitor apaabdh no m weñ[i] (134b6A); —
yaitorme.
AB yät- is from PIE *yet- seen in Sanskrit yátate ‘puts oneself in the right or
natural place,’ Av. yat- ‘id.,’ Latin ntor ‘support myself, brace myself,’ Serbo-
Croatian jatiti (= Sanskrit ytaya-) ‘gather’ (cf. Toporov, 1968:110-111, also
P:506-507; MA:472; LIV:313f.; Cheung, 2006:215). The Tocharian meaning
comes from *‘± put into the right place’ (cf. Latin rnre ‘to adorn’ from
*rdinre ). Sogdian shows the same semantic development when prefixed in
py’t- ‘adorn.’ Otherwise VW:645. See yetwe and, more distantly, yt-.
yätk- (vt.) ‘seek, intend’
Ps. IXa /yätksk’ä/e-/ [m-Part. yätkskemane]: /// ñäke m yärallecä snai
ttuwerñe ñemo yätkaskemane nanträ m yärsemane mäpi säswa n/// ‘The one
seeking a name [i.e., reputation] without ttuwerñe does not appear now to the
honored one; perchance O lord …’ (PK-AS-12Da2A [TVS]).
Presumably related to TchA yätk- (gerund yätkal) which, it has been suggested
(Schneider, 1941a:48), means ‘±strive for.’ Just possibly a derivative (with a
yäp- 537
desiderative meaning) of the previous entry in its original meaning of ‘put into
the right place.’ See also aitkatte.
yänm-, see yäm-.
yäp- (vi.) G ‘enter’ [N+ne ‘enter (in[to])’]; ‘set [of the sun]’; K ‘cause to enter’
G Ps. X /yänmä sk’ä/e-/ [A yänmaskau, -, yänmaä// -, -, yänmaske; m-Part.
yänmaskemane; Ger. yänmaälle]: • tume yänmaä Priyari
i pla[k-
tukäña] ‘then enters the door-keeper P.’ (516a1C), emalyesa tsetsarko memyo
yokaisa : kroca [sic] war ceu yolmene yänmaske ‘parched/tortured by heat,
deceived by thirst, they enter into the cold water in the pond’ (29a6C); m kauc
wasi [mu]sau osne yänmaälle ‘one [is] not to enter a house with clothes held
high’ (322a1/2E/C); Ps. VI /yänm -/: (see abstract); Ko. I /yä pä- ~ yópä-/ [A
yopu, -, yopä (yopä-ne)//-, -, yapä; AOpt. yapim, yapit, yapi//-, -, yapye;
Inf. yaptsi]: : yent=eneka yopä-ne ‘[if] the wind enters within’ (41b3C), kenne
yäpä wärnne ramtä ‘they will enter into the land just as [they do] into water’
(THT-1859a1A), yapit wat no wertsyaine ‘[whenever] thou wouldst enter in the
retinue’ (246a2E), kau-yaptsi tätsi ‘until sunset’ (PK-AS-18B-a1C [Pinault,
1984b]); Ipv III /pyópä-/ (< päyop-) [ASg. pyop; APl. pyopäs (reconstruction
uncertain [TVS:504])]: pyop trtheai wertsyaine : ‘enter in the company of the
trthas!’ (16b2C), [pyo]päs ostuwane ‘let us enter the houses!’ (375b4L) [the
form is unexpected—regular would be pyopso—but perhaps we have a late
analogical formation; that we have an imperative of yäp- here is almost certain];
Pt. IIIa /yopä- ~ yopäs-/ [A -, -, yopsa//-, -, yopar]: : aulasw #nande yopsa rne
tu pintwto : ‘the worthy nanda entered in the city begging’ (23b3C), [o]r[ka]-
mo[n]e eneka yo[psa] ‘in the dark he entered within’ (PK-NS-74+ 165?), maitar
yopar warttone ‘they went and entered in the woods’ (107a7L); PP /yeyäpo-/:
pilkontaana yaipo so[pine] ‘having entered into the nets of insights/
thoughts’ (29b5C); —yaiporme: yaiporme = B(H)S praviya- (IT-70a3C),
kaunantse yaiporme ‘because of the going down of the sun’ (THT-1681b5?
[Winter, 1988:788; TVS]); —yapälñe ‘entering’ (PK-NS-54a5C [TVS]); — -
yänmlñe, only in the compound kau-yänmlñe ‘sunset’: ko-yänmlle [sic]
(PK-NS-49b2C [Winter, 1988:788]), kau-yänmlle (-b3C). Perhaps because of
its homophony with the subjunctive of yäm-, q.v., the present yänm-,
presupposed by the abstract, was replaced by the attested yänmäsk’ä/e-.
K Ps. IXb /yä päsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, yapää//; MP -, -, yapästär//; Ger. yapäälle (~
ipä(äl)le)]: [ja]s ja mäntalle • a tane yapää[] ‘[in] jas the ja [is] to be
struck; a then [is] to be entered [in its stead]’ [concerning the correction of
spelling in a word] (551b1C?); /// yapästär pyti (328a4L); —yäpäeñca: •
ipäeñcana pelaiknenta • = B(H)S ptayantik dharm (IT-248a1C), omte se
yarm : pärkarñesa wi rsoñc pañäktentse rasosa pkantesa le ywrc ñrets raso
tume oap ymträ ipäeñca ‘here is the measure: in length two spans (of
Buddha spans); crosswise, one and a half and the fringe [another] span; [if] then
one makes more: one [has] entered [into sin]’ (TEB-66-24/IT-247C).
TchA yäw- and B yäp- reflect PTch yäp- (though at least the preterite
participle yaiwu in A shows the influence of B [VW:605]). PTch *yäp- is from
PIE *yebh- ‘go, enter (into)’seen in Hieroglyphic Luvian iba- ‘west’ (for a
discussion of the latter word, and different conclusions, see Puhvel, 1984:375-
538 yäm-
377) < *ibho- and Greek zóphos ‘dusk, gloom, (north)west,’ and Greek zéphuros
‘(north)west [wind]’ (< *yobh- and *yebh- respectively). For the semantic
development of Hieroglyphic Luvian iba- one should compare Greek dúsis ‘west’
from dú ‘get, get into’ and the TchB kau yäp- ‘set [of sun]’). The Tocharian
and Hittite words are to be connected with *yebh- ‘futuere’ [: Greek oíph (< *o-
+ ibh-), Sanskrit yábhati, OCS jeb (P:298; 508)], the meaning ‘futuere’ coming
from ‘penetrate’ (Winter, 1998:349; cf. Beekes, 2010:1063-1064). The
connection with yábhati is VW’s (1941) but later (1976:605) he suggests a
phonetically impossible development from a PIE *(e)ieu-. See also yenme and
possibly aip-.
yäm- (vt.) G ‘achieve, obtain; reach’ (MP can be passive); K4 ‘make obtain’
G Ps. X /yänm sk’ä/e-/ [A yänmskau, -, yänmä//-, yänmcer, yänmske;
MP -, -, yänmstär//; nt-Part. yänmeñca ‘achiever’; m-Part. yänmskemane;
Ger. yänmälle*]: m ktsaitsäññe yänmä : ‘he does not attain old-age’
(5b1C), yänmä = B(H)S prpnoti (IT-70b2C), • ompalskoññe yänmä =
B(H)S [sa]mdhim adhigacchati (IT-26a3C); pañäkte-käintse palsko
yänmeñca mäsketrä ‘he becomes the achiever of the spirit of a Buddha-
teacher’ (558b2/3C); 1Ko. VI /(Act) yä nm-E-C ~ (MP) yänm -/ [A yanmau, -,
yanma//-, yanmacer, -; MP //-, -, yänmntär; AOpt. yänmoym, -, yanmoy//-, -,
yänoye ~ yanmo; Ger. yänmlle; Inf. yänmtsi]: su no cwi speltkesa
srukalyñe yanma ‘he will, however, achieve [his own] death by his zeal’
(333a4/5E/C), po wäntarwa yänmnträ ‘they will obtain all things’ (409b5C),
yänmoy ke kesoä • = B(H)S adhigacchat pada ntam (IT-164b6E), ///
onuwaññe yänmtsi ce wace lok : ‘this second loka [is] to achieve immor-
tality’ (30a5C); 2Ko. I /yonmä-/C [A -, -, yonmä//]: /// platkye amokce yonmä
(432a2C); Pt. IIIa /yonmä- ~ yónmäs-/ [A yon(m)wa, yonmasta, yonmasa//]:
yonw ñä ce mñe cämel taññe ärmtsa ‘I achieved this human birth because of
thee’ (365b5A), /// [ymor yma]sta wrocce palsko yonmasta : ‘thou didst the
deed, thou didst achieve [thy] purpose’ (22b2C), yonmasa = B(H)S adhyagt
(29a3C); PP /yéyänmu-/: : yainmwa kre[ntaunasa] ‘through the virtues [already]
achieved’ (67b7C): —yainmor ‘achievement’ (IT-103b3C); —yänmlyñe
‘achievement’: yinmlñe[sa wat] = B(H)S prpty v (193b7C/L), amñe cmeltse
yänmalyñe ‘the achievement of human birth’ (295b5A).
K4 Ko. IXb /yä nmäsk’ä/e-/ [Inf. yanmäs(t)si]: [sä]rmana skyas yanmässi ‘try to
discover (?) the origins’ (377a5L).
TchA yom- (with generalization of the vowel found originally only in the
preterite) and B yäm- reflect PTch *yäm- but extra-Tocharian cognates are
uncertain. It may be from PIE *yem- seen also in Indo-Iranian, e.g., Sanskrit
yam- ‘hold, sustain, offer, grant, etc.’ (VW, 1941:171, Duchesne-Guillemin,
1941:150, Mayrhofer, 1976:2-3 [P:505 with some further, more dubious,
cognates; MA:270-271]). Semantically the Tocharian can be seen as *‘come to
hold’ or the like. It is possible that an -grade iterative-intensive of the same root
is to be found in ym- ‘do,’ q.v. For yäm- Jasanoff’s connection (1978:32) with
Latin emere ‘take’ is also possible but less likely. To be rejected is VW’s later
connection (1976:604) with *h1ei- ‘go.’ A comparison with TchA suggests a
PTch paradigm with a present *yämn- (> B yänm- relegated to the subjunctive
yärp- 539
not from wärp-), yärparwa, yirpuki, and airpätte and, more distantly, wär-sk-
and possibly wärp- and wär-.
yärparwa* (n.[pl.]) ‘± observation-posts’ (?) (or ‘barns/storehouses’ [?])
[//-, -, yärparwa] cai watesa kwaai päst kame ostwa yärparwa tsaiknte ‘for
the second time they came back to the village; they built houses and observation-
posts [?]’ (PK-AS-16.3a6C [Couvreur, 1954c:88, Pinault, 1989]). A derivative
of yärp-. Otherwise Isebaert (1978a:101). For the meaning, see VW (1978:350).
yärper (n.) ‘Indian ginseng (Withania somnifera Dunal)’ or ‘holy basil (Ocimum
sanctum Linn.)’ (?) (a medical ingredient)
[yärper, -, -//] (W-6a5C, W-30b3C). Equated with B(H)S pu
y- ‘holy basil’ by
Filliozat on the basis of his supposition (quite possibly correct) that yärper is a
derivative of yarpo ‘service’ just as pu
y- is a derivative of pu
ya-. If the basic
etymological connection is correct, perhaps we have rather a derivation from
yärp-, i.e. yärp- + -wer (the latter as in malkwer ‘milk,’q.v.).
yärmassu, s.v. yarm.
yäriye (nf.) ‘reverence’ (?)
[yäriye, -, -//] /// sthlñcana träkontat[s] de[a] ayi s yäriye • ‘may this
reverence give/produce the confession of the sthulana-sins’ (IT-139a7C/L). If
correct as to meaning, a derivative of the following. See also airaitstse.
yärs- (vi.) ‘be deferential or respectful, show respect or affection, venerate’ [N-c ‘be
deferential/ respectful toward, honor, revere, treat with deference’] [always in the
middle]
Ps. II /yärs’ä/e-/ [MP yärsemar, -, yartär//yirsemtär, -, -; m-Part. yärsemane; Ger.
yäralle]: [añc]l ymu yartär ‘making the añjali-gesture, he shows respect’
(405b5C); Pt. Ia /yär -/ [MP yärmai, -, yärte//-, -, yirnte]: tume cey wi
omprotärcci Kyapi … käiñi kekamo yirnte ‘then these two bebrothered
Kyapas, having come to the teacher, honored [him]’ (108a8L); —yäralñe
‘honor, reverence’: aari-käiñi … ysomo sk yiralñe maskentär [lege:
yamaskentär] ‘the community, all together, addresses with deference the crya
master’ (PK-DAM.507a1Col [Pinault, 1984a]), yäralñe yamasträ ‘he addresses
deferentially’ (TEB-74-1/THT-1574Col).
AB yärs- reflects PTch *i
ärs- from PIE *h1erhas- [:Greek éramai, Greek erá
‘love’ (Frisk, 1960:547)]. Though they may be independent developments,
Greek erá and Tocharian yärs’ä/e- are exact formal equivalents (denominatives
of an s-stem *h1erha-s-, cf. Greek érs). Semantically they have in common the
notion of being well-disposed towards another person, a meaning Greek has
developed to the more specific one of ‘love,’ particularly ‘love sexually.’ This
correct connection appears in VW (1941), but is later implicitly rejected in favor
of a connection with *wer- ‘pay attention to’ (1976:594) that would, inter alia,
require TchA yärs- to be a borrowing from B yärs-. See also possibly yäriye
and possibly airaitstse.
yälloñ (n.[pl.]) ‘sense-functions’
[yällau (?), -, -//yälloñ, yällots, yällo] yällau [lege: yällo ?] yukoäts
kekesoäts (588b2E), : ykälñe ek warästrä [e]k imassu wawlwau po kas
yällo : ‘always he practices abstinence/continence [ykälñe = B(H)S aubha-],
always mindful, governing all six senses’ (8b7C), kas yälloñ = B(H)S ad-
yäsk- 541
Perhaps PTch *i
äsk- reflects the same PIE *h4isgh- seen in Hittite iskuna(hh)-
‘stain; stigmatize, denounce; degrade, disgrace’ and iskunant- ‘stained,’the zero-
grade of *h4eisgh- seen in Greek aiskh$ n ‘make ugly, disfigure, dishonor,’
Greek aiskh$ n (f.) ‘shame, dishonor,’ and Greek aiskhrós ‘ugly, deformed,
dishonoring, shameful’ (unless the Greek too represents a zero-grade with
“breaking” of *-i- after *h4- as presumed by some). For the Greek and Hittite,
see Puhvel, 1984: 426-428 (implicitly rejected by Beekes, 2010).
yäst, yast.
yäst- (vt.) ‘hurl down’
Pt. Ia /yäst -/ [A //-, -, yästr(e)]: [pä]lsknllentats yäsn/// [lege: yäst///]
(147.4b2A), yästräk t kercyenme ‘they hurled her down from the palace’
(394b2A), [ke]k[ts]eñ yasn/// [lege: yast[re]] ‘sie stürzen den Körper herab’
(56b6C) [cf. Thomas, 1983:224]. A denominative from yast, q.v.
yästr, s.v. wasto.
yirpka* (n.), s.v. Yurpka.
yirpo(-)e ‘?’
/// l(·)empa tasemane cce saghlamba yirpo·e/// (361a4L).
yirpuki*Col (n.) ‘± inspector’
[-, -, yirpuki//] yirpuki Putteynentse kapci ‘thumbmark of inspector P.’ [lit:
‘the inspector; the thumbmark of P.’] (460a2Col, THT-2900Col). A nomen
agentis from yärp-, q.v.
yirmakka*Col (n.) ‘± treasurer’ (lit: ‘measurer’)
[-, -, yirmakkai//] yirmakkai Wilsiñintse ka[pci] ‘the thumbprint of treasurer W.’
[lit: ‘treasurer W; [his] thumbprint’] (460a5Col). A derivative of yarm, q.v.
Yiwe (n.) ‘Jesus’ (PN)
[Yiwe, -, -//] [in Manichean script] yyšw’yy (Gabain/Winter, 1959:39).
¹yu- (vi.) ‘ripen, mature’
Ps. I /yuwä -/ [m-Part. yumne; Ger. yuwalle*]: se ekantse yumne n[esañe]
‘the mature ability of the eye’[= B(H)S dra] (195b6L), [allek] yumne
[nesa]lñe ste ‘otherwise is the situation of him who is maturing’ (197a6L),
y[u]mane taksta [= B(H)S anvbhukth, deriv. of anu-bhuj- ‘suffer the con-
sequences of one’s actions, enjoy successively, enjoy, participate’] (251a2E); PP
/yuwó-/: /// wän[tr]e[ñ] no nwau yän pdñakte ywau/// (342b7A); —yuwalyñe
‘±maturation’: (IT-234a5E).
We see in TchB yu- a PIE *yeu- the verb underlying the widespread word for
‘grain’ or barley,’ *yewo- (see further s.v. yap) (MA:236), but see the discussion
in TVS (pp. 806-809).
²yu- (vi.) ‘seek, aspire, turn towards’ [N-c]
Ps. IXb /yúwäsk’ä/e-/ [A -, yuwäst ~ yust, yuwää//; MP -, -, yuwästär//]: ñ
wes w tnai [lege: nnai] [tne yolai]ñ mk yekte perni yust-me w tnai [lege:
nnai] tallñcika m west-mecä (273b2/3A), /// skwänmacä aie mka
yuwästrä (255a1A); Ko. IX (= Ps.) [//-, -, yuwäske]: cmelac yuwäske ‘may
they aspire to births’ [= B(H)S pari
maya-] (K-2a6/PK-AS-7Ba6C [CEToM]).
Etymology uncertain. Obviously related to TchA yul ‘directed toward’ and
thus related to B aiw-, q.v. But see the discussion in TVS (pp. 806-809) arguing
for a connection between 1yu- and 2yu-.
yuretstsaññe 543
The use of the genitive plural in the caravan-pass address of LP-19b1 strongly
suggests they were an occupational class; within this caravan-pass the person
addressed is Sknatatte. The addressee of these caravan-passes was to permit the
continued passage of groups through the checkpoint that had the proper travel-
documents (i.e., the caravan-pass). Thus it would seem that the yuretstsaññe was
the person in charge of the checkpoint and in charge of regulating travel along the
highway.
Apparently a nominalized adjective, ‘pertaining to a *yuretstse’ (*yuretstse =
‘±traveler’), itself a derivative of *yure ‘moving about’ (see next entry).
yuromñe* (< *yurauññe) (n.) ‘wandering, rolling [of the eyes]’
[-, yuromñentse, -//] yuromñentse = B(H)S -bhrnt- in k
avibhrntbhvt
(SHT-1708 [Malzahn, 2007b:309]).
An abstract noun derived from an unattested *yure ‘±wandering, moving
about.’ From PIE *h1yeu- ‘±be in motion’ (a derivative of *h1ei- ‘go’) richly
represented in Indo-Iranian, e.g., Sanskrit yu- (adj.) ‘walking, running,’ yoni-
‘route; abode,’ duryo
ám ‘bad abode,’ syoná- (< *su-yoná-) ‘pleasant, agreeable,
comfortable,’ yavy- ‘±river, stream,’ OPers yauviy- ‘canal,’ Avestan yaona-
‘course,’ Sogdian ywn ‘place,’ Khotanese gyna- ‘movement, gait; times’ (cf.
Mayrhofer, 1976:26-27), and in Tocharian, cf. Tch TchA yo ‘trace, track (of
some-thing, e.g., footprint),’ TchB aiw- ‘be turned toward, be directed toward,’
TchA yu- ‘id.’ (Not from *h1yeha- with VW and Adams, 1999.) This *h1yeu- is
a significant eastern isogloss of Proto-Indo-European. PTch *yoñiy- reflects a
putative PIE *h1yeunihxea-. The morphological shape in Tocharian makes it less
likely that these words are borrowed from some Iranian source (so Isebaert,
1980:143, Tremblay, 2005:428). See also aiw- and yure.
Yurpka* (n.) ‘Yurpka’ (PN of a monastery)
[-, -, Yurpkai//] wi mna Yurpakaine lyewetär e Waapile ñem ‘he sends
two people to Y., one was W. [by] name’ (LP-3a3Col), Yirpkaine [sic] (LP-
44a2Col), cowä preke Yurpkai sakrmne mäskeñca ‘at that time, finding
himself in the Y. monastery’ (Pinault, 1987a:79); —yurpkaññe ‘prtng to
Yurpka’: yurpakaññ[e] (THT-4001b6Col); —yurpkaie ‘inhabitant of
Yurpka’: yurpkai wsar y lpar nannaññ(e)m(e) ak-kunae kraine
ailye sesamae wai - kesa kärntsi ywrtsa yaltse (Bil 3.1/THT-4059Col
[Schmidt, 2001:22]).
Lévi (1913:372) is surely correct in identifying this monastery as the same
mentioned in Chinese records of Kucha, whose French-style transcription of
Chinese is ye-p’o-che-ki or in Pinyin yé-pó-shi-j (< Middle Chinese *jia-ba-shi-
kj). The Chinese description of this monastery makes it clear that it was named
after the mountain it was on. Sometimes equated with Ming-öi Qizil. The last
two Chinese characters clearly represent the Tocharian diminutive suffix -ke.
yuraiññe (adj.) ‘prtng to Yura’ (PN of a monastery) or ‘reverend’ (?)
[m: yuraiññe,, -, yuraiññe//] ce postak yuraiññe (103b3C), yuraiññe saka-
[rmne] /// (104b6C). Despite the fact that the aksharas -rp- and -r- are very
similar, the graphic distinction between the second akshara of this word and the
second akshara of the previous word appear to be distinct. Though the -u-
yetwe 545
plme tatkau[sa] po cwi aientse 5 ‘having been this excellent jewel for the
whole world’ (IT-271a5C). A derivative of yät-, q.v. (TchA yetwe is borrowed
from B.)
yene, see s.v. tuwe.
yentuke* (n.) ‘Indian’
[//-, -, yentuke] yentukene masa ‘he went among the Indians’ (424b6C/L); —
yentukäññe ‘prtng to Indians’: tume karmapyä weeñcatse tonak rekauna
yentukäñe pele weäle [there follows a speech in Sanskrit] ‘then he who speaks
the Karmavcana [is] to speak the Indian law [in] just these words’ (KVc-
18a4f./THT-1110a4f.C [K. T. Schmidt, 1985:764]).
From an Old Iranian *hinduka- [: Middle Persian of Turfan hyndwg, Modern
Persian hind, Zoroastrian Pahlavi hindk (K. T. Schmidt, 1985:764-5; also
Tremblay, 2005:428)] though the phonetic details of the first syllable are still a
bit obscure.
yente (nf.) ‘wind’ (also ‘wind’ as a bodily humor)
[yente, yententse, yente//yenti, yentets, yente] • meletsa yaipwa yente
korne stamä : ‘it establishes the winds [that have] entered in the nose in the
throat’ (41b5/6C), prentse yente käskan-me ‘[in an] instant the wind scatters them
[scil. the lightning bugs]’ (46a7=47b6C), snai-preke yenti tsenkenträ snai-preke
suwa pä swesi ‘unseasonably winds arise and unseasonably rains rain’ (K-
8b2/PK-AS-7Hb2C [CEToM]), yente kaueñca = B(H)S ra
aghna (Y-2b1C/L),
yente tarkallonasa = B(H)S snikto
- (Y-3b5C/L); —yentee ‘prtng to wind’:
(324b3L), yentea pre[ci]ya ‘the time of wind’ [= B(H)S vtasamaya-] (THT-
1579a4C [Ogihara, 2012:168]); —yente-lepae* ‘prtng to [the humors] wind
and phlegm’ (Y-1a6C/L); —yente-pittae* ‘prtng to [the humors] wind and bile’
(497a5C).
TchA want (~ wänt) and B yente reflect PTch *wi
ente from a PIE *h2weh1nto-
[: Sanskrit vta- (= vaata-), Avestan vta-, Latin ventus, Gothic winds, Hittite
hwant-, etc. (P:82-83; MA:643; Kloekhorst, 2008:368; de Vaan, 2008:662-663;
Beekes, 2010:27)] (Sieg and Siegling, 1908:927, VW:544). For a discussion of
TchA wänt ‘wind,’ see Hilmarsson, 1986a:273-274.
yenme* (n.) ‘(city-)gate, entry(way), portal’
[-, yenmentse, yenme//yenmi, -, yenme]: rntse yenme /// ‘the gate of the city’
(THT-1286b4E), : akntsa[ññee] yenme tsyrasta ‘thou hast separated [=
opened] the portal of ignorance’ (520a2C), nerv
äai rintse ñi … arnesa
ruwim yenme ‘with [my] hands may I open the portal of the Nirvana-city’ (S-6a6/
PK-AS-5Ca6C).
A derivative of yäp- ‘enter,’ more particularly of its present formation
yänmäsk- where we see assimilation of the root final -p- to the following nasal -n-
and then regular TchB metathesis of -mn- to -nm-. Hilmarsson’s attempt
(1986a:52-54) to combine yenme with TchA yokäm ‘gate, portal’ as a reflection
of PTch *i
kwme from PIE *-gwm-o- is best left aside. See also next entry.
yenmeu (n.) ‘gate-keeper’
[yenmeu, -, -//] ey toy aiyana parna rsa prutkre tane kau yenmeu cotit
yamaa-me ‘The nuns were locked outside the city. Then [it was] day and the
gate-keeper reproached them [sc. those nuns who had stayed out after sunset]’
yerkwanto* 547
underlying verb is attested within Tocharian only in A as wärk- ‘turn’ (seen in the
agent noun wärkantñ ‘turners’ (A-353b1) and past participle worku at YQ-12b1
ksu worku esna ‘having well-shaped/turned shoulders’ (= B(H)S susavrta-
skandha-) (Hackstein, 1995:81ff.). Otherwise the verb survives in Latin, verg
‘slope down, sink,’ and Old English wrenan ‘turn, wring.’ This etymology goes
back in nuce to Sieg and Siegling (1921). Cf. VW (1963a:466, 1976:559, and
1989:103), though the details differ. See also the previous and following
entries.
yerter (n.[m.sg.]) ‘wheelrim, felloe’
[yerter, -, -//] pelaikneepi plme cakkarntse e yerter yeksnar • ‘around the
excellent wheel of righteousness [is] one felloe’ (30b7C).
Probably with VW (1963a:466, 1976:597) we have, in Indo-European terms,
*h2wrg-tor-, an agent noun from the same *h2werg- that underlies *yerkwanto,
q.v. The expected -rkt- is reduced to -rtt- (and spelled in the one attested instance
as -rt-). See the previous entry.
yerpe* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘orb, disc; image’
[-, -, yerpe//-, -, yerpe] 3 mentsie samudtärne pluä ram no läklee yerpene
ek spo[rtoträ] ‘he floats as if on the sea of sorrow; he revolves always on the orb
of suffering’ (282b3A), [särwne] yerpesa meñ pällentn[e] [eirku] ‘having
surpassed by the orb of thy face the moon at [the time of] the full moon’ (92b1C),
tapakie yerpe ‘by mirror orb’ (IT-10a1C).
AB yerpe (with the A form borrowed from B) is from PIE *h2/3rbho-, the
vr
ddhied counterpart of *h2/3(o)rbhi- seen in Latin orbis of the same meaning.
The Tocharian and Latin words are usually assumed to be otherwise isolated
(VW, 1971d:449-50, 1976:597, though the details differ; MA:108). In the fullest
discussion yet of these words, Weiss (2006[2007]) joins to them Hittite harp-
‘turn to someone else, ally with’ and the well-known words for both ‘orphan’ and
‘inheritance’ in Germanic, Slavic, and Greek [P:781-782]. He unites them all as
derivatives of PIE *h2/3erbh- ‘±turn (away)/change direction towards another
goal’ (my definition). He would also add the group of German Arbeit, originally
referring to agricultural cultivation (cultivation a derivative of *kwel-, another
word for ‘turn’) and Old Irish erbaid ‘trusts in, entrusts’ a denominative of the
same *h2/3rbho- of Tocharian (the Irish meaning comes from *‘turn oneself to’)
(cf. also de Vaan, 2008:432-433).
yel (nm.) ‘worm’
[yel, -, -//yelyi, -, yelä] 4 mäkte yelyitse ku tallw tka w-ne ykau[]-
kästwer yelyi pilenta : mant källaui yelyi cmentär ‘as [if] he were a suffering,
worm-ridden dog; the worms eat at his wounds day and night; so will be born the
worms of possession’ (33a8/b1C), [wa]rpalñe amrrae yel ra ‘enjoyment [is]
like an amrro-worm’ (152b5C); —yelyitstse ‘wormy, worm-infested’ (33a8C).
TchA *wal (pl. walyi) and B yel reflect PTch *wi
l from PIE *wl(i)-, a
derivative of *wel- ‘turn, twist’ [: Greek eilé/eilú ‘enfold, wrap up’ (<
*welne/o-/welnu-e/o-), Latin volvere ‘roll, revolve,’ Armenian gelum ‘turn,’
Sanskrit válati ‘turns (intr.),’ vr
óti ‘wraps, covers’ (P:1140ff.; MA:607)] (VW,
1941:151, 1976:543, with differing details). See also wäl-.
yaitkor 549
Some of the words used are completely obscure but ayu- appears coupled with
kumbhamuka- ‘having pot-shaped testicles.’ Ayu- is normally translated as
‘impotent’ but might also be ‘lacking pubic hair.’ If all three sets of words
(Tocharian, Sanskrit, and Armenian) belong together, they might reflect *yku-
(*yehaku-) or *yku-/yeku- (MA:252).
Both semantically and phonologically unlikely is the hypothesis of Winter
(1980) and Hilmarsson (1985b) that sees this word related to Lithuanian j^gà
‘strength’ and Greek h%b ‘youthful strength; pbs,’ since they have to assume
(1) an unattested and unlikely underlying root noun *ygw that was reanalyzed as
a u-stem on the basis of the pre-Tocharian plural *ykw and (2) a semantic
progression ‘youthful strength’ > ‘outward sign of youthful strength (i.e., pubic
hair)’ > ‘hair (in general).’ The latter is a type of semantic change not otherwise
attested in Indo-European (see now Adams, 1988a, and also Adams, 1987b),
though the reverse change, ‘hair’ > ‘pubic hair,’ is. Otherwise VW (1978b and
1983[87]: 256-8). See also previous entry and yokasso.
yok- (vt.) ‘drink’
G Ps. I /yókä-/ [A yoku, yokt, yokä//-, -, yokä; m-Part. yokamane; Ger.
yokalle]: : kau-yi [c]e[ts no rka]ts[e] yokä aulaana wranta wnol-
mentso : ‘day and night the rkasa drinks the life-water of these beings’ (45a5C);
warsa yokalle ‘water [is] to be drunk’ (THT-2371, frgm. p b3E), wlle yokalle ‘it
[is] to be eaten and drunk’ (497a10C); Ko. I (= Ps.) [A yoku, -, yokä//-, -,
yokä; Inf. yoktsi] [Some of the forms given for the present may actually be
subjunctives]: : indrintae semensa yoku-c ersna snai [so]ylyñe : ‘I will drink
the beauty with the water-dippers (?) of [my] senses without satiation’
(241b2/3E), []w[]tsi yok[t]si tsmoci paiso ‘you adults, live to eat and drink!’
(508a1= 509b2C/L), m pä <wau> nano wa m pä yok[u] nano yokä
‘and I should not eat and he should not eat again and I should drink he should not
drink again’ (MSL-18.23 [Thomas, 1986:129]), yoktsi yta ‘they can be drunk’
(SHT-1704 [Malzahn, 2007b]), aiske yoktsi stk=onwaññe aula=okrocce
‘they give the immortal medicine of everlasting life [to him] to drink’ (PK-NS-
99a2C), 81 ket ait yoktsi stk=onwaññe pelaiyknee [•] ‘to whom thou givest to
drink the immortal medicine of righteousness’ (212b3/4A~C); Pt /yk’ä/e-/ [A
yakau, y (?), y (yaa-c)//]: ersna yakau snai per/// ‘I drank the form without
…’ (THT-4001b8Col), [tarne uk]t p[a]kenta karst-c tsauk-c [yasa]r [s]u /// su
wa tañ kaccpäne : yaa-c ya[sar]/// ‘he cut thy skull into seven parts and
sucked thy blood out; … he ate from thy brainpan, he drank thy blood’ (250a2C),
///[tu]sa y yasar msa kektseñme ‘he drank [or thou didst drink] the blood and
flesh from the body’ (IT-214a3C [cf. K. T. Schmidt, 1997:259]); PP /y ko-/:
///me po wase yko[]/// ‘having drunk all the poison from…’ (564a5C), yku
(IT-212a6C); —yoktsi (pl. yoktsanma) (n.) ‘drink’: wtsi yoktsi leki stke :
‘food, drink, bed(rest), medicine’ (50b3C); —yokalyñe ‘drinking’ (KVc-
10b1/THT-1103b1C, THT-2386).
The only synchronic causative attested in TchB is ai- yoktsi ‘give to drink (cf.
supra). But see also 2auk-.
AB yok- has as its closest relative Hittite eku-/aku- ‘drink’ [: also Latin brius
‘having drunk one’s fill, drunk,’ and Greek n%ph ‘be sober’]. The equation of
552 yokasto*
the Tocharian and Hittite words goes back to Pedersen (1925:40) but should not
include the family of Latin aqua, an equation wrongly repeated by VW (601-2).
Opinions concerning the shape of the PIE shape of the etymon differ. Phono-
logically simplest is to start from *h1egwh- (so, in effect, Puhvel [1984:267-8] for
the Hittite verb and [1985] for Latin brius). The Hittite verb would reflect a
regular athematic ablauting verb while Tocharian would reflect an acrostatic
present with lengthened grade (in the singular; so Oettinger, 1979:87, and Kim,
2000; Kloekhorst, 2008:237), a lengthened grade also reflected in Latin brius.
LIV (206) may be taken as a variant of this hypothesis in positing a reduplicated
present, *h1e-*h1ogwh- ~ *h1e-h1gwh- (both Hittite and Tocharian verbs are taken
as, different, generalizations from *h1e-h1gwh-). Neither LIV nor Kim (2000),
who starts from *h1ehagwh-, will account for 2auk- which I take to be from h1ogwh-
eye/o-. (Neither LIV nor Kim connects this latter to this etymon.)
The preterite stem, yk-, is probably from the same *h1gw(h)- when unrounded
by the incipient palatalization of such forms as the third person singular
(*h1gw(h)et) and the *-- subject to “breaking” (see the discussion s.v. lyk).
(Otherwise Schmidt [1997] who takes it to be an old perfect, *h1eh1ogwh-, a non-
reduplicated *h1gwh- would have the same output, with an analogical y- from the
present. However, the survival of a finite form of the perfect is otherwise
unprecedented in Tocharian.) See also yokasta, yokänta, yoiye, and 2auk-.
yokasto* (n.) ‘drink, nectar’
[-, -, yokastai//] • ye lareñ nai prpat t pelaikneai yokastai • ‘O dear ones,
enjoy indeed the nectar of the law!’ (231b2/3C/L). A derivative of yok-.
yokasso* (adj.) ‘provided with color/hair’
The only form is yokasso/// at PK-AS-16.5a3C [CEToM]). The form could be
restored as either yokassont or yokassoñc. A derivative of yok ‘hair,’ q.v.
yokänta (n.) ‘drinker’
[yokänta (?), -, -//yokäntañ, -, -] (248a3E, 565b4C [it is not certain that the latter
form here belongs; it might be (pra)yokänta]). A nomen agentis from yok-, q.v.
yoko ~ yok ye (nf.) ‘thirst; desire’
[yokoE-C ~ yokyeC-L, yokaintse, yokai//-, -, yokai] [yo]kye … yokai[nts]e [=
B(H)S tr
-] (156b4C), kest yoko ‘hunger and thirst’ (220b1E/C), amno maune
yokye ‘self-conceit, avarice, and desire’ (A-1b3/PK-AS-6Bb3=A-2a3/PK-AS-
6Ca3C), : aswa [lege: aswi?] lymine yokaisa ‘lips parched by thirst’ (IT-1b1C [cf.
Hilmarsson, 1989a:4]); —yokaie ‘prtng to thirst’: yokaie = B(H)S tr
-
(27b4C); —yokaitse ‘thirsty’: yokaitse kse[lñe] [=B(H)S tr
nirodht] (157b4?),
m cew yoko krsää ekä • tka yokaitse krui pkri mäskentär-ne yoktsi
enepre ‘thirst does not always torment him; if he is thirsty [things] to drink
appear before him’ (K-10b2/PK-AS-7Jb2C); —yokaiwenta ‘kinds of thirsts’ (?)
(PK-AS-16.1-b5 [Broomhead]).
Etymology difficult. TchA yoke and B yoko reflect a PTch *yoki
än- but
further connections are unclear. Probably still the most likely equation is
Pedersen’s (1941:42) with Sanskrit h$ - ‘aspiration, desire’ which (contra VW)
would be phonetically possible if both are from a root *hxyeh- (see the
discussion at yksse). PTch *yoki
än- would then reflect either *hxyoheha-en- or
*hxyheha-en- (the -o- of the first syllable would be generalized from the
yoñiya* 553
nominative singular *yoko, where it was regular). One might think of adding
Latin ieinus ‘fasting, hungry’ here; it would represent *hxyehyu- (differently, de
Vaan, 2008:296). Also possible is VW’s suggestion (1973b:186-7, 1976:602-3)
of a relationship with Greek dípsa ‘thirst’ and a derivation of both Greek and
Tocharian words from a PIE *dyeKw-. Hilmarsson, on the other hand (1986a:11),
posits a connection with Sanskrit yc- ‘ask, demand’ (taking the Tocharian word
to reflect a PIE *yehakweha-). However, Sanskrit yc- is to be connected with PIE
*yek- ‘offer; (solemnly) express, explain’ (Mayrhofer, 1976:14-15). Also
motä-yokai.
yokaiwenta* (npl.) ‘±individual drinks’
[//-, -, yokaiwenta] k[w]alyine yok[ai]wenta tesare ‘they put the individual
drinks in the k.’ (PK-AS-16.1a5C [CEToM]). A compound of yok- ‘drink’ and
aiwe ‘unit,’ qq.v
yoktsi, s.v. yok-.
¹Yogcre (n.) Yogcra’ (PN of a yogi)
[Yogcre, -, -//] (Broomhead).
²yogcre* (n.) ‘one practicing yoga, a yogi’
[-, yogcrentse, -//yogcri, -, -] (9b5C). From B(H)S yogcra-.
yojar (n.) a medical ingredient of some sort
[yojar, -, -//] yojar känte-okt traunta (W-26a5C).
yoñiya* (nf.) ‘path, way, course; domain’
[-, yoñiyantse, yoñiyai//-, -, yoñiya] tume … käi … amne bhavkkärai
yoñiyai eke katkässi añmassu ‘then the teacher was desirous of making the
monks traverse the bh. way.’ (108b3C), ytrye = B(H)S mrga … [yo]ñi[ya] =
B(H)S vartma- [cf. Couvreur, 1968:280] (528b4C), letaäntse kene • ywrtta
pikä salyitsai yoñyaine • Sknatteco ‘in the mountain commander’s place;
the commander of the center writes to S. on the Salt Way’ (LP-3a1Col), yoñiyaine
sanatse ‘in the enemy’s domain’ (M-2a4/PK-AS-8Ba4C); —yoñiyai-
pärkäuki* ‘± highway-man, brigand’ (?): • waik-kälpauki yoñiyai-
parkäuki ‘… scourges of the way’ [yoñiyai-parkäuki = Uyghur arqu
artatquji ‘those who destroy the arqu’] (330a5L).
The Uyghur word is itself a hapax and thus not very helpful in elucidating the
Tocharian meaning. It would appear to be a deverbal noun to the same non-
attested verb root seen in arqu-i ‘mediator, go-between’; thus arqu- would be
‘± passage (between).’ One wonders if the Tocharian compound might be a
calque on Pali pantha-dsaka [lit. ‘path-defiling/spoiling’] or pantha-duhana [lit.
‘path-betrayer’], both of which mean ‘robber’ or ‘highwayman.’
TchA yoñi and B yoñiya reflect a PTch *yoñiy-. From PIE *h1yeu- ‘±be in
motion’ (a derivative of *h1ei- ‘go’) richly represented in Indo-Iranian, e.g., Skt
yu- (adj.) ‘walking, running,’ yoni- ‘route; abode,’ duryo
ám ‘bad abode,’ syoná-
(< *su-yoná-) ‘pleasant, agreeable, comfortable,’ yavy- ‘±river, stream,’ OPers
yauviy- ‘canal,’ Avestan yaona- ‘course,’ Sogdian ywn ‘place,’ Khotanese
gyna- ‘movement, gait; times’ (cf. Mayrhofer, 1976:26-27), and in Tocharian,
cf. Tch TchA yo ‘trace, track (of something, e.g., footprint),’ TchB aiw- ‘be
turned toward, be directed toward,’ TchA yu- ‘id.’ (Not from *h1yeha- with VW
and Adams, 1999.) This *h1yeu- is a significant eastern isogloss of Proto-Indo-
554 yoñiye*
From PIE *h1edwol-n-, a derivative of *h1ed-wol- (lit. ‘that which eats,’ cf.
P:287ff.) seen in Cuneiform Luvian adduwal- ‘evil’ (n.) and in further derivative
in Cuneiform Luvian adduwal-i- ‘evil’ (adj.) and Hittite idl-u- ‘evil’ (adj.)
(Rasmussen, 1984:144-145, fn. 7, based on op, 1975:150f, 204; MA:413). The
phonological derivation must have been something like: *h1edwoln- > *yäwel
> *ywolo > yolo. Further relatives are probably to be seen in Greek odún ‘pain,
suffering’ and Armenian erkn ‘pangs of birth, great pain’ which reflect a PIE
*h1edwon-. It may well be that we have, with Rasmussen, a PIE l/n-stem here.
The Tocharian word has been borrowed into Khotanese as Khotanese yola-
‘falsehood’ (cf. Bailey, 1979:343); not, as VW would have it (1971d:450-1,
1976:603), a native word consisting of y-, an intensifying prefix, + -olo related to
Welsh gwall ‘bad, evil.’ See also yesti and yetse.
yolme (nm.) ‘(large, deep) pond, pool’
[yolme, -, yolme//yolmi, -, -] : kwri war tka yolmene winññenträ omp lwsa
laksä warñai : ‘if there is water in the pool, animals, fish, etc., will enjoy them-
selves there’ (11b4C), /// yolmi asre [lege: asri ?] /// ‘dry pools’ (387.1bC),
yolme = B(H)S hrada- (PK-NS-107b4C [Thomas, 1976b:106]).
Probably from *h1lmn/h1lmonm, related to a number of Lithuanian hydro-
nyms: Al;m^, Almuon^, Almenas, El;m^, or Latin Alm (Hilmarsson, 1986a: 31;
MA:207). The -o- would have been regular in the nominative singular and was
extended throughout the paradigm. On the basis of the accusative singular in -e
(after the loss of -nä in nouns not denoting rational beings), the noun was
transferred to the thematic class. Less likely is it to be related to Sanskrit rmí-
(m/f.) ‘wave,’ Avestan var'mi- ‘id.,’ OHG walm (m.) ‘Aufwellen, Sieden, Hitze,’
Old English wielm ‘boiling, swelling, billow, current’ (cf. P:1140-43). Under the
latter hypothesis, the Germanic and Indo-Iranian may represent the outcomes of
an old ablauting noun *w(o)lhxmi- while the Tocharian reflects a vr
ddhied deriva-
tive *wlhxmo- (cf. yerpe from *h1rbho- while Latin orbis is from *h1(o)rbhi-)
(Naert, 1964, and Isebaert, 1987a, though the details differ). Otherwise VW
(603). See also possibly lme and lñe.
yolyiye* (adj.) ‘pale’
[f.: yolyiya, -, -//] • päcane lepsa mäsketär • erene yolyiya ñme p mäsketär-ne
4 ‘her breasts become [provided] with froth; she is pale of face and desire [of a
pregnant woman] develops’ (IT-306b6C [cf. Carling 2003]).
Perhaps a lengthened grade *h1lu-yó- from the PIE color word *h1elu- which
in Indic (aru
á- ‘reddish,’ aruá- ‘reddish, flame-colored’) and in Germanic
(e.g., OHG elo ‘brown, reddish yellow’) is certainly centered in the REDS, but the
Tocharian meaning is paralleled in Iranian in Avestan auruša- ‘white’ (P:302).
Yoil(·)e (n.) (PN)
[Yoil(·)e, -, -//] (133a8A).
yoiye* (n.) ‘± irrigation’ [yoai ym- ‘± irrigate’]
[-, -, yoai//] wärsañe täryka-ne Cckarentse muryesa wara alässi klyinai
wärsañe täryka-ne ypay-moko Raktakulentse Cckkare itaintse yoai wästa-
pkusai u wasa 1 ‘on the thirtieth of [the] wärsaññe [month] water is to be
released through Cckare’s ditch. Cc. gave to the ypoy-moko [= an official of
some sort] R. one twice-combed ewe for the irrigation of the ito’ (SI B Toch.
yaumau 557
wasa ‘on the third of the month Tui gave provisions; he gave ynaikentñe naii
for bread to be eaten’ (433a14Col). Discussion, Pinault, 1987a:75, and, very
differently, Ching and Ogihara, 2012:86. A very speculative etymology, VW
(599-600).
ynaimye* (adj.) ‘prtng to Ynaimya’ (the name of a place?)
[m: //ynaimyi, -, -] [NN] ynaimyi ketasa cne kamnte yältse pi känte
‘[names], inhabitants of Ynaimya took 1500 cnes for the field’ (Otani 19.1.2/3Col
[Pinault, 1998:364]).
yparñe* (adj.) ‘?’
[f: yparña -, -//] yparña pärk - /// (376b4L).
yparwe (preposition/adverb) ‘first’ (yparweme ‘from the first’)
snai-ypärwe nau sasrne känte-oktä kleanma auuwa ‘the 108 kleas
[which] in incomparable ways [snai-ypärwe = B(H)S aprvam] in an earlier
sasra dwelt (228a5/b1A), [pa]lsko pannatsic rupne yparwe : ‘in order to
direct the spirit first to the form’ (9b3C), ce lok weña yparwe poyi cmelas=
ontsoycce[] 16 ‘this loka the Buddha spoke first to those unsatiated by births’
(23a3C), yparwe preyaine ‘a former/previous time’ [= B(H)S -prvakla-]
(541a1C/L), ypärwe = B(H)S dir (SHT-351a4/THT-1362a4?); —yparwetstse* (~
ywarwetstseL) ‘having a beginning [lit: ‘having a first], previous’: snai-yparwece
sas[rne] ‘the endless [lit: beginningless] sasra’ (221b3E/C), /// temeñ mante
yor paporñe ompalskoñe yparwetsana pelaiknenta wetsi aunaskenträ ///
‘from here on they begin, gift, [moral] behavior, and meditation, to tell of the
previous laws’ (IT-12a2C); — -yparwäññe, in snai-yparwäññe ‘incomparable’
(149a2C). In PIE terms *h1en- ‘in’ + *prhawo- ‘first.’ See also pärwee.
¹ypiye* (adj.) ‘prtng to barley’ (?)
[m: -, -, ypiye//] [f: ypiya, -, -//] ypiya yäkiye ‘barley flour’ (P-1a6C), ypiye
warsa ‘with barley water’ (Y-1b1C/L). A derivative of yap, q.v.
²ypiye* (n.) ‘nest’
[-, ypaintse?, -//-, ypaints?, -] : garurñeai ypai/// (362a8E) To be read
garurñeai ypai[ntse] ‘of the nest of the garudas’ (so Winter, p.c.) or garur-
ñee ypai[nts(o)] ‘of the nests of the garudas’ (which would be more in
keeping with the Sanskrit original), or even garurñee ypai[co] ‘towards
the garudas’ nest?’ The reading is definitely <ai>, but <e> is very similar
and it would be an easy mistake to make graphically. In either case, it is clear, as
already seen by Sieg and Siegling, that we have a fragmentary excerpt from the
akra-jtaka in which ‘the garudas’ nest(s)’ is obviously lying behind our
Tocharian phrase. Perhaps a derivative of PIE *webh- ‘weave’ as ‘something
woven together.’ If so, see also wp-, wpelme, and yape.
ypai-, 2ypiye.
ypoye* (adj./n.) (a) ‘prtng to [one’s own] country’; (b) ‘ordinary citizen’
[-, -, ypoye//ypoyi, -, -] (a) : lnte spakt ypoye pauye añmants=ekñi kurpelle
‘he must concern himself with the service of the king, the tax of the country, and
his own possessions’ (33a6C), po ypoyi ‘all the people of the country’ (33b4C),
alyek-ypoye katwa we-ne ‘[if] he should speak in a foreign tongue’ (325b2L);
(b) [tri]ceme ypoyi ‘from the third [branch stem] the citizens of the country’
562 -ypoye*
[contrasted with kings, nobles, monks, and animals; thus the “third estate”]
(3a8C). A derivative of yapoy, q.v. See next entry.
-ypoye* (adj.) ‘pertaining to a [certain] country’
[m: //ypoyi, -, -] alyek-ypoyi brhma
i ‘foreign brahmans’ (81b4C). A
derivative of yapoy, q.v.
ymanr ‘?’
/// ymanr wärttoi ñakti /// (364b7C), [ym]nar wesk·/// (393b3C). Broom-
head, presumably because he connects this word with ymiye ‘way,’ suggests ‘en
route, under way’ for this word. See Hilmarsson 1991b:164-166.
ymassu, s.v. me.
ym ye (nf.) ‘way, path; station in life’
[ymyeE-C-L, -, yamai//-, -, ymai] m ymiye = B(H)S agocara- (251b4E), rne
ymai ‘(taking) the road into the city’ (32b4C), pakwrona ymainne [tetemu] =
B(H)S apyepapanna- (524b4C), pälskoe [lege: -ai] yamai krsa[t] ‘thou
wilt know the way of the spirit’ (622b3C), wnolmi cmentär rano ette ymainne
‘creatures will be born again in low estates’ (K-7b2/PK-AS-7Gb2C), yamai =
B(H)S gati (U-7b4C), kartsai yamai ynemane ‘going the good way’ (IT-43a2C).
TchA yme and B ymye reflect a PIE *h1(e)imn + -eha-h1en- (cf. Hilmarsson,
1986a:240, though details differ [and also P:293ff.; MA:487]). The similar kind
of morphological extension is to be seen in kälmiye (< PIE *klimn + *-i-h1en-).
See also i-.
ymetstse, s.v. me.
yritaññe (adj.) ‘prtng to a lamb’
Only attested in the compound klai-yritaññe ‘prtng to a ewe-lamb,’ s.v. kl ye
(Pinault, 1998:12). An adjectival derivative of the following entry.
yr ye (nm.) ‘lamb’
[yriye, -, yari//yri (< yriñ), -, -] alyi yri ‘male lambs’ (PK-LC-I.4Col [Pinault,
1997:177]), perisa uw wya [orocce keme]sa le yari ‘[to discharge his] debt he
brought a ewe with adult teeth with a lamb’ (SI B Toch.11.4-5Col).
Possibly from PIE *werh1en- [: Sanskrit uran- ‘sheep, ram,’ Avestan var'n-
‘lamb,’ Ossetic wär ‘lamb,’ Greek ar%n ‘lamb,’ Armenian ga:n ‘lamb’ (P:1170;
MA:511)] (Pinault, 1997:185-187). Also possible is descent from PIE *h1er(i)-
‘lamb, kid’ [: Greek ériphos ‘kid,’ Armenian oro (< *ero) ‘lamb,’ Old Prussian
eristian ‘lamb,’ Lithuanian (j)^$ ras ‘lamb,’ Latvian jêrs ‘lamb’ (the last two
crossed with the word for ‘year,’ i.e., ‘yearling’) (P:326; MA:511)]. See also
previous entry and ariwe.
ylake* (n.) ‘± young gazelle’
[-, -, ylake//] yal ylake [a meter of 4x17 syllables rhythm 6/6/5] (PK-AS-
16.3b3C [Pinault, 1989:157]). The diminutive of yal, q.v.
ylparCol ~ ylwarL ‘?’
///·e klese ylwar /// (475a2L), ylpar (THT-4059b1Col [K. T. Schmidt, 1986:
640]).
ylre* ([sometimes indeclimnable?] adj.) ‘± limp, flaccid, weak [unable to stand];
old, feeble, frail, decrepit’
[m: -, -, ylre//] [f: ylrya, -, -//] po kektseñme läkleñ syelme [pletkasa no] ylre
kaklautkau tärraskemane rekisa Uttare m[ñcu][k]e[] ‘from all [the king’s]
ywrc 563
body sweat poured out of sadness, turning weak, and crying out with a word to
prince Uttara’ (85a2/3C), tesa ktso malyakka mäsketär m ylrya ‘thus the
stomach becomes youthful [but] not flaccid’ (W-37b3C), yenti no ñaura ylre
[sic] klutäske ‘the winds turn the sinews flaccid’ (PK-AS-7MC [CEToM]).
TchA ylr and B ylre reflect PTch *i
älre and, with VW (1970a:171,
1976:599, though details differ) is probably y- < *h1en- + -lre- < *l(o)h1dro-, a
derivative of *leh1d- seen in Greek ldeîn ‘be fatigued,’ Gothic letan ‘let,’
Albanian lodhem ‘become tired’ (P:666). See also ll- (and lyarya).
ylwar, ylpar.
Ylaiñäkte (nm.) ‘Indra’
[Ylaiñäkte, Ylaiñäktentse, Ylaiñäkte//-, Ylaiñäktets, Ylaiñäkte] Ylaiñakte
yakañe we mem[sku] ‘Indra, disguised as a yaka’ (99a5C), poyiñeepi
Ylaiñäktetse ‘of the all-knowing Indra’ (408a4/5C); —ylaiñäktäññe ‘prtng to
Indra’ (TEB-58-22/SI P-1b). As with all Tocharian divine names we have a
compound whose second member is ñakte, q.v.
To be compared with TchA wlñkät ‘id.’ B ylai- and TchA wl- would reflect
PTch *wi
äl(i\ än)-, in turn from PIE *wel(hx)eha-(h1en)-. Possibly with VW (554,
though differing in details) from *weleha- an agent noun meaning *‘Ruler’ and
further compared with B walo/TchA wäl ‘king’ [: OCS vel@ti ‘order, commnad’].
Semantically more likely, given the connection with storms (see next entry),
however, is a derivation from *welh2-eha- ‘Smiter’ from *welh2- ‘strike’ [: Hittite
walh- ‘strike’ and perhaps, with s-extension, TchB wlts- ‘trample’]. The
designation of the storm-god as the ‘smiter’ is paralleled in Balto-Slavic, e.g.,
Lithuanian Perk$ nas and OCS Perun!. See next entry and also possibly walo
or wlts-.
ylaiñee (adj.) ‘pertaining to rain’
[m: ylaiñee, -, ylaiñee//] warpalñe mäkte yle/// [lege: ylaiñee] [war]
‘enjoyment [is] like rain water’ (153a5C), mit ylaiñee warämpa=e m yokalle
‘honey together with rain water [is] not to be drunk’ (ST-b2=IT-305b2C).
Perhaps to be connected with the previous entry as a doubly derived
adjective -ññe + -e from the designation of the god in the pre-Buddhist
Tocharian pantheon that was associated with the Indian Indra. The primary Indo-
European god’s association with sky, thunder, rain, etc., is well-known. Not with
VW (1941:170, 1976:598) a derivative from a hypothetical *laiñe ‘rain.’ See
previous entry.
ywarcr (distributive numeral) ‘half (parts) each’
[ingredients] ywarcr traunta satkenta /// (P-3b3/PK-AS-9Ab3E). Ywrc,
q.v., + (distributive) -r.
ywrc (a) ‘half; in the midst’; (b) ‘one and a half’, (c) ‘in mid air’; (d) ‘divided (in
mind)’
(a) särwn päly[e y]w[]rc : ‘[his] face half highlighted’ (394a2A), ywrc
srukenträ ‘they die in mid [life]’ (2a1C), : abhijñänta dhyananma ero eke
ywrco tsälpo sasrme : ‘[those who] evoked the higher knowledges and
meditations [are] at least half-saved from the sasra’ (31a3C); (b) ywrc [=
B(H)S srddha-]), (THT-1579a3C [Ogihara, 2012:168]); (c) ly[k]emane ywrcco
(m)e(ma)e ywarc(c?)o [k](ly)emane y[w]arcc ‘lying in mid air, sitting in mid
564 ywrcka
air, standing in mid air’ [said of Mahkyapa performing one of the Eighteen
Transformations] (THT-1859b6A); (d) • krui sne yapi sklokacci amni ywrc
mäskyenträ • ‘whenever he [scil. Nanda] entered the community, the monks
would be doubtful and divided [in mind]’ (IT-247b2C); —ywarc- i ‘[at]
midnight’ (65b8C); —ywarc-trau ‘half-trau’ (499a2C); —ywarca-meñ
‘bimonthly’ [= B(H)S ardhamsakam] in artsa ywarca-meñ ‘each half month’
(IT-248a2C); —ywrc-meñae ‘id.’ (THT-1579a2C [Ogihara, 2012:168]); —
ywrc-maññe ‘mid-summer’: ywr-mañe pauyenta ‘mid-summer levies’
(Otani II-12a11Col [Ching and Ogihara, 2012:81]; —le-ywrc ‘one and a half’:
pärkarñesa wi rsoñc • pañäktentse rasosa • pkantesa le ywrc • ‘in length two
spans, by the span of the Buddha, crosswise [one] and a half’ (IT-247b1C). [As
the first member of a compound we may apparently have yw$ rcä-, ywrcä$ -, or
ywrcä- .]
The two meanings, ‘middle’ and ‘half,’ overlap considerably, but are disting-
uishable. One might note that derivationally ywrt ‘middle’ (n.) > ywrc (adj.)
‘middle’ > ywrcka (postposition) ‘in between,’ while ywrt (middle) > ywrtsa
(n.) ‘half’ and ywrc (adj.) ‘half.’ One should note that once ‘half’ has been
interpreted as a numeral, it is natural that it is used both adjectivally and
nominally (cf. the lower integers in all Indo-European languages).
Etymology difficult. Winter (1987:241) sees a PIE *h1en- ‘in’ + dw- ‘two’ +
Tch -r ‘distributive’ + -c the allative/dative marker (?). Thus ‘half’ would be ‘in
between two groups’ (cf. Pedersen, 1941:246, VW:612-3). However, there is
nothing really distributive about his putative original meaning, nor is the final -t
well-explained. VW (1989:100-101), however, on the basis of ywrt-ta thinks
the -c of ywrc can have nothing to do with the allative/dative marker. If one
takes ywrt ‘middle, center’ to be the basic form, it could reflect a putative PIE
*h1en-wrt-, a typological parallel to English inward, more particularly to the
latter’s nominal byform innards. The variation within Germanic between the two
avriants, *-werd- and *-ward-, for the directional suffix, makes it at least
thinkable that lying behind the variants is a PIE holokinetic root-noun, *wrts,
*wórtm, wért(e)s, etc. The Tocharian form would represent a generalization of
the lengthened grade once particular to the nominative singular. Pragmatically,
“cutting something in the center” is the equivalent of “cutting something in
half/halves.” PTch *i
ä(n)wrcä might reflect either an old dual or a singular
locative of *i
ä(n)wrt. TchA mprc ‘on both sides’ (*mp- + wrc) suggests
the dual interpretation is more likely. PTch *i
ä(n)wrts- < *i
ä(n)wrty- (giving
ywrtsa, q.v.) is of course a relatively banal nominal derivative. See ywarcr,
ywrt-ta, ywrcka, and ywrtsa.
ywrckaE-C ~ ywrkaE-C (postp.) ‘in the middle of, between’
ywrkane ‘in the middle’ (30b7C), <:> ñ[ä]kciy[e] padmne ywrcka kesrne
cakkarwisa mittarwisa tsetskäño tañ lne : (73b1=75a2C); —ywrkññe*
(adj.) ‘middle’: ywrkññi pikulame ‘[those of] middle years’ (2a5C); —
ywrka-[pi]kulaññi ‘ibid.’ (PK-AS-7Kb2C [CEToM]). Ywrc, q.v. + -k (cf.
ene and eneka).
ywrt-ta (n.) ‘commander-of-the-center’ [as opposed to the commander of the
mountain region]
yelme 565
[ywrt-ta, -, -//] le-taäntse kene • ywrt-ta pinkä ‘in the place of the
mountain-commander, the commander-of-the-center writes’ (LP-3a1Col). See
above s.v. ywrc. See also t and le-ta.
ywrppai (adv.?) ‘±jointly’ (??)
Sankatse • Cckare ywrppai yparwe Catilentse aiyye ala aiyye wsare eme
‘S. and Cc. ywrppai first gave to C. one ovicaprid, an ovine male’ (SI B Toch.
9.6-7Col [Pinault, 1998:9]). In form it looks to be the locative prefix y- plus the
accusative singular of a noun derived from wrp- ‘surround,’ thus the suggestion,
given the two subjects, of ‘jointly.’
ywrka, ywrcka.
ywrtsa ([indeclinable] adj./n.) (a) ‘half,’ (b) ‘half moon’ (?)
(a) : ywrtsa tna kwäñctai kwäñcit yarm wat : ‘a half a sesame-seed or a
[whole] sesame seed in measure’ (41b4C), nraiyntane cmenträ ywrtsa omte aul
ye ‘[if] they are [re-]born in hells, they live there half a life’ (K-3a1/PK-AS-
7Ca1C [CEToM]), ywrtsa = B(H)S ardha- (Y-2a1C/L), [ce]y wi le ywrtsa
meñane ‘these two and a half months’ (THT-1579a4C [Ogihara, 2012:168]); (b)
/// erket pkne meñe ra[mt] .///…/// su ywrtsa mäsketrä /// ‘the moon as in
the dark half … the half moon (?) appears’ (IT-104b5/6C). See discussion s.v.
ywrc.
yweru (n.) ‘swelling, dropsy’ or ‘morbid irritation or disorder of the humors of the
body’ (?)
[yweru, -, -//] yweru = B(H)S otha- (as in this text) or kopa- (as suggested by
Carling [2003b:55-56] as the form in the better B(H)S texts) (Y-3a2C/L).
If the equivalence with otha- is correct, perhaps related to yoro ‘pimple,’ q.v.,
or reflecting a PIE *h1en-wodr-went- ‘having fluid inside.’ See also weru,
iweru, and perhaps yoro.
yweke* (adj.) ‘?’
[f: -, -, ywekai//] /// ywekai klauai • (IT-129a3C). Or is this a noun con-
joined with klauai, also of unknown meaning?
ymna (~ imna) (adv.) ‘among men, people’ [often used in contrast to yñakte]
yorsa te yñakte ymna su tänmasträ ‘rich by [this] giving he is [re-]born
among gods and men’ (23b4/5C), [: lw]sa pretene ymna [yñakte] ///
‘among animals or pretas, among men and gods’ (25a3C). From y- (< *h1en ‘in,
among’) + mna ‘people,’ q.v. Compare yñakte, ynñm, yne, and ysomo.
Yuhkw* (n.) ‘Yuhkwa’ (PN of a king in monastic records)
[-, -, Yuhkw//] (SI B Toch.11.1Col [Pinault, 1998:8]). Or is the name to be
read Yukw?
ye (interjection) ‘O’
• ye lareñ nai prpat t pelaikneai yokastai • ‘O dear ones, enjoy then the
nectar of the law!’ (231b2/3C/L). Variant of ie, q.v., etymology unknown.
yelme (n.) ‘(sexual) pleasure’
[yelme, -, - (voc. yelma~ yelme)//yelmi, yelmets, yelme] palskaly-
ñeme yelma nmastr ‘O desire, thou art born of imagination’ (PK-AS-1Ab3C
[CEToM]), m yelmy [e]k[e]cc[i] ‘the pleasures of the flesh [are] not lasting’
(8a1C), amnentse yelmi pälskone tsaka kwipe-ke keuwco kalltärr-ne ‘[if]
sexual pleasures arise for a monk and his shame-place becomes erect’ (334a3/4E),
566 yye
[lege: plyasi] wya Toke armire ak cakanma ‘the novice Tok took ten cks
of grain to the city to sell’ (Otani 18,9Col [Couvreur, 1954c:90]); —ysrñe*
‘prtng to wheat, wheaten’: ysrña yäkiye ‘wheaten flour’ (W-37b1C).
In some cases (476-480) it would appear that ysre is a general term, i.e.
‘grain,’ opposed to oko ‘fruit.’ In other cases it is clear that ysre is a specific
grain, perhaps ‘wheat,’ as opposed to yap ‘barley’ (?). On the basis of compara-
tive evidence, particularly Inner Asian Chinese documents, Ching Chao-jung
(apud Pinault, 2008:369-370) reaffirms the notion that this word means ‘wheat.’
TchA wsr ‘(heap of) grain’ and B ysre ‘grain; wheat’ reflect PTch *wi
äsre.
Implicitly taking the Tocharian A meaning as the more original, VW (1961a:97-
8, 1976:584) connects the Tocharian words to such possible relatives as Russian
vórox ‘heap of grain’ or Latvian vrsmis ‘heap of beaten grain.’ His explanation
involves the assumption of a dissimilation from a pre-Tocharian *wers-r-o- to
*wes-r-o- (P:1169; MA:581). Probably, however, TchB preserves the older
meaning, and thus one where ysre referred in the first instance to a particular
kind of grain, i.e., ‘wheat.’ Much more probably, Huld suggests the possibility of
seeing *wesro- as a derivative of *wesr/n- ‘spring,’ a reference to a seasonal
variety of wheat (Huld, 1990:420, fn. 15; cf. also Pinault, 1980:370).
Ysa-pypyo (n.) ‘Suvarapupa’ (PN of a king [died 624 AD])
[Ysa-pypyo, -, -//] (416a2L). The fully Tocharian equivalent of the
borrowed Svarnabupe, the name of the Kuchean king whose name and title are
given in B(H)S documents as kucvara Suvar
apupa ‘S., lord of Kucha.’ He
must have died in AD 624 as that is when Chinese records speak of the accession
of his son, Suvaradeva. Yse ‘golden’ + pypyo ‘flower,’ qq.v.
yse, s.v. yasa.
ysomo (adv./prep.) ‘altogether, as one, totally, collectively’ [ysomo we- ‘sing in
chorus’]
po yso[mo sakantse rekisa] ‘according to the word of the whole community
collectively’ (42a4C), ysomo w[entsi] = B(H)S sagtu (531b2C), laana
sälyeno prkre ysomo eñcmar ‘may I grasp together firmly the bounds of
moral behavior!’ (S-4a3/PK-AS-4Aa3C), ya ompalskoe mrestwe pakä
ysomo ‘he cooks the bone together with the marrow of meditation’ (S-4b1/PK-
AS-4Ab1C). TchA ysomo is borrowed from B (Winter, 1963:274). We have
here y- + somo, in Indo-European terms, *h1en- + *somhxeham (Hilmarsson,
1986a:93; differing in details, VW:608 and Jasanoff, 1978:32). Also ysamo;
also yñakte, ynñm, yne, and ymna.
•R•
r·w- (vi.) ‘± despair, flee in panic’
Pt. Ia /r·w-/ (?) [A -, -, r·wa//]: [rä]skre ymu erkatte raw-attsaik päst snai
maiyya : ‘treated very badly, [Prasannaka], without strength, despaired
completely’ (46a1C).
Raktakule 569
It is difficult to know exactly what the scribe intended here because of damage
to the manuscript. The verb may easily be read as rawa (the reading of Sieg and
Siegling) or rewa (the reading of TVS [pg. 832]). Neither makes any sense
morphologically (Malzahn’s solution is to take her rewa and assume it is early
case of -e- for -ai-). Allowing onself some latitude I think one could see either a
reading raiwa or rwa, but no others. Both raiwa and rwa would be morpho-
logically impeccable (as no other combination is). It is also possible that rawa is
the true reading because, by the commonest of scribal mistakes, the vowel
diacritic (either -ai- or --) was omitted.
/The meaning is more easily discerned. Though our manuscript is most frag-
mentary, it is clear that we are at the point of the story where king Prasenajit has
been decisively defeated by king Ajtaatru and the former flees despairing and
in panic to ravasti. Neither form nor neither meaning leads to any obvious
etymological connection.
ra (conj.) ‘also; like’ [m ra = ‘neither…nor’]
wärsa plewe ra ken mai[wte] • ‘like a boat on the water the earth shook’
(338b1A), grahanman[e] m[e]ñe ra päk tstai 13 ‘thou has set thyself more as
the moon [is set] among the planets’ (221b1E/C), ra = B(H)S ca (2a4C), ra =
B(H)S api (8a1C), : m nesn yor m ra telki ‘there is neither gift, nor sacrifice’
(23b4C), /// [ke]t ra aulassu : ‘whoever [is] venerable’ (26a5C), : m tn=onu-
waññe ya nau m ra ai ksa t=ompostä ‘he did not live here immortally
earlier, neither will anyone live [immortally] hereafter’ (45a5C), te ñi ymu tam
ra ymu ‘this I [am to] make, also that I [will] make’ (AMB-b1/PK-NS-32b1C),
empelona ra ymwa tka ymornta ‘even [if] terrible deeds have been done’
(K-3b2/PK-AS-7Cb2C), kau[entai] ra sannanne [sic] snai myälñe ek tkoym
‘may I also be without harm among murderer[s] and enemies’ (S-6a6/b1/PK-AS-
5Ca6/b1C), [in Manichean script] r’h (Gabain/Winter [1958:11)]); — -rññe only
in ket-rññe ‘belonging to whomever’: ketsa t[ane ñi lyakau] kautstsets
parwa tat[w]nkau m ket rññe ‘here I lie on the ground dressed in woodpecker
(?) feathers not belonging to anyone’ (89a4C); —ra-tsa ‘any, whatsoever’ (an
emphatic) [ra + strengthening particle tsa]: m ra tsa yolain y[]m[o]r yamträ
‘neither may he do any evil deed’ (128a1E), tsa yolaiñ cey ra tsa mäskenträ
‘thus these are truly evil deeds’ (K-7b5/PK-AS-7Gb5C), päknträ iñcew ra tsa
elmi [lege: ekalmi] ymtsi ‘[if] one intends to subjugate anyone whatever’ (M-
1b7/PK-AS-8Ab7C); —ra tsak ‘id.’: (79a5C); —kuse-ra-tsa-ksa ‘who(m)ever,
whatever’: ñäktets amnantsä kuse ra tsa ksa aiene ‘of gods or men or
whoever [is] in the world’ (284b3/4A).
For a full discussion of the semantics, see Thomas, 1968b. (As if) from a
PIE *r (cf. Greek ar, ára, rá, Lithuanian ir ; ‘also’) + * or (Meillet, 1911:460,
VW:400, differing in details, MA:583). See also rano and mantrkka.
rakr* (n.) ‘protection’ (??)
[-, -, rakr/] empelle palskots wake pymtsa rakrsa ‘do the dangerous wake of
thoughts with protection’ (THT-2076a2?). /The meaning is suggested by it
shape which looks like a derivative of rk- ‘protect,’ q.v.
Raktakule ~ Raktakulle* (n.) ‘Raktakula’ (PN of a ypoy-moko in monastic
records)
570 Raktatse
‘gaping wide [his] mouths red with fiery flames’ (576a5C), ratre krke ‘red [i.e.,
bloody] stool’ (W-2a6C); —rätrauñe ‘redness; inflammation’: pa
arauñe
rätrauñene ‘in [cases of] jaundice or redness [of skin]’ (P-3a5/PK-AS-9Aa5E),
rätrauñe = B(H)S -rga- (Y-3a2C/L).
TchA rtär and B ratre reflect PTch *rtäre from PIE *h1rudhró- [: Sanskrit
rudhirá- ‘red, bloody,’ Greek eruthrós ‘red,’ Latin ruber ‘id.,’ Old Norse roðra
(f.) ‘blood,’ Russian Church Slavonic rodr! ‘red’ (P:872-973; MA:480-481; de
Vaan, 2008:527; Beekes, 2010:466)] (Meillet, 1911:148, VW:408). See further
discussion in Beekes (2010:465-466).
raddhi (n.[m.sg.]) ‘(supernatural) power, magic’
[raddhi, -, raddhi//-, -, räddhinma] kwri no ñme tka-ne raddhisa yatsi war
nässait yamale iprerne pärsnlle raddhisa yan ‘if someone has the desire to
walk with magic powers, he [is] to make a spell with water and [is] to sprinkle
[it] in the air and he walks/will walk with magic powers’ (M-3b6/7/PK-AS-
8Cb6/7C), raddhi lakäñee pratihari (108b4L); —räddhie* ‘prtng to magic,
supernatural’: [pañäkte]ntse räddhiai mey[y]a[ntse] ‘of the Buddha’s super-
natural power’ (394b7A); —räddhinmae* ‘prtng to supernatural powers’
(73b4C) From B(H)S rddhi-.
rano (conj.) (a) ‘also, in addition; even though; however’ [joins both clauses and
independent sentences; (b) m rano ‘neither … nor’]; (c) with adjectives:
‘however’
(a) ywrkññi pikulame kuse rano maiwe[ño] ‘[those of] middle years and also
[those] who [are] young’ (2a5C), klye rano treksate rpn=ewentse ‘the woman
however clung to the form of a man’ (9b4C), rano = B(H)S api (11a6C), = B(H)S
nu (11a8C), yesäñ rano po klautkentsa ek waikeme klautkolle 5[6] ‘in addition
you [are] to stay away from a lie in all activities’ (19b5C), [pi] prakränta yaiku
rano tka = B(H)S yvat pañcaprakraghna (198a2L); (b) : te rsa-me
pudñäkt=naiai m ranw aiku kärsau ñy akalle : ‘the Buddha announced this
clearly to them: neither a learnèd [person] nor a well-known [one is] my pupil’
(31a7/8C), m mka lykwarwa m rano ek-ek ‘not for many times, neither
forever’ (K-6a3/PK-AS-7Fa3C), tu okorñ[ai] srañciye tappre kau yey m no
nta totka rano parna präntsitär ‘they boiled the gruel and it went high; however,
not a bit of it spattered outside’ (107a1L); (c) lykake rano totka ra ymornts=oko
m naktär ‘however little or small, the result of the deed is not destroyed’ (S-
3b2C), lykake rano yolaiñe po prakäim ‘may I hold back all evil, however
small’ (S-5a1/PK-AS-5Ba1C); —ranoe ‘?’: • tentse ranoe wes m a[]//
(515b7A), ñi ranoe cmel·/// (101a5C).
Typically, but not exclusively, in the second place in a clause —sometimes as
the second word, less commonly as the second syntactic element. From ra +
no, qq.v.
rapaññe, see s.v. rp.
ram no, see s.v. ramt.
ramer (adv.) ‘quickly, suddenly’
m rmer stke nesalle : ‘there [is] to be no quick remedy [for him]’ (18b4C),
ramer = B(H)S kipra (306b8C), ipprerne rmer ka plyewsa 68 ‘he soared very
572 ram(t)
suddenly in the air’ (386a4C), ramer = B(H)S pratiyaty eva (541a2C/L), rämermer
= B(H)S laghu laghveva (PK-NS-12b5C [Couvreur, 1967[1969]:153]).
Probably with Winter (1962a:30) and VW (401) we have here a derivative of
PIE *drem- ‘run’ [: Sanskrit drámati ‘runs,’ Greek (aorist) édramon ‘ran,’ etc.
(P:204-5; MA:491)]. Also possible is a derivative *dru-mor- (< *dreu- ‘run,’
P:205) (Normier, 1980:261).
ram(t)/rm(tä)/ (conj.) ‘like, as; as if; as it were; likewise’
klautso ramt okolmantse ‘like an elephant’s ear’ (3b4C), [:] alesa stmau ramt
tka kentsa [stmo]ä = B(H)S parvatasthaiva bhmisth (12a7C), prere
ramtä kekaru [:] ‘as [fast] as a shot arrow’ (14b4C), te ramt rsa ‘this likewise
he informed them’ (23a3/4C), : katkomñaisa arañce plu-ne ram ‘with joy his
heart soared as it were’ (375b4L), [in Manichean script] r’m (Gabain/Winter
[1958: 11]); —ram-no ‘like, as if’: mentsie samudtärne pluä ram no ‘he
floats as if on an ocean of suffering’ (282b3A), tallw ram no em ñi ypoyne ‘as
one suffering he came to my kingdom’ (93b5C), pelaiknentse pernesa atyai ram
no riñmar ‘may I, for the sake of the law, abandon [my] head like the grass’
(S-8a4/PK-AS-4Ba4C).
For a full discussion of the semantics, see Thomas, 1968b. Presumably a
combination of enclitics: r + -m(ä) (as in the TchA pronoun sam, etc.?) + -tä.
For the putative *-mä- one might compare Hittite -ma, imma, Latin imm (=
Hittite imma), Lycian me (Melchert, p.c.). Otherwise VW (402) who takes it as a
derivative of *ar- ‘join, attach.’ See also rm-.
rawa, see s.v. r·w-.
race ‘?’
///kti • race • ari •/// (550.a2L).
rasacana ~ rasecana (n.) ‘a vitriol of copper or a sort of collyrium prepared
from it by the addition of Curcuma’ (a medical ingredient)
[rasaca ~ rasecana, -, -//] (W-18b1C, W-21a3C). From B(H)S rasñjana-.
raso (n.[m.sg.]) ‘span’
[raso, -, raso/rsoñc, -, -/rsonta, -, -] : prri raso pokai wat lauke ykuwa 19 ‘come
out a finger’s span or an arm’s [span]’ (41b4/5C), • watkai pi pañäkte nida
ñreme kälymi raso tsamtsi • ‘may the Buddha order the sitting mat to be made
one measure greater from the direction of the fringe’ (IT-247a6C). A derivative
of räs-, q.v. Blažek (1999c:85) would connect Old Irish réise ‘finger; span,’
taking the latter to reflect a PIE *rens-(s)tieha-, from a nasalized variant of *res-.
But, even if so, we have at best a wurzeletymologie.
rasna, rsn.
rahasylankr* the name of a work (?)
[-, -, rahasylankr//] {593a3E}.
rk- (vt.) ‘(cover so as to) protect’ (?)
Ps. II /rk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, rä//]: ket äñ skwänma ma taka s alyekme
yaskästrä <:> yau skwänma ket [p]älsko kär wa<t>s skwänm ma skwänma :
koko rä tartse tsätko tsätkwa ekästrä <:> rukä-pälsko [ek]
klye[]kträ skwätse laute m nesä ‘who has not fortune of his own, he begs
from another; alms [are] good fortune; to whom [there is] the thought, “the good
fortune of reeds [metonymic for beggars’ canes] [is] not good fortune; the
rp* 573
[beggar’s] hut protects deceptively [i.e., doesn’t really protect];” one with a harsh
spirit is always doubting; there is no opportunity for good fortune’ (255a4A)
[This is a present, along with all the other verbs in this pda, rather than a
subjunctive; the reading is definitely <r>]; Ko. V /r k-/ [A -, -, rka//; MP //-,
-, rkoyentär]: inte ñi su ktre po sasrsa r[ka] ‘if [thy] umbrella covers
me in every sasra’ (567a3C/L) [Not r[ä]; a clause beginning with inte is
much more likely to contain a subjunctive than a present], /// [ke]ktseñi
rkoyentär-ñ painene po pdñäktets <:> ‘may my … bodies be protected
between the feet of all buddhas’ (271a1C); PP /rr k-/: ///cce aiene rarkau
/// ‘protected in the … world’ (565a5C). Probably related to räk-, but syn-
chronically distinct from it (Peyrot, 2010:296). For etymology, see räk-, q.v.
See also perhaps rakr.
rkatse* (nm.) ‘(malevolent) demon’
[rkatse, -, rkatse//rkatsi, rakatsets, rakatse] (THT-2382, frgm. e-a3E,
Broomhead), (85a2C); —rkatsee ‘prtng to demon’ (Broomhead). From
B(H)S rkasa- (Pinault [2008:207]) suggests that the -ts- rather than the
expected -s- comes from some Middle Indic intermediary where *-s- had become
an interdental).
rk* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘theater, stage’
[-, -, rnk//] kercciyee yaknesa yaito rkne y[aiporme] am[c] ‘the
minister having entered the theater/stage decorated in the fashion of a palace’
(520b4C). From B(H)S raga-. See also posdibly räk-.
Rjagri* (nf.) ‘Rjagr
ha’ (PN of capital of Magadha)
[-, -, Rjagri//] (23b3C); —rjagrie ‘prtng to R.’: mna rjagrii ‘the people
of R.’ (408a2C).
Rjabhadre ‘Rjabhadhra’ (PN?)
(507a3C/L).
rjavärkä (n.) ‘golden shower tree (Cassia fistula Linn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[rjavärk -, -//] (M-3a6/PK-AS-8Ca6C). From B(H)S rjavrka-.
rjawat-yok (adj.) ‘indigo/turquoise-colored’
[m: rjavat-yok, -, -//] [f: rjavat-yokäññana, -, -] ys-yokäññana rjawat-
yo[käññana] (74a1=75b4C), rjavat-yok matsi cwimp ‘his indigo hair’ (91b6C).
From B(H)S rjapaa- ‘a kind of blue dye’ (Edgerton), either indigo, azurite, or
turquoise, + TchB -yok.
rjasa(-) ‘?’
posa no rjasa/// (547a1C).
rjari (n.) ‘royal ri, royal seer’
[rjari, -, -//] (108b2L). From B(H)S rjari-.
rnme (nf.) a medical ingredient
[rnme, -, -//] tume motstsa rnme päkalya (W-12b4C).
rp* (n.) ‘[the twelfth month] Rp’
[-, -, rp//] kacce meñame rp täktsi ‘from the sixth month until [the month
of] Rp’ (DAM 507.8a14Col [Pinault, 1994:107]); —rapaññe* ~ rawa(i)ññeCol
‘prtng to the last month of the year’ rapaññe mene ikä-wine ‘on the second of
the month of rapaññe’ (LP-12a2Col); —rapatstste* ‘prtng to the month of rp:
pärwee ku<>tsa rapañe menne triykane rapatsai yaine ‘in the first regnal
574 rp-
year, in the month of rp, on the thirtieth [day], the night of rp] (thus rapatsta
yiye = ‘New Year’s Eve’?) (Ogihara and Pinault, 2010:176]).
A borrowing from Middle Chinese lâp ‘winter sacrifice,’ a designation for the
twelfth Chinese month. The phonological equation is particularly close when we
remember that Middle Chinese *l- is reconstructed as *r- in somewhat earlier
stages of Chinese.
rp- (vt.) ‘dig, turn up the soil, plow’
Ps. VIb /rpä n-/ [A -, -, rapana//; MP -, -, rapanatär//]: se amne añ arsa
ke rapana rpatsi wat watkää pyti ‘whatever monk digs with his own
hand or orders [another] to dig: pyti’ (TEB-65-3/IT-247C]), /// [ra]panaträ
witsä[k]ai /// ‘digs up the root’ (THT-1170, frgm. a-b3A); Ko. V /r p -/ [A -, -,
rpa//; AOpt. -, -, rpoy//; Inf. rpatsi]: /// witska ce kuse tu r[pa] - ´ ‘he
who should dig up these roots’ (IT-86a4C), krui rpo[i] = B(H)S sacet khanet (IT-
26a3C); —raplñe (n.) ‘plowing’: me raplñe … mene ls ‘plowing in the
field … working in the field’ (PK-NS-53-a5C [Pinault, 1988]). Active and
mediopassive appear to be used indifferently.
TchA räp- and B rp- reflect PTch *räp-/rep(n)-, from PIE *drep- ‘scratch,
tear’[: Hittite teripp- ‘turn the earth, plow,’ Hieroglyphic Luvian tarrappunas ‘of
plowing’ (< Proto-Anatolian *terep- < *trep-), Russian drjápat’ ‘scratch, tear,’
Serbo-Croatian drápati ‘tear up, wear down,’ Greek drép ‘pluck’ (MA:567)].
The semantic equation of Tocharian and Anatolian is remarkable. Not with VW
(403) from *reu- ‘pull out’ since a (PIE) intervocalic *-w- should not appear as
Tocharian -p-.
rm-, 2räm-.
Rmagrm (n.) ‘Rmagrma’ (PN of a village)
[Rmagrm, -, -//] (IT-32a2C).
Rme (n.[m.sg.]) ‘Rma’ (PN)
[Rme, -, -//] (K-12a5/PK-AS-7La5C).
rsn (n.) a kind of orchid (Vanda Roxburghii R. Br.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[rsn, -, -//] (500a8C, W-23b4C). From B(H)S rsn-.
Rhu (n.) ‘Rhu’ (PN of a demon)
[Rhu, -, -//] (76b2C). From B(H)S Rhu- (cf. TchA Rhu).
Rhule (n.) ‘Rhula’ (PN of the Buddha’s son)
[Rhule, -, Rhule//] (95a2C).
räk- (vt.) ‘extend [one’s hands palm upwards] in supplication or reverence; extend,
spread out’
Ps. VIII /räks’ä/e-/ [A raksau, -, -//; m-Part. räksemane]: saswa … po träkonta
tärkaucai … ci yak raksau alyine ‘O Lord, releaser of all sins, to thee still I
extend [my] palms’ (TEB-64-3/IT-5C/L]); []lyine räksemane weä ‘extending
[his] palms, he speaks’ (370b3C); Ko. I /(rekä-* ~?) räkä-/ [Inf. raktsi (only
attested as a noun ‘cover, sitting-mat,’ q.v.)]; Pt. III /rekä- ~ reks- ~ rä käs-/
[A rakwa, -, reksa//; MP raksamai, -, raksate//]: /// räkw [sic] ike postä lekine
16 (339a6A) [or are we to restore [re]räkw with Peyrot? (TVS)], /// <:> - - -
trä pakwre t reksa-me : tume lyama asnne enate-me : ‘… evil; it spread
them out (?) [it enveloped them (?)]; then he sat on [his] seat and instructed them’
(12b3C); 23 räksmai kuce ñä ä[p] /// (339b6A), stm ñor nida raksate
räk- 575
lyama • ‘under the tree he spread out his sitting-mat and sat down’ (TEB-2.20/IT-
247a4C); PP /rerä ko-/: reraku (THT-1387, frgm. b-b2), [lk]ä-me kaumetsa
rera[koä] ‘he sees them covered (?) with shoots [extended with shoots (?)]’
(563b8C).
AB räk- reflect PTch *räk- from PIE *h3re- ‘extend (linearly or over a
surface)’ [: Sanskrit r$jyati ‘extends oneself,’ Avestan raz- ‘put in order,’ Greek
orég ‘reach, stretch (out),’ Latin reg ‘put in order,’ Old Irish reg- ‘stretch out
(the hand),’ Old English rean ‘stretch out, reach,’ Hittite harg(a)nu- ‘palm,
sole’ (Melchert, 1987[89]:21-22), etc. (cf. P:854-7; MA:187; LIV:304f.)] (Meillet
apud Lévi in Hoernle, 1916:382, VW:402). The subjunctive, as a relegated
present, may be most closely related to Latin rogre, whose original meaning
may have been, ‘address oneself to’ (i.e., ‘reach out verbally toward’). See
also raktsi and rk- (which I take to be diachronically but not synchronically
related [contra TVS]).
Räknka (n.) ‘Räknka’ (PN of a nun)
[Räknka, -, -//] (596a2C).
räk- (vt.) G ‘rise above, ascend, mount’ K ‘climb, ascend; take control of’
G Ps. V or VI /räk(n)-/ [A -, -, rak(n)a//]: yayta wälo [rak(n)a]n =
B(H)S dnta rjdhirohati (310a3E); Ko. V /rä k-/ [Inf. rakatsi; Ger.
rakalle]: [ñäkciye] aiene se ñake räkatsi : ‘this one [is] to ascend now into
the divine world’ (119b2E), ale tapre Murtae olak nai nke rakatsi : (554b5E);
/// ale rakal·e /// ‘[he is] to climb the mountains’ (355a6C); Pt. Ia /rä k-/ [A
-, -, raka//-, rakas, rakare]: [55] wärkältsa räka … äle-yäst <•> ‘energetic-
ally he climbed the mountain precipice’ (338a4A), m su ksa l[i]pa rakas
[l][te kokalene] ‘no one remained; you climbed into the king’s wagon’ [?]
(46b5C), räkr[e] (395.1a1A); PP /räkó-/: udai-älesa räkau ramt ‘as if
having ascended the udaya-mountain’ (Thomas, 1968b:214); —räkorme:
aiamñee räkorme stkne ‘having ascended to the palace of wisdom’
[räkorme = B(H)S ruhya] (12a6C).
K Ps. VIII /räks’ä/e-/ [A -, -, rakä//; Ger. räkalle]: [o]lyapo rakä
watkää wat [rakts]i s[] amne p[yti trako kättakä] ‘(if) the monk
takes control of more or orders [another] to take control [of more], he commits a
pyti-sin’ (THT-1459a3 [cf. Thomas, 1987a:170]); [rä]kalle = B(H)S adhi-
hvy (IT-107a4C); Ko. I /räkä-/ [Inf. raktsi]: cimpysta-ñ apyntame
kauc raktsi : ‘thou hast enabled me to climb out of evil rebirths’ (238b3C); Pt.
III /rekä- (~ rekäs-*)/ [//-, -, rekare] (PK-AS-16.1a4C [TVS]).
Etymology uncertain. It may be from a PIE *reng- ‘raise’ otherwise seen only
in Indo-Iranian. In Sanskrit we have raga- ‘stage’ (< *‘raised platform,’ see
also TchB rk) and in Khotanese we find Khotanese rraga- ‘bank, ridge,
shore.’ The Indo-Iranian *ranga- may have meant ‘elevated piece of ground’
(for the Indo-Iranian, see Emmerick and Skjærvø, 1987:122-3, based on a
suggestion of T. Burrow). Alternatively, it may be related to the otherwise
isolated, but semantically identical, Old Irish and Welsh dring-e/o- ‘climb’ if
both are from *dreng(h)-. The Celtic words are usually taken to be from *dregh-
(so also Matasovi¡, 2009: 105, with previous literature) but that connection does
not explain the -n-. The same objection holds with VW (1966b:498, 1976:403)
576 räkñi
who sees the Tocharian form as reflecting PIE *renk-, a nasalized equivalent of
the *rek- of Middle High German regen ‘raise (oneself).’ See also next entry.
räkñi (n.) ‘± foundation (of a building); platform’ (??) or ‘yeast’ (??)
[räkñi, -, -//] : yor sle l räkñi takarkñe no arm okone perkñe tanmä
17 ‘the gift [is] the basis; moral behavior [is] the foundation/yeast; faith, how-
ever, engenders belief cause and effect’ (23a5C).
The meaning ‘seasoning’ tentatively suggested by Sieg and Siegling (1949)
was prompted by its association with sle which they mistook for a form of
salyiye ‘salt.’ The meaning ‘foundation’ is also based on the association with
sle more correctly defined as ‘ground, basis.’ Winter (p.c.) suggests ‘yeast,’ a
meaning which would seem to fit the context at least equally well.
If ‘foundation’ is correct, perhaps we have a derivative of räk- ‘rise, ascend,’
q.v. If räk- comes from PIE *reng- along with Khotanese rraga- ‘bank, ridge,
shore’ or Sanskrit raga- ‘stage.’ The original meaning might have been ‘raised
platform (for a foundation).’ ‘Yeast’ might also be related to räk-, if the latter is
related to Old Irish dring- ‘climb’; in that case might have the same ultimate
origin, ‘yeast’ being the ‘climbing/ascending element.’ See possibly räk-.
rätipat* (n.) ‘rddhipda (one of the four elements of supernatural power)’
[//rätipanta, -, -] (553b4E). From B(H)S rddhipda-.
rätk- (vi.) ‘± heal, be renewed’
Ps. VII /rättä kä-/ [A //-, -, rättake]: : apsltsa ymu ple kektsene cur
an-
masa älypentasa nano msa rättake : ‘[If] I make a wound in the body by a
sword, with powders and salves [his] flesh heals again’ (17b3C); PP /rätkó-/:
[r]ätkau ple ra ek warpalñe (PK-NS-53-b5C [Pinault, 1988]) Restoration of
initial r- is uncertain; Pinault ultimately opts for s-. But its collocation with pile
‘wound’ strongly suggest we should expect a verb ‘heal.’
My earlier attempt to divide TchA rätk-/ritk- into two independent verbs, rätk-
‘heal’ (= B rätk-) and ritk- ‘raise, produce’ will not work; there is but a single
TchA verb meaning ‘rouse (to action), raise up’ (see TVS). However, B rätk-
‘heal’ and TchA rätk-/ritk- ‘rouse (to action), raise up’ may still be
etymologically related if the former is originally *‘arise (again).’ and are perhaps
from a PIE *h1r(e)idh-ske/o- from *h1reidh- ‘set in motion.’
rätkware (adj.) ‘strong, severe, excessive’
[m: rätkware, -, -//] rätkwre-ekäl = B(H)S tvrargasya ‘fierce desire’ (8b6C),
kwipeññenträ … rätkware pä cets näno näno onmi tka kwri ‘they are
ashamed … and if remorse becomes every day more stinging’ (K-3a5/PK-AS-
7Ca5C [CEToM]).
Etymology unknown. The putative verb root from which rätkware is derived
would appear, superficially at least to be rätkw-, but that is likely to be *rutk- by
a shift of labiality (cf. sakw ‘good fortune; from B(H)S sukha-), but the meaning
is quite distant from the attested verb rutk- ‘remove.’ For another, unlikely, sug-
gestion, see VW (1973a:152-3, 1976:404) who connects it with Greek árdis
‘point of a spear, needle,’ Old Irish aird ‘point.’
rätrauñe, s.v. ratre.
¹räm- (vi/t.) G ‘bend (toward); bow [as a sign of honor]’
G Ps. VIa /rämn -/ [AImpf. //-, -, rämnoye]: ñakty=ñcl-arne ke ññi räm-
¹räs- 577
noye ‘the gods, their hands in the añjali-position, would bow to the earth for
me’ (246a2/3E); Ko. V /rä m -/ [AOpt. //-, -, ramo; MP //-, -, rmntär; MPOpt.
-, -, rmoytär ~ ramoytär//]: ostä-meñca ostme ltuwe ñi ka yarke ymye ek
m=lyekepi ke ramo ‘householders and [those who have] left the house
should only to me do honor for ever and not to another bow to the earth’
(33b4C); : ce pi aie lyinträ ñytse kwipe rmantär (255b7A), srukor
aiaumyepi olypo [ri]toyt[ä]r päst m kwpe rmoytär ‘by a wise man may death
be sought rather [than] he not bow [in] shame’ (81a3/4C); Pt. Ia /räm -/ [MP -, -,
rämte//] räm[t]e (338a5A).
K Ko. I /rämä-/ MP -, -, ramtär//]: rämtä/// [or does this belong under ramt?]
(365b4A), /// kuri ña plskau • ramtär-ñ palsko snai /// ‘if I think; the mind … me
without…’ (THT-1335 frgm. a-b5?). It is not at all certain that this form
belongs under the same lemma as räm- ‘bend.’
Etymology uncertain. The meaning of AB räm- makes the usual equation of
this word (P:864, VW:402) with PIE *rem- ‘make quiet; support’ very difficult,
though it is morphologically attractive (cf. Sanskrit ram
-). Melchert suggests
(p.c.) reasonably that an original *nmneha-, a n-present to *nem- ‘bend,’ might
have given PTch rämn- by dissimilation (he compares the similar treatment of
Hittite lman ‘name’ and lammar ‘number’) (MA:63). See also rmamñe and
possibly näm-.
²räm- (vt.) G ‘compare’; K ‘let compare’
G Pt. Ib /r m-/ [MP -, -, rmate//]: toyna otruna stärmpa e rmate istak
arsa ‘he compared these signs with the astra and suddenly he knew’ (107a2L).
K Ps. IXb /rä mäsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, ramää] ramään-me ‘let us compare’ (PK-
Cp36, 43Col [TVS]).
A denominative of some sort to ram(t), q.v. Otherwise VW (402).
rämer, ramer.
räapak ~ räabhak (n.) ‘cowitch (Mucuna pruriens or Carpopogon pruriens
Roxb.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[räabhak ~ räapak, -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S rabhaka- (Filliozat).
¹räs- (vt.) ‘stretch (out) [the arms]’;
Ps. XII /räsä ññ’ä/e-/ [A -, -, rsa//]: /// [ke]ktseñ tusa rsa musnträ [mäl]ka-
ä pokaine : ‘… body; thus he stretches, raises, and folds (?) [his] arms’
(119a2E); PP /räsó-/ —rsorme. In TchA also the only object attested is
‘arms.’ The TchB present is usually taken to be a Class V present with rsa
instead of *rasa for metrical reasons. However, the attested TchA imperfect
räsñ pre-supposes a Class VI present *räsn-. Since Class VI presents and
Class XII presents can co-occur in Tch (cf. B mäntn- and mäntäññ-) is is also
possible, perhaps preferable, to take rsa as a phonologically regular Class XII
present.
AB räs- reflects PTch *räs- but extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain.
VW (403) takes it to be from PIE *dres- and related to Old Norse tarra ‘spread
[the arms] in a challenging fashion’ (< *dors-éha-), terra ‘id.,’ tyrrinn ‘irritated,’
dialectal Norwegian tarra ‘bristle,’ Middle Dutch terren ‘torment, vex,’ Middle
Low German terren ‘irritate.’ However, the central meaning of the Germanic
word seems to be ‘irritate’ rather than ‘spread.’ See also raso.
578 ²räs-
pärit-) : [MPSg. prtar; MPPl. prtat]; Pt. Ia /rit -/ [MP -, rittai, ritte//]: [69
ri]tte aklk sorro[mp] k[l]ya poyintse : ‘he cherished a wish and fell to the
feet of the Buddha’ (22a8C), amññe ot rtte c [mä]rtkt[e] ‘then he sought
monasticism [and] shaved [his] head’ (365a5A), läklentants · ·rma rittai kr[u]i
kärsatsi ‘when thou hast sought to know the … of sufferings’ (224a3/b1A)
[Winter (p.c.) would like to reconstruct either [a]rma[na] or [sa]rma[na] in
the lacuna]; but there is no trace or space for the akara na]; PP /rito-/: rito
wändrentse ‘of the thing longed for’ (408b3C), /// [kuse] no reki ecce ritowo /// =
B(H)S y hi vcbhinandit (IT-228a4C); —ritorme; —ritalñe ‘requirement;
longing (for)’: po ri[ta]lñ[esa] mak-yäk[ne mant pym] ‘do so according to the
manifold requirement’ (LP-39a2Col), kete rtalñe ymi = B(H)S kasya pary-
ea
caret (PK-NS-107a5C [Thomas, 1976b:106]), ritlñe (THT-3090a2?); —
ritalñetstse* ‘longing for’: kwaryai yoktsi ritalñetsai : : ‘a liana longing for a
drink’ (11a5C).
Aside from two attested present forms, ritana and ritanatär (cf. TchA rin-
from *ritn-), rit- normally forms the suppletive non-present forms of ñäsk-, q.v.
Possible etymological connections unsure. Perhaps with VW (406), AB rit- is
to be connected with Greek ereíd ‘infix, plant, become fixed, be fixed firm,
planted.’ The Tch meaning would be from *‘fix oneself on.’ Also the next.
-rita (n.) ‘seeker’
[-rita, -, - (voc. -ritai)//-ritañ, -, -] pontäts saimo kärtse-ritai añmalaka : ‘refuge
of all, seeker of good, dear one!’ (229b3/4A), : kuse yikne-ritañ sosoyo ‘whoever
seeking the [right] way [are] satisfied’ (31a3C). A nomen agentis from rit-, q.v.
ritk-, rätk-.
ritt- (vi/t.) G ‘be attached/hitched/connected/linked to, persist in [with locative or
comitative], be suitable for [with genitive]’; K ‘connect, translate; create’
G Ps. III /ritté-/ [MP -, -, rittetär//rittemtär, -, -]: • taise weweñu tka ot ka
amntse mant yatsi rittetär • ‘[if] he has spoken thus, then it is suitable for a
monk to go’ (331b3L), rettetär [sic] (SHT-1709 [Malzahn, 2007b:309]), [ya]k
wes rittemtär ‘still we are bound’ (108a7/8L), kualapkne rittemtär ‘we are
attached to good conduct’ (PK-DAM.507a4Col [Pinault, 1984a]); Ko. V. /ritt -/
[MP -, -, ritttär//; MPOpt. -, -, rittoytär//]: se yesi ar rttalñe tka cau yes
terine rittträ caune ‘this one will love your refuge; in this fashion you will
persist in it’ (108a7L); Ipv. I /pritt -/ (< päritt-) [APl. prittso; MPSg. rttar ~
pärrittar (sic); MPPl. pärttat]: täry-yäkne [pri]ttso ‘persist in the three-fold
[way]!’ (575a6C); Pt. Ia /ritt-/ [rittwa, -, ritta//(stress pattern not assured)]:
rattwa [lege: rittwa] (339b1A), /// [ko]ränmasa onolme pern[e]rñ[e]mpa
r[i]t[ta]sta (203b1E/C); PP /ritto-/: su p laklempa rittowo ‘he [is] bound by pain’
(3b6C), 12 yelmecce ersnssonto aiempa se rittowo : ‘he is attached to the
world of sensual desire and form’ (41a5C), yältse yäkwec reritto cwi [kokale]
‘his wagon hitched to a thousand horses’ (362b6E), snai-pelempa rittauwa kuse
welñenta ‘the sayings which [are] linked to lawlessness’ (S-6a1/PK-AS-5Ca1C);
—rittlñe: (332.2b4L).
K Ps. IXb /ríttäsk’ä/e-/ [A rittäskau, -, rittää//-, -, rittäske; nt-Part. rittä-
eñca ‘(one who is) persistent’; m-Part. rittäskemane; Ger. rittäälle]: ///
ym[e]s[a] rittää (128a1E); ket krent wmotse meki tka rittaeñca m
ri-n- 581
tka-me kärtsene ‘whoever may be lacking a good friend, he is not one [who is]
persistent for good for them’ (K-5b1/PK-AS-7Eb1C), m yorne rittäeñca
tkan-ne ‘[if] he is not persistent in giving to him’ (K-6b2/PK-AS-7Fb2C); te
warñai makte po rittäle ‘this, etc., [is] itself all to be taken on’ (197b5L), curmpa
rittäle tälpllesa aile ‘with powder to be bound; to be given as a purgative’ (Y-
2a1C/L); Ko. [= Ps.] [Inf. rittästsi; Ger. rittäälle]: : ce wace ok [lege: lok] weña
spelkene rittässi añ ce a[kallye 68] ‘this second loka he spoke in order to
get his own disciples to persist in zeal’ (27b5C); Pt. II /raitt -/ [A -, raittsta, -//;
MP -, -, raittte//-, -, raittnte]: onolme pern(e)rñ(e)mpa r(ai)t(ta)sta ‘thou hast
attached the creatures to splendor’ (203b1E/C), [au]l r[i]nts[i rai]ttnte : ‘they
set about to renounce life’ (45a3/4C); PP /rerittu-/.
Etymology uncertain. TchA ritw- and B ritt- reflect PTch *räitw- from PIE
*reitw- perhaps to be seen outside of Tocharian only in Iranian, e.g., Avestan
rawa- ‘± pervade’ or Khotanese -rh- ‘share, participate’ (participle -rsta-
‘joined, associated’). If so, we have a striking Tocharian-Iranian isogloss
(Bailey, 1967 [cf. Bailey, 1979:24], VW:406-7). Cheung (2006:310) doubts the
connection on semantic grounds. See also raitwe and eraitwe.
ri-n- (vt.) ‘renounce, give up, abandon, desert’
Ps. X /rinä sk’ä/e-/ [MP -, rinastar, rinastär//rinaskemttär, -, rinaskentär; MPImf. -,
-, rinasitär//; nt-Part. rinaeñca ‘renouncing’; Ger. rinaälle]: : krentaunats
armtsa aul waipecce po rinasträ : ‘because of virtues he renounces all life and
possessions’ (23a6C), mkte [sic] meñe m rinasträ swañcai krocana ‘as the
moon does not renounce [its] cold beams’ (52b7C); po yelme päst rinaeñca =
B(H)S sarva kmaparityg (U-3a4); aul ñi lre päst rinale : ‘my dear life [is]
to be completely renounced’ (25a8C); Ko. I /rinä -/ [MP -, rintar, rintär//; MPOpt.
riñmar, -, riñitär ~ rñitär//; Inf. ri(n)tsi; Ger. rille*]: kuse po trka ekalñanta
[lege: ekalñenta] po päst rintär wäntarwa pontä ‘whoever may let go of all
passions and give up all things’ (33a3C), pelaiknentse pernesa atyai ram no
riñmar ‘for the sake of the law may I give up [my] head like the grass’ (S-
8a4/PK-AS-4Ba4C); : takarkñesa tne pel=ostae rintsi y[ta :] ‘[if] he is
capable of giving up out of faith the prison of the house’ (50b2C), aulne pkwälñe
ritsi [pre]ke : ‘[it is] the time to abandon trust in life’ (281a1E); Ulkmukhe
weä rilyi wesañ aul ‘U. says: we will renounce our own lives’ (589b4C);
Ipv. III /prínä-/ (< pärinä-) [MPSg. pri(n)tsar]; Pt. III /rínäs-/ [MP rintsamai,
rintsatai, rintsate ~ rintste// rintsmte, -, rintsante]: pañäktäñe pernee aklksa
rinste-ne ‘he renounced [for the sake of] him all desire for Buddha-rank’
(88b4C), ptär mtär rntsmte ‘we renounced father and mother’ (273a5A); PP
/rerínu-/: pw ekalñenta rerno ‘[those] having renounced all graspings [at
worldly things]’ (PK-AS-16.2a6C [Pinault, 1989:155]); —rerinorme; —
rilläññe ‘renunciation, abandonment, surrender’: [po no] klinaä añ mna
rintsi m no nta su ceu rilñeme oko wrocce kälpä [:] ‘one must, however,
renounce all his own people, but by such a renunciation one achieves no great
result’ (8a2C); —rilyñee ‘prtng to renunciation’: rilñee ytalñe ‘the capability
of renunciation’ (600a4C); —rilyñetstse ‘renouncing, giving up; generous’:
rilyñetstse = B(H)S tygav (IT-101a3C, also PK-AS-7Fa1C [CEToM]).
582 rnätstse
LIV:510). The Celtic and Tocharian forms are apparently anit (otherwise the
Tocharian subjunctive would be *rw- ~ ruw-); the Iranian and Latin forms are
ambiguous. Only Proto-Germanic *rma- apparently must reflect a set form but
even that is unclear as cases of secondary, morphological, lengthening of *-u- are
not unknown in Germanic (cf. also kwao). See also perhaps 1räs-.
²ru- (vt.) ‘pull out (from under a surface [with violence])’
Ps. V /ruw -/ [MP -, -, rwtär; Ger. ruwlle*]: rwtär = B(H)S mlacchid (SHT-5,
1109 [TVS]), pintsamonta ruwllona ‘scales [are] to be removed’ (W-42a3C).
The single instance of the cognate verb in TchA is similar: the object is ‘eyes’
and it occurs in a list of bodily tortures. One should compare semantically räss-
‘tear out/off (without going beneath the surface)’ and mlut- ‘pluck (as of hair or
feathers).’
AB ruw- reflect PTch *rw- from a putative PIE *ru(h2/3)-eha-, a derivative
of *reu(h2/3)- ‘pull out’ [: Sanskrit ru- ‘dash to pieces,’ Latin ru ‘fall violently,’
Lithuanian ráuju ‘tear out,’ OCS ryj (cf. particularly inf. r!vati) ‘dig,’ Old
Norse rýja ‘pluck wool from sheep’ (P:868, with many nominal derivatives;
MA:567, 570; LIV:510; de Vaan, 2008:530-531)] (VW, 1970b:527, 1976:408,
Hackstein, 1995:78).
³ru-, r•w-.
¹ruk- (vi.) ‘± gleam, shine’
Pt. I /ruk-/ (?) [A /-, -, rukais/]: ruk[ai]sä-c läkts[i] eän[e] täwäññene ‘thy
brilliant eyes gleamed with love’ (224b1A). For the meaning, see Thomas,
1957:175; for the form see Schmidt, 2000:226, 231. Further discussion in TVS
(829-830).
Etymology uncertain. Melchert (p.c.) cogently suggests the possibility of this
being an Iranian loanword where *r(a)uk- would be from PIE *leuk-.
²ruk- (vi.) ‘grow lean (with hunger)’
PP /rukó-/: 13 ktso m [tparya] m ra rukausa ‘the belly is not high [= fat] but
also not grown lean’ (73b2C). The TchA equivalent is also attested but once in
the preterite participle (340a2) in a very fragmentary context.
AB ruk- reflect PTch *räuk- from a putative PIE *reuK- ‘shrink, become
wrinkled’ [: Lithuanian runkù, Lithuanian rùkti ‘shrivel, become wrinkled,’ Latin
rga ‘wrinkle’ (cf. P:870; MA: 516; de Vaan, 2008:528)] (Krause/Thomas,
1960:58, VW:409). See also next entry.
rki* (n.) ‘± leanness’
[-, -, rki//] lyai snai rki sprne sesnau [lege: sesno] ‘firm, slender heels
without leanness’ [cf. Hilmarsson’s discussion (1989a:75)] (74a5C). A
derivative of ruk-, q.v.
ruk ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘harsh, rough’
ampalakkesar [r]uk ‘the rough ambakakesara-tree’ (115a1L); —rka-pälsko
‘harsh-spirited’: (230b3A). From B(H)S rka-.
rutir (n.) ‘saffron’ (a medical ingredient)
[rutir, -, -//] (41a3C). From B(H)S rudhira- (cf. ratre).
rutelle (n.) ‘ochre’ (??), ‘saffron’ (??) [a medical ingredient and reddening agent?]
[rutelle, -, -//] (W-8a6C). In form almost certainly a gerund or abstract from an
584 rutk-
otherwise unattested verb rut- (not in TVS). Perhaps then from PIE *h1reudh-
‘red’ (see also ratre).
rutk- (vt.) ‘move; remove, take off’
Ps. VII /ruttä kä-/ [MP ruttakemar, -, -//; Ko. V /rautk- ~ rútk-/ [A -, -,
rautka//-, -, rutka; Inf. rutkatsi]: /// ly[ku]ññe palskosa ykeme rautka
postaññe prri • ‘[if] he moves [it] away from [its] place with thought of thiev-
ing, [even] a finger[’s length]’ (IT-127a7b1C), /// le pälsko ramtä rutka
paiy[y]e ‘as like the mind they remove the foot’ (?) (THT-1309b3A [TVS]); Pt.
III /rautkä- ~ rautkäs-/: po kälymint[sa] rotkär-ne ‘they moved it in every
direction’ (51a5C), : arye wassi rutkte kaunä sark kauc ymate 72 ‘he took
off his upper garment and placed his back high to the sun’ (5b4C); Pt. Ia /rutk -/
[A //-, -, rotkär [sic]; MP -, -, rutkte//]: PP /rutko-/; —rutkalyñe ‘removal’:
rutkalyñ= onmi[ntsa] ‘removal by remorse’ (290a5C).
AB rutk- reflect PTch *räutk- from PIE *reudh-ske/o- from *reudh- [: Sanskrit
rudh- ‘check, restrain, hold back,’ Avestan raod- ‘hold at a distance, check,
impede,’ English rid (< Proto-Germanic (*rudjan) (MA:471; LIV:509)] (VW:
409, though the details differ, for the Indo-Iranian correspondence; and Melchert,
1977:125, for the Germanic). The Tocharian and Germanic, though differing in
morphology, reflect “eventive” derivations, ‘± to push back/ move into a checked
state,’ from the non-eventive meaning preserved in Indo-Iranian. See also
possibly prutk-.
Rudramukhe (n.) ‘Rudramukha’ (PN of a brahman)
[Rudramukhe, -, Rudramukhe//] (81a2C).
Rudraarme (n.) ‘Rudraarman’ (PN)
[Rudraarme, -, -//] (88a3C).
rudhiharake* (n.) ‘?’
[//-, rudhiharakets, -] /// [A]rjune walo rudhiharakets ake/// (IT-205a3C).
rup (n.[m.sg.]) (a) ‘shape, form, outward appearance’; (b) ‘face’
[rp, rupantse, rp//-, -, rupanma] (a) kä[-twra otruna twe ]mñe rpsa
pkrsa ‘recognize the 24 signs in human form’ (127a3E), klye rano treksate
rpn=ewentse : ‘the woman however clung to the form of a man’ (9b4C),
enekññe r[p] ‘inner form’ (PK-NS-255-A-b4? [Broomhead]); (b) makltsa
tatrpparme rpsa klya ‘tripping on a root, he fell on [his] face’ (88a2/3C); —
rupae ‘prtng to form, shape, formal’: rupae [ntse] ‘formal element’
(152b3C), rpae svbhpsa = B(H)S rpagatena ‘having corporeal substance’
(178b2/3C). From B(H)S rpa-. See also next four entries.
rpadhtu (n.) ‘the world of form’
[rpadhtu, -, rpadhtu//] (156a3C); —rupadhtue* ‘prtng to the world of
form’ (173a6C, Broomhead) From B(H)S rpadhtu-.
rupake* (n.) ‘little face’
[-, -, rupake//] kenne lamästär-ne autsate-ne rupake kantwas[a] skwa[tsi]
‘he sets him on [his] knee and began to kiss his little face with [his] tongue’
(83a3C). Diminutive of rp, q.v.
rupaskant (n.) ‘physical element’
[rupaskant, rupaskantätse, -//] (192b1C) (= rupae ntse). From B(H)S rpa-
skandha-.
ret(k?)- 585
arrival/departure of the yywye; we gave wheat to C., 13 cks and 5 tom’ (Otani
II-12a11/12Col [Ching and Ogihara (CO), 2012:81]).
The beginning and end of this passage are reasonably transparent, the middle
less so. CO have clarified ywr-mañe and Pinault (apud CO) ykuwe[r]. I
follow CO in the word division recye[] Csmtse, but see yywye-ykuwe[r]
recye[] as a verb-final sentence constituting a second comment about pauyenta
‘the levies.’ ‘The mid-summer levies were held back (i.e., did not undergo their
normal distribution), [and thus] are ready/stored/being held (?) for the arrival/
departure (ykuwer can have either meaning) of the yywye’ (very differently
translated by CO; where inter alia recye is taken as an adjective ‘prtng to the
army’).
Our single verb form is compatible with a root of the shape rät-/ret- or of rätk-
/retk-. TchA has a verb rät- of unknown meaning (TVS). TchB rätk- means
‘heal, be renewed’ which is semantically distant and, in any case, that root would
appear to be from a PIE *reidh-. Nor does retke (TchA ratäk) ‘army’ offer any
insight. Thus neither language is helpful in establishing either the form or the
etymology of ret(k)-. [Not in TVS.]
retke (nm.) ‘army’
[retke, retkentse, retke//] ontsoyttñesa allokna retke iya ypaunane mka
wnolme kause : ‘[if kings] out of insatiableness lead an army in other lands
and kill many creatures’ (2b8=3a1C), /// retke lla kausalets <:> ‘he threw
down the army of the Koalans’ (21a7C), /// istak recci wi /// /// retke yänm///
(423b5/6C/L), yewe retke wärkalyci e ‘weapon and army were powerful’ (PK-
NS-36A-b2C [Couvreur, 1964:247, CEToM]), le retke = B(H)S sasainya- (U-
2b4C), retketse kraupe rwer ymorme ‘having prepared the army troop’
[retketse = B(H)S balakya-] (Or.15009/466? [Tamai 2009:663]).
TchA ratäk and B retke reflect a PTch *ret(ä)ke, usually taken as a borrowing
from an assumed Iranian *rataka- ‘line of battle,’ cf. Persian rade ‘series, order’
(Schulze, 1932, Hansen, 1940:155, Winter, 1971:217, VW:638, Tremblay, 2005:
426). However, from a reasonably early borrowing from an Iranian *rataka- one
would expect a PTch *retek(e) (cf. TchB ekinek(e) ‘dove’ from Iranian
*akinaka-). Nor does any Iranian language attest a meaning ‘army’ for this
word. Moreover, it is unknown in any form in Eastern Iranian. Equally unlikely
is my earlier assumption of a PIE *róth2ikos, a nominalization with accent
retraction from *roth2ikós ‘prtng to wheel or wagon,’ i.e., ‘chariotry,’ from
*roth2os ‘wheel, wagon.’ However, there is no evidence, that (pre-) Tocharians
ever used chariots as instruments of war.
On the other hand, semantically attractive is a connection with OCS rat" ‘battle,
war’ ([archaic/poetic] Russian rat" ‘host, army; battle, war’), ret" ‘strife,’ retiti
‘contend.’ The Tch could be a tomos-derivative of *(h3)ret-ske/o- ‘±give battle’
or a simple o-stem derivative of *(h3)rot-ske/o- or *(h3)rt-ske/o-. Certainly there
are a number of words ultimately derived from *h3er- ‘(a)rise’ that have
developed meanings like ‘strife, conflict.’ While there is no positive evidence in
Slavic or Tocharian that the words for ‘strife, conflict, army’ had an initial *h3r-,
nonetheless, an original *h3r-et- is perfectly possible. (The traditional explanation
of the Slavic words as coming from *h1or(hx)ti-/*h1er(hx)ti- ‘± arising’ will
¹rai 587
account phonologically for rat", but not for the forms with -e-. Moreover, words
for ‘strife’ seem to readily develop from ‘(a)rise’ [*h3er-] but not from ‘go,
travel’ [*h1er-]). Cf. P:326-332.
repe (?) (n.) ‘music’
[repe, -, -//] /// [re]pe arka cäñca-ne takarkñetse /// (IT-116a1C). Doubtful
form; obviously conjectural on Broomhead’s part. He would restore [ra]pe (as
does IDP) in seeing this word the TchB equivalent of TchA rape; if he is correct
about both meaning and cognacy, one might more readily expect [re]pe, as given
here.
Obviously related to TchA rape ‘music and rpant ‘musician.’ The latter is
clearly an agent noun from a denominative verb *rp- (< PTch *rep--) ‘play
music.’ Further connections are unknown. VW’s suggestion (401) of a connec-
tion with Irish words meaning ‘play’ (from a PIE root otherwise meaning ‘move
quickly’) would be more cogent if the Tocharian noun were derived from the
verb rather than vice versa.
reme (n.) ‘witness’ [reme ym- ‘make evident; witness’ (= B(H)S skt kr-)]
[reme, -, reme//] : eme reme abhijñä ymtsico ‘the only witness for developing
the higher consciousness’ [Thomas, 1983:195] (29b3C), reme Sjate ‘S. [is] the
witness’ (485a3Col), [täry]ka-uk pelaiknenta re[me] mastär [lege: yamastär]
‘he witnesses to the 37 laws [= 37 bodhipakika-dharmas]’ (591b5L).
TchA ram and B reme probably reflect PTch *reme from PIE *romó- ‘sup-
porter’ from *rem- ‘make still, make fast, support’ [: Sanskrit rmá- ‘pleasing,
charming, lovely’] or *rombhó- from *rem-bh- ‘id.’ [: Sanskrit rambhá- ‘staff,
support’ (P:864)]. Also possible is VW’s derivation (400) from a PIE *wrmén-
‘he of the word,’ a hysterokinetic derivative of the neuter *wr%mn ‘word’ seen in
Greek rhêma, though one would expect wr- in Tocharian in the latter case (cf.
wreme).
r[e]wa, see s.v. r·w-.
Revat (n.) ‘Revat’ (PN of a yaki)
[Revat, -, -//] (508b2C/L).
resk- (vi.) ‘flow (together), (e)merge’
Ps. II /reske’ä/e-/ [A -, -, reä//-, -, reske; Impf. //-, -, reye (?); m-Part.
reskamane (sic! or is it only a missing e-diacritic?)]: : Gakne kekmu mäkte yaiku
nki esa reä war • samudrämpa taiknesa … ‘as the water [that has] come
into the Ganges flows together faultlessly with the ocean, so …’ (30a4C), reske-
ñ ysra ‘my blood flows [= I am bleeding]’ (90a6C), /// peyneme reske<>-ñ
‘X flow from my feet’ (THT-1248a5E), reskam(a)ne (THT-2243a3C), re[sk]e[]
(IT-75b3E).
From a putative PIE *r-ske/o- or *ro-ske/o-, a derivative of *re- [: Latin
rigre ‘water,’ Albanian rrjedh ‘flow, well up’ (or is the Albanian from *wre-?),
Old Norse raki ‘wetness’] or *rek- [: Germanic, e.g. Gothic, rign (< *reknó-)
‘rain,’ Lithuanian rõkti ‘drizzle’ (P:857)] (VW:404-5; MA:639).
¹rai strengthening particle
///ñc· weske akr rai : pymtso säswentse yaitkor ‘they answered right back:
‘fulfill the lord’s command!’ (589b3C), • rai pälskou m/// ‘O spiritual one!’ (IT-
588 ²rai*
36b2C), ///j·yenme pä rai miyake warpatai • (294a7C/L),. Ra + -i, cf. wai
and wa.
²rai* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, rai//] Yurpakaii wsar … raine ailye-semae wyaisa [kä]r[n][ts]i
ywr[ts]a yaltse [kune] ‘the inhabitants of Y. gave 1,000 [kunes] to the rai
as an expenditure for the fine’ (THT-1459-a2/3) [Schmidt, 2001]). The equi-
valent of Kuci-Prakrit honami (loc. sg.) in this bilingual text; unfortunately the
Kuci-Prakrit noun hona- is itself not otherwise attested. Since it is a locative in
both languages, it is unlikely to refer to a person. It is more likely that rai/hona-
refers to a place or institution (e.g., ‘treasury’). Etymology unknown.
raitwe* (n.) ‘± application, means; combination, mixture, (medical) preparation’
[-, -, raitwe//raitwenta, -, raitwenta] alepe añce raitwenta rittau
‘having applied applications of salves and cosmetics’ (A-1a6/PK-AS-6Ba5C).
A derivative of ritt- (< *ritw-), q.v. TchA retwe ‘id.’ and B raitwe reflect PTch
*reitwe, (as if) from PIE *(hx)roitwo- [:Avestan rawa- ‘mix,’ Khotanese -
rha- ‘assembly’] (Bailey, 1967:18). See also eraitwe.
raiwe* (adj.) ‘± slow’ (?)
[m: -, raiwepi, raiwe//raiweñ, -, -] [r]aiwepi meml[oe]pi ysrccepi kosintse
‘of a sluggish, harmful, bloody cough’ (497a4C), kwarä raiwe sticce yamaä
‘it makes the stool sluggish and slow’ (ST-a2/IT-305a2C).
Etymology unknown. For a suggestion, see VW (400) who would like to
connect this word with OHG ruowa ‘repose, peace’ and Greek er ‘cessation (of
war), rest’ by reconstructing a PIE *h1r(i)- ~ *h1r(i)-.
Roce (n.) ‘Roca’ (PN)
[Roce, -, -//] (AMB-a6/b2/PK-NS-32a6/b2C]).
Rohii (n.) ‘the asterism/constellation Taurus’
(M-1b5/PK-AS-8Ab5C). From B(H)S rohi
-.
rohinike* (n.) ‘inflammation of the throat’
[-, -, rohinike//] (W-15a5C). From B(H)S rohi
ik-.
rmamñe (n.[m.sg.]) ‘tendency; bow, reverence’
[rmamñe, -, -//] • ket yarke peti rmamñe tsäkau tne <•> ‘to whomever [has]
arisen a tendency to honor and flattery’ (33b6C), po krentauana … rmamñe ‘a
tendency toward all virtues’ (S-5a2/PK-AS-5Ba2C). A derivative of räm-, q.v.,
via an unattested *rmamo.
rmer, see ramer.
rakñca (n.) ‘female sage, seeress’
[rakñca, -, -//] (354.c2C). A derivative of rke, q.v., with the feminizing
suffix -ñc.
rabhak, räabhak.
rap-devadatti* (n.[pl.]) a meter [20/22/10/15 syllables, rhythm a: 5/5/5/5, b: 8/7/7,
c: 5/5, d: 8/7]
[//-, -, rap-devadatte] (375a2L).
rap-pañcagati* (n.) a meter [4x15 syllables, rhythm 7/8]
[-, -, rap-pañcagati//] (577a4C).
rap-alywe-malkwer* (n.) a meter [4x18 syllables, rhythm 7/7/4]
[-, -, rap-alywe-malkwer//] (108b1L).
lakle 589
•L•
lak(u)tse (adj.) ‘shining, bright, brilliant’
[m: lakutse, -, -/lakutsi, -, -/] [f: lakutsa (~ lakuca),-, lakutsai//] ruk[ai]sä-c läkts[i]
eän[e tä]wäññene ‘thy brilliant eyes shone [?] in love’ (224b1A), mäkte kaunä
pärkträ läkutse /// ‘as the sun will rise brightly’ (THT-1321b4A), kauñäkte laktse
‘the brilliant sun-god’ (74b4C).
In Indo-European terms we probably have *lukutyo- from the same *leuk- that
underlies luk-, q.v. The root is suffixed with the same concatenation of
morphemes seen in akwatstse ‘sharp,’ and lankutse ‘light’ (i.e. ‘not heavy’) (VW:
255). See Hamp, 1989b. See also läkutsetstse ‘id.’ and läkutsauña.
lakle (nnt.) ‘pain, suffering, sorrow, grief, distress’
[lakle, läklentse, lakle//läklenta, läklentats, läklenta] lakle = B(H)S dukha
(11a5C), /// lakl=empelye wärpnamar • ‘I suffer terrible pain’ (22b7C), pw[r-
epi] läklentse stke ‘a remedy for the pain of fire’ (497a6C), pipikne lakle =
B(H)S stanaruka- (Y-1a6C/L); —läklee ‘prtng to pain/suffering, painful’:
läkleana rekaunasa snai ke ‘with painful words without number’ (100b4C); —
läklentae ‘prtng to sufferings’: : sportoträ läklentae ckkär wrotse ‘the great
wheel of sufferings revolves’ (11a7C); —läklessu ‘unfortunate, unhappy,
suffering’: • skwassu nesau paplntau yes tallñc läklessoñc 36 ‘I am happy and
590 laklese
joyful [while] you [are] miserable and suffering’ (31a2C), • läkles[su] mäsketrä =
B(H)S dukhito bhavati (524a2C); —läkle-lyaka* ‘able to see suffering or pain’:
entwek läkle-lyakñ [mäskenträ] ‘then they are looking at suffering’ (K-5a6/PK-
AS-7Ea6C); —läkle-näki ‘destroying suffering’: läkle-näki säkw-aieñcai
‘destroying suffering, giving good-fortune’ (229b4A).
From PIE *lulo- [: Greek leugaléos ‘unhappy’] or *luro- (with assimilation
of the resonants) [: Greek lugrós ‘sad, miserable,’ and more distantly Sanskrit
ruj- ‘break, make suffer,’ Latin lge ‘mourn, lament,’ etc. (P:686; MA:81, 247)]
(Lidén, 1916:36-37, VW:254; cf. Beekes, 2010:850-851). De Vaan (2008:351)
would separate the Latin word from this etymon. See also the next entry.
laklese (adj.) ‘painful’
[m: -, -, laklese//] triwäle melene laklese muka paku krñi wicukaine ‘[it is] to
be mixed and [put] in the nose in [cases of] painful dumbness, lameness, sore
neck, or jaws’ (Y-2a3C/L). A derivative of lakle, q.v. For the formation, see
Winter, 1979).
lak, see lk.
lakae (n.) ‘characteristic, sign of excellence’
[lakae, -, -//] (178a2C). Probably a variant of the following.
lak (n.[m.sg.]) ‘characteristic, sign of excellence’
[lak, -, lak/laknäñc, -, -/lak(nä)nta, lakanäntants, lak(nä)nta]
lkntär-c kektsenne täryka-w laknänta ‘on thy body are seen 32 laka
as/
signs of excellence’ (76b5C), • wi laknäñc • ‘two characteristics’ (IT-247b3C).
From B(H)S laka
a- (cf. TchA laka). See also previous entry.
lakaintse, s.v. lko.
laks (n.[m.sg.]) ‘fish’
[laks, -, -//läki, -, laksä] kwri war tka yolmene winññenträ omp lwsa
laksä warñai ‘if there is water in the pool, animals, fish, etc., will enjoy them-
selves there’ (11b4C), pupa laksä = B(H)S pti-matsy (308b3C); —
läksaññe*E-C ~ läksaiññe*C ‘prtng to fish’: • läksäñana m[sa] /// ‘fish meat’
(IT-157a5E), yä[kw]eññe oksaiñe läksaññe wästarye tu wikalle ‘horse, cow, and
fish liver, it [is] to be avoided’ (559b4/5C), läksaña klautso ‘a gill’ [lit: ‘fish ear’]
(P-2a6C), • läksaiñai-[klau]tsaie [pel] /// (IT-306b1C [cf. Carling, 2003a]).
From PIE loksi- ‘salmon, salmon-trout’ [: OHG lahs (m.), Old English leax
(m.), Old Norse lax (m.), all ‘salmon’ (< Proto-Germanic *lahsa-), Old Prussian
lasasso (f.) ‘salmon’ (< *loksokyeha-), Lithuanian lãšis (m.), Latvian lasis (m.)
‘salmon’ (< *loksi-), Lithuanian lašišà (f.) ‘id.’ (< *loksikyeha-), Russian losós’
‘salmon,’ Ossetic læsæg ‘brown trout’ (< *loksoko-) (P:653; MA:497)] (cf.
Schrader/Nehring, 1929:2). In Tocharian we see the zero-grade *leksi- of a para-
digm whose strong grade was *loksi- (cf. Krause, 1961). We need not assume
that this basic word is a borrowing from an unattested TchA *laks from PIE
*lokso- as does VW (254-5). For a fuller treatment of the meaning and form of
this etymon in Indo-European, see Diebold (1976).
lakutse (adj.) ‘easy, light’ [i.e., ‘not heavy’]
[m: lakutse, -, -//lakuci, -, -] [f: lakutsa, -, -//lakutsana, -, -] /// trakonta •
kälpaskenträ • läktsana kramartsana • ‘they achieve light and heavy sins’ (IT-
139a3C/L).
Larika* 591
a Sanskrit-Tocharian B bilingual, but the Sanskrit word being glossed here is lost
in a lacuna]). Neither these attestations in TchB, or the equally obscure attesta-
tion of the obvious TchA cognate, lstak, provides any notion as to the meaning
of this word. Krause and Thomas’ ‘Richtblock’ must be on the basis of some
unpublished material.
The preservation of -s- in TchA before -t- makes it almost certain that we have
a borrowing from B to A (so VW:257). Tremblay (2005:436) suggests a con-
nection via borrowing from Bactrian ^ ‘judgment.’ More particularly we
might think of ^ + ^ (an adjective forming suffix).
lasto (or last?) (n.[m.sg.]) ‘root-bark’ (?) (a medical ingredient)
[lasto, -, -//] [ka]ravräa witsako • karavräe lasto ‘oleander root, the lasto of
an oleander’ (497b7C); —lästäe* ‘prtng to root-bark’: (IT-106a2E). Perhaps
the final -o is not part of the word, but rather an example of bewegliches-o.
Oleander (Nerium indicum Mill.), B(H)S karavra-, is poisonous, but its roots,
beaten into a paste with water, are applied to chancres and ulcers on the penis, a
decoction of its leaves may be used to reduce swellings, and its root bark is used
for scaly skin diseases and leprosy (Chopra, 1956:175). Clearly lasto is not the
root but it might be root-bark or ‘decoction.’ Since this medical formula ends up
being cooked (päkalle), it would seem unlikely that we have a decoction added
to a mixture that is itself subsequently decocted, which would mean that lasto
might be ‘root-bark.’ (Note that Khotanese also seem to have a monomorphemic
word for root-bark, namely baurkhä- [Emmerick and Skjærvø, 1982: 94-5].)
See also the discussion of enmetre. Etymology unknown.
ls* (nf/nnt.) ‘work, effort, service’
[-, -, ls//-, -, lasna] m [tw=o]t [ca]mpä[t] to lasna ltsi pelaikne-
ana ‘canst thou not accomplish the works of the law?’ (15b5=17b7C), mene
ls ramt ymornta ‘deeds like work in the field’ (PK-NS-53-a6C [Pinault,
1988]), tunek ptace pakreai l<s>sa spawr ‘in that way the ptace by public
effort dispersed’ (Otani II.13Col [Kagawa, 1915]) .
TchA wles and B ls reflect PTch *wlnäsä but further connections are
unknown. Surely to be rejected is VW’s suggestion (577) of an old compound of
*w(e)l- ‘turn’ + *mso- ‘shoulder.’
ls- (vt.) ‘work, build, accomplish, fulfill, perform’
Ps. II /ls’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, ltär//-, -, lassetär; Ger. lasalle]: ls ltär
(551a4C), ale amokäcci ame ?imprayentse patsnkä skakanma laeträ
‘at the same time artisans are present; they are building balconies near
imprye’s window’ (TEB-74-3/THT-1574Col]); Ko. II (= Ps.) [MPOpt. -, -,
latär//; Inf. ls(t)si]: kuse amne aletstsai ayantse ykwa lssi aiä
‘whatever monk gives wool to an unrelated nun to work’ (PK-NS-18A-a1C
[Thomas, 1978a:238]); Pt. Ib /l -/ [MP lamai, latai, laste//-, -,
lasnte]: lnt [lege: lns] late poyiññe ‘he has accomplished the work of
the Buddha’ (288a2C/L), twer komtsa late ‘he has worked for four days’
(Otani II-12a14Col Ching and Ogihara, 2012:81]), kwarsär orocce pat latai
‘thou didst build a great stupa a league [in length]’ (Qumtura 34.g3C/Col [Pinault,
1993-94:175]); PP /ll u-/: cotit yamaa-me toy aiyana po laluwa stare
‘he accused them: these nuns have worked everything’ (PK-AS-18B-a2C [Pinault,
594 lk
1984b]), ///tre lala [lege: -o; neglect of o-diacritic] tkacer ‘you will
work on the grain’ (PK-LC-XXI, 2Col). A derivative of ls, q.v.
lk (n.) ‘lac’ (a medical ingredient)
[lk -, -//] (W- passimC). From B(H)S lk-. Also possibly patalake.
lko* (or lakiye*?) (n.) ‘?’
[-, lakaintse, -//] (THT-1535a5E). Perhaps a medical ingredient as this would
appear to be a medical text.
lñe (nf.) ‘flood’ (?)
[lñe, -, lñ//lñi, -, -] mäkte tne lñe nakä sarmana tatsää pya[py]ai
kauä okonta ‘as the flood destroys the seeds, scatters the flowers, and kills the
fruits’ (33b7C), swsäskau ketsa tsainwai l[]ñsa ‘I rain on the earth with a
flood of weapons’ (93b4C), [medical ingredients] lñi yamaallona ‘[medical
ingredients] streams [are] to be made’ (W-2a6, W-3a6); —lñäññe* ‘prtng to a
flood’: /// lññe war keräeñca • = B(H)S (arat)salilahsini (IT-202a5C [cf.
Couvreur, 1966: 178]).
On the basis of the Sanskrit equivalence at IT-202a5, Couvreur suggests
(followed by VW:257) that lñe means ‘autumn’ (i.e., that it is the translation of
B(H)S arat-). However, it seems just as likely that the Tocharian translation of
arat- is lost in the lacuna and that lññe war is the translation of -salila- ‘water,
flood, etc.’ Thus we return to the translation offered by Sieg and Siegling (1949),
‘Hochwasser,’ that allows us to include under this lemma the two attestations in
the Weber-McCartney MS.
If correctly identified as to meaning, we perhaps have a trace of a PIE *leh2- ‘±
fill with water, flood’ seen in Hittite lahw- ‘pour’ (< *leh2-w-) and maybe Latin
lma ‘slough, bog, fen’ (< *‘flooded ground’?) (MA:448). Also possible, though
to my mind less likely, is Isebaert’s connection (1987a) with Lithuanian vilnìs
‘wave’ from PIE *wl hxni- (and thus related to yolme, q.v.), despite his insistence
on a translation ‘autumn.’ Isebaert would derive the Tocharian from the same
form as the Lithuanian, but since PIE *-rH- seems to have given Tocharian -äR-
(cf. pärwee ‘first’ from *prh2wo- or pällent- ‘full (of the moon)’ from PIE
*pl h1no-), we would probably have to reconstruct *wle/ohxni- which makes the
Lithuanian-Tocharian equation less compelling.
ltk-, see letk-.
lntsa (nf.) ‘queen’
[lntsa, lntsoy, lntso//lantsona (K-T), -, -] Ylaiñikte [lege: Ylaiñikte] ?aci
lntsompa ‘Indra with [his] queen aci’ (296b8L); —lantsoe* ‘prtng to the
queen’: • t telkie ma
lme ltusai lantsoai [wertsyai] ‘the queen’s
retinue having emerged from the ma
ala of sacrifice’ (345a2L). A feminine
derivative of walo, q.v. (As if) from PIE *wlehantyeha-.
Lpar* (n.) ‘Lpar’ (PN of a place)
[-, -, Lpar//] yurpkai wsar y lpar nannaññ(e)m(e) ak-kunae kraine
ailye sesamae wai - kesa kärntsi ywrtsa yaltse (Bil 3.1/THT 4059Col
[Schmidt, 2001:22]); —lparññe ‘prtng to Lpar’: lprññe Carole kune
peri 75 ‘C. From Lpar owes 75 kuanes’ (THT-4000, col. 1 -a1?), laparñe ///
(THT-4000, col. 5, -a6?).
ll- 595
pä akets soi lalaitau amñeme mäsketär ‘having made no effort and having
deviated from monasticism, he is no son of the akyas’ (333a5C).
K Ps. IXb /l läsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, llää//]: /// kärtse-yami llää ‘he tires out
the benefactor’ (THT-1340a7?).
Probably (with VW:256-7) we should connect this word with PIE *leh1d- ‘be
fatigued,’ Gothic letan ‘allow, let,’ Albanian lodh ‘tire (tr.),’ etc. (P:666; MA:
588; cf. LIV:400)] (VW:256-7). VW suggests a denominative origin from a
putative *lh1d-l-, but perhaps we have a special phonetic development of of pre-
Tocharian *-ðn- in a nasal present (*l'ðn'- < *lh1d-n(e)ha-, cf. Albanian lë ‘let’
(< *l'dn). See also lalyiye and allätte and, more distantly, ylre.
läk- (vt.) G ‘see; look at; catch sight of; visit, behold; look forward to’ [(vi.) ‘look’]
[lakle läk- ‘suffer’]; G MP ‘be seen, be(come) visible, appear’; K4 ‘make see,
show’
G Ps. IXa /läk sk’ä/e-/ [A lkskau, lkst, lkä//lkskem, lkcer, lkske; MP
-, lkstar, lkstär//; AImpf. lkim, -, lki//-, -, lkye; MPImpf. -, -,
lktär; nt-Part. lkeñca; m-Part. lkskemane; Ger. lkälle]: /// proskai
lkä wrotsana : … nraine tänmasträ lkä lkle[nta] /// ‘he sees great
terrors … he is [re-]born in hell and sees sufferings’ (14b4C),
pilko[s=]ñmlake lkän-me ‘with a compassionate glance he looks at them’
(88a6C), eanetstse no m lkä = B(H)S cakumn v na payati (IT-70C),
kuce lkcer-ne ‘when you see him’ (THT-1680a2?); lksträ äñ ñmä ‘he sees
himself’ (121a5E); Puttisene ce sakrm lki taise terisa cowai carka
‘whatever monastery P. visited, he robbed in the same fashion’ (PK-
DAM.507a8Col [Pinault, 1984a]), kälymi läkye cey ‘they looked [in every]
direction’ (108b5L); ekä saimacce yak vijñ lkeñca se [lkeñca = B(H)S
darana?] (194b6C/L), etsarkällecci cmelle ktsaitsäññentse ke lkeñcañ =
B(H)S tpino jtijarntadarina (U-2a4), /// [te]lki ymi yarpo lk[e]ñca
‘[if] he sacrificed [for a year], looking for merit’ (= B(H)S savatsara yajeta
pu
yaprek) (IT-884a1?+B-307b4C [Peyrot, 2008b:107]); Ko. V /läk -/ (in the
middle also = Ps.) [A lakau, lkt, laka (lk-ne)/ /lkm, lkcer, laka MP -, -,
lktär//-, -, lkntär; AOpt. lkoym, -, lakoy//-, lkoycer, lkoye; MPOpt. //-, -,
lkoyentär; Inf. lktsi; Ger. lklle* ‘visible’]: laka [sg.] klyauä wat
yark=alyekepi ‘he sees or hears of the honor [paid] to another’ (33b4/5C), ///
pelkiñä lka<> tsälp[at]sisa sasrme ‘on account of … he/they will look to
being saved from the sasra (THT-1860b6A), wlyai lyine naumyee ktre
l[k][t] ‘thou wilt see a jeweled umbrella on the right palm’ (567a2C/L); su lkträ
ñyatsene ‘he is seen in danger’ (255a3A), 73 kautaläñe yetsentse mists lkntär-
c lrñe : ‘the fissuredness in thy skin [i.e., wrinkledness] and flaccidity of thy
flesh will be visible’ (5b6C); • lkoym-c krui ynemane ypauna kwainne ‘whenever
I would see thee going among lands and villages’ (246a1E); lktsic = B(H)S
daranya (PK-NS-12a3C [Couvreur, 1967 [1969]:153]), [in Manichean script]
[l]k’sy (Gabain/Winter [1958:11]); cw lkllona läklenta ‘his sufferings [are]
visible’ (81a6C), m pträ [lk]lle nest ‘thou wilt not be able to see [thy] father’
(85b6C); Ipv., see pälk-; Pt. Ib /lyk -/ [A lyakwa, lyaksta, lyka (lyak-
ne)//lyakm, lyaks(o), lyakre (lyakr-ne); MP -, lyaktai, lyakte/ /-, -,
lyaknte]: Indre krpa rkäññe we myskate stm ñor cau lmo lyakre ‘Indra
läkutsetstse 597
descended and changed into the guise of an ri and they saw him seated under a
tree’ (107a7L), kälymi läkye … lyakr-ne ‘they were looking [in all]
directions and they caught sight of him’ (108b5L); PP /lyelyä ku-/ (and rarely
/lelä ku-/ [see the absolute]): lyelyaku = B(H)S dra (IT-202a1C); —lyelyakor
‘perception, observation’: lyelyako[r] = B(H)S dra (196b6C/L); —lyely-
korme: läklessont lyelyäkorme ‘having seen the suffering one’ (123a7E),
[#]nande lelkorme ‘having seen nanda (A-2a1/PK-AS-6Ca1C); —lklläññe
‘sight, insight; contemplation; gaze, look’: /// kly[omo] lklñesa kuse kekenu
tka tne : ‘the noble one who will be provided with insight’ (14a7C),
lklläññesa taññ ersna späntlñe wes yainmoo ‘by contemplation of thy form
we [have] obtained confidence’ (PK-AS-17A-b3C [Pinault, 1984:169]); ontsoyce
lklñe ‘insatiable gaze’ (IT-164b5E); —lklñe-yärm ‘visible dimension, visible
sphere’ (PK-AS-17A-a2/3C [Pinault, 1984:168]).
K Ps. IXb /lä käsk’ä/e-/ [MP lakäskemar (?), -, -//; nt-Part. lakäeña; m-Part.
lakäskemane]; Ipv. II /pälyä k-/ [Asg. pälyaka]: walo weä snai nerke
pälyaka-me ‘the king says: “let us see/show us without delay!” ’ (PK-NS-31b4?);
Ipv. IV /pälä käsk-/ [APl. plakäskes] plakäskes ‘show yourselves!’ (PK-AS-
17Da5C); Pt. IV /lä kä-/ [A -, -, lakäa//]: raddhi ceyknesa lakäa-me ‘he
showed them in this fashion the magical power’ (108b4L); —lakäñe ‘proof,
manifestation’: [tu-]yknesk kekamoepi raddhi lakäñe ste ‘magical power is the
proof of the one thus come [scil. the Buddha]’ (108b7L); —lakäñee ‘prtng to
proof or manifestation’ (108b4L); —lelakäor ‘?’: /// l[e]lakäor tka (178b1C).
The paradigm is completed by pälk-, q.v. AB läk- reflect PTch *läk-,
probably from PIE *le- ‘gather’ [: Greek lég ‘pick up; count, tell,’ (later) ‘say,’
Latin leg ‘pick up, gather; pick out (sounds, sights), scan, read, peruse,’
Albanian mbledh (< *haembhi-lee/o-) ‘gather, collect, pick’ (P:658)]. The Tch
meaning reflects ‘gather with the eyes’ or the like and is partially paralleled in
Latin. In West Germanic we have Old English lcian, Old Saxon lcn ‘look,’ in
origin an iterative-intensive of this root (PIE *lehaye/o-), exactly matched
morphologically by (Doric) Greek lgá (in turn semantically equivalent of
lég). Other semantic parallels are OHG lesen ‘gather; read’ and Spanish catar
‘look’ from Latin captre ‘lay hold of, snatch, chase.’ The Tch present läk-
corresponds to Latin *leg- seen in legans, etc. The TchB preterite lyka (= A
imperfect) from *li\ k-- matches Latin lg and Albanian mblodha (< *haembhi-
l-). Holthausen (1932-34:205) compared the Tocharian words with look, etc.
(cf. also Anreiter, l987b:100-106); Lane (1948:307- 308) compared the Tocharian
words with Latin legere, etc. No one has heretofore brought the Tocharian,
Germanic and Latin-Albanian-Greek forms together.
Not likely, because the change of PIE *-u- to Tch -ä- appears to be quite late
(late enough to affect the outcome of Sanskrit borowings, buddha > pat, sukha >
sakw), is a derivation from the zero-grade of PIE *leuk- (the analogical zero-
grade is seen in luk-), as preferred by Meillet and Lévi, 1911:462, VW:258.
Under this hypothesis, the preterit/imperfect lyk- from PTch *li\ k- would be a
neological vr
ddhi to the zero-grade läk-. See also lktsi.
läkutsetstse (adj.) ‘shining, bright, brilliant’
[läkutsetstse, -, läkutsecce//läkutsecci, -, läkutsecce] [f: //läkutsetstsana, -, -]
598 läkutsauña
[kau] pärkasta läktsetse ‘thou didst rise [like] the brilliant sun’ (207a1E/C),
s[rya]kti kerci ramt läktseci 14 ‘like bright swords of sun-crystal’ (73b4C).
A derivative of lakutse, q.v., with the same meaning.
läkutsauña (nf.) ‘light, radiance, brilliance’
[läkutsauña, -, läkutsauñai//] cp kaunänts[e pudñä]kteep läkutsewña ste ‘it is
his light of the Buddha-sun’ (135a6A), meñantse cirits läktsauña ‘the light of
moon and stars’ (154b2/IT-4b2C), läktsauña = B(H)S prabhay (311a3C). An
abstract noun derived from lakutse, q.v.
läklee, läklessu, s.v. lakle.
läksaññe ~ läksaiññe, s.v. laks.
läk- (vt.) G ‘hang’; K2 ‘let hang, dangle’ [N- läk- ‘hang on to/be attached to’]
G Ps. I /läkä-/ [m-Part. läkamane] /// läkamane ma lktsi nta /// hanging
down [were the breasts which] no one is to see’ (IT-132b2C); Ps. VIII /läks’ä/e-/
[//-, -, läksentär]: 22 oko wnolmi läksenträ /// ‘beings hang on to success’ (IT-
156a1C); Ko. I /lekä-* ~ lä kä-/: kampl m päst kalatar matsisa kauc lakäm-
c ‘[if] you thou dost not bring the garment, we will hang thee high by [thy
head]hair’ (PK-AS-18A-b3C [Thomas, 1978:239]); Pt. I /lk -/ [//-, -, lakr-
ne)] (THT-1428a3E).
K2 Ps. IXb /lä käsk’ä/e-/ [m-Part. lakäskemane]: m wätsitse [lege: wästsitse]
kepec ette lakaskemane yanmaälle 21 m kepec ette läkäskemane osne
malle ‘one [is] not to enter dangling the border of the garment 21; one [is] not to
sit in a house dangling the border’ [= B(H)S vikiptika- or vinyastika-, neither of
whose meanings is clearly known] 322a4/5E/C); Ipv. I /p(ä)lä k-/: [APl.
pälakso]: /// särkame plaso-ne ‘let him dangle from the back’ (?) (THT-
1507a3L).
AB läk- (cf. also TchA ylaka ‘in suspense’) reflect PTch *läk- from PIE
*leng- [: Sanskrit ragati ‘moves (intr.) back and forth,’ Lithuanian lingúoti
‘swing, move back and forth,’ and other nominal derivatives in Baltic, Slavic, and
Albanian (P:676; MA:62)] (VW, 1941:55, VW:260). The semantic develop-ment
is from ‘swing’ to ‘hang.’ Less likely is a connection with *lenk- ‘bend’
(Couvreur, 1950:129). See also leke and the following entry.
läkamo* (adj.) ‘hanging, pendulous’
[f: /läkamñane, -, -/] läkamñane päcane ‘pendulous breasts’ (PK-NS-102b3?
[Hilmarsson, 1989a:98]). An adjectival derivative of läk-, q.v.
lät- (vi.) G ‘go out, emerge’ [often in the phrase ostme lät- ‘leave home’ > ‘become
a monk’; wrantsai lät- ‘go towards’], ‘be distributed’ [as of stores from a ware-
house]; K ‘let go out’
G Ps. X /lätnä sk’ä/e-/ [A lnaskau, -, lnaä//lnaskem, -, lnaske; AImpf.
lnai//-, lnaye ~ lännaye; m-Part. lnaskemane]: : n[e]rv[n]ä po aiwolyci
mäskentär lnask[e] ostme : ‘they are all directed to nirvana and go out from
[their] house [i.e., become monks]’ (30b1C); [ka]ntwo koyname parna lnai-ne
‘his tongue emerged from [his] mouth’ (88a1C); : lnaskemane mokocme yente
lkä : ‘he sees the winds emerging from the big toe’ (41b4C); Ko. I /lä tnä -/
[A lannu, lant, la//-, -, la; AOpt. läññim, lyñit, laññi//-, -, lañye; Ger. lalle*;
Inf. lantsi]: tume ñ lannu ‘then I will emerge’ (PK-AS-17D-a4C [Pinault,
1991]), 18 lan<t> twe ostame ‘thou wilt leave home [= become a monk]’
lät- 599
(384a4C), lä sasre peleme ‘he will emerge from the prison of the
sasra’ (274b5A); /// ente läññam [lege: läññim (i-diacritic missing)] ostame
m l yamm /// ‘if I become a monk, I will not make a l [i.e., house],’ with
word-play, ‘I will leave my house, but not make a house’ (IT-44a2E), lyñit [t]ve
läkleme ‘mayest thou emerge from pain’ (295b6A), waiyke-reki mantanta läññi-
ñ koynme ‘may never a lying word emerge from my mouth’ (S-3a6C), [ono]lmi
ostame laññe [sic < *läññye] • (391b6C); ostme lantsi camñcer ‘you can
leave home’ (108a5L); Ipv. VI /pälä t-/ [APl. platstso]: (DA-2b3/PK-NS-398b3C
[K]); Pt. VI /lät’ä/e-/ [latau, lac, lac (lca-ne)/-, -, ltais/-, latso, late]: latau
ostme ‘I left home’ (400b3L), krui twe pärwea [lege: pärwee (e-diacritic
missing)] läc mtri kektseñme ‘if thou hast first emerged from [thy] mother’s
body’ (224a2/3A), Sudarane pañäkte wrantsai lac ‘thou didst go towards the
buddha S.’ (Qumtura 34.g7C/Col [Pinault, 1993-94:175]), pdñäkte lac lename
[tso]kaiko : ‘the Buddha emerged from [his] cell at dawn’ (5b3C), wace mene
Puñcaiye akr lac ‘in the second month P. went back’ (G-Su26Col), ///
warttoca läco ‘went towards the forest’ (THT-1248b2E), pärwee ku<>tsa
rapañe menne triykane [sic] … [yo]kalle mot lac ‘in the first regnal year, on
the thirtieth day of the month of rp, wine to be drunk was distributed’ (Ohigara
and Pinault, 2010:176]), te weweñ[o]rme ltais ñaktene ‘having said this the
two gods went out’ (88b5C), latso ñk=ostame kselñe=aklksa ‘you left your
homes because of the wish for nirvana’ (33a8C); PP /lätú(we)-/ (most commonly
in the quasi-compound ostme ltu ‘monk’ [< *‘one who has left home’]); —
lalñe ‘emergence, going out, departure, exit’: [ostme] lalyñe amññe ‘leaving
the house for monasticism’ (35a6C), lalñe = B(H)S niry
a (543a6C); —
lalñee ‘prtng to emergence, etc.’: [• ostme] lalñee aklk räskre tsäk-ne •
‘a strong wish to leave home arose to him’ (372b2C).
K Ps. IXb /lä ntäsk’ä/e-/ [A //-, -, lantäske]: läntäs[k]e[n]e /// (522b8C); Ipv.
VI /pälyä ts-/ (< pälyäts-) [MPSg. plyatstar]: [ostme] plyatstsar-me tsalpä-
ar-me [lkleme] ‘call us out of the house; free us from suffering!’ (108a9L).
For details of the paradigm, see TVS.
AB lät- reflect PTch *lt- from PIE *h1leudh- [: Greek eleússomai ‘I will
come, go,’ %luthen ‘he went,’ Old Irish luid ‘he went,’ Tocharian lut- ‘drive out’
(P:306-307; MA:228; LIV:248f.)]. The TchB preterite latau, lac presents a re-
markable correspondence with both Greek and Celtic: Greek %luthon/%luthen, Old
Irish lod/luid. All reflect PIE *h1ludh-óm/h1ludh-ét. The rest of the Tocharian
paradigm is mostly from a PIE *h1ludh-nu-. This explanation goes back to
Cardona (1960) and, independently, to Cowgill (reported by Winter) and Lane
(both 1962) and is wrongly rejected by VW:259-60 (with previous literature).
The present in -näsk- and the subjunctive in -n- are an iterative-intensive in *-nu-
ske/o- and present *-nu- respectively. While *h1leudh- shows no evidence of a
nu-present in Indo-European, both similarly conjugated verbs, rin- and sin-, do [:
Sanskrit ári
van, Sanskrit asinvat]. The länt- of TchA is probably to be derived
by metathesis from *lät’ñä-, the morphologically expected outcome of the strong
grade *h1ludh-neu- (cf. the third person plural läñceñc rather than the *länteñc we
would expect if we were dealing with an originally infixed verb (Jasanoff, p.c.).)
The assimilation of -tn- to -nn- is probably the regular outcome of this cluster in
600 länt-
-, laiknte]: krpa na lyysa wrenta po laikte ‘he descended, bathed, and
washed all his limbs and bodily surfaces’ (107b4L), 48 kuse ksa llaikn[t]e [sic]
ymorana krakenta [:] ‘whoever wash away the filths of deeds’ (244a4C); PP
/ll ik-/; —lalaikarme: [pi]ntwt ykuwerme lalaikarme arne 70 ‘having
gone begging and having washed [his] hands’ (1a5C); —laikalyñe ‘washing
away’: po tserekwa : tuntse ñake laikalñe po sasre wnolmempa se ka p
tko-ñ : ‘all deceptions, may there be a washing away from me of them with all
sasra-beings’ [?] (271b2/3C).
K3 Ps. VIII /liks’ä/e-/ [A -, -, likä (likan-me)//; AImpf //-, -, likye; MP -, -,
l(y)iktär//; MPImpf. -, -, liktär//; Ger. l(y)ikalle]: : nskäye lyik[y]e[-ne]
/// ‘they bathed and washed him’ (42b7C), sonopitär lktär wästsanma krenta
yäitär ‘he anointed himself, washed himself and put on good clothes’ (A-
1a6/PK-AS-6Ba6C); taka mña kwre malkwersa lyikalya ‘then a human
skeleton [is] to be washed with milk’ (M-3b6/PK-AS-8Cb6C).
AB lik- reflect PTch *läik- probably from PIE *wleikw- ‘liquid’ [: Latin
liqure ‘be clear, liquid,’ Latin liqure ‘clarify, filter, liquify,’ Old Irish fliuch
‘humid’] (Lane, 1938:23, VW:262-263; cf. also de Vaan, 2008:345). Watkins
(1962:62, fn.3) suggests the semantically far more satisfying equation of PTch
*läik- with PIE *neig(w)- ‘wash’[: Greek níz ‘I wash,’ Old Irish nigid ‘washes,’
Latin polling (< *por-ning)]. Watkins talks of “an assimilation of n- to l-” but
there appears to be nothing to assimilate to here. Perhaps, however, we have
some sort of conflation of PTch *läik- and **näik-. See also laike and laiko.
lit- (vi.) ‘pass on, move; fall down’
Pt. Ia /lit-/ [A -, -, lita//]: 6 te armtsa lita su Hetublike bhavggrä postäññe yai
‘for that reason H. passed on and went at last to the highest existence’ (282b7A);
PP /lito-/: : somonats no atsaneme litau a[uk] /// ‘the auka-garment
slipped off the shoulders of some [of them]’ (IT-132b3C).
AB lit- reflect PTch *läit- from PIE leit(hx)- ‘go (away)’ [:Avestan ra-
‘die,’ Gothic galeiþan ‘go,’ Old English lþan ‘go, travel,’etc. (other Germanic
cognates, P:672; MA:228; LIV:410)] (Lane, 1938:23, VW:263, Cheung, 2006:
309). De Vaan (2008:346) would add Latin ltus ‘sea-shore, coast’ and Beekes
(2010: 870) loítos ‘tomb’ (Hesychius). See also lait- and the next entry.
litk- (vt.) ‘remove, avert, eliminate’
G PP /litku-/: /// pilko litku rano käññe ‘the teacher’s gaze [was] withdrawn/
averted’ (587a5A).
1
K Ps. II /lyeitk’ä/e-/ [A //-, -, lyaitke]: 81 ket ait yoktsi stk=onwaññe pelaiyk-
nee lyaitke teki mantanta äp srukentär cai • ‘to whomever thou givest to
drink the immortal remedy of the law, they will avoid sickness and never die’
(212b3/4E/C). Conjoined with a certain present (srukentär), it is far more likely
that lyaitke is a present too rather than the subjunctive usually assumed. For
lyecci usually put here, see s.v. letk-.
2
K Ps. IXb /lyítkäsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, lyitkää (?)//; AImpf. -, -, lyitkäi//]: /// cau
ykeme ly[i]tkä[i] /// (108b2L); Pt. III /leitkä- ~ leitkäs-*/ [A //-, -, laitkar]:
soyre laitkär tek ‘they were satiated and avoided sickness’ (IT-163a2E). At
least partially overlapping in meaning with the first causative of wik-, q.v. The
preterite may belong to the first causative rather than the second.
602 li(n)-
AB litk- reflect PTch *läitk- from a putative PIE *leit-ske/o-, the derived
causative of *leit- ‘go (away)’ (Pisani, 1942-43a:26-27, VW:263-4). See also
lit- and lyitkw.
li(n)- (vt.) ‘± place’ [?]
Ps. V. /lin -/ [Ger. linlle]: t[aka] erkaune lyinlle ‘then [the skeleton] is to be
placed in the grave’ (M-3a7/PK-AS-8Ca7C), sanatse twerene lyinlle s nakträ
‘it [is] to be placed in the door of the enemy; the enemy is destroyed’ (M-3a8/PK-
AS-8Ca8C). The reading with -n- rather than -t- is that of Filliozat (1948) and is
insisted upon by Couvreur (1954c). Sieg (1954) reads -t- and, with Krause
(1952), would combine this entry with lit-, q.v. The fact that this word is clearly
transitive makes the latter combination very unlikely.
From PIE *li-n(e)ha- [: Hesychian línamai ‘trépomai’ (‘turn one’s steps, turn
in a certain direction; be turned in a certain direction’), Gothic aflinnan ‘go
away,’ Old English linnan ‘stop,’ etc. (P:661; MA:528)]. The Tocharian form
shows a rebuilt zero-grade (see Adams, 1978), i.e., *läin-.
lip- (vi.) ‘remain, be left over’
Ps. III /lípe-/ (sic!) [MP -, -, l(y)petär//-, -, l(y)ipentär; MPImpf. -, -, lpitär//]:
[traidh]tuk sasr tsakträ yke-postä pwrs=nityte m lipeträ ksa ‘the
threefold sasra burns step by step through the fire of inconstancy; nothing
remains left over’ (46b3C); Ko. V /lip -/ [MP -, -, l(y)iptär//; Inf. l(y)iptsi]: •
malkwer … päkalle ywrtsa lipträ • ‘milk [is] to be cooked, half will remain’
(IT-306a5C [cf. Carling, 2003a]); Pt. Ia /lip -/ [A -, -, lipa//-, -, lyipre]: m su
ksa l[i]pa ‘nothing remained’ (46b5C); PP /lipo-/.
AB lip- reflects PTch *läip- from PIE *leip- ‘remain’ [: Gothic bileiban
‘remain,’ Old English belfan ‘id.,’ Old Norse leifa ‘remain over,’ etc. (P:670;
MA:528; LIV:408)] (Meillet, 1911:633, VW:263). Whether or not this *leip- is
ultimately the same as *leip- ‘smear with oil or fat’ attested widely in Indo-
European (cf. Greek lípos (nt.) ‘fat, lard,’ Lithuanian lipa (pl.) ‘glue’), Tch lip-,
Gothic bileiban show that we have a remarkable Tocharo-Germanic
correspondence. See also next entry.
l(y)ipär* (n.) ‘remainder, residue, remnant’ [usually found as part of quasi-
compound snai-l(y)ipär ‘without remainder, thorough, completely’]
[lipär, -, lipär//] kektseñe indri cpi kuse lyprä tka ‘bodily sense which will be
a remainder [= will be left]’ (119b3E), snai-lyipär = B(H)S aea- (U-23a5E),
[akntsaññe]=orkamñe wkäeñca snai-lypär ‘destroying the darkness of
ignorance [to the point that there is] no remainder’ (99b2C), peri lyipär = B(H)S
r
aea (IT-187a5C). A derivative of lip-, q.v.; (as if) from PIE *leipr.
litsve* (adj.) ‘?’
[//litsvi, -, -] kete tverene kta ceu osne mna litsvi mäsketrä ‘[if] one
strews [it] in the door of whomever; the people are litsvi’ (M-2/PK-AS-8Ba4C).
lu- (vt.) ‘send’
Ps. III /lyewé-/ [MP lyewemar, -, lyewetär//-, -, lyewentär; MPImpf. -, -,
lyewtär//; m-Part. lyewemane]: mna • w • Yurpkaine • lyewetär • e
Waampile ñem ‘he sends two people to Y., one [is] W. [by] name’ (LP-3a3Col),
lyewentär emi = B(H)S ///[pra]sthpayanty eke (543a4C), Mahsamati [l]nte
[e]piyacäññe lyewtär caumpa esa waamñe ekaitär ‘he sent a memento to
¹luk- 603
king M. [in order that] he could make a friendship with him’ (PK-AS-16.3b6C
[Pinault, 1989:157]); Ko. V /lw-/ [A -, -, lwa//]: [p]to wat lwä [lege:
lwa] su p[to] (316a2E/C); Ipv. I /p(ä)l w- ~ p(ä)lúw-/ [ASg. plwa; APl.
pluwas]: parso ette paiyka ka plwa ‘he wrote a letter; send [a reply]’ (492a2Col);
Pt. Ia /lyuw -/ [A lywwa, lywsta, lyuwa//]: parso lywwa- pl akr m
lywsta ‘I sent thee a letter [but] thou hast sent no [answer] back’ (492a3/4Col),
[5]7 lyuwa parksa walo twra kälymintsa [:] ‘and the king sent a
explanation in four directions’ (21b2C), /// ty papaikar lyuwa /// ‘he sent a
document to her’ (THT-1321a5A); PP /lyäwó-/: lypa [lege: lywo] (492a2/3Col),
wi dhatua[na] lypauwa [lege: lywauwa] kleanma kas eeme mäskentär-ne
‘the kleas belonging to the two dhtus, altogether six [in number], have been
sent by him’ [?] (591a3L).
The attested shape of the past participle, only attested in Late Tocharian B,
would appear to be an “umgekehrter Schreibung” for the expected *ly(ä)wo- in a
variety of TchB where intervocalic -p- often fell together with intervocalic -w-
(K. T. Schmidt, 1986:640). See also Peyrot (2008:150-151).
AB lu- reflect PTch *läu- from PIE *leu(hx)- ‘cut off, separate’ [: Sanskrit
lun$ ti ‘cuts (off),’ Greek lú ‘loose, free,’ Latin lu ‘loose, free, pay off,’ etc. (P:
681-2; MA:481; LIV:417; de Vaan, 2008:353)] (VW, 1941:54, VW:268; Beekes,
2010:881-882 recontructs a very unlikely *lh1u-).
¹luk- (vi/t.) G ‘grow light, light up [of the night as dawn approaches] (intr.) ’ [luk-
yye ‘± ‘dawn’]; (figr.) ‘to get clarity’ (?); K2 ‘light (up), bring light to, en-
lighten’ (tr.)
G Ps. VIII (see below); Ko. III /lyuke-/ [MP -, -, lyuketär//; Inf. lyuketsi]: mäkte
lwasntso auuwats esa lyuketrä yye ‘as, the animals dwelling together, the
night will grow light’ (46a7C), naimaññe kasne lyukesi paikwa .e /// ‘on the
sixth of the first month I wrote to him/them/you to get clarity’ (?) (THT-
2706a3?); Pt. III /leukä-* ~ leukäs-/ [MP -, -, laukste//]: laukste yye ‘it
dawned’ (ST-42.2.1-b1A [Broomhead, 1962, 312; Hackstein, 1995:124]) [this
preterite III, with fixed vowel -au- and no palatalization is not to be confused
with the palatalized and ablauting preterite III of the causative (below); laukste
comes from an Archaic text and is therefore no witness to second-syllable stress];
—lalaukar* ‘light, illumination’: [yi]ntse lalaukarne ‘at dawn’ (568a4C/L) [the
shape of the abstract noun derived from the preterite participle implies the (prior)
existence of a preterite *luk-, but the fragmentary context invites caution as to
its inclusion here at all].
K Ps. VIII /luks’ä/e-/ [A -, -, lukä//-, -, lukse; MP -, luktar, -//-, -, luksentär;
AImpf. -, -, luki//; m-Part. luksemane]: /// po aie lukä tume ar·/// ‘he
brings light to/illuminates the whole world. Therefore …’ (IT-282C), • aiyam-
ñeai läkutsauwñaiysa luktar aiye ‘thou dost illuminate worlds by the light
of knowledge’ (214a1/2E/C), /// luksentr=ene : ‘the eyes light up’ (IT-166a2C);
Ko. II /lyuk’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, lyutär//; Inf. lyu(t)si]: ///rne lyutär wes su ‘he
illuminated us in…’ (PK-AS-16B-a2C [Hackstein, 1995:124]), ///epastyu aie
lyusi ñakreme : ‘[thou], adept at bringing the world from darkness into light’
(244b3C); Pt. III /lyeuk- ~ lyéukäs- ~ lyúkäs- / [A -, -, lyauksa ~ lyeuksa//-, -,
lyaukar; MP //lyuksamte, -, -]: swañcaintsa lyauksa aie ‘with rays he
604 ¹luk-
Intransitive Transitive
Active Passive
Ko lyuketär lyutär lyusi
lyuke(t)si (inf.)
Ps. luksentär lukä luktär
luktar
Pt. laukste lyauksa lyuksmnte
PP lalaukar (vbl noun) (??) lyelyuku lyelyuku
One should note that medio-passive forms used with active (and passive)
meanings in the transitive subjunctive and present. Note that the medio-passive
present forms can be used in all three ways: as active and passive of the transitive
verb and as the intransitive verb. This kind of morphological overlap is quite
unexpected in the paradigms of verbs.
AB luk- reflect PTch *läuk- (with rebuilt zero-grade –äu-) from the wide-
spread PIE *leuk- [: Sanskrit rócate ‘illuminates, shines,’ lókate/lócate ‘sees,’
Avestan raok- ‘shines,’ Khotanese rrutc- ‘id.,’ Greek leúss ‘see,’ Old Latin
lce ‘let (a light) shine,’ Latin lce ‘be bright, shine,’ Hittite lukk- ‘be bright;
dawn,’ and many nominal derivatives (P:687-690; MA:505; IV:418f.; Cheung,
2006:316)] (Meillet and Lévi, 1911:462-3, VW:269). The Tocharian and Latin
are particularly close. The original zero-grade gives läk- in lakutse and its
derivatives. See next entry, lyukemo, and lyke; more distantly, compare
lakutse, läkutsetse, läkutsauña, and 1ruk- and 2luk-.
lut- 605
driven [my] four sinless sons from the land’ (PK-AS-13E-a2C [Couvreur,
1954c:89]) ymate ñi erkatte lyautsa-ñ päst añ ypoyme ‘he treated me
evilly; he drove me out of his land’ (81a3C); [aw]sike päst lyautär tume caiy
pälskre wes yes lautso we /// ‘they removed the vsikas and then they thought,
“you removed us …”’ (431b2C); peprutko lyutstsatai tallñc ce [ai][e] 7
‘thou hast gone beyond this suffering world’ (520a3C), [A]ra
emi lnte
ypoy[n]tse salyai lyutstsante ‘they went beyond the border of king A.’s land’
(86a5C) [lyutsmai is found in an Archaic text (334.3) and thus the -- is not a
witness to stress on the second syllable]; —-lyucalyñe ‘shedding, bringing forth,
production’: yasar-lyucalyñe ‘shedding of blood’ [= B(H)S rudhirotpdada-]
(KVc-24a2/THT-1115a2C [Schmidt, 1986]).
TchA lut- and B lut- reflect PTch *läut- (with rebuilt zero-grade: cf. Adams,
1978) from PIE *h1l(e)udh- [: Greek eleússomai ‘I will come, go,’ %luthen ‘he
came, went,’ Old Irish luid ‘went’ < *h1ludhet) (P:306-307; MA:228; LIV:248f.)]
(VW, 1941:59, 1976:269-270). See also lät-, generalized from *h1ludh- with no
rebuilt zero-grade.
¹lup- (vt.) ‘rub lightly with a liquid, smear’ [neutral]; ‘besmirch, defile, sully’ [in
malam partem] (MP = passive)
Ps. VIII /lups’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, luptär//; Ger. lupalle]: kwri s krauptär waipec-
centa wrocce luptär nkimpa ‘if he accumulates possessions, he is sullied with a
great fault’ (33a6/7C), mñe pitke /// eane epikte pärwne wat no lupale
‘human spittle [is] to be smeared between the eyes or the eyebrows’ (M-3b5/PK-
AS-8Cb5C); Ko. V /l up-/ [A laupau, -, laupa//; AOpt. -, -, laupoy//; Inf.
laupatsi]: pelaiknee wars=stre kleanmae krke cets po päst lau[pau] ‘I
will rub away the klea-filth with the pure water of the law’ (408b6C), wace arsa
[sa]tkenta laupoy-ne ñu yam-ne ‘may he smear him with remedies with the
second hand and give him peace’ (154b1C); Pt. Ib /lup -/ [A //-, -, laupre;
MP -, -, laupte//]: /// samak. laupre /// (260a3A), (109a5L); PP /ll up-/: 76
padum ramtä lalaupau krke[sa] /// ‘as if a lotus sullied by filth’ (388a6E); —
laupalñe ‘anointing; unguent’: pilene stke laupalñe ra ekalñe (PK-NS-53b6C
[Pinault, 1988]), lauwalñe = NHS lepa- (Y-3a5C/L).
AB lup- reflect PTch *läup- from PIE *(s)leub(h)- ‘slip, glide’ [: Latin
lbricus ‘slippery,’ Gothic sliupan ‘slink, crawl,’ Old English slpan ‘glide,
slide,’ Old English slepan ‘slip on or off,’Old English slefan ‘put on (clothes)’
(P:963-4)] (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1941:152, VW:269), possibly crossed
semantically with a PTch *läip- from PIE *leip- ‘smear fat or oil’ (P:670, see
also lip-). See also laupe.
²lup- (vt.) ‘throw’
Ps. VIII /lups’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, luptär//]: • ce ksa ymtär appamt wrocce luptär
nraisa 41 ‘[if] this one acts badly to another, he will be thrown into a great hell’
(31b1=32a4C). Universally taken as just another instance of 1lup-, but the
semantic distance seems altogether too great.
luwo (nnt.) ‘animal; animal/bird’ [birds are lwsa lyamñana while animals sensu
stricto are lwsa ynamñana]
[luwo, lwntse, luwa (lwme)//lwsa, lwasts, lwsa] lwampa ‘with an
animal’ (THT-2373, frgm. f-b2E), salamo luwo ‘a flying animal’ (404a3C), ///
¹leke* 607
kowän lwsa lyamñana ynamñana /// ‘[if] he kills flying and running animals [=
birds and animals]’ (29b8C), lwsa ñr weññ[ane] ‘the animals each in its
own lair’ (518b2C), wsets[a]na lwsane ‘among poisonous animals’ (575b1C),
wärttoe luwsa ‘forest animals’ (PK-NS-12a4C [Couvreur, 1967[1969]:
153]); —lwññe ‘prtng to an animal/animals’: lwññai co[nai] ‘fear of animals’
(THT-3597b3A), kete [ñm]e [tsä]lptsi lwññe cmelme [sic] ‘to whomever
[is] the desire to be freed from an animal birth’ (575a5/6C); —lwase ‘prtng to
animals’ (574b2C), (= B(H)S tryag-) (THT-1579b2C [Ogihara, 2012:171]); —
lwaststse* ‘containing animals’: lwasce war = B(H)S sapr
akenodakena
(unpubl. Berlin fragm. [Thomas, 1987:169]).
TchA has singular lu, plural lw/lwk- corresponding to B singular luw-,
plural lws-. The singular forms reconstruct to a PTch *lw- (cf. the TchA
gen. sg. lwes which is the exact equivalent of B lwntse) but the plural forms are
more difficult. Similarly to VW (267-8), I take TchA lwk- to be from another,
derived, paradigm, PTch *lwke- ‘animal’ with the same suffix we see in TchA
iäk/B ecake ‘lion,’ q.v. (VW would see in the *-ke- an adjectival suffix).
The singular forms reflect a PIE *luhxeha- ‘animal of the chase’ most closely
related to OCS lov! ‘the chase’ (< *louhxo-; cf. particularly Serbo-Croatian lôv
‘chase; game animal’) and Greek lén ‘lion’ (< *‘predator’) (MA:23, 284). This
etymon may reflect a remarkable shared semantic development of general Indo-
European *leu(hx)- ‘separate, cut off’ (see further discussion at lu- ‘send.’ Cf.
VW (1941:57, 1976:268) who reconstructs *lhxw- for the Tocharian and Slavic;
he does not include lén (Beekes, 2010:804, too takes the Greek word to be a
borrowing from an unknown source). The TchB plural formation (which, as the
morphologia difficilior, may reflect the PTch state of affairs), may result from a
cross of this etymon with a PTch *tsäuw ‘animal,’ reflecting PIE *dhéuhxs
‘animal’ [: Gothic dius ‘wild animal’ (< *dheusó-), OCS dux! ‘spirit,’ Albanian
dash ‘ram’ (< *dhouso- ‘animal’), and perhaps Hittite antuhsa- ‘person,’ if that
represents *h1en-dhuh2so- ‘having breath inside’ (P:268-70, with other, semantic-
ally more distant, cognates; MA:82)]. See also perhaps lu-.
lek* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘movement, gesture’
[-, -, lek//-, -, lekanma] irypathänta wra ymate lyama ama mas=orkäntai
lek yamaa lyalñee ‘he practiced the four bodily postures/movements: he sat,
he stood, he went to and fro, and he made the gesture of lying down’ (108b5L).
The TchB word may be a borrowing from TchA lek ‘id.’ and the latter may
represent a PIE *loigo- [: Gothic galeiks ‘(dead) body,’ Lithuanian lýgus
‘resembling’] or *loiko- [: OCS lice ‘face,’ Russian lik ‘id.’] (VW:260).
leki* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘bed, resting place; rest’
[-, -, leki//] [swañc]ain[ts] lyelyukone lekine ‘in [his] bed illuminated by rays’
(514a6A), wtsi yoktsi leki stke : ‘food, drink, (bed)rest, and medicine’
(50b3C), tswo ka= läkleñ leki[ne] /// ‘and bound to their beds by pain’ (IT-
1b1C). TchA lake ‘id.’ and B leki reflect PTch *lekäi, a derivative of *leke. For
the formation, see Adams, 1990a. Next entry.
¹leke* (n.) ‘bed, resting place’
[-, -, leke//-, -, leke] leke as[n] = B(H)S ayansanam (U-24a3A/IT-39a3]),
lekenne r=ewaññ/// ‘as if in the beds of men’ [?] (119a1 E).
608 ²leke
TchA lak ‘bottom (of a river)’ (attested once in the perlative lak at A-15a6)
and B leke reflect PTch *leke from PIE *lógho- (m.) [: Greek lókhos ‘ambush;
place for lying in wait,’ Old Norse lag ‘layer, place,’ Serbo-Croatian lôg ‘lair,
den; riverbed,’ Russian log ‘ravine,’ etc. (P:658-9; MA:57, 352)] (Lidén, 1916:
36-7, VW:254, Winter, 1983:324-5). See also leki, lyäk- lyak-.
²leke (n.) ‘?’
[leke, -, -//] /// yente • s[e]kw[e] • yasar leke nt/// ‘wind, pus, blood, and leke …’
(IT-30a1C [cf. Thomas, 1972b:446]; reading per IDP; Thomas read laike).
³leke* (adj.) ‘?’
[m. /-, -, leki/] /// kete lleki eänene ‘in whose (two) leki eyes’ (IT-234a5E).
lekhke (n.) ‘copyist, scribe’
[lekhke, -, -//] Mukare lekhke paiyk[mai] ‘[I], M. the copyist, have written
[this]’ (PK-NS-14a2C [Couvreur, 1970:179]). From B(H)S lekhaka-.
leke (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± valley; cleft’
[leke, -, leke//] läc lee ‘he emerged from the valley’ (IT-80b4A), /// ai lye
leke : ‘there was a mountain valley’ (12a3C). For a discussion of the meaning,
see Bailey, 1967:304. A derivative of läk-, q.v. (cf. also Derksen, 2008, 276,
288). One should note also TchA ylaka ‘pending, hanging loose’ (*yn- +
*leke *-ne, see Hilmarsson’s discussion, 1991:185) and also, isolated within
Iranian, Ossetic lænk ‘gully, valley’ (Proto-Iranian *lanka-).
letk- (vt.) ‘cut off’
Ps. VIb /ltkä n-/ [AImpf. //-, -, latkanoye]: • yetse tsäkyeñ-c kektseñme
latkanoyeñ-c misa po • ‘they flayed [or burned?] thy skin, they cut off all thy
flesh from [thy] body’ (231a5C/L); Ps. IIb /lyetk’i(ye)-/ [-, -, lyecci//]: mäkte
aumo cintni-wamer kalla po-yäknene - - - - - (snai)tsäñenta lyecci po
aklkänta knaskentär ‘as [when] a person finds the cintnami-jewel, in every way
he cuts of the effects of poverty and ,,,,, and fulfills all wishes’ (KVc-20b4/THT-
1112b4C); Ko. V /l tk-/ [Inf. ltkatsi]: käryortantäts ltkatsi kektseñ
ws[sta :] ‘thou didst give [thy] body to be cut up by the merchants’ (239b3C);
Pt. I /ltk -/ [MP -, ltktai, -//-, -, latknte]: ltktai (334, frgm. 4E/C), latknte
(THT-3597b7A). The Class II present given here is usually considered a Class
II subjunctive to litk- ‘remove.’ However, it is coordinated with an undoubted
present, and in a MS that shows no other sign of confusing e/ai or o/au, so it
seems preferable on both formal and syntactic grounds to put it here. The
meaning causes no difficulty in the context.
Etymology unknown. AB letk- reflect PTch *letk- but extra-Tocharian con-
nections, if any, are unknown. Not likely is VW’s suggestion (1941:55, 1976:
257-8) that sees in it a PIE *wld- from PIE *wled- seen in Middle High German
letzen ‘wound.’ Otherwise Couvreur (1947:61, fn. 40).
le* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘(monastic) cell, resting place’
[-, lenantse, le//lenma, -, -] pdñäkte lac lename[ tso]kaiko : ‘the Buddha
emerged from [his] cell at dawn’ (5b3C), omte le pary yamasträ ‘there he
makes [his] resting-place and [his] circuit’ (559a2C). From B(H)S layana- or,
more probably, from a Prakrit descendent, e.g. Pali le
a-.
ley-, li-.
leswi 609
the details differ; MA:637). The relationship, if any, to the words grouped by
Pokorny (680) under the lemma *l(i)-, is distant.
letse (n.[m.sg.]) ‘lock (of hair)’
[letse, -,-//-, -, letse] waiptr wloä letsene po kälymintsa lwsa ñi lestai
ymwa ‘the animals having made a nest everywhere in my disheveled locks’
(89a2C), plme lalaka mtsie letse ‘excellent, soft, locks of hair’ (PK-
AS-13F-a3C [Couvreur, 1970:178]). From PIE *wlotyo- by an early metathesis
(cf. sleme < *solmo-) from *woltyo- [: Old Irish folt ‘hair’ (< *wolto-), Greek
lásios ‘thick with wool or hair’ (< *wl tyo-) (P:1139ff, with many more, more
distant, cognates)] (Isebaert, 1977:139-40).
Laikar* (n.) ‘Laikar’ (‘the Bath’?) (PN of a place)
[-, -, Laikar//] e[nd]re[tst]se[ñ]ñ[e] kemakule wasa y laikar mallantsasme ñu-
kunae-motae tarya känte (Bil 1.1/SI P/141Col, Schmidt, 2001:17).
laike, 2leke.
laiko (n.[m.sg.]) ‘bath, washing’ (?) or ‘lotion’ (?)
[laiko, -, -//] se laiko yetse astare yamaä ‘this bath/lotion makes the skin pure’
(W-11b1C), /// laiko tuce ere nakä ‘the bath/lotion destroys a yellow appear-
ance’ (W-11b4C). In either case a derivative of lik-, q.v.
lait- (vi.) ‘depart, pass away, deviate’
Ps. IV /laito-/ [MP -, -, laitotär//-, -, laitontär; m-Part. laitomane]: nraime
laitonträ lwsane wat no pretenne wat tänmaskenträ ‘they move from hell and
are [re-]born among animals or ghosts’ (K-7a5/PK-AS-7Ga5C); Ko. V /lit-/ [A
//-, -, laita]: mandra [lege: mant ra] lwsame pretenme laita mnme
wat laita wtentse tänmaskenträ nnok ymna ñäkteme wat no laita nnok
yñakte tänmaskenträ ‘so too [if] they pass from the animals or pretas or [if]
they pass from men, they are born again among men; or [if] they pass from men,
they are born again among men; or [if] they pass from the gods, they are born
again among the gods’ (K-7a2/PK-AS-7Ga2C); Pt. Ib /lit-/ [A -, -, laita//]; PP
/ll it-/: su m pä amne mäsketär m lallu m pä akets soi lalaitau
amñeme mäsketär ‘he is not a monk; he has made no effort, and having
deviated from the monks, he is no son of the kyas’ (333a5/6E/C); —laitalñe
‘falling/moving away’: : mai ñi tka laitalñe wrocc=asnme lantuññe :
‘perchance will there be a falling on my part from the great royal throne?’ (5a4 C).
Possibly an old denominative *leit-- to a PTch *leite, in turn a deverbative
noun from lit- ‘avert,’ q.v., (cf. klutk- [vb.] > kleutke [n.] > klutk- [vb.]). See
also alaitatte.
laitke* (nm.) ‘creeper, vine, liana’
[-, -, laitke//laitki, -, laitke] • laitki atsi karakna ‘thick lianas and branches’
(554a4E), laitke = B(H)S ltam (532a1C), laitke kauta pyapyai tatsäske
‘they cut down lianas and scatter flowers’ (589a3C).
TchA letke and B laitke reflect PTch *leitke/leitkäi. They look like a regular
tomos-derivative of a verb *litk- (cf. klautke from klutk-). There is, of course,
litk- ‘avoid’ which would form a phonologically appropriate base form. VW
(262) rejects any connection with litk- because of the difference in meaning.
laiwo* (n.) ‘± lassitude’
[-, -, laiwo//] snai laiwo pane = B(H)S atandrita- (31a5C). Etymology uncertain.
laukar 611
VW (253-4) connects it with Latin laevus ‘left,’ etc. (also MA:349). Blažek
(1995) more cogently suggest a connection with Slavic *l@viti (e.g., Serbo-
Croatian léviti ‘lose time,’ Ukrainian livyty ‘slacken, diminish.’ Both the Slavic
(a possible denominative verb) and Tocharian would reflect PIE *loiw-.
lokadhtu* (n.) ‘region or part of the world’
[//-, -, lokdhtunta] (567b2C/L). From B(H)S lokadhtu-.
loke, lauke.
lokekyak* (n.) (a kind of) insect or snake (??) or ‘yaka from afar’ (??)
[//lokekyaka, -, -] /// [wert]syamne lokekyaka parskäske • ‘within the retinue
the lokekyaka caused fear’ (PK-AS-7Aa4 [CEToM]). /Thought by CEToM to
be from B(H)S lohitaka- ‘a kind of insect’ or lohitka ‘a kind of snake.’
However, plurals in -a were moribund in TchB and unlikely to be formed to
borrowings. So perhaps the akshara <ka> was an unfinished <ki> which formed
the last syllable of a compound lokek-yaki ‘yakas from afar.’ Either way quite
speculative.
loträ (n.) ‘(variety of) the lodh tree (Symplocos racemosa Roxb.)’ (MI)
[loträ, -, -//] (P-2a3C). From B(H)S lodhra-.
lope, laupe.
loharaje (n.) ‘iron-rust’
[loharaje, -, -//] {326b3L}. From B(H)S loharajas-.
lau (adv.) (a) ‘afar’ [with verbs of rest]; (b) ‘far’ [with verbs of motion]; ‘very’; (c)
lau tärk- ‘relinquish, release’
(a) : wajrasans lo lmo ci rarkets [lege: rakets] lant ña winaskau 19 ‘I honor
thee [as] the king of the seers, seated afar on the diamond throne’ (241a2E), lo
lmau tkoy m ke wyoy pyalyñe ‘he is to sit afar and not pay attention [to] the
singing’ (PK-AS-15Db2C [Couvreur, 1954c:88]); (b) lau m masa ‘and he did
not go far’ (107a2L), nano nano preksemane tanpatentse palsko lau wäksetär
träkossu mäsketär ‘again [while there is] questioning again and again by the
donor, the thought wanders far; he becomes guilty’ (331b1/2L); (c) añ wrat lau
tärkanacer ‘you release your own vow’ (107a8L), ceyna cne lau c[ä]rkwa-
po ‘I have relinquished to thee all these cnes’ (495b1Col).
Etymology dubious. TchA lo and B lau are presumably related in some
fashion to lauke (TchA lok), q.v., but whether it is, with Lane (1938:25), an
enclitic-ally shortened form of lauke or whether lauke is somehow a derivative of
lau remains to be seen. VW (1941:54, 1976:265) sees this word as related in
some fashion to PIE *leu(hx)- ‘cut, detach’ (further s.v. lu-). The meaning would
be from ‘detached’ or the like. See also lauke and possibly lu-.
laukaññe (adv.) ‘for a long time’
/// pwrane : sasre stm laukaññe ‘the sasra-tree burns (?) long in the
fires’ (11b3C), kos laukaññe ce wartton[e] /// ‘as long as [thou art] in the forest’
(363a6C), 2 akn[tsa]ññ[e] surmesa kuse cey tka laukaññe e lämoo : ‘who-
ever will be blind for a long time by the cataract of ignorance’ (408b5C). A
derivative of lauke, q.v.
laukar (adv.) ‘for a long time’ [Krause and Thomas] or ‘after a long time, finally’
[K. T. Schmidt, 1980:407]
/// olyapotse mka eu … laukar kwarä • raiwe sticce yamaä ire •
612 laukito
prakre ‘eating too much makes the stool for a longtime sluggish and slow, hard
and stiff’ (ST-a1/IT-305a1C). Sieg (1954:70) suggests that laukar is a mistake
for lauke. That is a possibility, but it would seem an unlikely sort of mistake and
it is better to assume that we have here a rarer derivative of lauke, q.v., parallel to
the more common laukaññe.
laukito (n.[m.sg.]) ‘stranger; guest’
[laukito, -, -//] pilycalñene lallu laukito rke tka ‘[if] there is a stranger/
guest, an ri, [who has] striven in zeal’ (107a6L). TchA lokit ‘id.’ and B laukito
reflect a PTch *leukit-, a derivative of lauke, q.v. (VW:266).
lauke (adv.) ‘far (off), remote; away’ [lauke t- ‘put aside’]
natkna lauke aiamñe yarke peti ñatär ‘he pushes wisdom away and seeks
honor and flattery’ (33b2/3C), : prri raso pokai wat lauke ykuwa 19 ‘they [have]
come out a finger’s [length], or a span, or an arm’s [length]’ (41b4/5C), lauke
tattrme lantuñe yetwe ‘having put aside the royal jewels’ (100b6C), m
lauke stna ñor lymre ‘they sat, not far away, under the trees’ (107b2L), : wya
{ci} lauke ‘he has led thee afar’ (496a6L).
TchA lok ‘distant’ and B lauke reflect PTch *leuke. Perhaps this *leuke was
originally an adjectival derivative (PIE *-ko-) from lau, q.v. (cf. VW:265-6).
Otherwise Fraenkel (1932:16-7), Lane (1938:25), etc., who take it to reflect PIE
*leuko- [: Sanskrit loká- ‘empty space, world,’ Latin lcus ‘forest’]. See also
lau, laukaññe, laukar, laukito, and elauke.
laute (nm.) ‘moment, instantaneous point in time; opportunity’
[laute, -, laute//lauti, -, -] : wssta laute lälñee säkwac ‘thou gavest the oppor-
tunity for the good fortune of emergence’ (261b3A), laute = B(H)S ka
a-
(11a4C), laute aiä welñentse : ‘he gives a moment for speech’ (17b3C),
sanats laute [aicer] ‘you give an opportunity to the enemies’ (32b6C), manta
laute /// = B(H)S ciracirasya /// (541a3C/L).
Phonologically possible is VW’s derivation (256) from PIE *louto- ‘that which
is cut off, Abschnitt’ from *leu(hx)-. More likely, because of the wider array of
extra-Tocharian support, is Hilmarsson’s (1986a:242) connection of this word
and the phonologically identical but semantically distant TchA lot ‘hole’ with
Old Norse laut ‘depression in the ground’ (< *loudeha-) and leyti (nt.) ‘moment,
period’ (< *loudiyo-). This is presumably the same equation ultimately as
Naert’s (1965b:544) with Faeroese løta ‘short span of time, instant.’ Probably
unrelated is B lyauto ‘hole, opening,’ q.v.
laupe (n.[m.sg.]) ‘salve, unguent’ [laupe ym- ‘apply salve, unguent’]
[laupe, -, -//] kwärmatse laupe ‘a salve for a tumor’ (IT-306b1C [cf. Carling,
2003a]), ktsasa laupe ymusai ‘over the belly to which salve has been applied’
(W-37b2C), kräkaññe yotsa laupe ktsa<sa> ymusai tesa kts [lege: ktso]
prakar<y>a ‘a salve with chicken broth over the treated belly [is applied]; thus
the belly [becomes] taut’ (W-39b3C). There seems to be something missing in
the passage; the emendations are mine. A derivative of lup-, q.v. As if from
PIE *(s)loub(h)o-.
laur* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± spike’
[-, -, laur//] 73 laursa eñcwaññe tarne räskre tsopye-ne : ‘with an iron spike
they pierced violently his skull’ (22b5C). From PIE *lóu(hx)-ro- (nt.) as the
lyakace* 613
• LY •
lyak (nm.) ‘thief’
[lyak, lykantse, lyka//lyi, lykats, lyka ~ lyakä] yärponta lykatsä
pos=amskai karkats[i] ‘meritorious services [are] the most difficult to be stolen
by thieves’ [lykatsä = B(H)S corai] (14b8C), ymor emetsa sompastr
ekñenta lyi no alyekäs cowai tärkana ‘karma takes the possessions of some;
thieves, however, take [them] away from others’ (33a4C), 70 se amne lyka
wrempa plkisa ytri ya 71 ‘whatever monk walks the way, by agreement,
with thieves or robbers’ [lyak = B(H)S cora-, while wre = B(H)S steya-] (IT-
246a1C/L).
TchA lyäk and B lyak reflect PTch *li
äk which is probably from a PIE *legh-,
a root noun from legh- ‘lie (down)’ (> B lyäk-, q.v.), thus ‘one who lies (in wait)’
(for the morphology, cf. Latin dux ‘leader’ from *deuk- ‘lead;’ for the semantic
development, cf. Greek lókhos ‘ambush, place to lie in wait’ also from *legh-).
Possible phonologically and semantically is VW’s derivation (271) from a PIE
*lek- ‘fly’ seen in Lithuanian lekiù ‘fly, run’ (*‘cause to fly’ > *‘fly off with’ >
‘steal,’ cf. French voler) but the lack of any other reflex of PIE *lek- in Tocharian
argues against such a derivation. See also leki/leke, lyäk-, lykuññe, and
possibly lykna and tanaulyko.
lyakace* (n.) a container of some sort, a ‘bowl’ (?)
[-, -, lyakace//-, -, lykace] //lykacenne [sic] nauañi pañikti pitwt wärpnte
614 lyakur*
lyakace ptraiyne cene ompostä tsakalyi warpananträ [sic] ‘from bowls did
earlier buddhas enjoy [their] alms; in a bowl or alms-bowl, in it those later to
arise enjoy [their alms]’ (KVc-16a1/2/THT-1108a1C [Schmidt, 1986]). Ety-
mology unknown.
lyakur* (n.[f.pl.]) ‘time, occasion’
[-, -, lyakur//-, -, lykwarwa] ukt lykwarwa ‘seven times’ (THT-2377, frgm. i-
a2E), 54 tarya lkwarwa em Pra[sanake] /// ‘three times P. came’ (21a6C), <•>
satä wat pi lykwarwa tuk i [lege: pi] atär 17 ‘he exhales five [times],
[so] he counts five times’ (41b2C).
Etymology obscure. TchA lkwär and B lyakur suggest a PTch or *li
äkwär. In
PIE terms this looks like a verb root *leK- + the abstract noun forming suffix *-
wr. VW (264-5) would connect this word with Lithuanian lekiù ‘run, fly’ but the
semantics are not compelling.
lyake, see lyke.
lyakwaññe* (adj.) ‘± brilliant, shining’ (??) or ‘flat’ (??)
[f: -, -, lyakwañña//] /// maka lyakwäña /// (THT-1309a2A), 13 ktso …• wlaka
lyakwañña lya[a] prakarya ‘a stomach, smooth, shining?/flat?, firm, and taut’
(73b2C). Meaning dubious. If ‘shining’ presumably related to läk- ‘see’; if
‘flat,’ then to lyk ‘flat.’.
lyat ‘thou wilt wipe away’ (??)
/// [p]y[]mtsar calle walke lyat mäntak srukau m waskte tume cai añä
amna cau wäntaresa /// (606a1C). The common supposition that lyat is a
second person singular verb (e.g., Krause, 1952) is given some appropriate color
by the juxtaposition of the undoubted second person singular imperative
pymtsar. One can imagine a translation, ‘do X [X being lost in the preceding
lacuna] [and] thou wilt lyat the burden/hinderance for a long time; just so, the
dead [one] did not move; thus [thy] own people by this affair ….’ Either ‘free
onself of’ or ‘suffer’ the burden would be equally possible. The only formally
similar verb form is yat ‘thou goest/wilt go.’ As yat is to i-, so lyat would be to
*li-. Therefore, perhaps a second person singular Class I subjunctive to li- ‘wipe
away.’ See further s.v. li-.
lyam (n.[m.sg.]) ‘lake’
[lyam, -, lyam//lymanta, lymantats, -] [mä]kte orocce lyamne orkamotsai
yaine meñantse cirits läktsauña ‘like the light of the moon and stars in a great
lake’ (154b2C), lyam samudrä yaitu preke[n n]aum[y]e[ntasa] ‘lake and ocean
decorated with islands and jewels’ (242a5C).
TchA lyäm and B lyam reflect PTch *li
ämä from PIE *limn, the neuter equi-
valent to the animate *limén- seen in Greek lim%n (m.) ‘harbor’or the derived
límn (f.) ‘sea; pool of standing water, mere’ and more distantly leimn ‘watery
meadow’ (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1941:144). In TchA there is also lyom ‘morass,
marsh’ which reflects a vr
ddhied *l(i)m- (much as OE has Old English mr
‘morass, marsh’ beside Old English mere ‘lake’). We have here a striking Greco-
Tocharian isogloss. This etymology is wrongly rejected by VW (271-272) in
favor of a connection with Lithuanian lãma ‘place in a field, marsh, ditch,’ etc.
lyitkw* 615
lyarya ‘?’
/// wñ-ne : kuce te lyary twe ekä/// (IT-301a2A). Certainly not from lre; per-
haps for ylarya, the feminine singular nominative of ylre.
( )
lyk ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘flat’
wartsa wla[k]a l[y]k prats[k]o ‘a broad, soft, flat chest’ (73a6C), • lyk sauke
taki /// ‘a flat, thick streamer’ (?) (74a4C).
If the meaning is correct, it may represent a TchB borrowing from TchA lyk
(YQ-1.8-1/1), where the meaning is certain, from PTch *li\ k$ -. However, it is a
rather unlikely candidate for borrowing from A > B so perhaps lyk is phono-
logically regular in both languages and reflects a “breaking” of *-i\ - before *-k-
at least (cf. pyk- and yk-, the preterite stem of yok-). The “broken” *-i\ - would
in most places, e.g., in most preterite stems where it might be expected to occur,
subject to analogical restoration of *-i\ -. In either case the word reflects a puta-
tive PIE *lgh- from *legh- ‘lie’ (cf. ON lágr ‘low, flat’).
-lyka (adj.) ‘seeing, looking at,’ only in the compound: läkle-lyka* ‘able to see
suffering or pain’:
entwek läkle-lyakñ [mäskenträ] ‘then they are looking at suffering’ (K-5a6/PK-
AS-7Ea6C). From PTch *li\ k-, a derivative of läk-, q.v.
lyke (or lyrke?) (n.) ‘?’
[//-, -, lyarke]. [• sa]salyu lyarke yops=ttsna wa[r]aine • ‘having
sl’ed the lyarkes, he entered into the thick groves’ (338a1A). The shape of
what is written here as lya(r)ke is not clear. Only <lya> and <k> are reason-
ably certain. This is a MS, however, where in all certain examples /ä/ appears as
<ä> and // appears as <a> in closed syllables or <> in stressed open syllables
(or unstressed syllables followed by a resonant); therefore Sieg and Siegling’s
reading lyake is quite unlikely.
lyäk- (vi.) ‘lie, lie down’
Ps. II /lyäk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, lyaä//-, -, lyake; m-Part. lykemane]: : ñume ak
kau lyaä /// ‘from nine to ten days he lies [still]’ (9a5C), /// lo - - ntse lyake
w· - k·k·ññ· : (516b2C); [tä]ttw pältsi taurne wat lykemne • srukoämp=ee
(118a2E); Ko. II (= Ps.) [A lyakau, -, -//; AOpt. +-, -, lyai]: /// lntämpa se
lyakau cintma
i arkästär • [for the identification, see Winter, 1983:324])
(345a4L), lyai lamoy atyaisa uwoy pintwt ‘he should lie down [i.e., assume a
non-standing posture], sit on the grass and eat alms’ (K-1b6/PK-AS-7Ab6C
[Couvreur, 1954c]); —lyalñe,* only in the derived adjective’: lyalyñee ‘prtng
to lying’: lek yamaa lyalyñee ‘he assumed the lying posture’ (108b5L).
From PIE *legh- ‘lie (down)’ [: Greek (Hesychian) lékhetai ‘he sleeps,’ Gothic
ligan ‘lie,’ OCS lež ‘lie,’ etc. (P:658-659; MA:352; LIV:398f.; Beekes, 2010:
853)] (VW:271). See also elykatte, lyak, lyk, leke/leki.
lyikake, lykake.
lyitkw* (n.) ‘± tube’
[//lyitkwanma, -, ] auloñ cp sätk[e]ntär-ne lyitkwänm srukemne ‘dying, his
vessels and tubes spread out (or swell?)’ [?] (139a3A). Possibly a verbal noun
from litk-, q.v., as ‘that which something passes through’ (VW:273). Hilmarsson
(1991b:172) cogently adds the semantic parallel of German Leitung ‘conduit,
tube’ as a derivative of leiten ‘lead, conduct.’
616 lyi(n)-
lyi(n)-, li(n)-.
lyipär, lipär.
lyiyo* (n.) ‘member’
[//-, lyysats, lyysa] ak-wi lyysasa = B(H)S dvdanga- (PK-NS-53a4C),
krpa na lyysa wrenta po laikte ‘he descended, bathed, and washed his
members and wrenta’ (107b4L).
TchA (plural) lyy and B lyiyo reflect a PTch *li
iy-, possibly from PIE
*wlidyeha- [: Gothic wlits ‘aspect, form, body,’ Old Norse litr ‘color, aspect,
form, body, beauty’ (< *wlidi-] (VW:273). If so, we have an substantivized
adjective, ‘that which pertains to the body.’
Lyiwo* (or Lyiwa*?) (n.) ‘Lyiwo’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, Lyiwntse, -//] Sakatse Lyiwntse aiyye ala pkuwe aiyye wasa ‘S. gave
to Ly. an ovicaprid, a twice-combed ovine male’ (SI B Toch. 9.14Col [Pinault,
1998:4]).
lyu- (vt.) ‘rub’
Pt. I /lyw-/ [A -, -, lywa//]: []lyinesa antapi : pudñäktentse kektseño klawte-
ne lyaw-ne : ‘with both palms [of his hands] he massaged the Buddha’s body
and rubbed him’ (5b5C); —lyelyúworme: akruna pest lyelyuworme • ‘having
wiped away [his] tears’ (514a8A).
TchA lu- (attested only in the imperative pälwr [A 433a8]) and B lyu- reflect
PTch *li
äu-. Etymology uncertain. For a suggestion, VW (275) who connects
this word with li-, q.v. Malzahn (TVS) suggests a connection with *leuh3-
‘wash.’
lyke* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘light, splendor’
[-, -, lyuke//] //a etko lyke-wmer [r]a 63 ‘… like a light-jewel’ (242b3C), ///
[la]laka lyuke-wmere mah[r] ‘tender … and a light-jewel crown’ (617a6C).
From PIE *leuko- [: Sanskrit roká- ‘light,’ Armenian lois ‘id.,’ Welsh llug
‘id.’] or *leukos- [: Sanskrit rócas-, Avestan raocah- ‘light’ (P:687 for both
lemmata; MA:352, 505)]. VW (274) picks the former alternative because in his
view lyke is a masculine. However, as only the singular is attested, it is
impossible to tell whether the Tocharian noun is masculine or neuter and so both
possibilities remain. See also luk- and lyoko.
lyukemo (adj.) ‘shining, brilliant’
[m: lyukemo, -, -//] /// lyu[ke]mo yaipu ramt menne ur
ae tañ la[k]
‘brilliant as if thy r
a-mark [is] entered in the moon’ (71a6C), [s]w[a]ñcai
ko[yne ta]ñ cirye ram no lyukemo ‘thy rays in thy mouth like a shining star’
(74a1C). A regular adjectival derivative from the present stem of luk-, q.v. (cf.
weñmo, waskmo, aiamo, ynamo, pälkamo, etc.).
-lyekiye* ~ lyekiye (nf.) ‘millet’ (?) (only [?] in the compound ka-lyekye
‘millet’)
[lyekiye* ~ lyekye, -, lyeksai//] sakantse eusa ka-lyekye cakanma 4 towä
8 ‘consumed by the community [is] ka-lyekye, 4 cks, 8 tau’ (PK-DAM.
507.8a2Col [Pinault, 1994b:106]).
#ka and ka-lyekye are used interchangeably in this text to refer to a
particular grain that is probably ‘millet’ (for the semantic identification see Ching
Chao-jung apud Pinault, 2008:370). It is difficult to determine the exact meaning
¹lykuññe* 617
ly[ku]ññe palskosa ykeme rautka postaññe prri • ‘[if] he moves [it] away
from [its] place with thought of thieving, [even] a finger[’s length]’ (IT-127a7b1C
[cf. Broomhead, 96, Thomas, 1954:761]). A derivative of lyak, q.v. Compare
lantuññe from walo or sanuññe from s.
²lykuññe (n.) ‘theft’
[lykuññe, -, -//] m lykuññe [pra]le ‘theft [is] not to be borne’ (404b6C). A
nominalization of the previous entry.
lykna (n.?) ‘?’
mäkte ñke wetanne yänmaske lykna /// (IT-92a2C). An alternative plural of
lyak ‘thief’? Thus, ‘as now thieves attain … through battles’? or ‘things stolen’
so that we have, ‘so now they attain loot though battles’? See perhaps lyak
and previous two entries.
lykwarwa, see lyakur.
lyñ-* (n.) ‘(turtle’s) shell’
[-, -, lyñ-//] kaccp ram no añ lyñ/// ‘as a turtle [in] his own shell’ (243b4C).
Full form and etymology unknown.
lypakwa (n.[pl.]) ‘?’
arai lypakwa sroki/// (522a6C).
lymine (n.dual) ‘lips’
[/lymine, -, -/] lymin· ·/// = B(H)S oha- (543b7C), : aswa [lege: aswi?] lymine
yokaisa ‘lips parched with thirst’ (IT-1b1C).
TchA lyme ‘lips’ and B lymine reflect PTch *li
ämäi- perhaps from PIE
*lemb- [: Sanskrit lámbate ‘hang, be suspended,’ English limp] (cf. Lane, 1945:
24, VW:273-4).
lyy-, li-.
•V•
vaavttär* (n.) a meter of 4x17 syllables (rhythm 5/7/5)
[-, -, vaavttär//] (517a6C).
vakal- ‘?’
vakal·/// (405a3C).
vaca (n.) ‘sweet flag (Acorus calamus Linn.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[vaca, -, -//] (W-33a3C). Synonymous with the native okaro. From B(H)S
vac-.
Vajrapi* (n.) ‘Vajrapi’ (PN of a bodhisatva)
[-, -, vajrapi//] (406a5C).
vajrsa, wajrasa.
vajrä, wair.
vajropam ~ vajropame (n.) ‘a particular kind of trance’
(591a4L), (SHT-2250 [Malzahn, 2007b]); —vajropämo-samdhie ‘prtng to
the vajropama-trance’: (214a5E/C). From B(H)S vajropama-.
vanaprave* (n.) the name of a meter
[-, -, vanaprave//] (602-3b1C, 615a1C). Cf. TchA vanapreve.
vij 619
vapa(-) ‘?’
In a list of medical ingredients (W-18b3C).
vayastä (n.) the name of some medicinal plant
[vayastä, -, -//] (P-2b4C). From B(H)S vayasth-.
varakatvacä ~ varagatvacä (n.) ‘bark of the golden shower tree’ [Filliozat] (a
medical ingredient)
[varakatvacä, -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S vargatvaca-.
Varddhane (n.) ‘Varddhana’ (PN)
[Varddhane, -, Varddhane//] (375a2L).
vaire, s.v. wair.
vasapa, see wasapa.
vatsak (n.) ‘(seed of) the bitter oleander (Holarrhena antidysenterica Wall or
Wrightia antidysenterica J. Grah.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[vatsak, -, -//] (P-1b5C). From B(H)S vatsaka-. See next entry.
vatsakab ja (n.) ‘bitter oleander (Holarrhena antidysenterica Wall or Wrightia
antidysenterica J. Grah.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[vatsakabja, -, -//] (497a7C, P-1b2C). From B(H)S vatsakabja-. See previous
entry.
Vkkarm (n.) ‘verbal deed/action’
[vkkarm, -, -//] (IT-50b2C). The equivalent of native Tocharian B rekie
ymor. From B(H)S vkkarma-.
Vcavrg* (n.) ‘Vcavarga’ (a chapter of the Udnavarga)
[-, -, Vcavrg//] (S-3a6C).
vjr, wjrä.
vdasthnäe (adj.) ‘prtng to an object of discussion’ (?)
(425b3C/L). An adjective derived from a noun from B(H)S *vdasthna- (not in
M-W or Edgerton).
vdai ‘?’
[Nla]dagrm kwaai vdai bhok kälpau /// (110a6L).
-vrg (n.) ‘chapter, section (of a work)’
(59b4C). From B(H)S varga-. See also mrgavrg, ramaavrg, etc.
Vsi
he* (n.) ‘Vsiha’ (PN)
[-, Vsihentse ~ Vsihi, -//] (350b3C).
vstu, wstu.
viciträ ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘variegated’
viciträ-pypyai ma
lne taale ‘it [is] to be placed in a ma
ala of variegated
flowers’ (M-3a5/PK-AS-8Ca5C). From B(H)S vicitra-. See also next entry.
vicitrapup-werpike* (n.) ‘garden of variegated flowers’
[-, -, vicitrapup-werpike//] (589a2C). From B(H)S *vicitrapupa- (not in M-W
or Edgerton) + werpike, q.v. See previous entry.
viciprawt ‘?’
waiptesa wat autär-ne alyekä kwri m cimpem viciprawt aukemar
(331a4L).
vij, wic.
620 vijñ
•W•
¹wa (conj.) ‘therefore, nevertheless’ [unstressed]
ñä ykk wa yau ‘still I live nevertheless’ (246b4E), cai wa ñakti toiti kuse
tañ eye añ amna ‘these therefore [are] Tuita-gods who were thy own
people’ (231a1C/L), lantsi wa auntsante ‘nevertheless they began to emerge’ (G-
Qa1.2Col).
Etymology uncertain. Perhaps from PIE *w [: Sanskrit v ‘or,’ Avestan v
‘id.,’ Latin -ve ‘id.,’ etc. (P:75)] (Couvreur, 1950:130) with regular change of PIE
absolutely final *- to Tocharian - (which appears unstressed as -a). Compare
the development of m ‘not’ from *m. VW (540) gives the same ultimate
etymology but takes wa to be a borrowing from an unattested Tocharian A form.
There is a vanishingly small chance that TchB speakers would have borrowed
such a word from TchA; however, it is still surprising that the form in B is not
*y with palatalization. Since the underlying form is /w/ with a long vowel,
Normier’s suggestion (1980:261) of an equation with Greek aû ‘again, anew; on
the other hand’ is phonologically impossible. See also wat and wai.
²wa (in the locative wane), gu.
Wai* (n.) ‘Wai’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, Wäintse, -//] (SI B Toch. 9.7Col [Pinault, 1998:4]).
wak tse, s.v. wki.
waklle, s.v. wk-.
wajrsa* (n.) ‘diamond seat’
[-, -, wajrsa//] : wajrasans lo lmo ci rarkets [lege: rakets] lant ña
winaskau 19 ‘I honor thee, king of the seers, seated afar on [thy] diamond seat’
(241a2E). From B(H)S vajrsana- (cf. TchA vajrs).
wate 625
again a man’ (400b2L), wtetstse [= wtetse] lmte ‘it has newly re-established
itself’ (PK-DAM.507-a4Col [Pinault, 1984b:24]).
TchA wät and B wate reflect PTch *wäte, (as if) from PIE *dwito- [: Sanskrit
dvitiya- ‘second’ and dvit ‘doubly’ (P:229; MA:399), and Khotanese äta-,
Parthian byd, Zorastrian Pahlavi did, and probably Pashto b'l (Emmerick,
1991:320)] (Winter, 1962a, Normier, 1980:258, Winter, 1991:133). Not with
VW (566) from an unparalleled *dweto-. See also wato, wasto, wtee, and
lyauce.
wato (adv.) ‘again’ (?)
: pelaikneai tañ kektseñ wato winskau-c 47 ‘I honor again thy righteous body’
(244a2C), su tweresa wäto kälyi[tär] ‘she stood by the door again’ (570b1C/L).
The frozen feminine accusative singular of wate, q.v., used adverbially. (As if)
from PIE *dwiteham [: Sanskrit dvit ‘doubly, two-fold’].
watkal (n.) ‘decision’; (adv.) ‘decisively’
[watkal, -, -//] (n.) wätkal lantsi ostame ‘the decision to leave the house [i.e., to
become a monk]’ (THT-1324, frgm. 1-b3A); (adv.) : po pelaiknats ä[rm oko
kä]rsoym wätkal aräntsä [lege: aräñcsa] : ‘may I know decisively and by heart
cause and effect of all laws’ (229a5A), watkal weeñca pañäktetse reki ‘one
speaking decisively the Buddha’s word’ (IT-131a3C); —wätkltse ‘different;
forceful, decided, resolute’: watkltsa täne atnesa wärñai änmn-msa
kektseñe eänmusa ‘different here [is the case of] the body bound with bonds on
its wrists’ (PK-AS-12Ib6A [Thomas, 1979:12]), wätklyci mna = B(H)S grddh
nar (308a4C), m wätkltsana yuona yndrinta mäskentär-me ‘their senses are
not distinguished and dull/ squinting’ (K-7b6/PK-AS-7Gb6C), /// en=tpi to
winskau : 5…///… wätkltsana … m rano kläkarkana : ‘I honor both of the
eyes … resolute and not wavering’ (IT-166b2/3C), kual wäntre wätklye
aiaumyepa tkoy ñi ee malyñe ‘with a wise man decided upon a good cause,
may I have company!’ (S-6a4/PK-AS-5Ca4C), • tanpate inte aulu-wärñai
wätkltse kakkau tka • ‘if a donor should invite [a monk] ener-getically for
[his] whole life’ (331a3L),. A derivative of wätk-, q.v. More particularly we
have the fossilized accusative singular of a verbal noun in -l (cf. trekäl and
ekäl).
wantarece, wäntarece.
Watike (n.) ‘Watike’ (PN in monastic records)
[Watike, -, -//] (PK-Cp. 7.10 Col [Pinault, 1994:94]).
wantsi* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, wantsi//wäntsanma, -, -] 34 wäntsi wes nwo eme ko/// ‘34 we having nu-ed
the wantsi, a single…’ (IT-105b3E? [cf. Broomhead, 286; Couvreur, 1954c:84]),
watsanma kurana ‘wäntsis and razors’ (PK-NS-216-b3? [Broomhead,
295]). In form at least this word would appear to be a nominalized infinitive
and its plural, but see the discussion s.v. 1wänt-.
wapntsa ~ wawntsaL-Col (n.) ‘weaver’
[wapntsa ~ wawntsaL, wapntsantse, wapntsai//-, wawntsa()sCol, -] Vard-
dhane wapntsa[ntse] /// ‘of the weaver V.’ (375a4L).
war 627
An agent noun in -nts- built on the subjunctive stem of wp-, q.v. Cf. the
further derived abstract wpätsune in Tocharian A, which demonstrates that the
akara that was formerly read -tts- in the Tocharian B word should be read -nts-.
wamer* (nm.) ‘jewel’
[-, -, wamer//-, -, wmera] wrkaññe wmera makci priye ‘they themselves were
wearing pearl jewels’ (PK-NS-18A-a2C [Thomas, 1978a:239]), yse ñikañ-
ce wmera ‘gold and silver jewels’ (109a4L), ynt’m’nyy v’myr’h [= cintmani
wamer ra] (Manichean Text 2a5 [Gabain/Winter, 1959:11]); —wmere
‘(be)jeweled’: wmeri serki ‘jeweled circles’ (585a4C).
Clearly connected with TchA wmr ‘id.’ but further connections are obscure.
It may be a derivative of wäm- ‘disappear into, be covered,’ q.v. and/or related in
some way to TchA wamp- ‘decorate.’ Anreiter (1987b:100) suggests that
underlying TchA wmr and B wamer is a PTch *wämpmer ~ *wämpmr. He
further connects Gaulish vimpi ‘jewel’ and Welsh gwymp ‘pretty; jewel’ though
the Celtic forms must reflect a putative PIE *wVnkw-. For other suggestions, see
VW (579-80; from PIE *dewe-) or Normier (1980:262; from PIE *haew-
‘(auf)leuchten’).
Wamok (n.) ‘Wamok’ (PN in graffito)
[Wamok, -, -//] (G-Qm5Col).
wayauca (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± leader’
[wayauca, -, -//] • kla[i]ñtsa waipte allek wayauca m nesa-ne su wa[yauca
ya] (330a3L). A derivative of wy-, the non-present stem of k-, q.v.
war (nnt.) ‘water’
[war, wrantse, war//wranta, -, wranta] kecye r[ur]u wär ñäträ ‘the hungry ante-
lope seeks the water’ (139b4A), warsa yokalle ‘water [is] to be drunk’ (THT-
2371, frgm. p-b3E), wärsa (THT-2677, frgm. d-a2E), war uppläe = B(H)S vri
pukara pattra- (U-26b4E/IT-45b4]), lwasce war = B(H)S sapr
akenodakena
(unpubl. Berlin fragm.-a1 [Thomas, 1987:169]), wärä ‘water’ (IT-45E), : ngi
laka tsatku ekalwa … wranta osonträ : ‘[if] the ngas see perverse passions
… the waters dry up’ (3a1C), : kroca [sic] war ceu yolmene yänmaske ‘they
enter into the cold water in the pond’ (29a6C), []ntsesa watslai premane war
tsi yakne yamaä ‘he makes [in this] fashion to fetch water [i.e., he acts like
a water-carrier], carrying a pot on [his] shoulder’ (91a1C), kroce war snai
märkacce = B(H)S tatoyam anvilam (IT-237b2C), snai luwa war = B(H)S
apr
aka- ‘cold water without pollution’ (IT-129a1C), snai war = B(H)S nir-
jalam (U-9a3C/IT-26a3]), swesee war ‘rain water’ (W-35b3C), /// wärä takärke
/// ‘clear water’ (IT-979a2? [Peyrot, 2008:98]), ma-wär-tärklle* ‘not accessible
to water’: ma-wär-tärkalye kene ‘in a place not accessible by water’ (IT-7a2E);
— -wär ‘-stream’: kauc-wär olyi ä ñoru-wär wat ‘he guides the boat
upstream or downstream’ (PK-AS-18B-b5C [Pinault, 1984b:377]); —wrae*
‘prtng to water’: [wra]e kraupe = B(H)S udakavarga (Thomas, 1976b:106),
w[rä]i (338a2A); —wrätstse ‘having water’ (IT-1231?) —warññe ‘aquatic’
(?): wärñi lws=neka ‘among aqautic animals’ (?) (588a4E); —war-katsa
‘dropsy’: war-katsa = B(H)S dhmna- (ST-b4/IT-305b4C [in a list of diseases]);
—war-waltsiye* ‘water-mill’: war-waltsai (Otani II.12a4Col [Kagawa, 1915],
differently Ching and Ogihara, 2012:81, 90-91).
628 waräñce*
TchA wär and B war reflect PTch *wärä, probably the regular reflex of a PIE
*udrom, itself a regular (endocentric) thematicization of *wodr-/udn- (P:78-80;
MA:636; de Vaan, 2008:641). One might compare Albanian ujë ‘water’ from
*udryeha or the *udrom itself which may be tied up in the history of Celtic
*dubro- ‘water’ [: Old Irish dobur, Welsh dw(f)r] (see Hamp, 1972). Normier
(1980:262) posits a PIE *udrn, which might be taken as a conflation of the r- and
n-stem forms, as the starting point for the Tocharian development. Latin unda
‘wave’ may reflect an *ud-n-om ‘body of water’ with the expected plural, udna,
reanalyzed as a singular (de Vaan, 2008:641). Considerably less likely is the pos-
sibility that PTch wär is from PIE *(h2)wer- [: Sanskrit v$ r/v$ ri (nt.) ‘water,’
Avestan vr (nt.) ‘rain,’ Sanskrit v$ ri- (f.) ‘water,’ Avestan vairi- (m.) ‘sea,’ Old
Norse vari ‘liquid, water’ (P:80; MA:636)] (Smith, 1910:19, VW:557-558).
Puhvel (1991:404) subscribes to the same theory, though he assumes an initial
laryngeal, and adds Hittite hurnai-, hurniya- ‘spray, sprinkle’ and Greek rhaín
‘sprinkle’ (< *h2wrn-ye/o- [though one might have supposed such a shape to have
given *huraín]) to this etymon. However, if the Tocharian forms belong here,
they must come from an otherwise unexampled zero-grade *wr-. One might
imagine a *wrri or a thematized *wrrom but neither possibility carries much
conviction. See also wriyee.
waräñce* (nf.) ‘sand’
[-, -, waräñc//waräci (?), -, -] nauañi Kak c[k]ene waräñcampa enele pañäkti
‘former buddhas like [= as many as] the sands of the Ganges’ (552a6/b1E),
aurtsai ys-yokä wara[c]/// ‘the broad, golden sand’ (566b6C); uncertain
whether it belongs here is ///wäräñci/// at THT-1450 frgm. b-a2A; —waräñcäe*
(?) ‘prtng to sand’: wäräñcäa mäce [lege: mäce] ‘a fist [full] of sand’ [in a
MS where // appears indifferently as <> and <a> (save once [135b8A] wät), but
/ä/ always appears as <ä>] (142a3A).
The evidence of Archaic texts is uniform that this word is /wäräñc-/; the
evidence from the early text is compatible with that assumption and with stress
on the initial syllable (the lack of the expected two dots on the akara <ñc> is
simply the not uncommon neglect of a vowel diacritic); the lack of the ä-diacritic
in the Classical text arises from the scribe’s not uncommon reluctance to combine
the two dots of the ä-diacritic with the single dot of the <>. (The only other
attestation, at 586a6L is so fragmentary, it is compatible with any solution.)
Clearly related to TchA wryñc ‘id.,’ it nonetheless is not directly equatable.
Neither the TchA long vowels nor the -y- are matched by anything in Tocharian
B. Extra-Tocharian cognates are most unsure. The TchA *wr- might allow us
to connect this word with the heretofore isolated Sanskrit vluka- ‘sand’ (usually
in the plural vluk).
wareññe ‘?’
[#r]yamrg ñem wareññe/// (428a1L).
warkañe ‘?’
/// warkañe ñ /// (303 frgm. fC). Perhaps the usual assumption that this stands
for *warklñe, the abstract derived from wrk- ‘shear,’ q.v., is correct, but that
would be an unusually advanced phonological development in a Classical text.
warto* 629
walke (a) (adv.) ‘for a long time;’ (b) ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘long [of time]’ (used only
with nouns of time, i.e., preke and preciya)
(a) • anaiai kwri pa[p]o walke klyentar [lege: -är] k[o]kalyi : ‘if taken care
of, the wagons will last a long time’ (5b2C), /// [ne]mye nki krentä mna m
tu walke tswetär nta [:] ‘evil gossip and blame, such never sticks to good men for
long’ (16a1C), [pe]laiknee ckkär se walke stamoy ‘may this law-wheel last for
a long time’ (313b5C), walke yamalñe = B(H)S cirakriya- (Y-3a5C/L); (b) walke
precyantsa emp[e]lona akwatsana lkä nrainne läklenta : ‘he sees for long
periods of time terrible and sharp sufferings in hell’ (19a1C); —walkeññe (adj.)
‘long (of time)’: • m walkeññe y[mamorme] /// (IT-306b3C [cf. Carling,
2003a]).
Possibly (as if) from PIE *wl hago- (similarly VW, 1970a:170, 1976:542) and
thus related to walk-, q.v. Alternatively it may be related to OCS velik! ‘great’
(as by Meillet, 1911:149).
walkwe* (n.) ‘wolf’
[//walkwi, -, -] /// ma ywrcä walkwi ramtä wyäske m[ñ]cu[ke] /// ‘amid …
they frighten the princes like wolves’ (PK-NS-30a2?).
From PIE *wl kwo- [: Sanskrit vr$ka- ‘wolf,’ Avestan v'rka- ‘id.,’ Gothic wulfs
‘id.,’ Albanian ujk ‘id,’etc. (P:1178-9; MA:646-647); not attested in Anatolian
(Kloekhorst, 2008:951)] (VW, 1969:495, 1976:542).
wawntsaL, wapntsa.
Waampile (n.) ‘Waampile’ (PN)
[Waampile, -, -//] (LP-3a3Col).
1
wa r* (n.) ‘thunderbolt, diamond’
[-, -, wair//] añ läklenta warpatsi war klautkoy-ñ arañce ‘may my heart
change into diamond to endure my sufferings’ (S-8b1/PK-AS-4Bb1C); —
wa räe ‘prtng to a diamond or thunderbolt; adamantine’: wairäe arañcn[e]
‘in the adamantine heart’ (591b7L), warä[e] = B(H)S vajra- (IT-2-2b2C).
From B(H)S vajra- or, perhaps, some Prakrit equivalent. See also wjrä and
wajrasa.
2
Wair (n.) ‘Vajraka’ (PN)
[Wair, -, -//] (PK-AS-6Aa5C [CEToM]).
waakte ‘?’
(IAK.0187a10/Or.8212/1379A] [Broomhead]).
waamo (nm.) ‘friend’
[waamo ~ wmo, waamontse ~ wmontse, waamo (voc. waama)//
waamoñ ~ wmoñ, wmots, wmo] krent wmonts mekitse ‘lacking
good friends’ (282a1A), waamo = B(H)S mitra (308a3C), wamo ma nesn ñi
srukalyñe=me ‘the thought of death is not my friend’ (K-11a7/PK-AS-7Na7A);
—wmoe ‘prtng to a friend, friendly; prtng to friendship’ (282a5A).
With VW (548) a derivative of 2wäs-. More particularly we have a possible
PIE *h2ws-e-mon-. For the quality of the root vowel at least, one might com-
pare Old Irish fóaid ‘spend the night’ (< *h2woseti). See also next entry.
waamñe* (n.) ‘friendship’ [waamñe ym- ‘to make friends’]
[-, waamñentse, waamñe//] • waamñe ya[mtär]/// = B(H)S sakhya kurvta
(307b7C), Mahsamati [l]nte [e]piyacäññe lyewtär caumpa esa waamñe
Wasave* 633
ekaitär ‘he sent to king M. a memento [in order that] he might conclude a
friendship with him’ (PK-AS-16.3b6C [Pinault, 1989:157]); —waamñee
‘prtng to friendship’: wa[a]mñ[e]epi pälsko[nts]e = B(H)S maitrasya cittasya
(307a6C). A derivative of waamo, q.v.
waik (n.) ‘± tribute, toll’, only in the compound waik-kälpauki* (n.)‘waik-
stealer’:
[se amne … yt]ri ya • waik-kälpauki yoñyai-parkäuki käryorcce-
mpa wat • [waik = Uyghur yolo of unknown meaning] (330a5 L).
In form (-ik) it looks to be possibly an Iranian borrowing. Schaefer (1997:171)
suggests a borrowing from a Middle (Eastern) Iranian Middle Iranian *{žiyaka-
or *{žika-, a derivative of Old Iranian *bži- ‘tribute, toll’ (cf. Avestan bji-
‘tribute, toll’). Hitch (1993:116-118) provides evidence that, at least in word-
initial position, TchB /w-/ was phonetically [-] and so the phonetic match is
good. The waik-kälpauki would be, as Schaefer suggests, ‘one who evades
[lit. ‘steals by’] tolls/imposts.’
wae* ( ~ wae*) (n.[m.sg.]) ‘lie, untruth’
[-, - wae//] [waike] saimä ymorme naki weske krenttäntsä wäe weske
aulre : ‘having taken refuge in lying, they speak blame, they tell lies about the
good to the companions’ (255b7A), • waike wae pä käskor wat wentsi ‘to tell a
lie, [to speak] calumny or gossip’ (31b4=32a6C); —wetstse* (or wete*?)
‘malicious’ (= B(H)S piuna-) (IT-884a3? [Peyrot, 2008b:107; word very difficult
to read in MS]); —wae-reki ‘id., calumny’: wae reki no lre yamanträ ‘[if]
however they love calumny’ (K-8b3/PK-AS-7Hb3C). The form with double --
would appear to have it unetymologically.
Etymology unclear. VW suggests (548-9) a connection with the Indo-
European word for ‘two,’ more particularly from a *dwes- which, however,
seems not to exist. Better would be a connection to the multiplicative *dwis
‘twice’ (e.g. English twice, Latin bis). Wae would be (as if) from PIE *dwis-en-
‘the thing [said] in two ways’ or ‘duplicity.’
waetsk ‘?’
/// waetsk twra yatanta aiai yama/// (183a5C).
wasa, s.v. i-.
wasapa, next entry.
wasapt* (n.) ‘ordination’ [N+gen. wasapt ym- ‘ordain s.o.’]
[-, wasaptäntse, wasapt//] wasanptä [lege: wasanptä] kauke ‘re-
quest for ordination’ (KVc-24b4/THT-1115b4C [K. T. Schmidt, 1986]), 71 se
amne meki-kä-pikwalañepi onolmentse wasapt yamaä pyti su m
wasapa tka ‘whatever monk ordains a person less that twenty years old,
pyti; this one will not have been ordained’ (IT-246a1C/L); —wasamptäe
‘prtng to ordination’ (KVc-21b3/THT-1113b3C [Schmidt, 1966]); —
wasapt-maññe (n.) ‘± ordination-hall’ (?): wasnpt-maññe (Couvreur,
1968:277 [no locus given]); like yärke-maññe, taupe-maññe, and wn-mññe, a
compound whose second member is -mññe ‘hall,’ q.v. From B(H)S upasa-
pad- and upasapanna-.
Wasave* (n.) ‘Vsava’ (PN)
[-, Wasavi, -//] (Qumtura 34-g1C/Col [Pinault, 1993-94:175]).
634 wase*
which has been supposed to exist at 404b1 (what we have is yäsn///) is too
doubtful to be taken into account with this etymon. See also wästr.
wassi, wastsi.
wasso* (n.) ‘kua-grass’ (Desmostachya bipinnata Stapf) (?)
[//-, -, wässai] wässai rano = B(H)S kupi (530b1C). Perhaps related in
some fashion to TchA wäsri ‘grassy field, lawn’ (cf. Avestan vstra- ‘pasture,’
Hittite wesi- ‘id.’).
wastsi (nnt.) ‘clothing, clothes [collective]; garment [non-collective]’
[wastsi, wästsintse, wastsi//wästsanma, -, wästsanma] : arye wassi rutkte
kaunä sark kauc ymate 72 ‘he took off [his] upper garment and put [his] back
high to the sun’ (5b4C), amni wasy ausoä saghti ‘monks wearing the
saghti-clothing’ (31b7C), kärsto wastsi = B(H)S sagh- (32b4C), wi
wässan-ma cñi pi-tumane kas-yiltse wi-känte ikä-ok ‘coins for the two
clothes [winter + summer outfits] are 56,228’ (Otani 13.1.3-4Col [Ching,
2011:67]). A partial synonym at least of auso, q.v. The infinitive of 1wäs- ‘to
dress, be clothed,’ q.v., used as a noun. See also wästitse.
watslo* (n.) ‘[a type of] pot’or ‘waterskin’ (?)
[-, -, watslai//] []ntsesa watslai premane war tsi yakne yamaä ‘he makes
[in this] way to fetch water [i.e., he acts as a water-carrier], bearing the pot/
waterskin on [his] shoulder’ (91a1C).
Etymology unknown. VW (1988:100-101), assuming the correctness of
Thomas’ (1954:754) proposed meaning, ‘waterskin,’ suggests that we have a
borrowing of some sort from Sanskrit vatsá- ‘calf’ (a waterskin from calf-skin?).
wk- (vi/vt.) G ‘burst (intr.), split apart; unfold, bloom (of flowers),’ 1K ‘split,’
‘separate’ (?), ‘differ’ (??); 2K2 ‘let bloom’
G Ps. Iv /woko-/ [MP //-, -, wokontär; MPImpf //-, -, wokyentär]: po ratanta
wokonträ [sic] ytarye l·/// ‘all the jewels are splitting/bursting …’ (553b5E); Ko.
V. /w k-/ [A //-, -, wka; AOpt. -, -, wkoy//; Inf. wkatsi]: /// päkallona
mäkte wka tume cire /// ‘… [are] to be cooked; as they split/burst then
[with] sharp …’ (W-12b3C), yamoräññe aknats ymoräññe aisaumye en
onkolmai aiene äñ yoññiye wakän ma ‘the karmic fool and the karmic sage
drive/direct the she-elephant on earth; she may not diverge on her own path’
(255a7-b1A) [the subjunctive wkän is Malzahn’s reading (p.c.); she explicitly
rejects Sieg and Siegling’s wa[lts]an and Winter’s wa[tk]an as very unlikely
graphically; wakä instead of waka is an example of the same early shortening
we see in krstä rather than krsta (s.v. kärst-)]; wkoi iprerntse (PK-AS-
12H-b4C [Couvreur, 1954c: 87]); PP ww k-/: [kärsto] watsi ausu samp
wawkauwa keke[ne] ‘dressed in torn clothes he [stood] heels separate’ (92b2C),
wawakauwa pyapyaino ‘blooming flowers’ (247b4C), skakamame kaunäntse
pirkone wawkauwa piltsa /// ‘from the balconies petals [that had] unfolded at
dawn [were strewn]’ (PK-NS-12K-b2C [Winter, 1988:788]), wawkauwa
upplntasa = B(H)S bhinnai padmai (PK-NS-306/305a2C [Couvreur, 1970:
177]).
1
K Ps. VIII /wks’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, wktär//]: • posa auap pos= olypo pome
wktär- ‘above all, over all, and from all it separates thee’ (231b4C/L), /// tusa
aiene wktär eske /// ‘thus in the world it is separated solely…’ (?) (THT-
636 wki
1319a4? [TVS]): Ko. Vb /wk -/ [Ger. waklle]: serintsa matsi waklle ‘with
a comb [?], the hair can be separated’ (W-12a5C) [The form waklle is clear
and apparently the same kind of formation as the Ko. t- from tsk-, q.v.].
[Malzahn would translate wktär in both of its attestations as ‘differ’ and
wkalle ‘is to blossom.’]
2 2
K Pt. IV /w kä-/ [A -, wkäasta, -//]: ///vaiyneyets po wkäasta •
(214a1E/C).
For the meaning one should compare Tocharian A 255b6 (raluney riñc
wka omäl ysr unkac kalka ‘by splitting the heart will burst; hot blood will
come to the throat’) or A-75a2 (tsrä päryo riñc wkanta ‘piercing the heart
with a sharp arrow’).
TchA wk- and B wk- reflect PTch *wk- from PIE *wag- [: Greek ágnumi
‘break apart’ and possibily Latin vgna ‘sheath’ (cf. P:1110; MA:538)]
(Pedersen, 1941:197, VW, 1941:155, VW:550-1). (Kloekhorst [2008:939-940]
and Beekes [2010:14] reconstruct *woh2g-.) Whether or not there is a further
connection with Hittite wki ‘bites’ and Sanskrit vajra- ‘cudgel, thunderbolt’ is
uncertain. The Tocharian present is (as if) from PIE *wag(h1)ó-. See also next.
wki (nm/f.) ‘distinction, difference; superiority’
[wki, -, wki//-, -, wakanma] wki (THT-2382 frgm. c-a1E), soke ste añ
aulame snai wki [la]rauñesa ‘[his] son is without difference in love from his
own life’ [= ‘he loved his son as much as he did his own life’] (81a5/6C), wki =
B(H)S vieam (308a6C), wki = B(H)S prptivieam (Y-3b1C/L), pi wakan-
masa yaitusa ‘distinguished by five differences’ (108a9L); —wak tstse
‘distinguished, distinctive, excellent’: [pete]-ñ klyautsi wakce lok
pdñaktäññ[e] ‘give me to hear the distinguished loka of the Buddha’ (100b3C);
—wak tsñe ‘distinction, excellence’: /// [bo]dhistwets w[a]k[]tsñ[e]
w[ä]tk[]ltse • ‘the different excellence of the bodhisatvas’ (384a2C); —
wakissu* ‘± distinctive, distinguished’: (106.2bC); —wakissor ‘?’: wakssor
skwassoc tka. A nominal derivative of wk-, q.v. Matched in TchA by
wkäm which, with B, wki reflects a PTch *wkämi\ ä(n) (as if) from PIE
*wágmen.
wkte (n.) a (measure of a) foodstuff (?)
[wkte, -, -//] pippaläntse wakte (THT-1535a4E), arkwaññai enmelyantse wkte
(W-31a5C), kapyres klese masa tarya tom wkte wi tom ‘for the workmen came
3 tau klese, two tau wkte’ (434a5Col).
wjrä* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘thunderbolt, diamond’
[-, -, wjrä//] ce ñä vjrä taläi[m] ‘may I raise up this thunderbolt’ (387.1aC),
ñäkcye yetwetsa yaitu vjr eku arnene ‘the thunderbolt decorated with
divine jewels, taking [it] in [thy] hands’ (TEB-58-22/SI P/1bC]). From B(H)S
vajra-. See also wajrasa and wair.
wt- (vb) ‘?’
Pt. I /wt -/ [//-, -, watr] /// watr-c yärne larauñe /// (IT-88b5C).
wp- (vt.) ‘weave, braid’
Ko. V /w p-/ [MP -, -, wpatär//; Inf. wpatsi]: 95 mäkte ña[re] pännowo kos
sarkimpa w[]p[a]trä /// ‘as here the stretched thread, as often as he weaves [it]
with the warp/woof’ (3b5C); : mäkte ypentse wpelm=auñento pak wpatsi :
wrw- 637
‘just as the beginning to weaving [is] the spider’s web’ (286a5C), alecce wpatsi
watkää ‘[if] he orders [someone] unrelated to weave [it]’ (IT-7b4E); Pt. Ib
/wp-/ [A -, -, wpa//]: ce pässak wpa kavvie ‘he braided a kavi-garland’
(429b1L); PP /ww p-/.
TchA wäp-, B wp-, reflect a PTch *wäp- from PIE webh- ‘weave’ [: Sanskrit
ubhnti/umbháti/unábdhi ‘binds together,’ Greek huphaín ‘weave,’ Albanian
venj (< *webhny) ‘weave,’ Old English wefan ‘weave’ (P:1114; MA:572; LIV:
658; Cheung, 2006:402), and Hittite wepzi, if it means ‘weaves’ (Kloekhorst,
2008:1001)] (Couvreur, 1947:9, VW:557). The thorough-going -- of TchB
represents a generalization of the root vowel of the subjunctive and/or preterite
where it is regular by -umlaut in forms which had PIE o-grade, i.e., an o-grade
eha-iterative-intensive. See also yape, wepe, and wpelme.
wy-, k-.
wrk- (vt.) ‘shear [a sheep]’
Pt. Ib /wrk -/ [A //-, -, warkre]: nta warkre ysañiye yok tka ‘they sheared
the sheep; golden was the wool’ (452a1Col).
Wrk- is traditionally given as the shape of the root on the basis of the shape of
the preterite. If the present were attested, it might be that that root should be
listed as wärk-. In either case PTch *werk--/wärk- is from PIE *wer-. The
Tocharian word is matched most closely in Armenian gercum ‘shave, cut [hair]’
(VW:559). It seems possible that the meaning seen in Tocharian and Armenian
might be a specialized sense of the widespread *wer- ‘work, do’ (P:1168-9;
MA:252; LIV:688). See also possibly warkañe.
wrp- (vt.) ‘surround’
PP /ww rp-/: amnentsa wawrpau grahanman[e] m[e]ñe ra päk tstai 13
‘thou hast set thyself, surrounded by monks, as the moon [is set] among the
planets’ (215b2=221b1E/C), mäkte ost poiyantsa [wa]wrpau ‘as a house [is]
surrounded by sides/walls’ (A-2a4/PK-AS-6Ca4C), [twra-wert]syae stre
ñaktentsa wawrpau ‘surrounded by the pure gods of the four orders’ (TEB-58-
20/SI P/1bC]). If the present were attested, it might be that the root should be
listed as *wärp-.
TchA wärp- and B wrp- reflect PTch *wärp- from PIE *werb(h)- ‘twist, bend’
[: Gothic wairpan ‘throw,’ Latin verbera ‘switches, lashes, thongs,’ Lithuanian
virb; as ‘switch, rod,’ English wrap, etc. (P:1153)] (VW:561-2, based on Lane,
1938:29). Particularly one should compare Hittite (anda)warpi- ‘encircle’
which, like B wrp-, is a denominative. Wrp- is from a PTch *werpe (seen in
TchA warp ‘enclosure’) while the Hittite verb is from warpa- ‘id.’ Both *werpe
and warpa- reflect a PIE *worb(h)o- (see Melchert, 1984:157; MA:199).
Kloekhorst [2008:966] rejects the proposed Germanic, Latin, and Baltic
cognates given above, but would include Latin urbs ‘city’ (cf. Driessen, 2001:41-
68; also de Vaan, 2008:643), the Tocharian, Anatolian, and Latin all from
*worbho-. See also werwiye, werpike, wrw-, possibly ywrppai, and the
next entry.
wrw- (vt.) ‘prod, urge, spur (on)’
Ps. IXb /w rwäsk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, wrwää//; nt-Part. wrwäeñca ‘urging,
spurring’]; srukalyñe=me waamo nau w[r]wäeñca ek ‘[if] the thought of
638 wr()e
death has been earlier a friend, [then it is] always something spurring [one] on’
(K-11b6/PK-AS-7Nb6A); Ko. (= Ps.) [A -, -, wrwää//; MPOpt. wrwäim, -,
-//]: ///[e] kantsa nervnäe ikeco wrwäim /// ‘may I spur myself on to the
nirv
a place with a goad!’ (IT-134a5C); Pt. Ib /wrw -/ [MP -, -, warwte//]: su
ñakte ompalskoñe[] warwte • ‘the god prodded him[self?] toward meditation’
(525b1C).
TchA wrp- and B wrw- reflect a PTch *wrp- which looks to be a denomi-
native (*werp-) ‘prod, switch’ built to a *werpe ‘± lash, stick’ [: Latin verbera
‘lashes, scourges, thongs,’ Greek rhábdos ‘stick, lash,’ Lithuanian virb; as ‘rod,
switch, stick’ (P:1153)] from *werb- ‘twist, bend’ (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1941:
149, VW:551, though with differing details). The second -w- in wrw- (as
compared to the -p- in A) results from “lenition” after a long vowel followed by a
resonant (cf. waiw-). See also wrp-
wr()e (n.) ‘robber’
[wre, -, -//-, -, wre] wre nestä ‘thou art a thief’ [wre = B(H)S
steya-; in the same passage TchB lyak = B(H)S cora-] (IT-127a6C), 70 se amne
lyka wrempa plkisa ytri ya 71 ‘whatever monk goes on the road by
agreement with thieves and robbers’ (IT-246a1C/L).
VW (551-2) suggests a PIE *h2/3wrgh-s-en- and a relationship to Old Norse
vargr ‘malefactor; one who is proscribed; (metaphorically) wolf,’ OHG warg
‘devil; criminal,’ Old Saxon warag ‘accursed,’ Old English wearg ‘evil,
malignant, accursed; villain, monster, malign being,’ Old Prussian wargs ‘evil’,
OCS vrag" ‘enemy,’ Russian vórog ‘enemy, devil,’ Hittite hurkil ‘sin,
perversion’ (MA:141). The loss of Tocharian *-k- between -r and -- would need
some explaining given its normal preservation in warkäl. Since the latter word
is ultimately part of a verbal paradigm, the -k- may have been analogically
restored or the loss of *-k- may have been regular in the consonant cluster *-rks-
but not after a vowel in *-rks-.
wrsa* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, wrsa//] /// wrsa wace /// (IT-291a3?), /// - ka wrsa p/// (IT-291b1?). Of
course both instances might be a perlative wr-sa.
wl- (vt.) ‘cover, conceal, obscure, veil; surround, enclose, hem in’
Ps. VIb /wlä n-/ [MP walanamar, -, -//; Ger. walanalle]: r ktsasa walanalle
anmäälle cakene nauntse masketär (W-14b2C); Ko. V /w l-/ [A -, -,
wlatär//; AOpt. -, -, wloy//-, -, wlo; MPOpt. -, -, wloytär//; Inf. wlatsi]:
[sas]rana tserekwa snai lyiprä [ñä aii]mar : pi pälskontse walantsa
tsätkwatsñenta twra pä [: m to] walo aräñc ñi cmelme cämel m
märsoym ‘may I know the delusions of the sasra completely, the five
hindrances of the spirit and the four perversions; may they not cover my heart;
may I not forget birth [comes] from birth’ (229b1-3A), viparyse srmesa m
wloyträ pi cmelets ek pälskoe ‘may the cataract of delusion not obscure
the spiritual eye of the five births’ (S-6b2/PK-AS-5Cb2C); Pt. Ib /wl -/ [MP
walmai, -, -//]: /// [m] ñi caukamai kca m ra walmai kca ‘I didn’t hide
anything, neither did I obscure anything/cover anything up’ (27b8C); PP
/ww l-/: krkesa wawla po pälskonta läkle lkske • ‘all spirits covered by
wsk- 639
PIE *weh- ‘convey.’ Neither suggestion explains the Tocharian semantics very
well. See also possibly wsk-.
wäk- (vt.) ‘± prepare’
Pt. IV /wäk(ä) -/ [MP -, -, wäkte//]: käryorttau ksa lyak-ne istak
[k]lautka noy ka tume su em kauc ersate-ne oskai wayte-ne wtsi wäk-
te-ne ‘a certain merchant saw her [lying on the ground]; immediately he turned
to [his] wife and exclaimed; she went, raised her up, led her to [their] house, and
prepared food for her’ (TEB-66-36/IT-247C).
Etymology uncertain. Perhaps to be connected with the Germanic group
represented by Gothic waggs ‘paradise,’ OE/OHG wang ‘plain, mead, field,’ ON
vangr ‘garden, green homefield’ if this group reflects an original ‘prepared
ground’ or the like.
wäñciñ* (n.[pl.tant.?]) ‘gums’ ?)
[//-, -, wäñci] kaklya kemi latse wckai-wäñcintsa ‘teeth [have] fallen [out],
[it is] smooth over the jaw-gums’ (PK-AS-7Ma5C [CEToM]), /// klya wäñci ///
‘[the teeth?] will fall out, the gums come [be smooth?]’ (IT-957b2?). A nominal
derivative of 1wänt- ‘cover’?
wät- (vt.) ‘fight, struggle’
Ko. V /wä t-/ [(see abstract)]; Pt. Ia /wät -/ [A //-, -, witre]: /// [em
Prasana]ke Mgatäe lnt wrantsai : witr=lyau[ce] /// ‘P. went up against
the king of Magadha and they fought one another’ (21b7C); —watalyñe
‘fighting’, in weta-watalyñe ‘the art of war’ (in KVc-15a5/THT-1107a5C).
For supposed se wträ, see s.v. sew-.
TchB wät- and weta, along with TchA wac ‘combat, struggle’ reflect a PTch
*wät- and its derivatives. PTch *wät- is, in turn, from PIE *wedh- ‘strike (down)’
[: Sanskrit vádhati ‘strikes (down’),’ Greek (Hesychius) éthei ‘destroys,’ Old
Irish fáisc- (< *wdh-ske/o-) ‘press,’ OCS s!-vada ‘fight’ (P:1115; MA:471)].
This etymology of Krause’s (1943:32) is wrongly rejected by VW (543-4) in
favor of deriving the word from a PIE *dwet-, a putative derivative of the word
for ‘two.’ See also weta, wetu, and eweta, and, more distantly, yatwe.
wätk- (vi/vt.) G ‘separate, distinguish, decide,’ K2 ‘command, order’
G Ko. I /wotkä-/ [A -, -, wotkä//-, -, wotke]: ke ma tälla yoloytä [lege:
yoloynä] ek wänträ no wotkä kr[u]i ‘the earth will not always bear an evil one;
when it decides, it will desist’ (255a6A), wotke (PK-AS-7Ka2C [CEToM]); Ko.
V /wätk -/ [AOpt. -, wätkoyt, -//; MPOpt. //wätkomtär, -, -]; Pt. I /wätk-/ [A
wätkwa, -, watka//]; Pt. III /(w)otkä-* ~ (w)otkä s-/ [A -, -, otkasa//]: /// otkasa-
me pyapyaintsa ati[yantsa] (366b5C); PP /wätkó-/: ñame wätko … ñ soke
‘my son, separated from me’ (88b2C), [wät]k[o]ä añ[mantse] ‘resolution’ =
B(H)S prahittmasya (SHT-351a1/THT-1355a1A). [Differently for G in TVS.]
K Ps. IXb /wä tksk’ä/e-/ [A -, -, watkaä//]: /// [jñ]tike wpatsi watkaä
snai träko ‘he orders a relative to weave [it], [he is] without sin’ (IT-7b6E);
Ko. IX (= Ps.) [see abstract]; —wätkälyñe ‘command’: wätkälyñesa =
B(H)S sanena (251b2E).
K2 Ps. IXb (= Ko.) /wä tkäsk’ä/e-/ [A watkäskau, watkäst, watkää//-,
watkäcer, -; AImpf./Opt. -, -, watkäi//; Ger. watkä(äl)le]: 60 kuse parso
watkää pai[katsi] ‘whoever orders a letter to be written’ (65a3C), watkäcer-ñ
642 wätkltse
… ypoyme[ lyutsi] ‘you order me to leave the country’ (79a4C), : rkwi pari-ne
ks=rkwi watkäi /// ‘should he ask [after] the white, he would order [it to be]
white’ (28b4C), watkäle (KVc-20a4/THT-1112a4C); Ipv. II /päyä tk-/ [ASg.
pitka; APl. pitkaso]: twe pitka wes m lamam ‘command us [that] we sit in peace’
(TEB-67-41/IT-248C); Pt. II /y tk-/ [A ytkawa, ytkasta, ytka//-, -, ytkare]:
26 ytka-me walo lyutsi ‘the king commanded them to leave’ (18a2C), [än]mässi
ytka-me ‘he ordered them [to be] bound’ (589b4C), /// ñä t tañ ytkawa
pitwt aitsi • ‘I ordered thee to give that [as] alms’ (IT-129b2C); PP /yéyätku-/:
ltsa oktace yaitko ‘commanded by the eightfold [norm of] moral behavior’
(520a4C); —watkälñe ‘command’: kuse poyintse watkälñe kektseñ reki
palskosa tukne stamoym ‘may I stand in it, whatever Buddha’s command, for
body, word, or spirit’ (S-6/PK-AS-5Cb4C).
TchA wätk- and B wätk- reflect PTch *wätk- from a putative PIE *wi-
dh(h1)ske/o- [: Sanskrit vidh- ‘satisfy with an offering’ (< *‘distribute, lay out an
offering’), Latin dvid ‘I divide’ (< pre-Latin *dis-wi-d)], from *wi- + *dh(e)h1-
(MA:642). See Melchert, 1977:113. Not with VW (567) from *dwet-, a putative
derivative of ‘two’ nor with Schneider (1941a:47) from *wedh- ‘strike.’ See
also watkal, wetke, yaitkor, yotkolau, and aitkatte.
wätkltse, see s.v. watkal.
wättänt-kene* a meter or tune (perhaps of 2x14 syllables with a rhythm of 7/7)
[-, -, wättänt-kene//] (514a4A).
wäty- (n.) ‘?’
[prats]k[o] kañc-ysa wäty· ramt (75a1C). Do we have here either wätyt
or wätyot from B(H)S vidyut- or vidyota- ‘bright light, flash of lightning’?
wän- (vi.) ‘±desist, stop [doing something]’ (??)
Ko. I /wänä-/ [MP -, -, wantär//]: ke ma tälla yoloytä [lege: yoloynä] ek
wänträ no wotkä kr[u]i ‘the earth does not bear an evil one for ever; but when it
decides, it will desist’ (255a6A). Not from wänt- ‘cover’; for the supposed
infinitive of this root, see wantsi. The meaning of this hapax legomenon is
uncertain; etymology unknown. [Not in TVS.]
¹wänt- (vt.) ‘± cover, envelop’
Ps. VIb /wäntä n-/ [A //-, -, wäntana]: /// tarnesa la po kektseñ wäntanañ-c
‘[they] will emerge from the top of the head; they cover all of thy body’
(567b3C/L), wäntanan-ne (PK-NS-24-b4C [TVS]); PP /wäntó-/: p[a]ryariai
[lege: -e] slem[e]ntsa wanto [lege: -] wane [lege: gune] lyaksta Tiyi [lege:
Tiye poyi] ‘thou didst see in the cave the Buddha Tiya covered with
marvelous flames’ (296a9L), wäntausa (IT-804b2?).
Usually put here is a subjunctive I, attested by an infinitive wäntsi and third
person plural MP wantär. However, corresponding to a present stem wäntän-,
we would not expect an athematic subjunctive, rather a Class V subjunctive,
wänt-*, which is exactly what we do find in Tocharian A (thus wäntlune is the
abstract in Tocharian A). For wantsi, see that entry; for wantär, see wän-.
TchA wänt- and B wänt- reflect PTch *wänt- from PIE *wendh- [: Gothic
windan ‘wind, twist,’ etc., and nominal derivatives in Indic, Armenian, and Greek
(P:1148; MA:607; LIV:681f.)] (Schneider, 1939:249, VW:556). The semantic
wäntarece 643
development would be something on the order of ‘wrap up’ > ‘cover.’ See also
2
wänt-, wente, wäntalyi, and possibly wäñciñ.
²wänt- (vt.) K ‘exchange (clothes)’
K Pt. I /y nt-/ [MP /-, -, yntaite/] ausa snai parnn yntaite ‘they [scil. the
Buddha and Mahakyapa] exchanged clothes voluntarily’ (THT-1859-“a”1A).
A second person dual mediopassive. This passage speaks of the first meeting of
the Buddha and his disciple-to-be, Mahkyapa, and their spontaneous exchange
of clothing.
Like 1wänt-, from PIE *wendh-, though whether they were still felt to be
synchronically the same verb seems doubtful. The same metaphorical extension
is seen in German die Kleidung wenden ‘to change clothes.’
wäntare (nnt.) ‘thing, affair, happening, object, matter’
[wäntare, wäntarentse, wäntare//wäntarwa, wäntarwats, wäntarwa] [mä]rseträ
nauäññana wäntärw po päst ‘he forgets completely all earlier events’
(121a7E), : mäksu wat wäntre lykats kärkatsi a[mskai :] ‘or what thing [is]
difficult to steal by thieves?’ (14b7C), wäntre = B(H)S dharma- (31a7C), ceu
wäntare po poy[]intse [:] ‘[he took] the whole affair to the Buddha’ (44b7C),
kuaie wäntare-me [sic] ‘from a village affair’ (540b5C), wäntare = B(H)S
artha- (547a3C), totte wäntaresa ‘by this extreme circumstance’ (PK-
DAM.507-a10Col [Pinault, 1984a]), kramarce wäntare … rautka ‘[if] he moves
a heavy object’ (IT-127a7C), pärnññana wäntarwats ‘of external things’ (K-
8a6/PK-AS-7Ha6C), sakantse pelaiyknee wäntare ‘a legal affair of the
community’ (IT-246b1C/L); —wäntarwatstse ‘prtng to things, etc.’: [okt]
wäntarwatse = B(H)S aa-dravyaka (193a7C/L).
(As if) from PIE *wndrwó- a derivative of *wend- ‘speak (solemnly)’ seen, as
such, only in Indo-Iranian [: Sanskrit vándate ‘praises,’ Sanskrit vandanam
‘praise,’ Sanskrit vandru- ‘praising, praise,’ Avestan dužvandru- ‘blaspheming’
and possibly in Tocharian we- ‘speak’ (VW:556-7; the connection with we- goes
back to Duchesne-Guillemin, 1941:159)]. Particularly we can see *wndrwó- as a
thematic derivative (with end stress and consequent reduction of previous
vowels) of the *we/ondoru- lying behind Sanskrit vandru-. The reduction in
Tocharian B of *-ärwe- to -äre- is probably regular; cf. mare ‘fat’ if from
*smerwo-. It is therefore unnecessary (with VW) to assume both a *-ro- stem
and a *-ru- stem. See also possibly the next entry.
wäntarece (n.) ‘royal official/bureaucrat’ (or possibly ‘mercenary’?)
[wäntarece, -, -//wäntreci, -, -] akntsaññes ñäkti lñco wäntre m cai
[lkn-ne] ‘out of ignorance these gods, kings, and officials (?) do not see him’
(274a4A), mapi käryau nestä mapi weretemae nestä mapi lnte wantarece nestä
‘Thou art not a slave [lit. ‘bought one’]? Thou art not a bankrupt? Thou art not a
royal official of the king?’ (KVc-19b1/THT-1111b1C [Schmidt, 1986]).
The form given as the lemma is something of a compromise: I am assuming
that the KVc word wantarece is in error for wäntarece (i.e., the ä-diacritic has
been omitted—a very common graphic mistake). I further assume that the nomi-
native singular is stressed on the antepenultimate syllable and the nominative
plural, as befits an old i-stem, on the last syllable. In the Karmavcana this word
occurs in a list of questions directed toward the candidate for ordination whereby
644 wäntalyi*
unfortunate’ (9a7C), pelaikne yamaeñca sak wsaä ‘fulfilling the law, [in]
good fortune he abides’ [= B(H)S dharmacri sukha ete] (101a3C), twrka
weññane wsaske ‘they dwell in forty places’ [with a figura etymologica]
(45b4C); samantatirne wsaeñca ysomo sk ‘the community dwelling together
at S.’ (PK-DAM.507-a1Col [Pinault, 1984a:24]); wsäskemne empelye sasr-
äai kwaaine : ‘dwelling in the terrible sasra-village’ (295a2A); [•] s[a]kik
raktsisa am[]nentse • eñatketse m[] ceppi[l]l[e] m wsaälle • ‘concerning a
a mat [belonging] to the community, a dirty [monk] [is] not to tread or lie on’
(TEB-65-17/IT-247a2E/C [Couvreur, 1954b:43]); Ko. IV /wä (ye)-/ [A wiyau, -,
- //; Opt -, -, wai* (wi-ñ)//-, -, wiye; Inf. wtsi; Ger wlle]: m wer ono
wi-ñä nta ‘may hate and enmity never dwell in me’ (S-4b3/PK-AS-4Ab3C),
ytaricci wiye (136a3A); /// saimne wotsy atemai [lege: wtsy artamai] ‘I loved
to dwell in the refuge’ (595b7C); Pt. VII /wäíy-/ [A wiyawa* ~ weyawaL, -,
wiya//]: paporñ[e]ne osu weyawa [lege: ausu wiyawa] ‘I dwelt clothed in
moral behavior’ (591a7L), : kucempa s wya ri/// ‘with whomever he dwelt …’
(44b3C); PP /auu- < *wewäu-/: lwasntso auuwats esa ‘the animals
dwelling together’ (46a7C), kleanma : auuwa ñi aräñcne waiptr witska
wawayw[a] : [sic] ‘kleas dwelling in my heart, spreading roots widely’
(228b1A); —waälle* ‘living together’ (= B(H)S savsa-): m wsalempa =
B(H)S asavsa (IT-127a7C); —w lñe*: 38 snai wilñe po no wäntarwa
‘without rest however [are] all things` (45b6C), in ompostä-w lñe
‘consequence’: [: witsakatso yokaintse ompo]stä-wlñentasa m sälkoäts :
‘[if] the roots of desire and [their] consequences [are] not pulled out’ (11a7 C).
From PIE *h2wes- ‘dwell, pass the night, stay’ [: Sanskrit vásati ‘dwells,
passes the night,’ Avestan vahaiti ‘dwells,’ Armenian goy ‘is, exists,’ Greek
núkta áesa ‘I passed the night,’ Middle Irish fóaid ‘pass the night, dwell’ (<
*h2woseti), Gothic wisan ‘be,’ Hittite hwes- ‘live,’ huski- ‘wait for, linger,
procrastinate’ (< *h2us-ske/o-, cf. Puhvel’s discussion, 1991: 410-411; also
Kloekhorst, 2008:354-355), and many nominal derivatives (P:1170-1171; MA:
171; LIV:293ff.; Cheung, 2006:202-203; Beekes, 2010:26)] (Feist, 1913:262,
VW:564-5). The Tocharian B subjunctive wi- would appear to be directly
comparable to Sanskrit uyate/uyati though both may be independent develop-
ments. For the form of the reduplicated preterite participle, see now Ringe
(1989). See also yiye, weñña, waste, ost, waamo, wiye, and weswe.
wäsok (~ wässok*C) (n.) ‘beer’ (?)
[-, -, wäsok//] ysre la cakanma wi tauwä wer wäsokä ka la cak [lege: ck]
pi tom ‘grain went out: two cakanma, four tau; for beer barley went out one ck,
five tau’ (Huang Wên-pi 73 (1), 3 [11. Monat]Col [Schmidt, 1999c:7]), ///omtte
wäsoki ka maitare /// there went out barley for beer’ (PR 26, 37Col/PK-DAM.
507Col [ibid]).
Schmidt suggests ‘barley-spirits’ (‘Gerstenbranntwein’) as the meaning, but a
simple ‘beer’ as the beverage derived from barley would be more likely.
Etymology unknown. Schmidt suggests a connection with TchA wsok ‘happy,
friendly; devout, trusting’ on the analogy of Sanskrit prasanna- ‘clear (i.e.,
having settled out of water); cheerful, friendly; trusting, devout’ and its nominal
derivative prasann- ‘Reisbranntwein’ (i.e., ‘that which has been clarified’).
wi 651
However, TchA wsok does not mean ‘clear’ and thus this necessary semantic
prop to Schmidt’s etymology is missing.
¹wäsk-, wsk-.
²wäsk-, ñäsk-.
wästarye (n.[m.sg.]) ‘liver’
[wästarye, -, -//] yä[kw]eñe oksaiñe läksaññe wästarye tu wikalle ‘horse, beef,
and fish liver; it [is] to be avoided’ (559b4/5C).
TchB wästarye is most closely related to Greek hústros ‘stomach’ or hustéra
‘womb.’ The Tocharian word reflects a PIE *udstryo- (VW:565, though details
differ). More distantly the Greek and Tocharian forms (reflecting *ud-tero-) are
related to PIE *ud-ero- [: Sanskrit udára- (nt.) ‘belly,’ Latin uterus ‘womb’ (with
analogical -t-) and, with secondary gua, Old Prussian weders ‘belly,’ Lithuanian
v^$ daras ‘entrails (of fish),’ Latvian vêdars ‘belly’ (P:1104; MA:2)].
wästr (adv.) ‘again, doubly, doubled, in two ways’
ariwe wya wi wästr [pkuweä] s wya sanai ‘he brought two twice-
combed rams and a she-goat’ (SI B Toch. 11.3Col [Pinault, 1998:8]). Apparently
identical in meaning with wasto, q.v. from PIE dwisth2o- (see discussion s.v.
wasto), though provided with the usual distributive suffix -r.
wästsitse (n.) ‘±clothing’
[-, -, wästsitse//] kapyres wäsitse [sic] ‘concerning the laborers’ clothing’
(Otani II-12a8Col [Ching and Ogihara, 2012:81]), wätitse (THT-322a3 [Ching and
Ogihara, 2012:95]). A derivative of wastsi, q.v.
wi (numeral) ‘two’
: äalñe e w trai twer pi ak tätsi : ‘counting: one, two, three, four, five,
up to ten’ (41a8C), wi-meñantse-ne ‘on the second of the month’ (433a11Col), wi
rsoñc ‘two spans’ (IT-247b1C), wi otrna = B(H)S dvilinga- (193a1C/L), cey wi
omprotärcci kyapi ‘these two bebrothered kyapas’ [i.e., ‘The two Kyapa.
brothers’] (108a8L); —wi-pewa ‘two-footed’: : lyakä kr[au]pträ : snai-
pewa : wi-pewa : twer-pewa : mak-pewa : klepe mällasträ : weperke
parkää : lyakä sompasträ : ‘thieves he gathers; [kinds of stolen goods:] the
footless, the two-footed, the four-footed, the many-footed; he denies theft, he
makes the booty disappear; he takes [from] the thieves’ (IT-127b2/4C, translation
apud Malzahn; for -pewä by neglect of ä-diacritic in conjunction with -
diacritic), wi-ppewänne kattaryi plme ‘the katriyas [are] the best among the
two-footed [ones]’ (PK-AS-16.2-a1C [Pinault, 1989:154]); —wi-paine-weñña*
‘footstool’: (Qumtura 34-g5C/Col [Pinault, 1993-94:175]).
TchA wu (m.) and we (f.) reflect PIE *dw(u) (m.) and *dwoi (nt.) [: Sanskrit
dv$ (u) (m.), dvé (f./nt.) ‘two’ (< *dwehai and dwoih1), Greek dú, Latin duo/
duae, English two, etc. (P:229; MA: 399)]. TchB wi (m./f.) must be the equi-
valent of TchA we with the same treatment of PIE final *-oi we see in the
nominative plural of thematic adjectives (B also thematic nouns): A -e, B -i. The
specifics of this etymology go back to Winter, 1962a:29; see also VW:585-6
(following Meillet, 1911-1912:285, and Pedersen, 1941:76, 89), though the
details differ. See also wyr, wate, wato, wasto, wiltse and probably the next
entry.
652 wi-
2
K Ps. IXb (= Ko.) /wíkäsk’ä/e-/ [A wkäskau, -, wkää//-, -, wkäske;
AImp./Opt. wkäim, -, wkäi//; nt-Part. wikäeñca ‘driving away, casting
off’; Ger. wikäälle; Inf. wkäs(t)si]: m tot ñi pintwt warpalle nesau kossa
wsa kleanma m wikäskau ‘I will not receive alms as long as I do not avoid
false conception and kleas’ (107b10L); po yolaiñe wkäi po cmelane ‘may I
drive away evil in all births’ (S-6b3/PK-AS-5Cb3C); [akntsaññe]=orkamñe
wkäeñca snai lypär ‘driving away the darkness of ignorance without anything
left behind’ (99b2C), [in Manichean script] vyk’šyn’ (Gabain/Winter, 1958:12);
wkäälle = B(H)S prahtavya (IT-13a4C), wikälyi = B(H)S suprahey (IT-
233a1C); Ipv. II /päyík-/ [ASg. pika; MPPl. pikat]: ñi le oko pika mentsi
a[ñmame] mentsis krui wikalle takoi (295b7/8A), pkärso maimäñci pikt ///
(284b7A); Pt. II /y ik-/ [A -, yaikasta, yaika//-, -, yaikare]: [kä] su wrotse
yaika-ne proskai : ‘this great teacher cast out his fear’ (46a8C); PP /yeiku-/: yaiku
nki = B(H)S apetadoa- (30a4C); —yaikorme: päst yaikorme = B(H)S
apanya- (11a5C); —wikäälñe ‘that which is to be put aside, cast off’:
wkäälñeme = B(H)S vhitvt (309a3C); —wikäälñee* ‘prtng to that
which is cast off’: wikäñeai lalyntse = B(H)S parih
adharma- (591b2L).
TchA wik- and B wik- reflect PTch *wäik- with rebuilt zero-grade (Adams,
1978). Extra-Tocharian connections are less certain. It is either (1) from PIE
*weik- ‘enter into or away from’ (whether the entering is into the speaker’s
sphere of reference or into another) [: Sanskrit viáti/viáte ‘enters,’ Avestan
visaiti ‘presents oneself,’ Lithuanian vkti ‘come, go,’ Greek éoike ‘seems,
appears; resembles; seems fitting’] (Hollifield, 1978:178-80) or (2), the more
common connection of the Tocharian words, from *weig- ‘± turn, move away’
[: Sanskrit vijáte ‘heaves, speeds, flees (away),’ Avestan vag- ‘sling, throw,
swing,’ OHG whhan, Old English wcan ‘yield, give ground,’ Old Norse
víkva/víkja ‘move, turn,’ Lithuanian vigrùs/víglas ‘quick, nimble’ (P:1130-1131;
LIV:667f.)] or its doublet *weik- [: Latin vinci ‘bind, tie up; surround,’ Greek
eík ‘yield, give ground’ (P:ibid.; MA:607; Beekes, 2010:382)] (Lane, 1938:24,
VW:572, and Jasanoff, 1978:40). Naturally, there is no way to exclude the
possibility that the two PIE roots have fallen together in Tocharian. See also
possibly aikatte.
Wiku (n.) ‘Viu’
[Wiku, -, -//] • Wik
u nest [t]we poyiññee po yukeñcai [153] ‘thou art the
all-knowing Viu, conquering all’ (214b3/4E/C). From B(H)S Vi
u. See
also Vinu.
wicko, wcko.
w cuik (n.) ‘cholera’
[wcuik, -, -//] In a list of diseases: ST-b5/IT-305b5C. From B(H)S (by meta-
thesis) vicik-. A variant of viucik, q.v.
wic ~ vij (nnt.) ‘knowledge, magical skill’
[wic, wicantse ~ vidyäntse, wic//-, -, wicanma] toy vicanmasa sivenäe pile
näsai[t yamaäle] ‘by these magical skills [for] a wound to the raphé a spell [is]
to be cast’ (504a4C/L). From B(H)S vidy-.
( )
wiñcaññe* (adj.) ‘prtng to a nestling’
[m: -, -, wiñcaññe//] sn[ai] parw lestaime tska su kl[]y[a] n[o]
654 wna
k[e]tsa wiñcaññe a[r]wa[r]ñ[e]sa tr[i]kä[] mäkt[e] pals[o cwi] ‘[if] with-
out feathers he rises from [his] nest, he will fall to earth; so his spirit tricks [him]
with a nestling’s pride’ (282b1A).
The adjective wiñcaññe implies a (probably animate—otherwise -ae) *wiñce
or *wañce. If this is an inherited word, its PIE antecedent could only be *wndh-
én- ‘one who has *wendh-.’ This must be *wendh- ‘hair’ (P:1148; cf. Greek
íonthos ‘new beard,’ Old Irish find ‘head hair,’ Middle Irish fés ‘[pubic] hair,’
OCS vs! ‘beard,’ OHG wintbrwa ‘eyeleash’). Thus the Tch B ‘nestling’ was
originally the ‘downy one’ (Adams, 2011b:37-38).
w na (n.[pl. tant.?]) ‘pleasure’
[wna, -, wna//] or [//wina, -, wina] (?): [cmelne l]w[]ññe ainake ñä yamamai
wina ielmene ‘in common, animal birth I made pleasure for myself in sexual
pleasures’ (588b5E), wina = B(H)S rati (U-21b4E?/IT-75b4]), [62 re]kauna
pltäne ikau wna kalla kästwer panene : ‘they will find pleasure in
words and conversations by day, at night in sleep’ (27a4C), [eanai]säña [lege:
eanaisäñ] win=aieñca = B(H)S nayan-bhirma (524b5C), wna ymo =
B(H)S rat (IT-152a7C), enaisäñ wna ‘a pleasure to the eyes’ (K-7b2/PK-AS-
7Gb2C), palskontse wina ere = B(H)S manoramam bimba (U-1a4C/IT-233a4]),
ompalskoññe wina ymo = B(H)S sad dhynarat (U-2a2); —w nae ‘prtng
to pleasure’ (611a2C); —w n-mññe (nm.) ‘±pleasure-hall’ (?) tka kreñc
wn-m[ññi] ‘there will be good gardens’ (275a4A), lyewce wina-mññe
werpi-kanne [sic] ‘in one another’s pleasure grounds and gardens’ (571b5A); a
compound of wna ‘pleasure’ and ‘-mññe ‘hall,’ qq.v. For the formation one
should compare taupe-maññe, yärke-maññe or wasanpt-maññe.
TchB wna is related to TchA wañi ‘id.’ The two are clearly derivatives of PIE
*wenh1- ‘wish for; like’ [: Sanskrit vánati ‘wishes for, likes; is triumphant,’
vanas- ‘love,’ vani- ‘desire, wish,’ Avestan vanaiti ‘is triumphant,’ Latin venus
‘love,’ Old English wine ‘friend,’ etc. (P:1147; MA:158; de Vaan, 2008:661)].
The TchA may reflect a PIE *wn(h1)iyo- (cf. Old Norse vœ$nn ‘promising;
beautiful’ or Gothic wenjan ‘await, expect, hope’) while TchB wna would be
from *wnh1-eha- whose closest phonological congeners would be Gothic un-
uwands ‘desolated, unquiet,’ Old Norse una ‘be content,’ (< *wnh1-eh1-) or
Sanskrit vmá- (< *wnh1mó-) ‘pleasant, agreeable; eager for’ (Sieg, Siegling and
Schulze, 1931:4, VW:544, with differing details; Kloekhorst, 2008:1000, asserts
that Hittite wen- ‘copulate’ guarantees the first laryngeal). See also win-ññ- and
possibly winsk-.
winayadhare* (n.) ‘expert in (monastic) discipline’
[-, winayadhari, -//] (G-Su12Col). From B(H)S vinayadhara- (Pinault, 1987a:
143). See also next entry.
winasre (nm.) ‘expert in (monastic) discipline’
[winasre, -, -//] (IT-148b4C). From a Middle Indic (more particularly Gandhr
because of the -s-?) descendant of B(H)S vinayadharma- (Pinault, 1987a:143).
See previous entry.
win-ññ- (vi.) ‘find pleasure’
Ps. XII /win -ññ’ä/e-/ [MP -, winntar, -//-, -, winññentär; Ger. winlle]: : kwri
war tka yolmene winññenträ omp lwsa laksä warñai : ‘if there is water in
win-sk- 655
the pond, animals, the fish, etc., will will enjoy themselves there’ (11b4C); —
winlñe* ‘enjoyment’: winlñene krentantso ‘in the enjoyment of good things’
(231a1C/L); —winlñetstse ‘having pleasure, enjoyment’: pelkene winlñecci
tka ‘there will be those having enjoyment in zeal’ (542b5C). A denominative
verb from wna, q.v. See following entry.
winññe (n.) ‘pleasure’
[winññe, -, -//] welläññe wnññe’the pleasure of speaking’ (IT-227a2E),
triwlñe wnññe ‘the pleasure of mixing’ (IT-227a3E). A nominal derivative of
the preceding entry.
win, vin.
w n-mññe, s.v. wna.
win-sk- (vt.) (Act.) ‘honor, worship, pay respect to’; (MP) ‘confess’
Ps. IXa (= Ko.) /win sk’ä/e-/ [A winskau, winst, winä//winskem, -,
winske; MP winaskemar, -, -//; AImpf./Opt. -, -, wini//-, -, winye; Inf.
wins(t)si; Ger. winälle]: tañ pernerñe winskau : ‘I honor thy glory’
(204a1C), ak pärkwnta to mäskenträ kuse pat winä ‘the ten benefits are
[for him] who honors a stpa’ (K-9a5/PK-AS-7Ia5C), : ek wini cmele ceu
samudtär totte ykuweo 30 ‘one should always honor [him who has] gone
completely [beyond] this sea of birth’ (30b4C); tane winsi kame ‘then they
came to honor’ (G-Su39Col); : añ l=lyekäts kartse[ne] spelkkessu ek s
winle : ‘he [who is] zealous for good for his own and for others [is] to be
worshiped/honored’ (30b5C); Pt. IV /win -/ [A -, winasta, wina//-, -,
winare (winar-ne)]: : katkomñaisa arañce plu-ne ram wina-me ‘his
heart leapt, as it were, for joy and he worshiped them’ (375b4L), takarkñesa
winar-ne wi eerñna ‘out of faith the two besistered ones [i.e., the two
sisters] honored him’ (107b6L); PP /wewínu-/: bramñäkte warñai po ai-
ents[e] wewnao ‘the brahma-god, etc., honored by the whole world’ (74b1C),
/// [taka]rkäñesa paine wew[näorme]/// ‘having worshiped at [his] feet
with faith’ (IT-8b3C); —winälñe ‘homage, honor, worship’: [win]älñe =
B(H)S namas- (311a1C), tume putantime waiptr aarintats paiyne win-
älle … eke nawanti tätsi ‘then [the candidate is] to honor the feet of the
caryas separately from the most senior [position] to the newest [position]’
(KVc-20a4/THT-1112a4C [K. T. Schmidt, 1985:760]); —winälñee ‘prtng
to honor or homage’ (589a2C); —wewinäorme (PK-AS-17Kb2C).
TchA wins- and B winsk- reflect PTch *wäinsk- with a rebuilt zero-grade
(Adams, 1978). The latter is probably (as if) from PIE *wei(hx)- ‘bend, twist’
(P:1120-3) with a -neha- present. One should compare particularly Pali pav
ati
‘looks up to, respects, honors’ (Couvreur, 1947:64) or, without the laryngeal, Old
Irish fen- (< *wi-nha-) in Old Irish ar-fen- ‘seclude,’ Old Irish im-fen ‘surround.’
The Tocharian words would have meant something like ‘bend down’ or ‘bend
toward’ (semantically one might compare proskuné in Greek, or, closer to home,
TchB näm-). Also possible is to see in winsk- as a denominative from wna-,
much as in Latin venerre is a derivative of venus (Duchesne-Guillemin,
1941:148). Otherwise VW (573). See also possibly w na and winññ-.
656 winai*
B(H)S phalamlni (363a7C), wcuko kemets witsa[ko] ‘the jaw [is] the root of
the teeth’ (IT-100b2C), eketse witskai wikälñe tuntse weskau ‘I speak of its
extirpation, even to the root’ (K-3b2/PK-AS-7Cb2C), uppläana witsakampa
kärko trempa ‘with lotus roots and germinated grain’ (ST-a4/IT-305a4C); —
witsake* ‘prtng to a root’ (530a2C); —witsakae ‘prtng to roots’ (Y-
1a5C/L).
Probably with VW (644) a borrowing from an Iranian *vityaka- or *vaityaka-
‘root,’ similar to but not identical to *vaiti- seen in Avestan vati-, Modern
Persian bd or *vaitka- seen in Ossetic uedgä, though the lack of any exact
Iranian parallels is disturbing (and one might have expected *-ty- to have given
Tocharian -cc- [see waipecce]). A Middle Iranian *wik- (Winter, 1971:222,
Tremblay, 2005:426) from *waitik- makes the Tocharian form a bit easier, but
the -- > -ts- is still somewhat difficult. (Cf. Beekes’ [2010:1285] discussion of
the etymological incompatibility of IE words for ‘root.’)
we (n.) ‘?’
• pi-cmelaes pernesa m we wna kälpit • ‘for the sake of those of the five
births thou didst not find a pleasure in we’ (231a2C/L). The meter confirms that
there is no akara missing here.
we- (vt.) ‘speak, say, state, tell; [M-P] ‘be called’ [wrantsai we- ‘answer’; parna we-
‘pronounce’; irvt we- ‘say a blessing’] (MP = passive)
Ps. IXa /wesk’ä/e-/ [A weskau, west, weä/-, -, weste/weskem, wecer,
weske; AImpf. weim, weit, wei//-, -, weye; MP weskemar, westar,
westär//-, -, weskentär; nt-Part. weeñca (see below); m-Part. weskemane
‘saying, telling’; Ger. weälle ~ wele]: : wäse m weskau : cire m weskau •
‘I do not speak falsely; I do not speak harshly’ (THT-1297a1A), nyake weä
m tnek ka ka ñä weñwa ‘the [dramatic] hero speaks: “not alone have I spoken
here” ’ (PK-AS-12Ea4 [Thomas, 1979:19, fn. 57]), weä = B(H)S vadati (IT-
122b4E), weä = B(H)S bhate (U-21a2E?/IT-75a2]), amäkane weste ‘the
(two) boys speak’ (THT-1248a4E), ka m wecer krent [reki] ‘why do you not
say a good word?’ (20b6C), tusa m wesk[e]m codake weä ‘thus we don’t
speak, the accuser speaks’ (197a2L); /// wrantsai wei : ‘he would answer’
(28b5C), ysaparsa yey irvt wei ‘he went close and said a blessing’ (107a3L);
15 somo-a[i]ñyai somo ytrye westär ‘the only traversable [way], why is it called
the only way?’ (29b1C), westrä = B(H)S gyase (IT-203b3C); se emne prti-
mokä-stär weskemane mat weä ‘the monk, saying the prtimoka-stra,
says thus’ (TEB-65-5/IT-247C]); e vij wele ‘one spell [is] to be said’ (M-3a5/
PK-AS-8Ca5C), se pravarite cchando parna vele ‘the formula concerning the
pravra
a is to be pronounced’ (Vallée Poussin, 1913:846); Ko. VII /wéñ’ä/e-/ [A
weñau, went, we//weñem, weñcer, weñe; AOpt. weñim, -, weñi//; Inf. wentsi;
Ger. welle]: /// weñeu wents • (IT-369b2E), lare we [n]o [m] eñcare
empre we no m [waike we] ‘[if] one speaks a friendly [word], not an
unfriendly one, [if] one speaks the truth and doesn’t tell a lie’ (20a8C), w[e]nt-
meca (IT-285a3A), weñem = B(H)S vakyma (189b4L); s no wetsi epastye
ey ‘he was, however, able to speak’ (PK-AS-18B-a1C [Pinault, 1984b:377]); :
añ aul samp ri[ntär m yolo] welle se wnolme /// ‘his own life he will give up,
an evil word will not [be] spoken [by] this creature’ (20b8C); Ipv. VI /póñ-/ [ASg.
we- 659
poñ; APl. poñes/ pontso]: weän-necä arya ammakki poññ ppai ‘he says to
her: beloved mother, tell father’ (85a2C), poñä (IT-80a5 [TVS]), poñes (108a5L);
/// parkän-me te ot pontso yes cenäco : ‘[if] they ask you, then tell them this’
(7a2C); Pt. V /weñ -/ [A weñwa ~ wñwa, weñsta ~ wñsta, weña (weñ-ne ~
wñ-ne)//weñm, wñs, weñr(e) ~ wñre; MP//-, -, weñnte]: wertsiyaine
orotsai wat weña kas to lokanma ‘or in the great company he said these six
strophes’ (A-1b1/2/PK-AS-6Bb1/2C), /// prekallen[e] wayre-ne prekenta
weñre ‘they led him to the interrogation and the judges spoke’ (IT-131b1C)
[The forms wñ- and wñ- exist side by side in pre-Classical and Classtical
Tocharian B while weñ- is overwhelmingly dominant in later Tocharian B
(Peyrot, 2008; 148-149)]; PP /weweñu-/: kreñc tne weweño kuse stmo ln=
stre ‘good here [are they] called who stand in pure moral behavior’ (15a6=
17a7C), krentäntso soylñe weweñu ‘uttering the satisfaction of the good’
(33a2/3C), mahkarunme vinai weweñu ‘having enunciated the discipline out of
[his] great mercy’ (288a3C/L); —weweñorme; —weeñca ‘(one) speaking, a
speaker’: [a]tkatte … weeñca = B(H)S abhta-vdat (16a4C), kärtse-we-
eñcantse = B(H)S hitavaktus (251a4E), [m alyek] watkäskau re wetsi m
ire weeñcaimpa=e ‘I don’t order another to speak harshly [nor to be] with a
harsh speaker’ (596a3C); —weeñcatstse ‘speaker’: tume karmapyä-
weeñcatse tonak rekauna yentukäñe pele weäle ‘then the karmavcan-speaker
[is] to speak the Indian law [in] these words’ (KVcC [K. T. Schmidt, 1985:764]);
—welñe ‘speech, talk, speaking, saying, discourse’: nki-welñe preresa ceu
aunaän-me arañcne : ‘with this arrow of blame-speaking he wounds them in
the heart’ (17b1C), welñe = B(H)S bhitam (20a3C), cre welñe ‘harsh speech’
(68b5C), pañäktentse welyñesa ‘by the saying of the Buddha’ (95a5C), olyapotstse
welñe = B(H)S adhivacana- (170a6C), käskau welñe ‘senseless talk’ (PK-AS-7J
[CEToM]), welñe = B(H)S pralpa- (Y-3a2C/L); —welñee* ‘prtng to speech’:
(A-3b1/PK-AS-6Gb1C); —weweñor ‘declaration; meaning’: mant weweñor ste
poyintse ‘such is the declaration of the Buddha’ (K-2a3/PK-AS-7Ba3C), kuse
weweñor tka ake ‘what was the meaning (of) ka? (MSL 18, 420).
TchA weñ- and B weñ- reflect PTch *weñ- (with PTch *-e- preserved in A
before a nasal in an initial syllable as in ets- [cf. B ek-] and en- [B id.]) but
further connections are not as clear as they might be. Possibly (so VW:568-70,
much modified) from PIE *wend- ‘speak (solemnly)’ (related to the more
common *wed- ‘speak’) found otherwise only in Indo-Iranian [: Sanskrit vándate
‘praise’] and, crucially for this hypothesis, in Tocharian wäntare ‘thing’ (as if)
from PIE *wndrwó- [: Sanskrit vandru- ‘praising, praise’ (< *we/ondoru-) or
Avestan dužvandru- ‘blaspheming’]. A PIE *wonde- (present and/or subjunc-
tive) would regularly have given PTch *weñä-. A PIE *wond-ye/o- should have
given *weññ’ä/e-. We must assume that the *wente- we would expect from
*wondo- was replaced by analogical weñe- much as, in attested TchB, we- from
*yeh3wo- was being replaced by analogical ye- on the model of yä- from
*yeh3we-. The present stem is then from *wond-ske/o- or later from *weñ-sk’ä/e-
(which was never present in TchA or replaced by träk- [cf. B trek-] because of
homophony with *wens- ‘defecate’ [Winter, 1977:152]).
660 weiye
Alternatively we might see here a reflex of PIE wekw- [: Sanskrit vákti, Sanskrit
vívakti ‘speaks, tells, says,’ Avestand vak- ‘id.,’ Greek eîpon ‘spoke’ (< *we-wp-
om), Old Prussian wacktwei ‘entice, coax,’ OHG giwahanen/giwahinen (<
*giwahnjan) ‘mention,’Latin vx ‘sound, voice,’ Sanskrit vk ‘id.,’ etc. (P:1135-
6; MA: 534-535)] (Meillet, 1911-12:285, Lane, 1938:29, 33, Pedersen, 1941:249,
and Winter, 1977, much modified). The present might be from *wokwske/o- or
later *weñ-sk’ä/e- (so Winter). The weñ- would be a late denominative *wokn-
ye/o- (cf. Sanskrit vacaná- ‘speaking’ or pre-OHG *-wahnjan) like eri- ‘hunt’
from *gwhrw-ye/o- (cf. erwe ‘hunter’). The difficulty here is the drastic cluster
reduction *-kny- to -ñ- that must be assumed. (Notice that we cannot have *wek-
+ the common denominative suffix -äññ-. The latter suffix is of Indo-European
date [cf. Greek -aín], was syllabic in Indo-European times [*-nye/o-], in attested
TchB [-äññ-] and A [-iñ-] and at all times in between. *wekäññ- would never
have become weñ-.) The strength of this hypothesis is the presence of wek
‘sound, voice’ and weeñña ‘id.’which attest the presence of PIE *wokw- in
Tocharian. Particularly strong is the evidence of weeñña since other derived
nouns in -eñña are deverbative, cf. weñña ‘place’ and cmoñña ‘id.,’ the latter
with secondary rounding of the -e-.
A third alternative is a derivation from *h2wedhx- [: Sanskrit vádati ‘speaks,
raises his voice,’ Grk aud% ‘voice’ (P:76-77, LIV:255)] (Pinault, 1994a:135,
Peters, 2006:344). See also weñmo, weñiye, weñenta, and weuki and
possibly wäntare or wek and weeñña.
weiye (n.[m.sg.]) ‘excrement’
[weiye, -, weiye//] weye wärñai sa w/// ‘ordure, etc., she will eat’
(THT-1254a2A), • wets weiye akai y[mor] uwa prete[nne •] ‘among
the pretas they eat urine, excrement, and vomit’ (522a3C), swññe weiye
kräkañe weye kuñiye weiye ‘pork excrement, chicken excrement, dog
excrement’ (P-1b3C); —we()iyetstse ‘having excrement,’ more generally
‘noxious’: weyetsai … kotaisa ‘by a sewer’ (31a3C), /// ce w[e()]yecce pä
lyamn=aurcce • ‘in this noxious and wide lake’ (IT-24b1C). A derivative of
wets, q.v., with which it is at least partially overlapping in meaning.
wek (n.[m.sg.]) ‘voice, noise’ [wek tärk- = ‘cry out’]
[wek, -, wek//] cpi kleneu wek täwäññe ‘his lovely, resounding voice’ (Kucha
0187-b4/Or.8212/1379A] [Couvreur, 1954c:82]), cme tsreläññesa wek tarka-
noym ‘because of separation from thee I cried out’ (78a4C), 23 wñ-ne cäñcare
brahmasvarsa weksa ‘he spoke to him with a friendly brahmasvara-voice’
(384b3C); —wektse ‘loudly’: : wek[ts]e päccapa pi to lokanma pud-ñäk-
t[entse] /// ‘loudly announce these five lokas of the Buddha’ (16a3C).
TchA wak and B wek reflect PTch *wek from PIE *wkw/wokw- [: Sanskrit
vk-, Avestan vxš (gen. vao), Latin vx, Greek (acc. sg.) ópa (P:1135-6;
MA:623; de Vaan, 2008:691-692)] (Meillet, 1911-1912: 285, Pedersen,
1941:254, VW:541). Tocharian has generalized the non-lengthened grade.
See also weeñña and possibly we-, wekwe, and Wekrsa.
Wekrsa (n.) ‘Wekrsa’ (PN of a god)
[Wekrsa, -, Wekrsa//] (PK-AS-17A-a4, -a6C [Pinault, 1984c:169]). Though
appearing in a play (the Supriyanaka) set in India, this divine name is clearly
wente* 661
not Indian but Tocharian. If we knew the Indian name that Wekrsa replaces, we
would know more about the interpretatio indica of native Tocharian divinities.
wekwe (adv.?) ‘loudly’
(PK-AS-15Ab3C [CEToM]). Grammatical role and semantic identification
tentatively suggested by CEToM on basis of resemblance to wek.
weñamo, weñmo.
weñiye (n.) ‘talk, discussion’
[weñiye, -, -//] tsäk-me weñye käll[au]ntse armtsa ‘talk arose among them
concerning the basis of gain/profit’ (16b3C). A derivative, from the subjunctive
stem, of we-, q.v.
weñe (n.) a medical ingredient
[weñe, -, -//] (W-5a5C).
weñenta (n.[m.sg.]) ‘speaker, intercessor’
[weñenta, -, -//-, weñentats, weñenta] weñentänne posa plme walo
rkets ‘the king of seers, best among intercessors’ (K-3b1/PK-AS-7Cb1C), ak
no weña pärkwnta pudñäkte plme weñenta ‘however, the Buddha, the best
speaker, spoke of the ten benefits’ (K-9a2/PK-AS-7Ia2C). A derivative, based
on the subjunctive stem, of we-, q.v. See also wañenta.
weñmo* (n.) ‘advocate’
[(voc. weñmo)//] weñmo ptka-ñ onolmets tarko-ñ trako ‘be my advocate with
creatures; may they release my sin!’ (TEB-64-03/IT-5C/L). The single occur-
rence of this word is in a poetic text. The expected “prose” form would be
weñamo*. A derivative (from the subjunctive stem) of we-, q.v.
weta* (nf.) ‘struggle, battle’
[-, wetntse, weta//-, -, weta] wetane ya snai yepe ‘he goes into battle without
a weapon’ (127b5E), wetntse (21b5C), kleanmaai wetane ‘in the struggle with
the kleas’ (277a3C?); —weta-watalyñe ‘the art of war’ (in KVc-15a5/THT-
1107a5C). A derivative of wät-, q.v. Identical in meaning but different in
formation is TchA wac. Weta shows its probable relative recency in TchB by the
lack of -umlaut. See also next entry.
wetu (adj.?) ‘fighting’
[wetu, -, -//wetñc, -, wetntä] /// kausa-ñ rnä wetntä 63 ‘he killed for
me adult men (?), fighting men’ (22a1C), : ry wetñco etri /// ‘adult man (?),
fighting men and heroes’ (47a8C). For the meaning(s), see the discussion s.v.
ry. A derivative of weta, q.v.
wetene ~ weteni ~ weteñi (n.) ‘fenugreek (Trigonella corniculata Linn. or Trigo-
nella foenum-graecum)’ (a medical ingredient)
[wetene, -, -//] • panitäe pel e prayok • wetene se wate • ‘a molasses-pill is
one means; fenugrec [is] another’ (IT-306b1C). From B(H)S vedhin-.
wetke (adv.) ‘apart’: wya {ci} lauke tsyra ñi wetke lykautka-ñ [lege: klyautka-ñ] |
pke po läklentas cie tsrwo samp[te-] ‘it [scil. a lovers’ quarrel] led thee afar,
it tore me apart; it made me share all sufferings and it took away from me the
consolation [I had in] thee’ (496a6/7L). Surely a derivative of wätk-, q.v.
wene, s.v. ñä.
wente* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± covering’ (?) or ‘rope’ (?) or ‘mat’ (?)
[-, -, wente//] kete ñme tka wtsi yoktsi källtsi erkenmame erk pralle
662 wets
cewä erkwame wente yamale cew wentesa ñuwe kuntike taale ‘whoever has
the wish to get food and drink, he [is] to fetch a string from the cemetery and
from that string he [is] to make a wente and [is] to set a new pot on the wente’
(M-3b2/PK-AS-8Cb2C). /It would seem natural to connect this word with
wänt- ‘cover’ (as does Sieg, 1954:82), but the context is not altogether supportive
of such a meaning. Winter (p.c.) suggests ‘rope’ as an alternative. One might
also think of some kind of mat woven from strings (that which is ‘twisted
together’?).
wets (n.[m.sg.]) ‘excrement, dung’
[wets, -, wets//] slesa kewiye wentsa pepaku ‘cooked on the earth with cow
dung’ (497b3/4C), • wets weiye ankai y[mor] uwa prete[nne •] ‘among
the pretas they eat excrement, filth, and vomit’ (522a3C). For the meaning one
should compare TchA (150b6) om su-wesis wca ly-wesis ‘the one [opening]
for dry excrement, the second for wet excrement’ (Winter, 1977:152). At least
partially overlapping in meaning with its derivative weiye, q.v.
TchA wes and B wets reflect PTch *wenäsä but extra-Tocharian connections
are doubtful. VW (op, Slavistina Revija 1970:103-104 apud VW:570) sug-
gests a connection with Latin v(n)sica ‘(urinary) bladder’ or Sanskrit vastí-
‘urinary bladder’ (both from PIE *wnd(s)t-?) which is attractive but has
phonological difficulties (I would expect *-ns- to reduce to -s- in Tocharian, cf.
msa or the pronoun -me) as well as semantic ones (i.e., the Tocharian words
mean ‘excrement’ in general and not just ‘urinary bladder’). An appropriate PIE
preform would be *wónisom and one might seek to connect it to Sanskrit
vani(h)ú- which is some part of the intestinal tract (colon or rectum). See
also weiye (which, under this hypothesis, would reflect PIE *wónisiyo-.
wepe* (n.) ‘± corral, paddock’
[//-, -, wepe] /// [a]ñ k[e]wän aktaisa kaltär-me ñr wepe aan-me : ‘he
goads his own cattle with a stick and leads them each to their own paddocks’
[wepe = B(H)S gocara-] (3a3C). A derivative of *wäp- which underlies wp-,
q.v., (as if) from PIE *wobho-.
Wemacitre (n.) ‘Vemacitra’ (PN of a prince of the asuras)
[Wemacitre, -, Wemacitre//] (TEB-58-21/SI P/1bC]). See also 2Vemacitre.
wey- (vb.) ‘± steep’ (??)
Ko. I /wey-/ [-, -, wey//] ///alle tu y[mo]rme weya ukt kontsa te
tättrme wa[tst]sa särwna sonopälle • meñmpa enele msketr-ne • ‘… it is
to be …, [if] having done this, it steeps (?); having let it set for seven days, one is
to embrocate the face [with it] with a wat; like the moon it [scil. the face]
becomes for him/her’ (W-40b1C).
The form is phonologically difficult as it stands and is almost certainly to be
read as wey; the apparent <a> instead of <> is the result of the not uncommon
avoidance of combing the two dots of the -diacritic with the single dot of the -
diacritic. The approximate meaning is inferred from the context. If that
meaning is close to being correct, perhaps from *wei- which underlies the
attested *wei-s- ‘flow slowly, spread out [of water]’ [: Sanskrit véati ‘spills,
flows out and spreads,’ Old Norse veisa ‘pond/pool of stagnant water,’ Old
weretemae 663
English wse ‘marsh, mire’ (> NE ooze), Polish Wisµa ‘Vistula’ (P:1134)]. [Not
in TVS]
wer* (n.) ‘hate, hatred, enmity’
[-, -, wer//] wer con=arklaine ‘hate and enmity toward the snake’ (42a5C), wer
conai tarkatsi ‘to release hatred and enmity’ (42a7C), [Ara
e]m[i] lnte maiy-
ycce wer epiyac /// ‘remembering a powerful hatred toward king A.’ (90b2C).
From a Prakrit descendant of Sanskrit vaira- ‘hostility.’ Very likely the
Prakrit in question is that of Kroraina where we find vera- ‘hatred’ (VW:643).
See also the next entry.
werasse (adj.) ‘± hateful’
[m: werasse, -, -//] werässe (258b3A). A derivative of wer, q.v. For the
formation, see Winter, 1979.
weru (n.) ‘± bubble, blister’
[weru, -, -//] le pälsko pälyca-pälyc ra weru ramt ‘with a thought as fleeting as a
bubble’ (295a6A), wer[u] yetsene ‘blister on the skin’ (497b1C).
Etymology unclear. Possibly this word reflects PIE *wor-wen- ‘water having’
(so VW:570, with differing details), or *wodr-wen- ‘id.’ (better if, as I think,
we/o(h1)r- ‘water’ is not attested in Tocharian while *wodr is; war), or, as
*wórwom perhaps, to be connected with yoro, q.v. Hilmarsson (1991:191) takes
it to be from *wodr-uwnt-. De Vaan (2008:654) plausibly unites the two Tch
words with Latin varus ‘pimple, inflamed spot on the skin,’ Middle Irish ferbb
‘heat rash, pimple,’ and other morphologically more complex forms in other
Indo-European languages as from *worhxo-. This seems the most probable
solution. See also yweru.
were (n.[m.sg.]) ‘smell’
[were, -, were//-, -, were] were awñca = B(H)S gandharva- (176b5C), [mäkte
kroe] pyapyaime ere were m m[yää] [were = B(H)S gandha-] (300a2C),
were yau[m]au ‘against the smell’ (IT-178a8C), were (PK-AS-6Cb4C
[CEToM]), astre-were = B(H)S ucigandhi- (300b2C), kärtse-were = B(H)S
sugandhi- (308b6C), erene kartstsa werene kartstsa ukene kartstsa ‘beautiful in
form, beautiful in smell, beautiful in taste’ (107a4L); —weree ‘prtng to (a)
smell’ (155a5C); — -weretsaññe ‘property of having a smell’: yolo-weretsaññe
= B(H)S daurgandhya- (Y-3a2C/L). A derivative of wär-(sk-), q.v. Compare
TchA war ‘id.’ or, more distantly Old English wær ‘cautious, prudent, aware of.’
(As if) from PIE *wóro-.
weretemae (n.) ‘surety’ (?) or, less probably, ‘bankrupt person’ (?)
[weretemae, -, -//] mapi käryau nestä mapi weretemae nestä mapi lnte
wantarece nestä ‘Thou art not [who is] bought? Thou art not a surety for a pawn
or pledge’ [or a slave through bankruptcy]? Thou art not an official of the king?’
(KVc-19b1/THT-1111b1C [Schmidt, 1986]). The possible meanings are
supplied by Sanskrit (prptaka- ‘surety,’ vaktavya-‘voluntary slave because of
bankruptcy’ (Schopfen, 2010 [2011]) and Chinese parallels. Presumably for
weretemäe ‘one pertaining to a werete(m)’ (doubling of consonants is often not
shown in the KVc).
The phonological similarity of werete with Sanskrit vratám ‘religious obser-
vance, duty,’ Avestan urvata- ‘promise, contract’ (Ossetic æruæd ‘bride-price’) is
664 werke*
laymen, laywomen] (12a8C), wertsiyaime präketrä ‘he stays away from the
assembly’ (14a2C), : walo Kausale ee wertsyaimpa [em] ‘the king of Kosala
came together with [his] retinue’ (18b7C), • yaytau wertsiyai ya • = B(H)S
dnto vai samiti ynti [lege: yti] (306a3C), wer[ts]iyanne /// [wa]t [e]m[e]ske
‘in assemblies or privately’ [= B(H)S pariatsv atha v mitah] (IT-809a5+IT-
224a5C [Peyrot, 2008b:104]); —werts(i)yae* ‘prtng to a company, assembly,
retinue, etc.’ (TEB-58-20/SI P/1bC]), /// [wertsi]yae newe ama • ‘the din of
the retinue came’ (IT-130a5C/L), For the chronology of wertsiya as
nominative plural, see Peyrot (2008:7080). Genitive singular wertsaintse
presumably a spelling error. TchA wartsi and B wertsiya reflect PTch
*wertsiy-. Probably the latter is (as if) from PIE *wordhyeha- ‘mass, multitude,’
a derivative of *werdh- ‘grow, increase’ [: Sanskrit várdhati ‘grows,’ Avestan
var'd- ‘make grow,’ Albanian rit ‘grow, make large,’ Greek orthós ‘straight,
true’ OCS roditi ‘parere,’ etc. (P: 1167; MA:249)] (VW, 1970a:170, 1976:547).
A vr
ddhied derivative of this word exists in Tocharian A under the form wrtsäk*
‘neighboring.’ See also wrt-.
welke* (n.) a part of a plant, ‘petal’ (?)
[//welki, -, -] keu-pyapyantse welki eñcuwañe ketse te eme yarm ‘the petals of a
dandelion [?] and iron-rust, each the same measure’ (W-32b2/3C).
Probably one should compare Sanskrit valká- ‘bast, bast fibre,’ (particularly)
Avestan varka- ‘leaf,’ or Sanskrit vála- ‘shoot, twig.’
welñe, s.v. we-.
welwa ‘?’
/// [e]pikte welwa ·i/// (328a5L).
weweñor, s.v. we-.
weeñña ~ weeñño (nf.) ‘voice, sound’
[weeññaE-C ~ weeññoL, -, weeññai//] krokäts weeñña ‘the sound of bees’
(571b4A), weeña (IT-250a3E), orottsa kwasalñea weeñña klyaute ‘the great
voice of lamentation was heard’ (85b5C), weeñ[ai]sa tär ‘he leads with the
voice’ [= B(H)S ghoe
a nyate] (PK-NS-230b1C [Pinault, 1991]), snai weeññai
= B(H)S aabda- (193a7C/L); —weeññaie* ‘prtng to voice or sound’: we[eñ-
ñaie dhtu] = B(H)S abdadhtu- (155a4C).
Like the semantically and morphologically identical TchA wae, a derivative
of wek or possibly we-, qq.v.
we* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘guise, appearance’
[-, -, we//-, -, weanma] tane Ylaiñakte yakañe we mem[sku] ‘then Indra,
disguised as a yaka’ (99a5C); —we(ñ)ñe ‘prtng to a guise’: (PK-AS-6Eb5C
[CEToM]). From B(H)S vea-.
weperke* (n.) ‘swag, booty, stolen goods’
[-, -, weperke//] : lyakä kr[au]pträ : snai-pewa : wi-pewa : twer-pewa :
mak-pewa : klepe mällasträ : weperke parkää : lyakä sompasträ
‘thieves he gathers; [kinds of stolen goods:] the footless, the two-footed, the four-
footed, the many-footed; he denies theft, he makes the booty disappear; he takes
[from] the thieves’ (IT-127b2/4C, translation apud Malzahn, p.c.). Etymology
unknown.
666 weuki
wrong in trying to connect these words with Sanskrit dvpa-, Avestan dvapa-
‘island.’
waiwalau, waipalau.
wkä (particle) ‘indeed’
m ymor nanautau m [rano] wkä [aul nanautau] ‘the deed [is] not lost nor,
indeed, is life lost’ (K-7b1/PK-AS-7Gb1C). This would appear to be an un-
stressed variant of ok, q.v. See also mwk.
wcko (~ wicuko) (n.[m.sg.]) ‘cheek, jaw(bone)’
[wcuko, -, wcukai//] wcuko kemets witsa[ko] ‘the jaw [is] the root of the teeth’
(IT-100b2C), kaklya kemi latse wckai-wäñcintsa ‘teeth [have] fallen [out], [it
is] smooth over the jaw-gums’ (PK-AS-7Ma5C [CEToM]),, wickaine = B(H)S
hanu- (Y-2a3C/L). The variation of wcuko (Classical) and wicuko (Classical-
Late) suggests an underlying /wäcuko/. Etymology unknown.
wtentse, s.v. wate.
wtee (adj.) “secondary” (in kinship; see below)
• cwi soy wtee 2 (327a5L), ///soy wte[]e t[e] yiknesa uk täktsi [•] ///
(327b1L). As Sieg and Siegling suggest, the very fragmentary 327 is surely a
commentary on Ni#sargika Ptayantika 4, discussing the question as to who is
related and who unrelated to a monk and thus from whom he can accept clothing
(only from a related woman, never from some unrelated woman). Note the last
line (327b5L): /// eneka tka twsa trako m mäsketä[r] ‘within [these
degrees of relationship] there is no sin concerning her.’ The system of kinship
described is apparently of an Omaha-type where one’s father’s brothers are
assimilated to the father and one’s brother’s sons (“secondary sons”) to one’s
own sons (“sons”). This system is certainly Middle Indic, whether it is also
Tocharian cannot be told. A secondary son is a soy wtee [= fraternal nephew].
The apparent [tkcer trit]ea (“tertiary daughter”) of 327b4L would be the
granddaughter of one’s father’s brother. A derivative of wate ‘second,’ q.v.
wnolme, onolme.
wpelme* (n.) ‘(spider’s) web’
[-, -, wpelme//] : mäkte ypentse wpelm=auñento pak wpatsi : ‘just as the
beinning of weaving [is] the spider’s web’ (286a5C), /// c[m]ele wpelm<e> ‘web
of birth’ (286a6C). A derivative of wp- (or rather the *wäp- that underlies
wp-), q.v. For the formation, compare yelme, syelme, or onolme.
wpe, wape.
wyakep* (n.) ‘distraction; hindrance’
[-, -, wyakep//] (77a5C, 162a5C). From B(H)S vykepa-.
wyame ‘?’
///r wyame e pä totte indrinta /// (193a4C/L).
wykaritäe, s.v. vykar.
wyk(t)* (n.) ‘visible appearance’
[-, -, wyk//] tr akrsa wykne ‘in the appearance of the akara tr’ (325a4L).
From B(H)S vyakti-.
wyr (distributive numeral) ‘each two’
[caim] wi[y]r känte pikar eeme pi-känte jailäñi po kkeñisa lym[re]
670 wyai
Pedersen (1941:202, fn. 1) and VW (554, 576) suggest relating this term to PIE
*wel- ‘press, squeeze’ (P:1138; see also wälts-) but the semantic connection is
hardly compelling. Hilmarsson (1991:44-45) takes it to be related to B wl-
‘cover’ and from PIE *wel- ‘id.’ (for the semantics he compares Old Norse hamr
‘covering, skin’ and hemja ‘restrict, contain’). A relationship with Latin vale
‘be strong, healthy,’ Germanic, i.e., Gothic waldan ‘rule,’ OCS vlad@ti ‘rule,’ Old
Irish follnaithir ‘rules’ would be much more satisfying semantically (cf. Derksen,
2008:524, LIV:676; de Vaan, 2008:651-652). The Tocharian words may reflect
*wlh1-eh2- (so de Vaan), but that may be impossible for walo. See also walo
and awlwatte.
wlsk-, wr- ~ wl-.
wlaike, wlake.
w rä (n.) ‘fragrant root of the vetiver of cuss-cuss grass (Chrysopogon zizanioides,
Vetiveria zizanioides Linn. or Andropogon muricatus Retz.)’ (MI)
[wrä, -, -//] (W-8a5C). From B(H)S ura-. See also uir.
( )
wiye (n.[m.sg.]) ‘±dwelling’ (??)
[wiye, -, -//] • nraiets weiyetstse wiye ram no koyname /// ‘a dwelling
containing the dung of hells, just as from the mouth…’ (576a6C). If correctly
identified in meaning, a derivative from (the subjunctive stem of) 2wäs-, q.v.
wilñe, waälñe, s.v. 2wäs-.
weñña* (nf.) ‘place; dwelling place; resting place, camp; condition’
[-, weññantse, weññai//-, -, weñña] kleanmmats weñña ‘the dwelling-place
of kleas’ (THT-2377, frgm. r-a3E), weñaine ompals[k]oññentse ‘in a place of
contemplation’ (561a3/4C), se ñke aul ñi kektseñäai rä weññai ‘this my
life now loses [its] corporeal place’ (PK-NS-51b5? [Thomas, 1979:54]), m näno
ñi ostäai weññaine nesew [w]lle nt ‘never will I dwell again in a house-
dwelling’ (PK-AS-12H-b5C [Thomas, 1986:134]), /// ytrisa weñai /// ‘[to make]
a camp beside the road’ (IT-117b4C), 36 to ykenta wnolme[ts] nestsine
twrka weññane wsaske ‘these [are] the places in being of creatures; they
dwell in forty places’ (45b3/4C), akañcar-weñña ‘living in distant dwellings/
living in the country” [= B(H)S prntni ayan-sanni] (542b3C). A deriva-
tive of 2wäs-, q.v. See also ost.
wse, wsetstse, s.v. wase.
••
-, see -c.
ak (numeral) ‘ten’ (pl. ‘decades’)
[sg. ak//pl. kanma (see kanmae)] : äalñe e w trai twer pi ak tätsi :
‘counting [is] one, two, three, four, five, up to ten’ (41a8C), ak cakanma tre
‘ten cks of grain’ (TEB-74-7/THT-1574Col); —kanmae ‘prtng to the
decades’: twer känma=stre keme[ntsa yaito] ‘provided with four decades
of pure teeth’ (248b2E); —ak-e ‘eleven’; —ak-wi ‘twelve’: ak-wi klautk[e]
= B(H)S dvdakra- (148a1E), —känte-wäte ‘twelfth’ (IT-80b5A); —ak-
akkr 675
and slave-women, wives, sons and daughters’ (33a5/6C), wasa atroco [lege:
anoco] K iki : ‘he gave [her as a] wife to K.’ (44a3C).
TchA ä and B ana reflect PTch *än from (late) PIE gweneha- most
clearly seen in OCS žena ‘woman’ [: also Sanskrit gn$ ‘divine wife,’ Avestan
g'n ‘wife, woman,’ Armenian kin ‘woman,’ Greek gun% ‘woman,’ Old Prussian
genna ‘woman,’ Gothic qino (< *gweneha-n-), Old Irish ben (< *gwenha-),
Cuneiform Luvian wanatti-/unatti-/wana- ‘woman,’ TchB klye, TchA kuli
‘woman’ (< *gwneha-h1en-) (P:473-474; MA:648; Beekes, 2010:292)] (Feist,
1913:103, Meillet and Lévi, 1912:25, fn. 1, VW:476-477). See also kl ye.
antlle* ~ antlya (a.) (adj.) ‘to breed’; (b.) (n.) (nm/f.) ‘breeding animal’ (?)
[m: //-, -, antlye] [f: antlya, -, antlyai//-, antalyanats, -] (a) wi kuntsa
Kemrcune [sic] lnti rapañe mene yapkontse yaitkorsa attlya ‘in the
second regnal year of King K., in the rapaññe month, by the order of the duke,
she [= the ewe mentioned in the previous line] [is] to be bred’ (SI B 13.3Col
[Pinault, 1998:6]); (b) ok meñantse-ne kapyres klese tau pi akä wkte tau
ke - (-); attlye [lege: antlye] klaina teke päs maiytare amokces yikye
pi akä ‘on the eighth of the month for the layworkers one tau, five ak of
klese, one tau of wkte …; the women set out [with] the breeding stock for the
pen/fold; for the artisans five ak of meal’ (434.8-9Col), /// attlyai indratewe ///
(472.1Col), /// attlyantyas [both the next-to-last -a- and the second -y- are not
clear in the manuscript but probable]: a genitive plural *antlyanants] sle
wa[sa] /// ‘he gave the ground for the breeding ewes’ (475a3Col).
This word has been assumed to be a variant of äktlye ~ aktalye ‘seed.’
However, attlya has an underlying -- in the first syllable rather than -ä-, a
medial -tt-/-nt- (the two akaras are almost impossible to distinguish) rather than
the more usually assumed -kt-, and stress on the second syllable rather than stress
on the first (as is usually the case with ‘seed’). Thus it is overwhelmingly
probable that it is a different word. The possibilities -tt- (or an earlier *-tw- that
may lie behind -tt-), or the graphically possible -tn- would seem to lead nowhere,
but -nt- is a different matter.
If the underlying form is /nt-/, it may be a denominative verb built to the
same participial formation from PIE *gwyeh3- ‘live’ which, when nominalized,
gives the plural nta ‘sheep/goats’ (q.v., s.v. aiyye). The same morphological
formation is seen in Hittite istant(i)- ‘remain, tarry.’ We might assume that the
denominative verb’s meaning was something like ‘give life to (of animals).’
anmo (adj.?) ‘?’
anmo Sakatatte (THT-4000, col. 3, -a4?). An adjective of origin or profes-
sion or what not to distinguish one Sakatatte from another (uptatse Sakatatte
[THT-4000, col. 3, -a7?]) three lines later? Related to the next entry?
anmau* (nnt.) ‘fetter, bond’
[-, -, anmau//-, -, änmnma] Marantse anmau kleae ‘the klea-fetter of
Mra’ [= B(H)S mrabhandhanam] (27b6C), källauana änmnma[sa] an-
mästär ‘you are bound with the fetters of greed’ (33a8C). From änm-, q.v.
ats* (n.) ‘announcement’
[//-, -, atsna] atsnasa spärklñe westrä ‘the dissolution is learned/spoken of
678 aputanase*
mape tre wtär ‘now from the seventh of the sixth month on, new ripe grain is
eaten’ (461a5Col); —atree ‘prtng to grain’ (511a1L).
By reduction of *-we- to -- (Winter, p.c.). (As if) from PIE *gwyeh3wo-tro-
‘Lebensmittel’ (VW, 1971b:115, 1976:475, though he starts from *gwyeh3-tro-).
See also u-.
naräkr* (n.) a meter of 4x18 syllables (rhythm 7/7/4)
[-, -, naräkr//] (78b5C).
¹nta (n.) ‘nta’ (PN of a princess)
[nta, -, -//] (351a3C).
²nta, s.v. aiyye.
nti* (n.) ‘appeasement; rite for averting (an) evil’
[nti, -, -//antinma, -, -] /// [m] gatänta m antinma balanma : ma nta ksa
campya srkalñe tat[s]i ‘not medicines, not rites for the averting of evil, [nor]
(magical) powers, nothing at all could stop death’ (46b3C). From B(H)S nti-.
ntisene (n.) ‘ntisena’ (PN)
[ntisene, -, -//] (Otani 19.1.2Col [Pinault, 1998:364]).
p (n.[m.sg.]) ‘curse, imprecation’
[p, päntse, p//] : cwññe se p ste kucesa p swesi m swa : ‘the curse is
his by which also the rains do not rain’ (350b4C), päntse (350b5C). From
B(H)S pa-.
mane ~ amne ([indeclinable] adj./part.) ‘living’
cwi amne pcer ‘his living father’ (88a5C). A derivative of w- ‘live.’ From
PTch *wemne by reduction of *-we- to -- (Winter, p.c.).
mna, s.v. aumo.
mñe (a) (adj.) ‘human (particularly as opposed to divine)’; (b) ~ mñäññe (n.)
‘humanity’
[m: mñe, -, mñe//] [f: mña, -, mñai//-, -, mñana] (a) [:] sn[ai] mäk-
t[e]wñ[e] mñe aie ‘without (final) fulfillment [is] the human world’
(245a1A), ce mñe camel ‘this human birth’ (365b5A), ñäkcye rp[sa] mñe
rpsa ‘in divine form or in human form’ (46b6C), mñe [lege: mñai] kantwasa
wetsi ‘to speak with a human voice’ (408a6C); (b) mñes=amskai indrinta
‘[more] difficult than humanity [are] the sense organs’ (407b4E), mñäññe =
B(H)S manuyatvam (160b2C); —amñetstse* ‘human’: amñecce (IT-961a3?).
A derivative of aumo, q.v., but the exact mechanics are obscure. Do we have
*wm- + -äññe > *wmñe > mñe by reduction of *-w- to *-- before a
consonant cluster?
mp- (vi.) ‘be haughty, conceited’
Ps. IV /ompo-/ [Ger. ompolle]: /// w[a]me[r] preñcai pelaiknee ompo///
(428b5L), /// [t]kanne rine ompolle /// (572.1a1A), yii klaintse mahr ramt
ompol/// (unnumbered Paris Fragm. [Couvreur, 1954c:83]); Ko. V /mp-/
[Ger. mplle].
TchA mp ‘pride’ and B mp- assure a PTch *mp()- but any further
connections are obscure. VW suggests (473-474) a derivation from *stemb(h)- ,
comparing such words as Sanskrit stambha- ‘consolidation, pretension, vanity.’
The semantic connection is favorable but the phonological one weaker than one
y- 683
would like as one would expect both *-mbh- and *-mb- to have become Tocharian
-m-. See also mpa.
mpa (n.) ‘haughtiness, conceit; pride’
[mpa, -, mpa//] [po ai]ämñesa kekeno snai amp ‘possessed of all wisdom
without conceit’ (138a3A); —ampe* ‘± prtng to conceit’: (575b3C; for the
reading, see Malzahn 2011:87); —ampsse ‘haughty’: Jmadagniñe su Rme
mpasse po neksa ‘haughty Rma [son] of Jamadagni destroyed everything’ (K-
12a5/PK-AS-7La5C) [for the formation, see Winter, 1979]. A derivative of
mp-, q.v. (cf. TchA mp).
y- (~ w-) (vi.) ‘live’ (normally intransitive but it may take an accusative of
“direction” [14b5C] or a cognate accusative [aul w/y-]; G = K3
G Ps./Ko. II /y’ä/e-/ [yau, ait (?), ai//ayem, -, ye; Opt. aym, -,
yi//; Inf. aitsi; nt-Part. ayeñca; m-Part. amne ~ mane. Ger. aille]: sanai
aryompa yau karttse aulu-wärñai ‘I will live well with [my] one love all
[my] life long’ (496a3/4L), [: ma]nt mn[a]ts aul tne kos ai ksa kaunats
meñats kätkorne kärsntr attsaik postä : ‘so [is] here the life of men; as much
as one lives, in the passing of days and months, it is afterward completely cut off’
(3b5C), olyapotse säkw ayem = B(H)S susukham bata jvmo (SHT-351b1/THT-
1350b1?), nraintane cmenträ solme omte aul ye ‘[if] they are [re]born in
hells, they will live there [their] whole life’ (K-2b4/PK-AS-7Bb4C [CEToM]);
ce kakworme skwassu yi /// ‘having desired this, may he live fortunately’
(IT-86a2C); : tam tot wtsi star-ñ kau [aitsi] … cesa yau ñi ‘this is suf-
ficient for me to live for a day … by this [food] I will live’ (25a7C), /// kwri pä
pikwalats kante [yi] /// ‘even if one lived a hundred years’ (= B(H)S yac ca
varaatam jvet (IT-308a6? [Peyrot, 2008b:105]), pintwt aitsisa m kakonta
‘[by] almsgiving [is one] to live, not [by] invitations’ (32b8C), /// [al]yaik no
kraupanträ nta kewa [sic; lege kewä] aitsisa : ‘others however herd sheep
and cattle for a living’ (IT-136a5C), [pe]l[ai]k[n]esa ayeñcantse = B(H)S
dharmajvino (12b8C), pärkre yeñca ‘living long’ (407a6E); Imp. /päy-/ [Sg.
py or paye?; pl. paiso]: py[e] or py[ä]? (404b1C), []w[tsi yokt]s[i]
tsmocci paiso ye[s] ‘live you adults to eat and drink!’ (508a1C/L) [The
imperative is usually given as y- but the attested plural cannot be from such a
stem and the singular is given in the published text as (in Krause’s notation)
p[y](a) with partly restored -y- and conjectural -a. See Hilmarsson, 1991:50
and TVS]; Pt. Ib /y-/ [-, -, ya//]: : m tn=onuwaññe ya nau m ra ai
ksa tn=ompostä ‘an immortal one did not live here earlier and nor did one live
here afterwards’ (45a5C); Pt. VII /wíy-/ [-, -, awiya//]: [e]me yäkne awiya
ette temeñ ai cwi ‘in a single way he lived; consequently downward [were] his
heads’ [of a monster with two heads] (76a4C); PP / yo-/: [au]ly ñi aayu
‘having lived my life’ (93b3C), eme kau ayo[] /// ‘having lived a single
day’ (= B(H)S ekha jvita) (IT-308b6? [Peyrot, 2008b:106]); ayorme:
emparkre ayorme ‘having lived long’ (PK-AS-16.3a4C [Pinault, 1989: 156]);
—ailñeC ~ aulñeC: (89b1C, IT-255a2C).
K3 Ps. IXa /wä sk’ä/e-/ [awaskau, -, awaäm//; MP -, -, awästär//; Ger.
awaälle]: kete ñemtsa ymä su m walke awaä ‘in whosoever’s name one
does [this], he [scil. that person] does not live long’ (M-1b8/PK-AS-8Ab8C);
684 r
l-. Notice there is a kind of bilingual pun here: ‘if I leave my house [ost], I
will not make a house [l].’
1
w-, y-.
²w- (vi./vt.) ‘+/- cause to fall, bring low, make suffer’ [object = person]; ‘shower
with’ [object = small inanimate objects] (??)
G: Ps. IV /owo-/ [-, owotar, -//]: ///·[]aul näkts ärm ste owota[r] se[rkene]
/// the motivation is to destroy life; thou art brought low in the sasra’ (143a5 A).
K: Ps IXb / wäsk’ä/e-/ [Ger. wäälle]: /// caik swäälyi : to ärma///
(43a3C [cf. TVS:451, fn. 24]), /// caik wäälyi : ‘these who are to be brought
low’ (?) (IT-109a3C); Ko II /w(’)ä/e-/ [// -, -, we]: /// kektsene ime wya
po kektsentsa awe [sic] cne pramate /// ‘[if] they lead consciousness into the
body, over the whole body they precipitate/shower (??) money and wisdom’ (IT-
10b5C~L) [the <a> of the first syllable is almost surely an error; a vowel
diacritic, probabaly <> has been omitted]; Pt II/III(?) / w-/ [auwa (< ww,
ww?), -, -//]: m walke kca epite tsä[r]k[a]lyme ka arañci cets ñi
auwwa ‘I flayed my loved ones and felled them unmercifully’ (266b1/2C), [ñi]
passmai añ larenä • aswre ka auwa-me /// (IT-214b7C) [the Ps IV of the
intransitive would predict Pt II, the Ko II of the transitive a PT III; non liquet]; Pt.
IV /wä-/ [-, -, wate//-, -, wate]: kuse laklesa wate [-8-] 39 kuse wat
wante [sic] säswer=kalksa ceu k¢ /// ‘he who was depressed/brought low by
suffering … he who was depressed/tormented by the wish for a son … ’
(46b6/7C).
The meaning is a bit elusive. The present gerund, subjunctive, and preterit IV
forms of 46b6/7 of the causative are usually taken as belonging to y- ~ w-
‘live.’ The contexts of the gerund allow no determination of meaning; they are
placed here for formal reasons. The meaning ‘live’ for the subjunctive would not
seem to be possible (Peyrot, 2008:140, Malzahn, 2010:916) and translations ‘was
made to live through suffering’ and ‘was made to live by wish of a son’ in 46b6/7
are hardly convincing. Contrarily the preterit II (or preterit III) forms are usually
taken as causatives of kau- ‘kill-,’ i.e., ‘made to kill’ (but note that 266b1/2
auwwa is conjoined with a non-causative transitive verb) or, possibly, simply
‘kill.’ In either case the initial palatalization would not be expected, since the
underlying vowel is /u/ (Malzahn, 2012:916). The various preterit forms would
seem to be generically ‘make suffer,’ be made to suffer’ or the like. The
subjunctive can be given a place here if the meaning is ‘bring low, precipitate.’
‘Bringing someone low’ means something bad happens to him or her’; ‘bringing
something low on a person’ is ‘to shower someone with something.’ One might
compare the concatenations of meaning in German niederschlagen and Latin
paecipitare. The isolated owotar makes sense as ‘is brought low/suffers’ in its
single, fragmentary context.
If correctly identified as to meaning, from PIE *kwyeu- ‘set in motion’ [:
Sanskrit cyávati ‘move rapidly [outward, downward]’, cyvayati ‘set in rapid
motion [outward/downward]’, Greek seú ‘hunt, chase, hasten,’ só(w)e/o-, and
s(w)e/o- also [P:539; Beekes, 2009:1321]. The Tocharian B form would be the
exact match of Greek se/o-, but with the “downward semantics” also seen in
Indic. See also possibly awe and ä. [Not an entry in TVS.]
686 wa*
ätkaro pline taällona ‘on four containers, each full [of alcohol?], one [is] to
set those thirsty for alcohol; leeches, swimming [?] in blood [are] to be placed in
a row [?]’ (M-3a4/PK-AS-8Ca4C), ätkaro päst slankällona ‘the leeches [are] to
be pulled out’ (W-42a4C). Etymology unknown. Probably not related to kätk-
‘pass by’ (so VW:477).
(ä)nsk- (vt.) ‘release’ (?)
Ko. VI /än sk’ä/e-/ [Inf. ns(t)si]: yärkee warkäl nssi m cämpya ‘he
couldn’t release the power of praise’ (405b7C). Compare A (399a6) (/// wsoko-
nei wärkälyo k inssi cämpä).
From PTch *äinsk- ~ *änsk- (present and subjunctive alike), from PIE
*kihx-new- [: Greek kínumai ‘I go, move’ and kiné ‘I set in motion,’ and
morphologically more distant, Greek kí ‘go away, travel,’ Latin cie ‘set in
motion,’ Albanian qoj (< *ki(hx)-ehaye/o-) ‘awaken’ (P:538-539)] by transfer
from the new-class (extinct in Tocharian) to the neha-class. Tocharian B shows
the original zero-grade; Tocharian A shows replacement by the rebuilt zero-grade
by the full grade. Otherwise VW (479-480)—from *hwen-. See also ä-.
änm- (vt.) ‘bind [something] (up/together), tie [something] into a bundle; bind
[something] on; establish; proclaim; determine (rules); produce [of fruit]’
Ps. Xb /ä nmäsk’ä/e-/ [MP -, anmästar, anmästär//-, anmästär, anmäskentär;
nt-Part. amnäeñca; Ger. anmäälle]: cau tär[k]nmane anmästrä ‘[one]
releasing it [= evil word] is bound’ (19b8C), yarke-peti-källauana änmnma
anmästär ‘he binds on the fetters of praise, honor, and success’ (33a8C),
[tsu]wai a[nmä]strä • = B(H)S upanahyati (308b6C), [ar po]kaine änmälye
‘[is] to be bound on the hand and arm’ (284b2A), pälskoe cau Wemacitre
anmäeñcai [maim-pälskoe prkre] anmausa ‘binding this thoughtful W,
with the firm bond of meditation and thought’ (TEB-58-21/SI P/1bC); Ko. Xb
/ä nmäsk’ä/e-/ [Opt. -, -, anmäi//; Ger. anmäälle*; Inf. anmäs(t)si]: • walo
cew ekorme • pyi-ne [a]nmäi-ne [= B(H)S badhnyd] wat ‘the king
having seized him, he struck him or bound him’ (IT-127C; optative used as an
imperfect); Pt. II / nmy-/ [-, -, nmya//-, -, nmyare (snmyar-neL); MP -,
nmyatai, nmyate//]: [a]nmausa nmyatai prkre ‘thou hast been bound
strongly by the fetters’ (83a2C), hor vykara savatsarajñtsa wa[rñ]ai
as[ta]rma nmyare ‘they created the treatises concerning the science of the
year, grammar, and the horoscope, etc.’ (PK-AS-16.3a4C [Pinault, 1989:157]),
sk kraupäa ce ikapt nmya ‘he gathered the community and established
this precept’ (PK-AS-18B-a3C [Pinault, 1984b:376-7]); PP /eä nmo-/:
ärmänmas eänmo ‘bound by [their] origins’ (295a4A), 70 mäkte meski
e[anmo kokalentse] …[:] mant asti meske tne ñor-passontsa eanmo •
‘as the joints of the wagon [are] bound … so [are] here the bone-joints bound by
muscles and sinews’ (5b1/2C), oko eanmu ra camel ‘birth [is] like fruit being
produced’ [= B(H)S phalabandhin-] (PK-NS-53b2C [Pinault, 1988]), /// mänt-
rkka ea[n]moä [= B(H)S prati-bhaddha-] erepate (SHT-351a3/THT-
1350a3?); —anmäälñe ‘± binding’: (164b1C) —eanmorme: plewe
eä[nmorme] = B(H)S kola-baddhv ‘having tied up the raft’ (IT-52a1E).
All recent etymologies have started from assumed cänm- rather than änm-.
However, all certainly archaic or early texts have uniformly -, not c-. The
688 äp-
presumed starting point for c- was Thomas’ reading of ceanmo in THT-1350.
However the MS is damaged at that point and there is no certain trace of -c-.
Two lines below, what is almost certainly the same word is clearly eä-. The
root änm- reflects the generalization of the PIE e-grade and the generalization of
the originally suffixal -n- (cf. käm-). Its etymology is uncertain. VW (477) and
predecessors take the Tocharian verb to be related to Old Norse hemja, New
English hem [P:555; LIV:313]. Hilmarsson [1991b:161-164], with equal
plausibility, takes it to be related to Greek génto (< *gem-to) [P:368-369], Middle
Irish gemel ‘fetters,’ Latvian gùmstu ‘grasp,’ OCS ž"m ‘press together.’ Neither
etymon shows any extra-Tocharian present-stems with *-n-. See also anmau.
äp- (vt.) ‘±strike, split, shiver’
Ps. I /äpä -/ [m-Part. pamane]: cire pla prerentsa • pamane ykkä kwe///
‘still striking/splitting (?) roughly [their] heads with arrows’ (THT-2247a5E
[Malzahn’s reading, p.c.]).
Etymology uncertain. If the meaning is, indeed, something like ‘split,’ it is
natural to connect this word with with PIE *(s)keip- ‘split, shatter’ [: OHG
scivaro ‘wood or rock splinter,’ NHG Scheifer ‘slate’ (< Scheiferstein), splinter,’
ON skfa ‘cut into slices, carve [meat],’ English shiver ‘split into small pieces’
(P:922), Albanian hep ‘fissure, crack’ (< *skoipos) and perhaps qip ‘bow of a
boat’ (if from *k(e)ipo-)]. [Not in TVS.]
ämprai, s.v. impriye.
ärselle (n.[m.sg.]) ‘±whey’ (??)
[ärselle, -, -//] [list of medical ingredients] mäakene aiye ärselle se laiko
rkwi yamaä ‘… mäakene and goat’s whey (?); this bath makes white’ (W-
11a5C). The meaning is speculative. ?ärselle must be a liquid so as to create
the bath that whitens. It is apparently a goat product, but not ‘milk.’ By default
then either ‘whey’or ‘cream.’
If ‘whey,’ an etymological connection with *kers- ‘run’ suggests itself, as
whey is the runny part of the milk residue. Morphologically the word looks to be
in origin a verbal gerund.
ärtkru (n.) a medical ingredient
[ärtkru, -, -//] (497b8C).
älnu* (adj.) ‘quarrelsome, bickering’
[m: ällw//-, älnntäts, älnntä] ///[ä]lnntats plme ynñm ‘considered
the best among those who bicker’ (36b2C), 75 se amne ilnntä we[tantä]
amnets klausa-pili kalträ 76 ‘[if] a monk stands, ears alert to bickering or
fighting monks’ (IT-246a4C/L). A derivative of alna, q.v.
älmoñ, see almo.
ike(-) ‘?’
///matsi ra ike - wästa/// (386a7C).
ikapt* (nnt.) ‘moral precept, moral commandment (e.g., prohibition against
killing, stealing, unchastity, falsehood, drunkenness)’
[-, ikaptäntse, ikapt//-, -, ikaptänta] • pañäkte … ce ikapt nmya •
‘the Buddha established this moral commandment’ (IT-247b4C), lykakana
ikaptänta tsamo itkre ‘they transgress very much the minor precepts’ (PK-
AS-18B-b1C [Pinault, 1984b:376-7]). From B(H)S ikpada-.
iñcatstse* 689
ikse, ak(u)se.
ikhi (n.) ‘ikhi’ (PN of a buddha)
[ikhi, -, -//] (IT-48b2C).
ikhi (n.) ‘ikhin’ (PN)
[ikhi, ikhintse, ikhi//] (Qumtura 34-d passimC/Col [Pinault, 1993-94:
176])
ghravhae (n.) ‘ghravhaa’ (PN)
[ghravhae, -, -//] (382b7C).
ika- (n.?) ‘?’
[// -, ikats (?), -] ceyna cne lau c[ä]rkwa- [p]o preksau-m[e] po
ikas aiskau/// (Peyrot apud TVS [pg. 922]) ‘these cnes I released/turned over
to thee; I ask all from thee; I give all of the ikas’ (495b1Col), /// [yäl]tsenmasa
ik/// ‘ikas by the thousands’ (THT-1526 frgm. a-b1? [TVS]). Meaning and
etymology unknown.
ikike (n.) ‘ikike’ (PN in administrative records)
[ikike, -, -//] (SI P/117.9-10Col, SI B Toch.12.2Col [Pinault, 1998:15, 16]).
See next; also ike.
iku* (n.) ‘iku’ (PN)
[-, -, iku//] (PK-DAM.507a6Col [Pinault, 1984b]).
ike* (n.) (PN ?)
[-, ikentse, -//] otak Tukikäntse peri sarmwtsai ?ikentse yap wswa ck
tarya taum ‘thus I gave 1 ck and 3 tau barley owing to T. to sarmwtsai [lege:
sarmwtse?] ?.’ (462a5Col). Probably not a common noun, a borrowing from
Chinese shêng or Khotanese iga- (itself a borrowing from Chinese). Chinese
shêng is to be seen in TchB ak. The apparent diminutive ?ikike, q.v., which
is certainly a proper noun, gives weight to the notion that ?ike is also.
kenar (?) [PN?]
THT-4000b5.1? (Peyrot, 2008:94).
ikro* (n.) ‘ikro’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, ikrontse, -//] Sakatse kwañye ?ikrontse aicce ala wästa-pkuwe aiyye
plyeksa ‘S. sold to . from kwa (?) an ovicaprid, a twice combed goat male’
(SI B Toch. 9.3-4Col [Pinault, 1998:4]). See also the following entry.
iklo (n.) ‘iklo’ (PN in administrative records)
[iklo, -, -//] (SI P/117.11-12Col [Pinault, 1998:15]). See previous entry.
iñcake (n.) ‘iñcake’ (PN)
[iñcake, -, -//] atsiñe yoñiyatse ?iñcake [Lévi, 1913:320]).
iñcatstse* (adj.) ‘snowy’
[m: -, iñcaccepi, iñcacce//] • iñcaccepi lentse tsäk[arwae] ‘prtng to the
peaks of the snowy mountain’ [iñcaccepi lentse = B(H)S himavat] (IT-
202a4Col), /// [i]ñcäcce meltesa käccilya • ‘[it is not] to be laid on a pile of snow’
(IT-7a3E).
A derivative of an unattested *iñce ‘snow.’ Possibly from PIE *snigwh-en- [:
Prakrit si
eha- ‘snow,’ Avestan snža- ‘to snow,’ Greek nípha (acc.) ‘snow,’
neíphei ‘it snows,’ Latin nix/nivis ‘snow,’ Old Irish snigid ‘it drips, rains,’Gothic
snaiws ‘snow,’ Old English snw (> English snow), OHG snwan ‘to snow,’
Lithuanian snigas ‘snow,’ OCS sn@g! ‘id.’ (P:974; MA: 530)]. The nominative
690 to
singular *snigwhn would give PTch *ñäe > *ñe (cf. the development of
alype) > *ñe (by assimilation) > *äñce (again cf. alype) > *iñce (cf. pi).
Otherwise VW (1971e:182-4, 1976:480) from *kwindeto-, comparing Sanskrit
vind- ‘be white,’ or K. T. Schmidt (1980:410 [so also de Vaan, 2008:284-285]),
who takes it to be from *imäñc- and equivalent to Hittite gimmant- ‘winter’;
semantically satisfying, but phonologically most unlikely.
to ‘?’
///yeme to m eka/// (623b5C).
itkai, atkai.
inmalyñe, s.v. käm-.
intso* (or intsiye?) (n.) ‘fodder’
[-, -, intsai//] wär intsaisa ‘with water and fodder’ [feeding requirements for
elephants] (THT-1540, frgm. a+b, a2A [K. T. Schmidt, 2007:325]), m äp intsai
[u]w[]st ‘and thou hast not eaten fodder’ [speaking to an elephant] (ibid.,
a3A).
Perhaps from putative PIE *gwih3-nt-yeha-, similarly OCS žito ‘grain,’ both
‘Lebensmittel’ from *gwieh3- ‘live.’ See also w- ~ y-.
impriye* ~ impro* (n.) ‘winter’ (??)
[-, -, ämprai//] ämpraine (K. T. Schmidt, 1994:281). /See next entry.
¹imprye* (adj.) ‘prtng to winter (?)’
[f: -, -, impryai//] impryai opai ‘to [the time of] the winter solstice (??)’
(Otani II-12a1Col [Kagawa, 1915, cf. K. T. Schmidt, 1994:281; very differently
Ching and Ogihara, 2012:81]). For further discussion of the larger passage,
see s.v. opiye. The best evidence that we may have a word for ‘winter’ in
impraine (which was provided with neither locus or context by Schmidt) is the
fact that the derived adjective therefrom is one of only two adjectives having the
shape -ye, the other of which is clearly derived from a word for ‘summer’ (see
mye)
TchA ärme ‘winter’ and B impriye/impro* reflect PTch äm(ä)ri-, itself
from a putative PIE *him(e)reha-h1en- [: Latin hiems ‘winter’, Greek kheîma
‘winter (weather),’ Greek kheimn ‘id.,’OCS zima ‘winter,’ Avestan zyå ‘winter,’
Sanskrit hemantá- ‘in winter,’ Hittite gimi ‘in winter,’ etc., and with r-extensions,
Greek kheimerinós ‘wintry,’ Latin hbernus ‘wintery’ (P:145; MA:504)] (K. T.
Schmidt, 1994:281). See next entry.
²imprye* (n.) ‘imprye’ (PN of a monk?)
[-, imprayentse, -//-, impryets (?, sic), -] ale amokäcci ame
?imprayentse patskä skakanma lasseträ ‘likewise the artisans sit [sc. are
here]; they are working on the balconies by imprye’s window’ (TEB-74-
3/THT-1574Col), ipry · · sä (Ching and Ogihara, 2012:88) which they read as
i<m>pry[et]sä [sic] ‘imprye’s people.’ Whatever the meaning of the
latter, clearly a nominalization, as a name, of the derived adjective of the previous
entry.
iri (n.) ‘Acacia lebbek Benth.’ (a medical ingredient)
[iri -, -//] (P-2b5C, W-15a4C); —iriäe* (IT-16C). From B(H)S ira-.
iriapupa (n.) ‘flower of the woman’s tongue tree (Acacia lebbek Benth.)’ (MI)
[iriapuspa, -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S irapupa-.
u- 691
should not eat and he should not eat again and I should not drink and he should
not drink again’ (MSL-18.23/PK-NS-58b2 [Thomas, 1986:129; Pinault, 1994:
170ff.]—see below), uwan no ku[np] ‘then he will eat carrion’ (19a8C), ///
ailñe wa cmelane /// ‘they will consume their heritage in births’ (21a2C),
mäkte yelyitse ku tallw tka w-ne ykau-kästwer yelyi pilenta ‘as a
worm-ridden dog will be suffering; the worms eat at his wounds day and night’
(33a8/b1C); Pt. Ib /w -C-Col/ [-, awsta, wa//-, -, awre ~ awr//MP -, -,
awte//]: seyi msa awre triko kess[a] : ‘bedeviled by hunger they ate the
flesh of their son’ (239a2C), se pikka-e cakanma okt taum yap pikce ikä-e
täktsi awte ‘these fifty-one cks and eight taus of barley have [from] the fifth
to the twenty-first been eaten’ (461a3Col); Pt. Ia /uw-Col/ [A -, -, uwa//] (once in
TchA [!] 394b1 as gloss to TchA tp), also uwa corrected to wa (PK-Cp 38,
3Col); PP /eu-/: eu yap ‘having eaten barley’ (482a1Col), olyapotse mka eu
‘having eaten too much’ (ST-a1/IT-305C), • eu y[ku] [au]mo tka ‘[if] a
man [has] eaten and drunk’ (IT-113a2C); —awñca ‘eating’: awñc=ailñe [=
B(H)S dydo] ‘heir’ (21a1C), [we]re awñca = B(H)S gandharva ca (176b5C);
—awñcaññe ‘prtng to eating’: /// [amne]ntse yu awñcaññe yan-ne se
klwi : ‘the fame of the alms eating of a monk will catch up to him’ (IT-11a3C);
—euwer: mit euwerme emalle war ma yokalle ‘having eaten honey, hot
water [is] not to be drunk’ (ST-b3/IT-305C); —eworme.
Noteworthy morphologically is the participle awñca, built from the same
w- that appears in the preterite, rather than the expect *(u)wñca that would
be regular from the present stem. That the reading at MSL-18.23/PK-NS-58b2
should be <wau> (i.e., the scribal omission of the akshara wau) rather than just
seems relatively certain. That we have < **-u where the -u reflects the
PIE thematic first person singular ending *-o (or *-oh2), as per Pinault, seems less
likely as it is probable that *-# becomes Tocharian B -e (e.g., the animate nom-
acc. dual ending -e, beside the inanimate nominative-accusative dual -i, both
reflecting original thematic endings, *-oh1 and *-oih1 respectively). Neverthe-
less, it is likely that beside an original present *gyuha-eha- (cf. Slavic ž!vati),
there was a thematic subjunctive *gyeuha-e/o-. The two formations would have
fallen together in Proto-Tocharian in the second and third singulars and the
second plural; the other/number combinations of the subjunctive then would have
followed suit.
AB uw- reflect PTch *äuw- from PIE *yewhxeha- [: Modern Persian
jvdan (< *jyav-), OCS ž"vati (< *zj!vati) ‘to chew,’ Lithuanian žiáunos (f.pl.)
‘jaws,’ Old English cowan (> English chew), OHG kiuwan (> MHG kwen >
NHG kauen) (P:400, MA:175 with other cognates; LIV:168; Cheung, 2006:226)]
(Schrader/Nehring, 1917-23:327, Pedersen, 1925:32, fn. 1, VW:490). Similar are
those discussions starting from PIE *yuha- (K. T. Schmidt, 1982: 365,
Lindeman, 1987:301). See also euwatte, wl, wlyai, and perhaps -awa
and 1uke.
ukse (n.) ‘ukse’ (PN in caravan pass)
[ukse, -, -//] (LP-29a3Col).
¹ke (nnt.) ‘taste; sap; liquid, juice’
[ke, -, ke//-, ukentats, ukenta] • täñ wätkälyñentse uke aieñca katu •
uddhavs 693
[= B(H)S tvacchsanarasajño] (251b3E), /// yokä ke /// ‘he drinks the juice’
(IT-1065b3E), swre ai [ke mit ra]m[t] kene ‘and sweet was its taste, like
honey in taste’ (3a8C), /// kawññenträ uke /// ‘they desire the sap’ (24b2C), ///
empretsñe no swareme swre ukentats : ‘truth, however, [is] the sweetest
of the juices’ (24b6C), kentane trekältsa perne peñiyo musk[ntär] ‘because of
attachment to the savors [of the world], glory and splendor disappeared’ (PK-AS-
16.2a3/4C [Pinault, 1989:155]), mpäl uke salyi pä malkwermpa eweta =
B(H)S cmla dravam adravaca payas sah viruddham (ST-a6/IT-305C), ceu
ukesa päkalle ‘with that liquid it [is] to be cooked’ (W-21b2C), erene kartstsa
werene kartstsa ukene kartstsa ‘good in appearance, good in smell, good in taste
(107a4L); —ukee ‘prtng to taste’ (155a5C); —uketstse* ‘having a taste, tasty,
savory’: (51b8C), (PK-AS-17I-a5?); —e-uke ‘having the same taste’ (IT-305C).
Etymology obscure. Perhaps TchA uk and B uke are to be related to AB
tsuk- ‘drink,’ q.v. (so Sieg, Siegling, Schulze, 1931:461, VW:538), but the
phonological development in B is difficult (though a similar development may be
seen in ak ‘10,’ q.v.). Lidén, 1916:24 (also Pisani, 1942-43a:30 and Pedersen,
1944: 31) would derive it instead from u(w)- ‘eat.’
²ke (adj.) ‘shining, brilliant, sparkling’
[m: ke, -, -//] [in reconstructed TchB orthography] Ylaiñiktese muhur ram
brañiktese pässak ram lksi uke Pidär-mani ‘like Indra’s diadem and like
Brahma’s crown, Father-Mani is shining to behold’ (Gabain/Winter, 1958:11,
31).
In the original Manichean orthography we have švkyh and švkyy for which
Winter gives the Tocharian B reconstruction ukye. However, the -y- does not
seem necessitated by the principles of the Manichean orthography wherein both
<yy> and <yh> can reflect phonemic /e/. It translates Old Turkish toïl which is
otherwise attested only as the translation of Tocharian B pälkamo ‘shining.’
A derivation from PIE *keuk- ‘shining, white’ [: Sanskrit ócati ‘shines, burns,
glows’, úci- ‘shining, beaming, bright, pure’, oká- ‘glowing’, Avestan saok-
‘burn, flame’, Greek kúknos ‘swan’] seems certain (so Winter/Gabain, 1958:11).
It is presumably the exact etymological equivalent of Sanskrit oká-. See also
perhaps kuiññe.
ukkär* (n.) ‘semen’
[-, -, ukkär//] olyapotse mka eu … ukkär sää ‘eating too much … dries
up the semen’ [ukkär = B(H)S pustva-] (ST-a1/IT-305C). A borrowing from
B(H)S ukra-.
uklodane* (n.) ‘uklodana’ (PN of brother of uddhodana)
[-, -, uklodane//] (517a5C).
ukly ‘?’
tarnene kroryai uk[ly]/// (580b4L), ///ukly pkopi se/// (580b5L).
u
~ uñc, unt.
uddhavs (n.) ‘uddhvsa’ (PN of a class of gods)
[uddhavs, -, -//-, -, uddhavsänta] (591a2L); —uddhavsäe* ‘prtng to the
?uddhvsa-gods’ (107b2L).
694 uddhodane*
forest they went to hunt; what animals earlier the hunter could not kill in ten
days’ (44a2C); —erwäññe ‘± prtng to a hunter’ (?) (70a8C).
TchA aru and B erwe reflect PTch *erwe, but extra-Tocharian connections
are uncertain. Probably from PIE *hwr- ‘wild animal’ + later *-wo- [: Latin
ferus ‘wild,’ Lithuanian žv^$ ris ‘wild beast,’ Greek th%r ‘wild animal’ (P:493;
MA:23)] (Belardi, Ricerche Linguistiche 3:110 [1954], apud VW:478-479,
though differing on the derivational relationship of erwe and er-). Beekes
(2010:547) reconstructs *gwheh1r-, taking Latin ferus to have a short vowel from
pretonic shortening (< *fró-). Alternatively, Bailey (1979:474) and Pinault
(2006:179-181, followed by Cheung, 2006:338) would connect the Tocharian
words with the isolated Ossetic sorun/sryn ‘hunt’ (also Khotanese hasra-
‘quarry’ < *fra-saura- and other derivatives) from Proto-Iranian *arw- ‘hunt’
(less certainly they would add ?arvá-, an epithet of Rudra, if originally ‘hunter’)
and see the Tocharian words as the product of borrowing from Iranian. If a
borrowing, it would be early—before depalatalization and deaffricatization of
(Indo-)Iranian *. It would not be impossible to see the direction of borrowing as
going in the opposite way or, even, to see them as cognates at the PIE level.
Otherwise, and much less likely, Pisani (in Evangelisti 1949:145, also Normier,
1980:254) who derives it from a PIE *gwrwo- (cf. Latin ver ‘dart, javelin,’
Gothic qairu) or Nussbaum (1986:8) who derives it from krw-o- ‘he of the stag,’
from *k(e)r(e)u- ‘horn.’ See also er-.
euwer, s.v. u-
ai-, s.v. y-.
aike* (n.) ‘one who undertakes religious disciplines; disciple’
[//aiki, -, -] (86bC). From B(H)S aika-. See also aaike.
aiysa (n.) ‘bed and seat; temporary quarters’
[//-, -, aiysa] /// [paka]ce sakantse aiys[a]…///…aiysa aks-ne
/// ‘bed and seat for the community in the rains-residence … he appointed bed
and seat’ (IT-143a1C [cf. Ogihara, 2011:130-131]). From B(H)S ayysna-
(not in M-W).
aiyye (n.) ‘ovicaprid’ (i.e., ‘sheep/goat,’ perhaps any smaller herd animal)
[aiyye, -, aiyye//-, -, nta] aiyye = B(H)S pau [in the calendrical cycle]
(549a5C), /// [a]lyaik no kraupanträ nta lewa [sic; lege kewä] aitsisa :
‘others however (will) herd sheep and cattle for a living’ (IT-136a5C), aicce
ala wäst-pkuwe aiyye plyenksa ‘he sold one ovicaprid, a twice combed goat
male’ (SI B Toch. 9.5Col [Pinault, 1998:4), aiyye ala pkuwe aiyye wasa ‘he
gave an ovicaprid, a twice-combed ovine male’ (SI B Toch. 9.10Col [Pinault,
1998:4]), nta warkre ysañiye yok tka ‘they sheared the sheep, golden was the
fleece’ (452a1Col).
From PTch *wi
ye-, PIE *gwyeh3w-yo- (see w-), and exactly equivalent to
Greek z(i)on ‘animal’ (Pisani, Reale Istituto Lombardo di Scienze e Lettere
76:29 [1942-43] apud VW:468; MA:23). PTch *wi
ye- gives TchA yu (un-
known animal species) regularly, though with different semantic specialization.
TchB nta reflects PTch *went, a neuter plural participle from w-, q.v.,
whose semantic development is paralleled particularly in Modern Greek zntaná
696 aile
auk-, 1kuk-.
aumo (nm.) ‘person, man’ [with the same ambiguity as in English] (often as
opposed to the gods)
[aumo, aumontse, aumo//mna, mnats, mna] [pap]lau mnts
kuse poyintse ptänm ariräcc[e] p[attin] yamää ‘praised by men [is he] who
builds stupas or a relic-holding pattin for the Buddha’ (257a2A),
[ja]m[bu]dvipe mnatsä naumye y[s][e] ‘the golden jewel of the
peoples of India’ (217a4E/C), 94 aul attsaik totka mnats ñke wryee
pältakwä atyats a[k]entasa : ‘the life of men is now very short [like] a drop of
dew on the tips of grasses’ (3b3C), mnats = B(H)S purua- (22a3C), mnane
= B(H)S nara- (30b4C), ñakti mna tsälpre pi to cmelame ‘the gods freed
men from these five births’ (30b8C), mka plyawre ñakti mna ‘greatly did
gods and men bewail [their fate]’ (45a3C), mna caimp skente m yak ‘these
are men, not yakas’ (85a3/4C), t[e]-yäknesa aumo srauka ‘in this way the
person will die’ (163a2C), mna[ts] = B(H)S manuy
m (306a4C), aumo
ainake = B(H)S puru dhama- (308a3C), ñakti mna lñc amcänta
srthav[h]i ‘gods, men, kings, ministers, merchants’ (408a5C), palskossu aumo
‘thoughtful person’ (K-8a4/PK-AS-7Ha4C); —aumoe ‘prtng to a person’:
krent aumoe naumyempa ee ‘together with the jewel of a good jewel person’
(PK-AS-17.3b2C [Couvreur, 1954c:84]); —amne* ‘prtng to people’: larona
waipeccenta añ amn[ets] ‘the precious possessions of his own people’
(46b4C [Thomas, 1983:218]).
TchA om ‘boy’ and B aumo reflect PTch *umo, a derivative of w- ‘live,’
q.v., more particularly a deverbal adjective in -mo as ynamo ‘going,’ cämpamo
‘able,’ etc. (Sieg, Siegling, and Schulze, 1931:14, VW:486). The TchA meaning
is secondary. See also w-, amake, mñe, ymna, aul, and añ-aumo.
aul (nnt.) ‘life’
[aul, aulantse, aul//aulanma, aulanmats, aulanma] k[e]ry[e] kñme
späntenträ onwaññe aul ‘they laugh, play, and believe life [to be] immortal’
(2b2C), aul … aulanma, both = B(H)S yu (3a4C), aul mnats ‘the life of
men’ (3a6C), aultsa ‘for life’ [as a measure of time, = aulu-wärñai] (5a3C), aul
ñi lre päst rinale : ‘my dear life [is] to be completely renounced’ (25a8C), ñi
aul kektseñe ‘my life and body’ (46a4C), nraintane cmenträ solme omte aul
ye ‘[if] they are [re]born in hells, they will live there [their] whole life’ (K-
2b4/PK-AS-7Bb4C), ttär [sic] pelaikne aulanmasa käryau se ‘the law is
established; it [has been] bought by lives’ (G-Su1Col); —aulae ‘prtng to life’:
aulae meske ‘the juncture of life’ (372a1C), [au]l[a]ai proskai ‘the fear of
life’ (511b2L); —aulanmae ‘prtng to lives’: aulanmae pitosa (204a3C); —
aulassu ‘life-possessing, reverend’ (used as an honorific for Buddhist monks
and other dignitaries—a calque on B(H)S yumat): : aulasw #nande yopsa rne
‘the worthy nanda entered the city’ (23b3C), aulassu nesy ñme tka-ne ‘[if]
anyone has the desire to be revered’ (M-3b7/PK-AS-8Cb7C); —aulatstse
‘having life’ (THT-1680b3?); —aula-preñca* ‘life-bearing’: /// aula-preñcai
sauka [lege: soka] ‘O life-bearing son!’ (83a4C); —aul(u)-wärñai ‘life-
long, for [one’s] whole life’: : papo[rñ=]str[e] cwi [paa]lle aul-
wa[r]ñ[ai] 7 ‘moral behavior [is] to be practiced his whole life long’ (14a4C), [:
ka-maiyya 699
kuse m kalloy ce-yknesa ymetse moññai ‘whoever may not achieve in this way
the basis of consciousness’ (278b1C), kwpe-onmie pwrasa tsaksau moññai
aulaai ‘with the fires of shame and remorse I burn the reverend place’ (TEB-
64-10/IT-5C/L); twer imentse comoñña ‘the four bases of memory’ (IT-9a3C);
—cmoññae ‘prtng to a basis’: [: yme]ntse moññae twer pekwentsa
wawrpa : ‘having put on the four rings of the basis of consciousness’ (244a3C),
ymentse moñae [pekwe] ‘the ring of the basis of consciousness’ (TEB-58-
13/SI P/1bC).
Cognate with TchA moññe with the same meaning (Winter, at least, considers
the TchA to be a borrowing from B [1961:277]). A derivative of stäm-, q.v.
(Sieg, Siegling, and Schulze, 1931:11, VW:483-484). (As if) from PIE *stem-
nyeha-. Hilmarsson (1986a:45) would take this word from a PTch *scämew§>
(pret. part. m. nom. sg.) + -ñña, which works phonologically but is
morphologically difficult in that the attested preterite participle is stmau (or
causative cec(ä)mu-).
tana(-) ‘?’
In a medical formula (497a3C).
tarte (adj.) ‘fourth’
[m: tarte, tärcepi, tarce//] [f: tarca, -, -//] meñe tarte ‘the fourth month’
(484a4Col), ak kuntsa • tarce memne ‘in the tenth regnal year, in the fourth
month’ (LP-1a6Col), tarce-kaunaepi kapilletse stke ‘a remedy for the fourth
day fever’ (P-1b1C).
Derived from twer, q.v. (as if) from PIE *kweturtó- [: Sanskrit caturthá- or
Latvian ceturt; as, more distantly Greek tétartos (Boeotian pétartos), Latin
qurtus (< *quatwurto-), Lithuanian ketvirt; as, OHG fiordo, Old English forða,
etc. (P:643; MA:401; Beekes, 2010:1472)] (Meillet, 1911-12:287, VW:489,
Winter, 1991:136, with differing details).
torwe* (n.) ‘?’
[m: -, -, torwe//] [f:// torwona, -, -,] kuce cai torwe no kärkänamoñ // ‘when
these [who are] thieves for the torwe (BM1-b6/Or.8212/163a6A [Broomhead]),
ette lyowwa torwon rktsnse ‘he sent away those things/people per-
taining to the torwes and female demons’ (BM-1a4/Or.8212/163a4A [Broom-
head]), rakatsana torwona ‘female demons and torwes’ (IT-305C). /Refers
to some malevolent being; etymology unknown.
tvrka, twrka.
twartse (adj.) ‘fourfold’
[m: twartse, -, -//] [f: -, -, twartsai//twartsana, -, -] twartsai yt[ri] ‘the
fourfold way’/// (153a6C). Derived from twer, q.v.
twra, s.v. twer.
twrka (number) ‘forty’
twrka weññane wsaske ‘they dwell in forty places’ (45b4C); —twrka-
yie ‘of forty nights’: /// [sa]kame tvrka-yie plki yaskaskemar parna
simtsa yatsi /// ‘from the community I ask permission to go outside the border for
forty nights’ (IT-139b5C/L); —twrka-tmane ‘400,000’ (252b2A). A deriva-
tive of twer, q.v., early PTch *ätwerk. Cf. TchA twark and Winter, 1991:
118-119. See the discussion at täryka.
plu* 703
re
ake* (n.) ‘rehaka’ (PN of a rich merchant)
[-, -, rehake//] (22a6C).
reti (n.) ‘reti’ (PN of a buddha)
[reti, -, -//] (IT-128b2C).
re
hi (n.) ‘(chief) merchant, distinguished man’
[rehi, rehintse, rehi//] (375a4L). From B(H)S rehin-.
ro-kanti* (n.) a kind of bread
[-, -, ro-kanti//] ro-kant[i] yikye ‘flour for ro-kanti (433a16Col). A com-
pound of ro, presumably the combining for of ari ‘kid,’ q.v., and kanti ‘±
bread,’ q.v., thus literally ‘kid-bread.’
-rotaññe (adj.) ‘prtng to goat-kids’
Only attested in the compounds ala-rotaññe ‘prtng to a male kid’ and klai-
rotaññe ‘prtng to a female kid’ s.v. l and klye (wooden tablet, Room 352,
Hermitage Museum [Pinault, 1998b:12]). A derivative of ari ‘id,’ q.v.
lacandre (n.) ‘lacandra’ (PN of a monastic official)
[lacandre, -, -//] sankästere ?lacandre a[rsa] ‘the monastery-leader .
knows [it]’ (433a3Col).
lawarme (n.) ‘lavarma’ (PN of a monk)
[lawarme, -, -//] (Otani II 12a3Col [Ching and Ogihara, 2012:81-82]).
le, lek, s.v. ale.
lok* (nnt.) ‘loka, strophe; prayer, hymn’
[-, lokantse, lok/-, -, lokanmi/-, lokanmats, lokanma] lok ce weña ‘he
spoke this strophe’ (5a7C), lok = B(H)S gtha- (547a5C), lokanmi (PK-AS-
6Aa4C [CEToM]). From B(H)S loka-.
vetagire*, (n.) ‘vetagire’ (PN of a monastery)
[-, -, vetagire//] (IT-139b4C/L); —veta-gire* ‘prtng to the . monastery’:
[po]stak vetagirepi sakatse ‘the book of the white-mountain community’
(Or.15009/662a2 [Tamai 2009:664]).
watsie (~ wasie) (n.) ‘provisions of food’
[watsie, -, -//] kapyre[t]s wasie wr[a] c[a]k[an]m[a] ‘for the workers
foodstuffs, 4 cks’ (462a2), meñä kapyres wasie lykake tre tka eusa
cakanma ak-kas tauwä uk ‘[during the] month for the workers [there was] fine
wheat [as] provisions; 16 caks, 7 toms were eaten’ (Huang, 1958Col). A nomi-
nalized adjective derived from the infinitive wtsi ‘to eat.’ Further, see wtsi
and u-.
wrltse, wrse, see twrältse.
w-, s.v. u-.
wl* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘±food’
[-, -, wl//] : yokaie vl ‘the food of thirst’ (295a7A), [sa]khwa [sic] vlme
nirvve ärmts arrntats ‘good fortune [is] from the nirvana-food because
of the relics’ (?) (365b3A). From u- ‘eat,’ q.v. Cf. TchA wl ‘meat.’ See
also the next entry.
wlyai (indeclinable adj./adv.) ‘right’ (as opposed to ‘left’)
ntsene tañ wlyai ‘on thy right shoulder’ (74b4C), wlyai lyine ‘on the right
palm’ (567a1C/L).
welyk* 707
/The fossilized feminine accusative singular of the gerund wlle ‘suitable for
eating’ from u-, q.v., since in Indian tradition the right hand was reserved for
eating while the left was relegated to aiding less noble bodily functions. For the
meaning and etymology, see Winter, 1985. A similar formation is to be seen in
Khotanese where hvarandaa- ‘right hand’ is a derivative of hvar- ‘eat.’
wtsi (nnt.) ‘food, nourishment’
[wtsi, wtsintse, wtsi//-, -, watsanma] : tam tot wtsi star-ñ kau [aitsi]
/// ‘this is sufficient food for me to live [for] a day’ (25a7C), wtsintse [= B(H)S
anna-] (31a7C), wtsi yoktsi leki stke : ‘food, drink, bed(rest), and medicine’
(50b3C), kest yokaisa memyo wnolmi wtsi yoktsi : kawñentär ‘tortured by
hunger and thirst, beings desire food and drink’ (286b3C), [w]tsi yoktsi rwer
ymttsi omttsate • ‘he began to prepare food and drink’ (375b1L); —wtsie
‘prtng to food’: wtsie ime ‘the consciousness of food’ (431a1C), kapyre[t]s
wasie wr[a] c[a]k[an]m[a] ‘for the workers foodstuffs, 4 cks’ (462a2Col);
—le-watsitstse* ‘occupied with food’: le-watsicce o[stne] (?) = B(H)S
sabhojane kule (IT-129a5C). In origin the infinitive of u-, ‘eat,’ q.v. Some of
these examples may still have been felt as the infinitive ‘to eat’ and should have
been so translated.
witär (n.) ‘white leprosy, vitiligo’
[witär, -, -//] kswo witär o tsärkalle (ST-b5/IT-305C). From B(H)S vitra-.
werpew, twerpew.
wele* (n[m.sg.]) ‘bandage, dressing’
[-, -, wele//] kenekäñe welesa [änmaälle] ‘it [is] to be bound with a cotton
bandage’ (P-2a2C), kampsäe welesa anmäälle ‘it [is] to be bound with a
cotton bandage’ (P-2a6C).
Etymology uncertain. TchB wele presupposes a Proto-Tocharian *äwele
which in turn would reflect a PIE *Kewolo-. If we assume a semantic shift from
‘bend’> ‘wrap (up)’ > ‘bind,’ we can connect *Kewolo- with either PIE *geu-
‘bend’ (P:393-398) or *keu- (bend, stoop, turn’ (P:588-592). From *geu- we
might particularly note Armenian kalum ‘take, grasp on to’ for the semantic
development, though the phonological development is not as clear (< *gwel-?).
From *keu- we might note (late) Sanskrit kora- ‘moveable joint,’ Ukrainian kúlity
‘contract from the cold,’ Polish kuli ‘tighten, bend, curve’ which all might
reflect a PIE *koulo- and *kouleye/o-. Aside from wele’s looking like an Indo-
European word, nothing is certain.
welyk* (n.) ‘±tax-grains’
[-, -, welyk//] kacce meñame rp täktsi kapyres euwa welyk yusa
ysre lai cakanma 49 ‘from the six month to [the month of] Rp by the
layworkers having been consumed [and] grain given as tax-grains 49 cks’ (PK-
DAM.507.8a14Col [Pinault, 1994:107]). Meaning established by Ching and
Ogihara. From the Middle Chinese ancestor of shuìliáng (Ching and Ogihara,
2012:107), i.e., *wiajh-l²a`. One might note the surprisingly modern pronuncia-
tion in so early a borrowing.
708
•£•
, pä.
aäl* (n.) ‘number, enumeration, calculation; category’
[-, -, aäl//] : snai al auntsate lwsa kautsi su [:] ‘he began to kill animals
without number’ (44a3C), patälwa snai aäl snai yarmo ‘hells without number
or without measure’ (45a7C), amäl = B(H)S sakhyeta (IT-127a3C). A
derivative of ä-, q.v.; (as if) from PIE *sems-e-lu- or the like.
ak (n.) a wet or dry measure of volume ( 1.1 ~ 1.2 liters or 1.2 ~ 1.3 quarts))
[ak, -, -//-, -, akä] kanti yikye ok tom pi akä ‘flour for bread, eight
tom, five ak’ (433a4Col), yiñe coki alywe masa ak ywrtsa ‘for the night
lamp went [out] [= was distributed] one and a half ank of oil’ (451a2Col).
Despite the attractive phonological equation, this word is not a borrowing from
Khotanese aga-, since the latter is something on the order of 4 liters and the
equivalent of four iga, each of which approximately one liter. (The Khotanese
aga- is the equivalent of B(H)S haka- (= 4 prastha-). Rather, both
Khotanese iga- and Tocharian B ak are from Chinese shêng (Early Middle
Chinese *ing; cf. also Old Turkish sing from the same source) whose modern
value was 1.035 liters, while the prastha- was 1.114 litres (Bailey, 1961:77,
VW:640, Bailey, 1979:406). Further discussion of measures of capacity in Toch-
arian, s.v. ck. See also mutkntse.
akw*(n.) ‘throat, fauces’
[//-, -, äkwanma] [koynaana] äwanmame särwne yerpeme ‘from
the fauces of the mouth, from the orb of the face’ (73a3C). —äkwae* ‘prtng
to the throat’: äkwaai äñ ke[]sa ma lnaäñ-c reki ma raskre/// (247a3C).
TchA uk and B akw reflect PTch *äkwä. (As if) from PIE *sengwn
(VW: 465-466), a derivative of the verbal root *sengw- [: Gothic sigqan, Old
English sincan ‘sink,’ Armenian ankanim ‘fall’ (P:906)] (Krause, 1943:29).
Almost surely not from Iranian and related to Khotanese uca- ‘beak,’ Modern
Persian šand ‘beak’ (so Tremblay, 2005:426).
añ (a) ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘own’ (reflexive on the topic of the phrase or sentence);
(b) (n.) ‘nature, characteristic’
(a) : tuyknesa ktsaitsñe srka[lñ]e aul kältsenträ wnolmentso añ kalymi
akenne : ‘in the same fashion old-age and death drive the life of beings to an end
in [their] own direction’ (3a3/4C), [o]lypo añ arsa kautoy ksa pat ‘rather would
someone by [his] own hand destroy such a stpa’ (15b4=17b6C), tpi kartse
añ l=lyekäts ‘for the good of both [one’s] self and of others’ (20b6C), cau
pilycalñe añ rintsate ‘he let go this [his] own zeal’ (108a4L), añ oktats
lamba = B(H)S svo lambana (173a2C), añ = B(H)S sva (173a3C), añ indri
= B(H)S svka (175b6C), añ ypoyntse salyai ‘the border of [his] own country’
(AMB-a6/PK-NS-32C), kuse amne yasa ñkantesa warñai naumiyenta añtsa
ekasträ ‘whatever monk for [him]self takes jewels with gold and silver etc.’
(PK-AS-18A-a3C [Thomas, 1978a:239]), stm añ pyapyaitsa = B(H)S taru-
svakusumair (PK-NS-414b4C [Couvreur, 1966:170]);
aap-alype-malkwer* 709
(b) : mäkte añ cwi pälskontse palskalñee akusesa /// ‘as [is] the nature of his
spirit, [so is] the brandy of mental conception’ (8b4C).
—añ(äñ)ñe (adj.) ‘own’; (n.) ‘(true) character, nature’: äññe mnnts
eälyñe ‘the seizing of [his] own people’ (295a5A), 2 sasräntse äññäññe ptes
tve keä ‘consider the characteristic of the sasra’ (295b4/5A), : k[ar]ts[a rano]
kektseñe ramer slaktär añäññe 71 ‘however a good body shows quickly [its
true] character’ (5b2/3C), aññe kualamltse te pkarsas • ‘know this [as] the
[true] character of the kuamla’ (41a4C), [pe]laiknets rano aññe ritorme
‘having let go then the [true] character of the laws’ (597b5C); —äññäññeeE
(adj.) ‘own’: tserekwacce läwcene äññäññee akalksa (295a6A), äññäññee
maimts (295b7A); —äññäññetstse*C-L ‘having a certain character/charac-
teristic’: takarkäñe añäññecce = B(H)S prasdanya- (541b8C/L); —ñae*
‘± relative’: cai ñai ñi märsre ‘these [my] relatives/own people have
forgotten me’ (TEB-63-01/IT-5C/L]); —añ-añm ‘[one]self’ (object form cor-
responding to the genitive añ): añ-añmtsa = B(H)S tmana- (11a7C), wmolmi
tallñco nksante añ-añm ‘suffering beings blamed themselves’ (15a5= 17a6C),
[a]ñ-añm palmai ñä ‘I praised [my]self [= I boasted]’ (46a5C), [:] m su
nt=lyekäco añ-añm pälltär 67 ‘no one ever praises [him]self to another’
(64a5C), [: krui m] ks=allek ñke ñi mläkalle [lege: pläkalle] nesä : añ-
añm pläsemar /// ‘if there is nothing else but me to sell, I sell [my]self’ (64a6C);
—an-ñem ‘oneself’: aramne salte-ne kucatkme añem [= añ-ñem] ette
allte ‘in her heart it leapt; she threw herself down from the tower’ (109b2L); —
añ-aumo (n.) ‘relative; retainer; follower’ [ as to which translation is
appropriate in many instances there is great ambiguity; whether it is a true
compound or a collocation is also difficult to determine (I write it as a
compound)]: säsuwa tktärñ lek añ-mna ‘sons and daughters, likewise
relatives (220a3E/C), : karsna pärmak añ-mnats ‘he will cut off the hope
of relatives’ (3b7C), [po no] klinaä añ-mna rintsi ‘then he must renounce
all his people/relatives’ (8a2C), : yor añ-aumo pi-cmelae<ts> ñya[t]s[-
e]ntane : ‘a gift is a relative in the trials of those belonging to the five births’
(23b2C), añ-mna ke ptes twe : ‘number [thy] followers’ (46a7C); —añ-
amñee ‘prtng to a relative, follower or retainer’ (46b4C); —añ-ymore:
añ-ymorai ytrisa waiptr maiytar-ñ cai ñai ñi märsre ‘by the way of
self-deed they have gone far [from] me and my very relatives forgot me’ (TEB-
63-01/IT-5C/L); —ña-nwalñee* ‘self-proclaiming’: stmau ña-nwalñe-epi
Sumerntse mrcne ‘standing on the peak of self-proclaiming Sumer’ (TEB-58-
19/SI P/1bC)
From PIE *s(e)we, rebuilt (as was the second person singular tañ) on the basis
of the first person *m(e)ne, itself the result of dissimilation (as in Iranian and
Slavic) from *m(e)me (for PIE personal pronouns, see Cowgill, 1965:169-170).
The TchA form, ñi, is the same only with the addition of the common genitive
ending -i. Differing only in details, Smith, 1910: 15, VW:457; (P:882; MA:455).
See also ñr, ñikek, ñae, and ñassu.
a
ap* (n.) the name of a meter of 4x12 syllables (rhythm 5/7)
[-, -, aap//] (372b1C). From B(H)S ava- ‘±candy’ (Pinault, 2008:120).
a
ap-alype-malkwer* (n.) the name of a meter of 4x18 syllables (rhythm 7/7/4)
710 ayata
sg. ándra beside [Homeric] anéra). The nom. sg. in Hittite, kessarssis (Melchert,
loc. cit.) is attested only in Middle Hittite and thus may be also an innovation—
but it also might reflect*hésr.
Thus TchA tsar might be *hesr while B ar might be *hesérm (B **er from
*hesr would have been awkwardly homophonous with er ‘sister’). ts- and -
would be two different resolutions of the early PTch cluster *-. Alternatively
ar might be from *hesrm (cf. ptär, mtär). See also Schindler’s discussion
(1967[1968]:244-249). See also arya.
artan ko* (n.) a meter of 10/10/10/11 syllables (rhythm: a-c: 6/4, d:5/6)
[-, -, artankai//] (78a4C).
arttaiññe* (n.) ‘encouragement’ (?)
[-, -, arttaiññe//] • tentsa olyapotse arttaiññe ymtsi atame m rittetär
(331b5L). An abstract noun < *artte (i.e., rtt-äññe) < rtto?
arpki, s.v. ärp-.
arm (nnt.) ‘motive, cause; origin, basis, ground’ (armtsa + gen. [less often
ärmame + acc.] = ‘because of, for the sake of’)
[arm ~ arämL, ärmantse ~ arämtseL, arm (ärmame)//ärmana, ärman-
mats, ärmanaE-L ~ armnaE-L ~ ärmanmaE-C] ärmanm = B(H)S pratyay
(THT-1333b6A), ärmäme tsänkalyñe = B(H)S pratitya iti ca jñeya (148a3E),
cpi kreñcepi ymorntse ärmtsa ‘because of this good deed’ (588b4E), arm =
B(H)S hetu- (11a4C), 91 arm okone tserenträ [su t]n[e w]n[o]lm[e] ‘in cause
and effect it deceives here beings’ (11b2C), käll[au]ntse armtsa ‘gain/profit’
(16b3C), pokse-ñ nai saswa arm cwi wäntrentse ‘tell me, then, O lord, the origin
of this thing!’ (93b2C), e[r]sn[a]ts ärmame ‘on the ground of appearance’
(149a5C), ärmame = B(H)S pratyaya (156a4C), [pelai]knenta arm oko
skente ‘laws are cause and effect’ (180b3C), armtsa wesä ‘for our sake’
(585b4C), kuse arm tne ‘what is the origin in this? (K-6b3/PK-AS-7Fb3C),
tuntse armtsa ‘for this reason’ (K-8b2/PK-AS-7Hb2C); —ärmassu* ‘original’
(?): ärmassont palskalñe a[rpi] ‘may he explain this original thought’ (511a2L).
Forms with epenthetic -ä-, e.g aräm are Eastern (Murtuq) and late (Peyrot,
2008:57). For the chronology of the variant plural endings, see Peyrot (2008:11).
TchA urm and B arm reflect PTch *(wi
)ärmä. From PIE *s(w)ermn, the
neuter equivalent of of Latin serm (< PIE *s(w)ermon- (Pedersen, 1941:62, fn.
1, VW:466-7, Hilmarsson, 1986a:114). Whether this remarkable Latin-Tch word
correspondence is to be equated with PIE *ser- ‘tie, attach’ [: Greek eír ‘join,
fasten together, string,’ Latin ser ‘join, line up’ P:911; MA:535] (so VW) or
with *swer- ‘speak (solemnly)’ [: Oscan sverrunei ‘to the speaker,’ Gothic
swaran ‘swear,’ Old English swerian (> English swear) P:1049] (so P for Latin
serm with doubts) is unclear.
armacadre (n.) ‘£armacandra’ (PN of a monastic official)
[£armacadre, -, -//] (453a2Col).
armire, see anmire.
armir(i)ke* (n.) ‘young novice’
[-, -, armirke//armika (< *armirkañ), -, -] armirkene [the name of a
meter of 4x12 syllables (rhythm 5/7)] (107a10L), trai armirika [sic] Puñi-
£arire 713
candre Jñnacandre Amrätarakite t[a]ne kame ‘three novices, P., J., and
A, came here’ (G-Su34.1Col). A regular TchB diminutive from anmire, q.v.
arya (nf./adj.) ‘beloved’
[arya, -, aryo (voc. arya)//] saswe arya sompastär te ‘the lord, the beloved
takes this’ (33a4C), weän-necä arya ammakki poññ ppai m ñi cempats
rakatsents aiä ‘he says to her, beloved mother, tell father not to give me to
these rakas’ (85a2C), sanai aryompa yau karttse aulu-wärñai ‘I will live
well with one beloved my whole life long’ (496a3/4L).
Perhaps reflecting a putative PIE *heserihxeha- ‘(one) at hand’ [: Greek
kheírios ‘in the hands, under control’] and thus a derivative of ar ‘hand’
(Schindler, 1967[1968]). For the semantics one should compare (with
Hilmarsson, 1986a:330) Old Norse handgenginn ‘favorite’ (< *‘submitted, in the
hands of’). VW’s derivation (449) is similar semantically though he starts with
*ser- ‘protect’ for both ar and arya. See also ar.
arwiye (nf.) ‘cheese’ [or, less probably, ‘± fleece’ (i.e., the yield of wool or goat-
hair by plucking, combing, or shearing of a sheep or goat) or ‘clip’ (i.e., the yield
of wool or goat-hair in a season’s plucking, combing, or shearing)]
[arwiye, -, rwai//arwai (< *arwaiñ), -, -] kapyri ry klaiyna orocce
kemesa asantse añ rwai awr ‘the lay-workers, old men, and women ate
their own cheese derived from a goat with adult dentition’ (SI B Toch. 9.11Col
[Pinault, 1998:4]).
This is the only published text containing this word. Pinault (1998:13)
references other occurrences on unpublished wooden documents from Kyzyl and
discusses its meaning. It is a product of sheep and goats (modified, as here, by
asantañña ‘prtng to a she-goat’ or awantañña ‘prtng to a ewe’) and it is some-
thing that is used as payment for work. He suggests ‘fleece’; certainly not ‘dung’
as suggested by Schmidt (1997). Since it appears here as the direct object of u-
uw-, which is elsewhere only ‘eat’ rather than the more general ‘consume’ and
since it comes from ‘ewes’ or ‘she-goats,’ one might rather think of an edible
product such as ‘cheese.’
Pinault (1998:13), assuming ‘fleece,’suggests a PIE preform *skih2(d)ru- from
*skeh2i/-skh2ei- ‘separate.’ I would expect Pinault’s preform to have given Tch B
*rw-. Better would be a derivation from a putative *skrweha- or *skrPeha-
from *(s)ker- ‘cut, separate (by cutting)’ whose derivatives include harvest (<
*‘plucking’) or Middle German schrapfen ‘comb, curry’ (more s.v. kärs-). See
also kärs- and kärst-. If the meaning is ‘cheese,’ as seems more likely, it would
be natural to reconstruct this word as PIE *srweha- and connect it with Latin
serum ‘whey,’ Greek orós ‘id.,’ Albanian gjizë (< *srd(h)yo-) ‘whey, cottage
cheese’ (cf. de Vaan, 2008:558).
arire (n.) ‘£arire’ (PN of a monastic official)
[arire, -, -//] ¹arire lyka ‘£. has seen [it]’ [as the attestation of authentication
of a financial transaction] (463a4Col). Sieg, Siegling and Thomas (1953: 297)
suggest that this is a miswriting for anmire ~ armire] ‘novice’ but it seems very
unlikely that a novice would have been put in so responsible a position of
oversight as the attestation suggests.
714 ale
äp, pä.
äm- + läm- G (vi.) ‘sit (down); remain, be present, reside; subside’ (ompalskoññe
äm- ‘meditate’); K (vt.) ‘set; cause to subside’
G Ps. II /äm’ä/e-/[amau, -, amä//-, amcer, ame; Impf. -, -, ami//-,
mcer, amye; nt-Part. meñca ‘one who sits’; m-Part memane; Ger. malle]: :
amye mka amni aplc ‘many monks were sitting in conversation’ (3a5C),
as ñor amä ‘he sits below the throne’ (92a4C), • ami=mpolskoññe
akyamune ‘the Buddha was meditating’ (296b6L), ale amokäcci ame ?impra-
yentse patsnkä skakanma lasseträ ‘likewise artisans sit/are here; they are
working on the balconies by .’s window’ (TEB-74-3/THT-1574Col), [o]mpals-
koññe-meñca ‘one who meditates’ (159b2C), [pa]lskoñe memane ‘sitting in
meditation/meditating’ (74b2C), tume Candramukhe w[alo] ecakecce asnne
memane ‘then king C., sitting on his lion’s seat’ (91b5C) rne memane ‘residing
in the city’ (PK-AS-17A-b4C [Pinault, 1984:169]), [m] ke sasainu osne malle
‘one [is] not to remain in a house with arms akimbo’ (322a1E/C); Ko. V /l m- ~
lä m-/ [-, lmat, lma//lamam, -, lama; Inf. lamatsi; Opt. -, -, lamoy//; Ger.
lamalle; Inf. lamatsi]: kwri yarke peti ey-me kurpelle ost olypo aicer makci
lamalyi ‘if praise and flattery was going to concern you, you yourselves should
remain at home for more [time]’ [i.e., not become a monk] (33a7C), olypo ost
lamam ‘[if] we remain longer at home’ (50a7C), we<r> meñtsa auäp kkone
lamatsi ‘to remain more than four months by invitation’ (331a5L), ompalskoññe
krui no m lama ‘if, however, they do not meditate’ (407a3E), ñake lmat
wlyai lyine ‘now thou wilt sit on [his] right palm’ (567a1C/L), lma-ñ prosko
‘fear will sit down [= subside] for me’ (TEB-64-8/IT-5C/L), lamoy (PK-AS-16.
3b6); Ipv. I /(pä)l m- ~ (pä)lä m-/ [Sg. plma; Pl. (p)lamas]: plamas-ñ akarte
‘sit close to me!’ (46b4C), : pakaccne kattke epikte läms ‘in the rainy
season let’s remain among the householders’ (331a5L); Pt. Ia /lyäm -/ [-,
lymsta, lyama//-, -, lymre; MP -, -, lmte//]: : wate lyama ke[tsa] /// ‘a second
sat (down) on the ground’ (4b6C), lentse trokne lyam=ompalskoññe ‘in a cave
of the mountain he sat [in] meditation’ (4b7C), po kkeñisa lym[re] ‘they all sat
on their knees’ (18a5/6C), lyama ama mas=orkäntai ‘he sat dpwn, he stood up,
he went hither and yon’ (108b5L), aiyanampa a varginta plkisa sana olyine
lymre ‘the a varigikas sat in the same boat with [some] nuns’ (PK-AS-18B-
b3C [Pinault, 1984b]), sakrm wtetse lmte ‘the monastery became established
for a second time’ (PK-DAM.507a4Col [Pinault, 1984a]); —lamalñe: mka
läklenta o[st] lamalñe kraketse (123b6E); —lmor*: ///·s·k· lo lmorntse m twe
prskat ‘by sitting afar thou dost not fear’ [?] (588b6E).
K Ps. IXb /lä mäsk’ä/e-/ [-, -, lamää//; MP-, -, lamästär//; Impf. (or Opt.?) -, -,
lamai; nt-Part. lamäeñca; Ger. lamäälle]: /// [e]korme kenne lamästär-ne
‘taking [him] he sets him on [his] knees’ (83a3C), l[a]mai-ne (locus lost); Pt. II
/ly m-/ [A -, -, lyma//; MP -, -, lymate//]: /// lyma-n= asne wtetse ws-
<ne> lantuññe : ‘he set him on [his] throne and gave him a second time [his]
royalty/royal dignity’ (22a5C), 57 []tp[i] te [lege: tai] lyma arhante
[keninesa] ‘the arhat set them both on [his] knees’ (25a1C), • kleanmae
tekän-ma po lämäeñcai • ‘causing all klea diseases to subside’ (212b4/5E/C).
ärtt- 717
TchA and B agree in both äm- and läm-, so it is easy to recover the PTch
situation. Any earlier state of affairs is less clear. PTch *läm- is possibly from
PIE *lemb- seen most clearly in Sanskrit lámbate ‘he hangs (from)’ or English
limp. The semantic development would be something on the order ‘hang (from)’
> ‘be found’ and so on (VW:258-259). De Vaan (2008:341) adds Latin limbus
‘ornamental border, fringe.’ Malzahn (TVS) suggests instead a connection with
Greek nlem%s ‘restless, without pausing’ which she takes as the regularly
derived privative from an other wise unattested *h3lemhx- ‘sit.’ The notion is
semantically attractive (if the meaning underlying the Greek actually was ‘sit’),
but the lack any further cognates invites strong caution.
AB äm- reflect PTch *äm- but extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain.
It is usually taken to be somehow from PIE *sed- [: Sanskrit sad-, Avestan had-,
Armenian nstim (< *ni-sdyo-), Greek hézomai (< *sesd-e/o-), Latin sede, Gothic
sitan, Old English sittan (< *sed-ye/o-), Lithuanian s^$ džiu, OCS s@žd, all ‘sit’
(P:884-885; MA:522)] (Meillet, Mémoires de la Société Linguistique de Paris 19:
161-2 [1916] apud VW). In Tocharian we would have the addition, at a
relatively late date, of -m- under the influence of both läm- and stäm- ‘stand’ (so,
in essentials, VW:451), presumably at the time the loss of PIE *-d- left the
paradigm unstable and the root ill-defined, but the exact mechanism is obscure.
Alternatively we might imagine a late (or post-)PIE *h1s-em-, an élargissement of
*h1s- [: Greek hêsthai ‘to sit,’ Hittite sa ‘sits,’ szi ‘sits, remains, is left,’
Avestan ste ‘sits,’ Sanskrit $ ste ‘sits’ (P:342; MA:522)]. See also osta-
memane and osta-meñca.
ärk- (vt.) ‘pass, surpass, go beyond’
Ps. IXb /ä rkäsk’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, arkästär//; MPPl. arkäskemane]: : su cpi läkle
ste po läklenta ärkästrä : ‘this is his suffering; he passes beyond all sufferings’
(284a1A); Pt. II / rk-/ [MP -, rkatai, rkate//]: ku[s]e ksa perneñc aiene
[tw]e [no] po ce arkatai ‘whoever in the world [is] glorious; thou hast
surpassed all of them’ (203b2/3E/C), : se ksa perneñca [lege: perneñc] onolmi ce
twe posa rkata • ‘whatever beings [are] glorious, thou hast surpassed them in
every respect’ (204a1/2C); PP /eirko-/ po kauñäkte eirku ‘having sur-
passed all sun-gods’ (THT-3597a3A).
From PIE *serK- [Hittite sarku- ‘hervorragend, erhaben, mächtig’ (Kronasser,
1957: 127, VW:451-2), sarkiske/a- ‘be powerful’]. Whether these words are
related to the family of TchB serke (so de Vaan, 2008:539) is not yet determined.
ärtt- (vt.) ‘incite, instigate, encourage’
Ps. IXb /ä rttsk’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, sarttastär (?)//]; PP /eä rttu-/: walo Mgate
yolai wmots eartu kausa ptär krent ‘the king of M., incited by evil friends,
killed [his] good father’ (TEB-64-12/IT-5C/L).
TchA ärtw- and B ärtt- reflect PTch *ärtw-, a verb found only in the causa-
tive, whence the constant initial - in the verb and its derivatives. Possibly from
PIE *sret-/sredh- ‘boil, be agitated, move noisily’ [: Greek rhóthos ‘rushing noise,
roar of waves, clash of oars,’ OHG stredan ‘effervesce, whirl, boil’ (P:1001-
1002)], with the addition of the common pre-Tocharian extension -w-. Otherwise
VW (452). See also ertwe and rtto (also artaiññe).
718 ärp-
ärp- (vt.) ‘explain to, inform; teach; indicate, guide, point (to)’ (prrimpa ärp-
‘point with the finger’)
Ps. VIII /ärps’ä/e-/ [-, -, arpä//-, -, ärpse; Impf. ärpim (??), -, -//; MP -, -,
-//-, -, ärpsentär; m-Part. ärpsemane]: mka pudñäkti tsaka aiene ärp-
sentär-ne lyauce ka nraie wnolme tallnta ‘the many Buddhas, [if] they arise
in the world, indicate to one another concerning the unfortunate hell-being’
(15a7=17a8/b1C), mokänta wäntärwa amñe ärpse aumotse m po msa
perakä ket m yäkne orttoträ (255b1A), ärpsemane Jñnasthite Gu[
a-
sapadec weä] ‘explaining, J. says to G.’ (103a6C); Ko. II /ärp’ä/e-/
[arpau, -, -//-, -, -; Opt. -, arpit, arpi//; Inf. arptsi]: tu ñi … aultsorsa ka
ärpau-me ‘this I will explain to you in short’ (33b6C), gaje khumpa atree
palskalñe a[rpi] ‘elephant with mole: “[This] might point to thinking about
grain” ’ (511a1L), ñake no wäntre arpau-me ‘now I [will] explain this affair to
you’ (A-2a4/PK-AS-6Ca4C); Pt. III /erpä- ~ erpäs-/ [-, -, erpsa//-, -, erpär
(erpar-meE)]: rki erpar-me twe ke plme rke nes ‘the wisemen indicated
to them: “thou are the best wiseman”’ (107a10L), aie täwantsico lokne
erpsa ce arthä ‘for the love of the world he explained this circumstance in a
strophe’ (K-3b1/PK-AS-7Cb1C); PP /eä rpo-/: vrttinmane earpoä ‘in-
structed in moral behaviors’ (549b2C); —ärpalñe ‘instruction, guidance’: ñake
palsko ärpalñe ñemace pratihar[i sä]lk[te-me] (108b7L); —ärpalñee
‘prtng to instruction, guidance’: ärpalñee = B(H)S deana- (527b2C); —
ärpsemaneñña (nf.) ‘guide’: omte krui aiya ärpsemaneñña stmausa tkoy ‘if a
nun there has stood [as] a guide/director of traffic’ (IT-248b5C); —ärpkiññe*
(n.) ‘guide’: • amne ytri m aitär klyiye ytri ärpkiññesa ya-ne anpatti
• ‘[if] a monk does not know the way and a woman goes with him by way of
being a guide, anpatti’ (330a2L). —eärpuwerme (620a5C).
TchA ärp-, B ärp- reflect PTch ärp-. From either PIE *ser- ‘tie, attach’ [:
Greek eír ‘join, fasten together, string,’ Latin ser ‘join, line up’ (P:911)] + p, b,
bh (cf. VW:452 who assumes ser- + w) or, more probably, *swer- ‘speak
(solemnly)’ [: Oscan sverrunei ‘to the speaker,’ Gothic swaran ‘swear,’ Old
English swerian (> English swear) (P:1049)] + p, b, bh. In neither case is the root
found extended by a labial in other branches of Indo-European. (Duchesne-
Guillemin, 1941:180, and VW, 1941:122, already note a relationship with Latin
sermo but whether the latter is from *ser- or *swer- is not clear.) See also
arm and maybe ro.
ärmassu, s.v. arm.
ällatsi, see s.v. 2säl-.
i-, si-.
iknte ‘?’
///kne iknte kuce yamai eswempe pä /// (IT-205b4C). The third person
plural preterite of sik-?
iko* (n.) ‘(foot)step, (foot)print’
[-, -, iko//-, -, ikonta] [oko]lmai-ko ymain=aieñca ‘recognizing an elephant-
footprint in the road’ (587b2A), kos saika ikonta e[r]k[e]nma : ‘as manysteps
as he takes to the cemetery’ (3b6C), em[e] ik[o] /// (522a1C). A derivative of
sik-, q.v. See also possibly akr.
im 719
object (to the exclusion of everything else)’: somo-kälymi = B(H)S eknta (U-
18a3/SIB-117a3C); —somo-somo ‘one by one’: somo-somo klokane lt wla-
ke yok tañ kektsentsa ‘from [each] follicle, one by one, over thy body emerged a
soft hair’ (74a3C). For a discussion of the chronological distribution of somo
and sanai, see Peyrot (2008:131-132).
TchB e and TchA a- (only in compounds) is the only direct reflection of the
PIE athematic inflection of this word. They are directly equatable with Greek
heîs (< PIE *sm-s or possibly *sem-s). More distantly we have Armenian mi
(reflecting *sm-ihxos) ‘one,’ Gothic sin-teins ‘daily,’ Old English sinnihte ‘eternal
night,’ Latin sem-per ‘always,’ etc. (P:902-904; MA:399). This connection goes
back to Sieg/Siegling, 1908:927, and Meillet, 1911-12:284-5.
The rest of the B masculine paradigm (acc. sg. eme, nom. pl. emi, acc. pl.
*eme and most of the feminine one (acc. sg. somo, nom./acc. pl. somona)
reflect A PIE thematic *som(hx)o/eha- (see Sihler, 1973). The palatalized initial
of the masculine is analogical to e; the -o- of the feminine is regular (by o-
umlaut) from PTch *somo < PIE *som(hx)eham. (The palatalization of the TchA
feminine is analogical after the masculine.) The final -s of TchA sas (masc. nom.
sg.) may be PIE *-s preserved in a monosyllable (cf. B wes/TchA was ‘we,’
yes/yas ‘you,’ kas ‘six’ [but TchA äk]). The initial s- in sas is by regular
depalatalization of -s … - (cf. TchA säksäk ‘sixty’).
A third basic shape is seen in A nom. sg. fem. sä and B sg. fem. sana/sanai.
These are most easily derived from a PIE neuter sg. *sm (cf. Greek hén with full-
grade). In pre-PTch *sm would have given *sän, to which the ordinary feminine
- was added. The same PIE *sm lies behind Hittite sanni- ‘one and the same,
single’ (cf. Eichner, 1991:45-46). For the Tocharian one should compare the
similar, but much more complex, derivations for this paradigm of VW (415),
Hilmarsson (1984), and Winter (1991:99-101). See also eske, emeske,
emetsñe, etstsäññe, somr, esa, ee, ek, ysomo, somotkäññe, and äs-.
ek (adv.) ‘always, continually, perpetually’
nigrot [s]t[]m ñor ek su mäskträ ‘he was always found under the banyan tree’
(3b3C), : ykälñe ek warästrä [e]k imassu ‘always he practices shunning [of
the body], always [is he] mindful’ [ek = B(H)S sad] (8b7C), ek = B(H)S
nityam (30b4C), ek yamaeñc[añ] = B(H)S statyakri
a (305b2C); —ek-ek
‘forever [emphatic]’: kaunn-kaun ek-ek ‘day by day forever’ (140a2A), ek-ekä
= B(H)S abhk
aa (IT-122b4C); ‘accumulated by repeated practice’: [= B(H)S
abhyastam] (PK-AS-7Fa3 [CEToM]) —ekaññe (adj./adv.) ‘eternal(ly), steady,
unchanging, constant, eventually’: mñana sta taiysa kwrä ekañe
enepre tträ • se akessu manike ste • ‘thus [if] he places human bones and
likewise skeletons before [himself], eventually he is a manike’ (559a5/b1C), ///
[e]kañe parna kakkau ‘[if] he [is] continuously invited’ (IT-124b2C),
eka[ññanats] = B(H)S dhruv
(IT-16a2C); —m-ekaññe
‘transitoriness’: (88a4C); —ekaññee ‘prtng to changelessness’ (in the com-
pound m-ekaññee ‘transient’): m-ekaññee kraupe = B(H)S anitya
varga (U-2b2?); —ekatsäññe ‘eternal’ (in the compound m-ekatsäññe
‘transient’): ekantse m-ekatsäññe = B(H)S cakuranitya (527a2C); —ekkka
em 723
the spokes of the wagon were scattered all about’ (5a2C), kärstau em = B(H)S
chinnka (13a4C).
Etymology unclear. It is possible that we have here an old loan from some
variety of eastern Iranian. One should compare particularly Ossetic sämän ‘axle’
which Bailey (1979:346), at least, takes to be from *(a)ša-ma-na- (cf. Avestan
aša- ‘axle’). An eastern Iranian *(a)šama- would give TchB (e)em- (cf.
ekinek(e) ‘dove’ < Proto-Iranian *axšinaka-). It is also conceivable, though to
my mind less likely, that we have an inherited word (as if) from PIE *sh2-yo-mn
as ‘the joiner’ or the like [: Sanskrit syáti, Lithuanian siti, Hittite ishiia-], further
cognates P:891-892 (though P has *s(i)- rather than the *seh2(i)- guaranteed by
Hittite). This latter proposal is ultimately similar to VW’s etymology (454)
though, following P, he starts from an impossible *s-m- (or an even more
impossible *simen- via borrowing from [unattested] TchA).
ema ‘?’
Kemawarmentse ema (494a1A). This comprises the entire document.
emankar, Kemankar.
emeske* (adj.) ‘only, sole; private’
[-, emeskepi, emeske//] [y]t[]rye emeskepi yalya ‘the way traversable only to
one’ (555a4E), wer[ts]i[yanna] /// [wa]t [e]m[e]ske ‘in assemblies or privately’
(= B(H)S partiatv atha v mithah) (IT-809a5E [Peyrot, 2008b:104]), emeske
(363a4C). A derivative of e, q.v. See also eske (cf. Winter, 1991:150).
emetsñe* (n.) ‘unity, unification’
[-, -, emetsñe//] emetsñeme ‘from being in unity [with]’ (SHT-1780, Malzahn,
2007b:309]). A derivative of e, q.v.
er (n.) ‘sister’
[er, -, -//eraC, -, -] /// protärñts nona ysentär era tktärñ /// ‘… the wives of
brothers are ravished; sisters and daughters [too] …’ (2b7C), pcera mcera
[e]ra procera /// (105a2C), takwa er pudñä[kt]e[ntse] ‘I was the sister of the
Buddha’ (400a5L).
TchA ar and B er reflect PTch *(ä)er. As if from PIE *swesr with *-r
for expected *-r on the analogy of the other kin-terms, e.g., pcer, mcer [:
Sanskrit svásar- ‘sister,’ Armenian k‘oir ‘id.,’ Latin soror ‘id.,’ Old Irish siur
‘id.,’ Lithuanian sesuõ ‘id.,’ etc. (P:1051; MA:521)] (Feist, 1913:105, Sieg,
Siegling, and Schulze, 1931:65, VW:449). See Pârvulescu (1989) for further
possible connections of this word with the PIE word for ‘blood.’ He takes
*swesr to be *swe-sor ‘of one’s own blood.’ See also erka, eerñe.
ertwe* (n.[perhaps pl. tant.]) ‘incitement, instigation’
[//-, -, ertwe] isälyäntse ertwents cowai käntwa tärkäna ‘with the
incitement of jealousy, they take away [his] tongue’ (255b3A), /// [yo]lai
wmontse Devadatti ertwentsa 52 ‘at the instigation of [his] evil friend D.’
(21a4C). A derivative of ärtt-, q.v.
erka (n.) ‘(little) sister’
[erka, -, - (voc. erka)//(voc. erkana)] Nnda cla okorñai Nandbala ty
erka postä ms-ne ‘Nnda lifted the okorño; [her] sister Nandbala went
after her’ (107a7L), erkana ñi aicer ce pinwt ‘sisters, you give me this
aiweñña* 725
aiweññai tatsää • ‘[if a monk] pulls out a shell or a pot sunk in a mudhole
[and if] he scatters the sediment’ (331a1L). If the meaning is correct (cf. the
cautious discussion of Winter, 2003:110-110), we might have *sdemenyeha-,
very similar to the Latin sedimentum.
otarye* (adj.) ‘signal, distinguished, remarkable’
[m: -, -, otarye//] otarye terisa ‘in a distinguished manner’ (PK-DAM.507a5Col
[Pinault, 1984a:24]), orye [lege: otarye] perisa ‘by this remarkable debt’ (PK-
DAM.507a8Col). An adjective drawn from an underlying **otär, an unex-
tended by-form of otri. q.v. Compare the possible relationship of lyae and
sälyiye. See also next entry.
otri (nnt.) ‘sign, mark, (manifestation of) action’
[otri, otrintse, otri/-, -, otrni/otrna, -, otrna ~ otarnma] klaiñ=ewaññe
otrnime ‘the [two] signs, female and male’ (8a6C), yetwe santse pelke
amññe otri ‘the jewel of the law, the Udna is the sign of a monk’ (33a2C), •
pittaepi kwarmatse [lege kwärmantse] nau otri pkarsaso • ‘know the early
sign of a bile-tumor’ (IT-306a1C [cf. Carling, 2003a]), tuntse te otri Dharma-
kme paiyka ‘thus this sign Dh. wrote’ (S-Su2C), pittantse otruna ‘the actions/
signs of bile [disease]’ [otruna = B(H)S karm
i] (Y-3a2C/L), toyä otruna =
B(H)S etni lingni (Y-3a6C/L), wi otrna = B(H)S dviliga (193a1C/L), ckkär
svastik nandikwart otruna eneka celeñiyentär • kentsa ipprerne makâläana
otruna lkoyentär ‘the cakra, svastika, and nandikavarta symbols appeared with-
in; on the ground, in the air these good-luck signs were seen’ (107a1L), ekwaññe
otri ne[ksa]te-ñ ‘my male sign disappeared’ (400a2L), • ntse aläälñe otr
·e /// ‘throwing the elements [is?] the mark …’ (IT-998b3? [TVS]); —otr tstse
‘having as a sign, mark’: [kektse]ñ pälyalñe otrtse (IT-133a2C), otrtse
warpalñe • (IT-998b1?); —otri-ymci ‘sign-makers [= teachers of the law]’
(45a4C).
TchA otre and B otri reflect PTch *oträi
ä. It, in turn, reflects a putative
PIE *swdh-r-u-h1en, a neuter n-stem with full grade in the nom./acc. sg. (cf.
Greek téren [nt.] ‘soft’ or ársen [nt.] ‘male’). The TchB plural regularly repre-
sents *swdh-r-u-h1neha (TchA otreyäntu is analogical). The n-stem is an
extension of a deverbal noun in *-ru (cf. tarkar ‘cloud,’ pl. tarkarwa). The verb
underlying this is PIE *swedh- ~ *swdh- ‘± be accustomed to’ [: Greek (present
participle) éthn ‘accustomed, customary,’ eítha (a perfect used as a present) ‘be
accustomed, habituated,’ éthos (nt.) ‘custom, habit,’ thos (nt.) ‘accustomed
place; custom, character,’ Latin sdalis ‘member of a confraternity,’ susc (<
*swdh-ske/o-) ‘accustom oneself to,’ Sanskrit svadh$ ‘inherent power, habitual
state, custom,’ Gothic sidus ‘custom.’ In pre-Tocharian we had *swdh-r ‘habit,
custom, characteristic.’ From ‘characteristic’ the semantic development was to
‘sign, mark’ (Adams, 1990a:65-69; MA:143, better, 455).
Not to be equated with Latin signum, etc., as *sekwtru- or the like (Pedersen,
1941:69) since there is no evidence that *-kw- would be lost in this environment.
No more likely is VW’s (641) suggestion of a heavily reworked borrowing from
a Prakrit descendant of B(H)S ruta- ‘heard, understood, etc.’ Also otarye.
orpor* (n.) ‘sack’ (?)
[-, -, orpor//] Uttare amake kärwai witsakaisa räskare tsopa-ne siñcai
kariye* 727
orpor ite [warsa y]morme ‘he pokes the boy Uttara roughly with the root of a
reed, having filled [scil. Uttara] the siñcai bag with water’ (88a1C), aulassu nesy
ñme tka-ne erkenta yakwme orpor/// ‘[if] someone has the wish to be
venerated, … a sack of black wool’ (M-3b7/PK-AS-8Cb7C). Of unknown ety-
mology. VW (459) suggests a derivation from *ser-w- ‘protect’ but a change of
medial *-rw- to -rp- seems most unlikely (cf. mare). His later suggestion (1987:
235) of a derivation from PIE *srebh- ‘sip, slurp’ makes better sense phono-
logically but is very weak semantically.
olrke* (n.) ‘£olrke’ (PN in monastic records)
[-, £olrki, -//] (490-II-7Col). Cf. TchA olr ‘up to’?
au (n.) ‘receipt’
[au, -, -//] au nesä ‘[this] is a receipt’ (Otani II-12a12Col [Ching and Ogihara,
2012:81]). From Early Middle Chinese *tºa²w (current Chinese cho) (Ching
and Ogihara, 2012:104). The same Chinese word appears in Khotanese as kau.
kas (numeral) ‘six’
[gen. pl. kässats] po kas yällo ‘all six senses’ (8b7C), : kas pi ñu wat
atär ‘he counts six, five, or nine’ (41b1C), kas yälloñ = B(H)S a yatana-
(156b2C), kässats (173a3C), kant[i] yikye wra cakanma kas tom ‘flour for
bread, 4 cks, six tom’ (433a16Col), kas meñantse-me motte [lege: mante] ‘from
the sixth of the month on’ (461a5Col), kacce mene ak-kasne ‘on the sixteenth
of the sixth month’ (G-Su36.1Col); —kas-känte ‘600’; —kas-yiltse ‘6,000’;—
kas-tmane ‘60,000’: : mnats aul ai kas-tmane pikula ‘the life of men was
60,000 years’ (3b1C); —kas-yäkne ‘sixfold’.
TchA äk and B kas reflect PTch *(wi
)äkä(s). From PIE *s(w)eks [: Gothic
saihs, Latin sex, Greek heks, Avestan xšvaš, Sanskrit a, etc. (P:1044; MA:402)].
Differing in details only from Sieg/Siegling, 1908:927, VW:450, Winter 1991:
108-109. See also kaska, kaste, kasar and akkas.
kasar (distributive) ‘by sixes’
Attested once only as käsr, q.v. kas + the distributive suffix -r.
kaska (numeral) ‘sixty’
kaska-twra traunta ‘sixty-four trau’ (497a3C), kaska pakaccnta ‘sixty rainy
seasons’ (440b4Col). A derivative of kas, q.v. TchA säksäk (with assimilation)
reflect PTch *(wi
)äk(ä)sk (for the formation, see the discussion at täryka).
Differing only in details, VW:450, Winter, 1991:120-121.
kaste (adj.) ‘sixth’
[m: kaste, kaccepi, kaceE, Col ~ kacceL-Col ~ kasceCol//] [f: kaca, -, -//]
kacce mene ak-kasne ‘on the sixteenth of the sixth month’ (G-Su36.1Col).
For a discussion of the chronological distribution of the oblique forms, see
Peyrot, 2008:129-130). A derivative of kas, q.v. TchA kät and B kaste
reflect PTch *(wi
)äk(ä)ste]. From PIE *s(w)ekstó- [: Gothic saihsta, Latin
sextus, or without the second -s-, Sanskrit ahá-, Greek hékto-, etc. (further
cognates P:1044; MA:402)] (VW:450, Winter 1991:137).
kasyiltse (number) [indeclinable] ‘six thousand’
A compound of (stressed) kas ‘six’ + yältse (unstressed) ‘thousand,’ qq.v.
kariye* (n.) ‘return (of a purchased item)’
[-, -, krai//] yurpkai wsar y lpar nannaññ(e)m(e) ak-kunae kraine
728 kr
ailye sesamae wai - kesa kärntsi ywrtsa yaltse (Bil 3.1/THT-4059, Schmidt,
2001:22). Cf. TchA kr ‘backwards,’ B akr ‘id.’ No known external
connections, see brief discussion s.v. akr.
kr (distributive) ‘by tens’ (??)
tume kr kitaine/// (620b2C). If correctly identified, from ak, q.v.
käsr (distributive) ‘by sixes’
pañikte pakenta kalwa wi 2 käsr pläkre cnentsa ak-wi 12 ‘the Buddha
obtained two [2] parts, each of the six [remaining] they sold for twelve [12]
cnes’ (KLOST.35,15-16Col [Couvreur, 1954c:90]). A derivative of kas ‘six,’
q.v. + the distributive suffix -r.
kito* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, kitai//] tume kr kitaine /// (620b2C), /// kitaime nai pautsat ///
(620b5C).
kwarle (n.) ‘£kwarle’ (PN in monastic records)
[kwarle, -, -//] (491a-IICol).
ñae (n.) ‘±relative’
[ñae, -, -//ñai, -, ñae] añ-ymorai ytrisa waiptr maiytar-ñ cai
ñai ñi märsre ‘by the way of self-deed they have gone far [from] me and my
very relatives forgot me’ (TEB-63-01/IT-5C/L). A derivative of añ, q.v.
ñassu* (adj.) ‘seeking possessions’
[m: //ñassoñc, -, -] [tume lntä]co kl[nte] lyka ceu ñ[a]ssoñcä ‘thereupon
those seeking possessions led the thief to the king’ (404a8C). A derivative of
añ, q.v. See also añ and ñr.
ñr (distributive) ‘each to his own, respective’
/// [a]ñ k[e]wän aktaisa kaltär-me ñr wepe aan-me : ‘he drives [his]
own cattle with a stick; he leads them each to [their] own paddocks’ (3a3C), 65
ñr ekñentasa soytsi lñco m campe[ :] ‘the kings cannot be satisfied each
with [his] own possessions’ (22a3C), ñr ñr mañye mañyaname nemcek
yarke källlyi ‘[you] should achieve certain praise from your respective male and
female slaves’ (33a7C), istak cai ngi ñr bhavantane yopar ‘at once these
ngas entered each in [his] own dwelling’ (350a4C), lwsa ñr weññ[ane]
‘the animals each in [its] own lair’ (518b2C), karsna[] kälnaske ñr ñr
‘[the winds] cut off and howl respectively/alternately’ (PK-AS-7Mb4C +NS122a
+ NS261 +NS262C) [TVS]). A derivative of añ ‘own,’ q.v. + the distributive
suffix -r. See also añ and ñassu.
ñike(k) (adverb) ‘certainly, indeed’
cey cew ymorsa ñikek parska ‘they will fear certainly by this deed’ (K-3a2/
PK-AS-7Ca2C), ske[ye]nme cenats ñke tswa aiamñe ‘by the efforts of
such as these wisdom was indeed constituted’ (PK-AS-16.3b2C [Pinault, 1989:
157]).
Ultimately a derivative of añ, q.v., and obviously cognate with TchA ñikek
‘on the contrary, nevertheless,’ though the difference in meaning is striking.
Morphologically it would appear that we have añ + -ike (an adjective forming
suffix) + an optional k(ä) (the strengthening particle). The existence in B of ñike
would appear to make impossible VW’s suggestion (457-458) that the TchA form
pakye 729
is original and the TchB form borrowed. Rather it must be the other way around.
See also añ, ke.
ñor* (n.) ‘sinew’
[-, -, ñor//naura, -, -] asti meski tne ñor passontsa eanmo • ‘bone joints
bound with sinews and muscles’ (5b1/2C), ikañce-[tr]ce ukaunne ñaura
kaktsenne [lege: kektsenne] [tänmaskentär-ne] ‘in the twenty-third week sinews
in his body appear’ (603a2C).
The singular regularly from PIE *snéh1wr, the plural regularly from *sneh1wr-
eha [: Avestan snvar' ‘sinew,’ Armenian neard (*sneh1wrt) ‘sinew, fiber,’
Sanskrit sn$ van] (nt.) ‘sinew;’ (thematicized) Greek neûron ‘sinew,’ Latin nervus
‘sinew, muscle, nerve’ (and more distant cognates, P:977; MA:568, 571; de
Vaan, 2008:407)] (Schulze, 1923, VW:458). See also Hilmarsson’s discussion
(1986a:208).
akkumo* a meter of 4x12 syllables (rhythm 4/4/4)
[-, -akkumai//] (107b7L).
al
e* (n.) ‘± steward’ (?)
[//ali, -, -] ali Yaunanti wai Pu
yisene atre[e] wyai utpt ke tse
‘the stewards (?) Y. and P. make an account of the disbursement and receipt of
grain’ (PK-bois C.1a1Col [Pinault, 1994:91]). Etymology unknown, though its
phonological shape (i.e., the clusters --) might suggest a Tocharian A origin.
tisa
eke - yak tisa wele (SHT-1738 [Malzahn, 2007b:309]).
tukile (n.) ‘£tukile’ (PN in administrative records)
[£tukile, -, -//] (SI B Toch. 12.5Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
tempekule (n.) ‘£tempekule’ (PN in monastic records)
[£tempekule, -, -//] (SI B Toch. 11.15Col [Pinault, 199810]).
nom ‘?’
• mäntä aiträ kärtsetse [n]om cek war[r]ñ[ai] /// ‘thus the virtuous one knows
himself, even (??) from the beginning …’ (THT-1191a6A), • nom krä/// (THT-
2243b3C). Presumably some sort of adverb or conjunction (in both attestations
it stands at the beginning of a pada or colon).
pak (conj.) ‘and also, moreover; more’
grahanmane meñe ra päk tstai 13 ‘and also as thou hast set the moon among
the planets’ (221b1E/C), pak = B(H)S bhyas (8b6C), pak = B(H)S ca (14b3C),
tane klu pete ~ tane smaññe pete ~ tane pak pete ‘give here rice, give here broth,
give here more’ (IT-248b6C), ktke plontonträ pakkä maiyya tsämsen-ne ‘they
enjoy themselves and rejoice, moreover they increase his strength’ (K-2b6/PK-
AS-7Bb6C). From pä (q.v.) + the strengthening particle k(ä).
pak ye (nf.) ‘pill, pastille; poultice; [possibly] suppository’ (anything wrapped up or
around as a medical treatment—see B(H)S varti-)
[pakyeC-L, -, -//pakai (< *pakaiñ), -,pakai] s okarñatstsa pakiye kartse
mka ‘this okarño-having pill; [it is] good [for] much’ (W-8a4C), ysrtsanane
pakye warsa [yamaä]lya ‘on the bloody [parts] a poultice with water [is] to be
put’ (510b1L). At least partially overlapping semantically with pel and tsats-
par, qq.v. A borrowing from Khotanese vaka-, vakye- with the same meaning
730 pane
tion’ (3a7C), : a[wo]-n=okonta swre ai [ke] ‘they ate his fruit—and
sweet was the taste’ (3a8C), [la]kl[e] snaitse [lege: snaitsñe] tetkk p känma-
ä : ‘and suddenly comes suffering and poverty’ (3b7C), [al]mo[] pä
sruko [lye]lykorme ‘having seen the sick and dead’ [pä = B(H)S ca] (5a1C),
ypomna kuai pä ‘lands and villages’ (PK-Dd6.2.4Col).
Underlyingly /äpä/ (and always enclitic) but of uncertain etymology. (Im-
probable, VW:460 [drawn analogically from auap or oap].) If äp is
originally a combination of two particles, it might be that *- reflects PIE *eti
(regularly > PTch *i
ää with the initial *yä- lost in unstressed position (cf.
Pinault (2008:123) for the appropriate semantic history of *eti in other Indo-
European languages). See also ap, pak, and auap/oap.
pikiye* (nf.) ‘crutch’
[-, -, pikai/pkaine (K-T),-, -/] : t[s]i[r]au[ñ]e[]ai pikaisa saits pre[ke 15]
‘the time to support [oneself] with the crutch of energy’ (281b3/4E), ptai [lege:
pkai] wrantsai lyewetarr-ne postäñe tuk pärwee mtri [ktsanne] yaiporme
(333a2/3E/C).
(As if) from PIE *speik/gu-h1en- or, more probably, *speik/geha-h1en- [: Latin
spca ‘awn,’ Old Norse spík ‘spike,’ English spike (further cognates, P:981; de
Vaan, 2008:580)]. Differing only in details, VW:461-462. For the formation, see
Adams, 1988d. See also possibly pipik.
pinnau ‘?’
/// te sne [lege: ste] w pinnau yan nai/// (90b6C).
pet ‘?’
///na ai pet kenäe ke s /// (339b3A). Or to be read: … ai e tkenäe ke
… ‘there was one earthly place’? See discussion s.v. ke.
pel (n.[m.sg.]) ‘mud; (medicinal) mud-pack, poultice’
[pel, -, pel//] [e]nt[e] akai-pilkontan[e] t[e]tr[e]ku aiytä ñatke me[l]t[e]
[reconstruction mine] p[e]ltsa kektseñ kari yamaatai ‘if thou wert beset with
false thoughts, thou hast soiled [thy] body with dirt, dung, and mud” (KVc-
12b1/THT-1105b1C [Schmidt, 1986]); panitäe pel e prayok … läksaiñai-
klautsaie pel ‘a molasses poultice [is] one means … a poultice of fish gills [a
third]’, [list of ingredients] läksaña klautso kewiye meltee pel te r kätnlle
‘… fish-gills and cow-dung poultice; this [is] to strewn all over’ (P-2a6C).
Overlapping in meaning with tsatspar and pak ye, qq.v.
TchA pal, B pel reflect PTch *pi
l(ä). Further connections uncertain.
Similar in both form and meaning to Greek plós (Doric plós) ‘earth, mud,
clay,’ Hesychian pálkos ‘id.,’ Lithuanian pélk^ ‘bog, fen, swamp’ but, if they
belong together, the PIE form is elusive. Beekes (2010:1186) gives no
etymology. Tch pel and Greek plós/plós can be united as (*sp%halom vs.
*pehalós) but this seems pro forma and, in any case, cannot account for forms
with *-k-.
mare (a) (adj.) ‘smooth, even, slippery; greasy’; (b) (n.) ‘oil’
(a) [m: mare, -, mare//] mare yetse mare ere mare /// [mare = B(H)S
snigdha-] (K-7b2/PK-AS-7Gb2C), mare yetse wnolmentse ek cp mäsketrä ‘soft
and lovely is always the skin of such a being’ (K-10a3/PK-AS-7Ja3C), mare
mällarke mäsketär-ne palsko ‘smooth and flexible is his spirit’ (K-10b1/PK-AS-
732 mye
•S•
s•ltre* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘± artisan’ (?)
[-, s•ltrentse, -//] ymorepi s•ltre[]tse memiskusa kektseñe wes tserentsi ‘the
body [is] disguised by the artisan (?) of the deed [in order] to deceive us’ (PK-
AS-17A-a3C [Pinault, 1984c:168]). Meaning uncertain, etymology unknown.
-sa perlative postposition
More or less equivalent to the TchA perlative -. In B the PTch perlative plural
*-ns- was reanalyzed as *-n-s when the simplification of final *-ns left the non-
perlative plural ending -n (Klingenschmitt, 1975:156). The reshaped *-s was
added to singular and dual forms as well. The shift in morpheme boundaries was
presumably favored since it meant that all secondary case-markers in B now
began with a consonant. Etymologically PTch *- must be identified with Indo-
Iranian ‘to, up to; among, in; in addition to’ and/or Proto-Germanic *Q ~ *
occurring only as a nominal or verbal prefix ‘(with)out, away from; after.’ See
further -.
savatsarajñ* (n.) ‘horoscope’
[-, -, savatsarajñ//] hor vykara savatsarajñtsa wa[rñ]ai as[ta]rma
nmyare ‘they established the treatises on the science of the year, grammar, and
the horoscope’ (PK-AS-16.3a4C [Pinault, 1989:156]). From B(H)S savatsara-
+ jñna- (compound not in M-W or Edgerton).
savar ~ sawr (n.[m.sg.]) ‘discipline’
[savar, savarntse, savar//] amññee anmrñee upsakñee savarne :
… oktace savarne stmo ‘the discipline of monks, novices, and laybrothers …
standing in the eightfold discipline’ (17a7C); —savaräe ‘prtng to discipline’:
(270a3C). From B(H)S savara-.
savs (n.) ‘dwelling together’ (?) or ‘mating’ (?)
/// [pre]cyaine to ylyi ee savs /// ‘in that time the gazelles [were] dwelling
together/mating’ (363b2C). From B(H)S savsa-.
734 savr
tti
fortunate in [his] births’ (24a2C); —skwae ‘prtng to good fortune’: /// plyewsa
ram no skwae iprerne ‘he flew as if in the air of good fortune’ (THT-1551b3
[cf. Thomas, 1968b:213]); —sak(w)-takälyñe ‘state of dwelling with things that
are pleasant [to touch]’ (if = B(H)S sukha-[sa]spara-): sak-takälyñe ceeñca
(278a3C).
Like TchA suk ‘id.’ from Sanskrit (or a Prakrit descendant) sukhá- of the same
meaning. Sakw shows the same treatment of Indic -u- as does, say, pat ‘stupa’
from buddha- (Pisani 1941-1942:2; Krause and Thomas, 1964:252). See also
skwaññ-.
sakake* (n.) ‘monastic land’ (?)
[-, -, sakake//] sakaketsa kune wasam 6000 ‘we gave 6,000 kucnes for
the monastic ground’ [?] (490b-I-4Col). Is this the same as sgäai ke at 490-
II-2Col? If correctly interpreted, we have a compound of sk + ke, qq.v.
Sakatatte (n.) ‘Saghadadha’ (PN in monastic records)
[Sakatatte, -, -//] sanmo Sakatatte (THT-4000, col. 3, -a4?), uptatse Saka-
tatte (THT-4000, col. 3, -a7?).
Sakatse (n.) ‘Saghadsa’ (PN in monastic and administrative records)
[Sakatse, -, -//] (SI B Toch. 9.2 and passimCol, SI P/117.11Col [Pinault, 1998:4,
15]), S B Toch/13 [Ching and Ogihara, 2012:90, fn. 25]).
Sakatepe ~ Sakatedeve ‘Saghadeva’ (PN in monastic records)
[Sakatepe, Sakatepentse, -//] (491b-III-1Col).
sakästere (n.) ‘monastic overseer’
[sakästere, -, -//] sakästere ?lacandre a[rsa] ‘the monastery-overseer,
lacandra knew’ [authenticating a record] (433a3Col). From B(H)S *sagha-
sthavira- (cf. TchA sakasther).
sakik* ([indeclinable?] adj.) ‘belonging to a monastery’
[m: -, -, sakik//] sakik raktsisa amnentse eñatketse m ceppille m wsaälle
‘concerning a monk on a monastic mat; [one who is] dirty is not to tread on [it] or
lie on [it]’ (TEB-65-17/IT-247). From B(H)S sghika-.
saket (n.) ‘meeting, appointment’
[saket, -, -//] [m wa]lke saket ymälle • ‘quickly the meeting is to be
arranged’ (IT-60b2C). From B(H)S saketa-.
sakenar (?) [PN?]
(THT-4000b5.9? [Peyrot, 2008:94]).
Sakene (PN in monastic records)
[Sakene, -, -//] (491a7Col).
sakentae* (adj.) ‘?’
[f: -, -, sakentaai//] sakentaai klainsa /// (490b-I-7Col).
Sakopte, Sakaupte.
Sakaupte ~ Sakopte (n.) ‘Saghagupta’ (PN in administrative records)
[Sakaupte, -, -//] (SI P/117.5Col, SI B 12.5Col [Pinault, 1998:13, 16]).
sakrm (n.[m.sg.]) ‘cloister, monastery’
[sakrm, sakrmäntse, sakrm//-, -, sakrm(ä)nta] sakrmi yatsi omtsate
‘he began to go to the cloister’ (109b1L), /// sakrmnta ptanma pä yamaate
‘he made for himself cloisters and shrines’ (416b3L), mäkte Samantatir sakrm
pikwalañe ka ans erkatte e-ñ ‘as indeed my monastery of S. was for years
736 sagrah
smtsisa säna ytrye satstsy anst[si] /// ‘by sm- the things of the X’s the one
road to exhale and inhale …’ (THT-1324-b3A); —satlñe ‘exhaling, exhala-
tion’: 8 kektseñ palsko sasainu anälñe sat[l]ñ[e :] ‘having supported in-
haling and exhaling on body and spirit’ (41a1C), [yä]ktñm satlñe ‘feeble
breathing’ (IT-1a5C).
Etymology uncertain. Perhaps a derivative of the indeclinable adjective, only
attested in TchA, st ‘hot.’ The semantic development would be something like
*‘heat’ > *‘heat by blowing’ > *‘blow out’ > ‘exhale’ (VW:419-420). Further
connections are unknown (VW’s connection with *bhes- ‘blow’ is unlikely given
the connection with st-). Also possible, and certainly semantically more
satisfying, though still speculative, is Hilmarsson’s suggestion (1991:120) of a
compound *swd-ha(e)n(h1)-ske/o- where *swd is an ablaut relative of the
*swd seen in Latin s(d) ‘away, apart’ and *haen(h1)- is the regular verb for
‘breathe.’ More s.v. ansk-.
satera (n.) ‘ounce’
(W-25b2C). From B(H)S satera-, itself ultimately from Greek stat%r.
Satkravrg* (n.) ‘Satkravarga’ (thirteenth chapter of the Udnavarga)
[-, Satkravrgäntse, -//] (S-4a5/PK-AS-4Aa5C). From B(H)S satkravarga-.
sattä* (n.) ‘existence’
[-, -, sattä//] (597b3C, 597b4C). A borrowing from B(H)S satt-.
sattvkhye* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, sattvkhye//] /// [sat]tvkhye wärñai ce war[ykne] /// (193b9C/L).
satyakr (n.) ‘± attestation, verification’
(91a1C) From B(H)S *satyakra- (not in MW or Edgerton). See also
or-ackare.
Satyake (n.) ‘Satyaka’ (PN)
[Satyake, Satyaki, -//] (20a4C).
Satyagupte (n.) ‘Satyagupta’ (PN in graffito)
[Satyagupte, -, -//] (G-Qm4Col).
Satyarak (n.) ‘Satyarakin’ (PN in graffito)
[Satyarak, -, -//] (G-Qm8Col).
Satyarakite (n.) ‘Satyarakita’ (PN)
[Satyarakite, -, -//] (Otani 19.1.1Col [Pinault, 1998:364]).
Satyawrme (n.) ‘Satyavarma’ (PN in administrative records)
[Satyawrme, -, -//] (SI B 12.1Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
satyai- ‘?
satyai/// (LP-112a2Col).
sanassu, s.v. s.
sanp- (vt.) ‘rub in, rub on, anoint, embrocate (prior to washing)’ [dir. obj. may be a
patient but is usually a locative]
Ps. I /sonopä-/ [MP -, -, sonoptär//; MPImpf. -, -, sonopitär//; Ger. sonopälle]:
sonopitär lktär wästsanma krenta yätär ‘he anointed himself, washed
himself and put on good clothing’ (A-1a6/PK-AS-6Ba6C), se [lege: kuse] ce
alype sonopträ ‘whoever rubs in this oil’ (W-40b3C), smur kräkaiñai maikisa
kauc cakesa ktso sonopälya ‘smur with chicken broth high over the lap, the
stomach [is] to be rubbed’ (W-14b1C); Ko. V /sn p-/ [Inf. sanpatsi; Ger.
738 sanai
[As if] from PIE *srkuh1en-, a nominal derivative of *serk- ‘plait, twist,
intertwine’ [: Greek hérkos ‘fence, enclosure; net,’ Latin sarcre ‘to mend, patch,
repair,’ Hittite sarnink- ‘compensate, repair’ (P:912)] (Couvreur, 1950:128);
wrongly rejected by VW (414). See also serke.
sargga (n.) ‘chapter, division (of a book)’
[sargga, -, -//] (144a3A). From B(H)S sarga-.
sarja (n.) ‘sal tree (Shorea robusta Gaertn. f.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[sarja, -, -//] wärmiye tsartre sakpce sarja yarm ‘ant-extract, sakpce, Shorea
robusta, [each] a measure’ (W-3a5C). From B(H)S sarja-.
sarjaras (n.) ‘sap of the sal tree (Shorea robusta)’ (a medical ingredient)
[sarjaras, -, //] (W passimC). From B(H)S sarjarasa-.
sarpe (n.) ‘snake’
[sarpe, -, sarpe//] nicare sarpempa ‘the jackal with the serpent’ (511b3L),
nakule wai sarppe /// ‘the mongoose and snake’ (512b3L). From B(H)S sarpa-.
sarmwtstse* (adj.?) ‘?’
[f: -, -, sarmwtstsai//] otak Tukikäntse peri sarmwtsai ikentse yap wswa
ck tärya taum (462a5Col). The word division here is very uncertain.
sarr wenta* (n.) ‘purpose, design’ (?) or ‘endeavor, attempt’ (?) [Thomas, 1983:
192]
[//-, -, sarrwenta] /// [bo]dhistwentso sa[rr]i[w]enta era]lye [sic] • (384a6C), ///
[sarri]wenta ekalye 2 jtak yamalñee [lege: yamalñeana] bodhisatvets
sarrwenta ekaly[e] (600b1C), nesalñeana bodhisatvets sarrwenta ekalye
(600b2C).
Etymology obscure. Usually taken as the “pluralative” of srri ‘community,’
q.v. (so Krause and Thomas, 1964, VW:418), but there is nothing in the contexts
in which it occurs to force such a semantic conclusion and even for those who
believe in the existence of a “pluralative” in Tocharian this form must be
considered morphologically irregular (one would expect **sarriyaiwenta or
**sarraiwenta or the like).
Sarvrthasddhane (n.) ‘Savrtasdhana’ (PN of a buddha)
[Sarvrthasddhane, -, -//] (IT-247b3C).
Sarvrthasiddhe (n.) ‘Sarvrtasiddha’ (by-name of the Buddha) (PN)
[Sarvrthasiddhe, -, -//] (612a6C). From B(H)S sarvrtasiddha-.
Sarvvajñna (n.) ‘Sarvajñna’ (PN in graffito)
[Sarvvajñna, -, -//] (G-Su22Col).
Sarwañatewe (n.) ‘Sarvajñadeva’ (PN of a monastic official)
[Sarwañatewe, -, -//] (433a13Col, 433a32Col ).
Sarwarakite (n.) ‘Sarvarakita’ (PN)
[Sarwarakite, -, -//] (433a15 Col ).
Sarwatte (PN?)
/// sksa sarwatte y/// (479a1Col).
sal ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘dirty’
kuse sal arne ymu ykoy tesa ni istak astare ‘whoever may have made [his]
hands dirty, by this he may bathe, suddenly he is clean’ (P-2b6C).
From PIE *solhx- [: Germanic, e.g. English sallow (< *solhxwo-)], Schwentner,
1955:117 (P:879; MA:160). The Tocharian represents a PIE zero-grade *sl hx-.
742 salañce
srine masa ‘he went into the assembly’ (337b2C), srrine (PK-AS-16.1a2
[CEToM]), [tu]me poñc klekenme korponträ painesa ka srri yatsi
auntsante ‘then all descend from the wagons and immediately they began to go
on foot to the assembly’ (PK-AS-17K-b2C [Pinault, 1987b:82]). Etymology
unknown. VW (418) assumes a derivation from PIE *sed- ‘sit.’
sl- (vt.) ‘?’
PP /sslyu-/: [• sa]salyu lyar??ke yops=ttsna wa[r]aine • ‘having sl’ed
the lyarkes (??), he entered into the thick groves’ (338a1) [ [sa]salyu is the
reading of Sieg and Siegling; it would appear that [sa]slu or [sa]slyu are also
possible]. There is no reason, other than general shape, to connect this word with
1,2,3
säl-. [Different is TVS, s.v. säl-.]
slapari ~ slavari (n.) ‘salpan (Desmodium gangeticum DC)’ (MI)
[slapari, -, -//] (500a6C). From B(H)S lapar
i-.
sle (n.) ‘ground; basis’
[sle, -, sle//] : yor sle l räkñi ‘a gift [is] the basis for moral behavior and
räkñi’ (23a5C), /// [m a]lyek cmelne sle priye : ‘they do not bear the basis
[?] for another birth’ (24a4C), slesa kewiye wentsa pepaku kuñctäe alype
udvarttäntse gurmantse stke ‘sesame oil cooked with cow dung on the
ground [is] a medicine for swelling [caused by?] a disease of the bowel’
(497b3/4C), sale yamasträ kektseñ-reki-pälskoe [stre warälñe] • ‘he pro-
vides a basis for the pure exercise (?) of body, word, and spirit’ (PK-AS-7Nb7L),
/// attlyantyas [lege: antlyanats?] sle wa[sa] /// ‘he gave ground for the
breeding ewes’ (475a3Col).
From PIE *slo-, exactly matched by Lithuanian súolas ‘bench, chair’ or
Latvian suôls ‘bench’ (VW, 1965b:504, 1976:417) and more distantly equated
with Albanian gjolë ‘clearing/pasture where salt is strewn for domestic animals’
(PIE *sleha), if the latter is not a derivative of *sal- ‘salt.’ Cf. P:898-9 with
other, more dubious connections.
ssrap ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘connected with the srava- or action of the senses
which impels the soul towards external objects’
(IT-230b2/-b5C).
säk ñ* (n.pl.) ‘± (facial) wrinkles’ (?), pockmarks’ (?)
[//-, säkts, säk] alype lip[]ts[i sä]kts stke (497b8C), säk[ts
stk]e ‘[it is] the remedy for s.’ (497b9C), särwna sonopälle … pikanma
säki yorai po nakä ‘the face is to be anointed … it destroys all spots [?],
wrinkles [?], pimples [?] (W-40b3C). Etymology unknown.
sätk- (vi/vt.) G ‘spread (out)’ [intr.]; K2 ‘spread (out) [tr.]
G Ps. III /sätké-/ [MP -, -, sätkentär//m-Part. sätkemane]: auloñ cp sätkentär-ne
lyitkwänm srukemne (139a3A); Ko. /sätk -/ (see derived abstract); Pt. 1a
/sätk -/ [-, -, satka//-, -, sätkre]: (k)auc satka perne ‘he spread the glory high’
(PK-AS-6Ab7C [CEToM]), /// aur[ts]esa sätkre : ‘they spread out widely’
(37b8C): PP /sätko-/; —sätklñe, only in the derived adjective —
sätklñetstse*: (531a4C); —sätkor* ‘spread’ (n.): to kleanmats sätkorsa ‘by
the spread of kleas’ (228b2A).
K2 Ps. IX /sätkäsk’ä/e-/ [Impf. //-, -, sätkäiye] (PK-AS-12Ka1A [TVS]); Pt.
IIIb /setkä-* ~ sätkä s-/ [MP sätkasamai, -, -//]: [t]aisa ñi ymore erkne
( )särk- 749
ñäkcyana mñana rpanma sätkasamai ‘thus did I spread the divine and human
forms in the snare of the deed’ (154b5C).
Etymology uncertain. Possibly from PIE *sut-ske/o-, derived from *seut- ‘be
strongly moved’ [: Lithuanian siasti (siauiù) ‘rage; separate (grain from chaff);
spread (of diseases),’ Proto-Germanic *seuþ- ‘boil’ (cf. English seethe), more
distantly, Lithuanian sabti ‘rave, rage,’ Avestan hvayeiti ‘stews’ (P:914-5; cf.
LIV:285)]. Also possible, though semantically a bit more distant perhaps, is
Hilmarsson’s suggestion (1991:129) of a putative PIE *swid-ske/o- and a rela-
tionship with Lithuanian svíesti ‘to throw,’ sváidyti ‘to throw around,’ Latvian
sviêst ‘to throw,’ presupposing a PIE *sweid-. Otherwise VW (*suktk- [423-4])
and Pedersen (*sh1-Tk- with the reduced grade of *seh1- ‘spread’ [1941:237]).
The latter is semantically plausible and phonologically possible, but whence the -
T- extension?
sänmassu* (n. < adj.) ‘±those who induce calm’ [but apparently a technical term for
a particular class/profession/group of people]
[//-, sänmassontats, -] pärwee ku<>tsa rapañe menne triykane rapatsai
yaine sänmassonta[ts yo]kale mot lac ok tau ‘in the first regnal year, in the
month of rp, on the thirtieth [day], the night of rp, eight tau of wine was
distributed to the sänmassus’ (Ogihara and Pinault, 2010:476]). Ogihara and
Pinault (2010:184-185) suggest a meaning ‘those who induce calm; those who
propitiate, appease [evil forces, etc.].’ See next entry.
( )
sänmetstse* (adj.) ‘calm, tranquil, soothed’
[f: sänmetsa, -, -//] • eneka pasprtau cwi maim palskw attsaik • sänmetsa cwi
k[ek]ts[eñe]mäsketär • ‘within his whole thought and feeling [were] turned
around; his body is calm’ (41a2C). For this, the correct translation, see Ogihara
and Pinault (2010:184).
From (unattested) sanme* ‘sleep, repose’ with regular metathesis from PTch
*smne < PIE *supno- ‘sleep’ [: Greek húpnos, OCS s!n!, Albanian gjumë, all
from *supno-; see also pane (P:1048-49; MA:527] (K. T. Schmidt, 1980:409;
Normier, 1980:262; Ogihara and Pinault, 2010:185, fn. 32). (Otherwise VW
(422)—from PIE *sengwh-). Though the etymology seems certain, the difference
in treatment of the original PIE cluster *-pn- in *supno- (> *sanme, cf. yenme
‘gate’ or present-stem yänmäsk- from yäp-) and *swepno- (> pane ‘sleep’) is not
clear. See also sänmassu and pane.
sämp- (vb.) ‘?’
Pt. I /sämp$ -/ [//-, -, sämpre]: welñe keklyauorme sämpre po laklesa ale ///
‘having heard the discourse they did X out of all suffering, along with …’ (PK-
AS-16.5a4C [CEToM]). Just perhaps the intransitive counterpart of smp-
‘take, deprive.’ Thus, ‘having heard … , they were deprived of all suffering.’
( )
särk- (vt.) G = K ‘±take care of, be concerned with, prepare carefully; pull out of
danger (?)’
G Ps. VII /srä kä-/ [-, -, srakä//-, -, srake (srake-ne ~ sräke-ne);
Impf. //-, -, srañciye]: cmelac allokna srakä proskai ktsaitsñe[sa] ‘he is
concerned with the fear of old age in other births’ [or ‘… he settles his fear’ (?)
(Peyrot, 2010:438)](PK-AS-7M-a2C [TVS]), srmäke wi srake-ne • (PK-AS-
6Ea1C [Peyrot, 2010:438, fn. 800; CEToM]), srmä kewi sräken-ne … srme
750 särp-
slaktä[r]-n[e] ‘the cows are agitated because of the bull … and the bull is pulled
out’ (PK-AS-6Ea1C [CEToM]), tu okorñ[ai] srañciye tappre kau yey ‘they
prepared the the porridge carefully; it went up high’ (107a1L); Ko. V /*srk- ~
särk-/ [Opt. -, -, sarkoy//] sarkoy = Turkish tartsar ‘if he pulls’ (U-5208/Toch-
923a5 [(sic) Schmidt, 2008:330]); PP /särko-/: • särkau t wa etre /// ‘But having
taken care of her, the hero…’ (THT-1170 frgm. e-b3A).
K Ps. IXb /sä rkäsk’ä/e-/ [Part. sarkäeñca; Ger. sarkäälle]: ak pärkawänta
pyapyai ailyñentse tuk-yakne sarkäälle ‘he is to take great care in this way of
the ten advantages of giving a flower’ (PK-AS-7N-a3/4A [TVS]), (THT-1227a2?).
The meaning is Pinault’s suggestion (Pinault, 2008:117). The limited
examples do not let one see any clear difference between the grundverb and the
causative. TVS (55) very tentatively suggests that G is ± take care of; pull’ (?)
And K ‘± let take care of.’ Peyrot (2010:437) suggests ‘be good; make good.’
Tch AB särk- reflect PTch särk-. Extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain.
Perhaps from PIE *swergh- ‘be sick, take care’ (LIV:558). Cf. Sanskrit srk-
‘heed, care, trouble about,’ OHG sorgn ‘be concerned about’ (Pinault [apud
TVS], Schmidt, 2008). Showing the “other half” of the original meaning would
be TchA särk ‘sickness.’ Peyrot (2010:439) suggests a connection with Hittite
sark- (sarku- ‘eminent, powerful,’ sarni(n)k- ‘compensate,’ sarkiske/a- ‘be
good’) and Latin sarci ‘patch up, repair.’ Certainly the nasal-infix presents in
both Tocharian and Hittite is strong support for Peyrot’s position.
särp- (vi.) ‘beat [of a heart]’
Pt. I/III /särpä -/ [//-, -, sarpär* (särpar-ka)]: aräñci sarpär-ka ‘the hearts beat’
(119a4E). Possibly from PIE *srebh- ‘sip, slurp’ [: Armenian arbi ‘I drank,’
Greek rhophé ‘I gulp down,’ Latin sorbe ‘id.,’ Lithuanian srebiù ‘id.,’ surbiù
‘suck, sip,’ Slovenian sré ¦bati ‘id.,’ Albanian gjerp ‘sip,’ Hittite s(a)rap- ‘gulp,’
etc. (P:1001; MA:175; de Vaan, 2008:575)] (VW:422). Unlike VW, however,
who takes the meaning to have originally been *‘suck’ and the extension to the
beating of the heart made on the basis of the heart’s being a pump (which would
seem to presuppose a very sophisticated understanding of circulation in the
middle of the first millennium), I assume we have *‘slurp’ > ‘beat [of the heart]’
on the basis of the sound involved (similarly English beat).
särwna (n.[pl.tant.]) ‘face, countenance’
[//särwna, -, särwna (särwanme)] • lantsoy särwna ‘the queen’s face’
(514b8A), /// [spä]rko ere ce kaklaiksauwa särwan /// ‘color gone and the face
withered’ (405b3C), särwna sonopälle meñämpa enele särwna mäskentär-ne
‘[one is to] anoint the face; his face becomes like the moon’ (W-40b2C); —
särwnae ‘prtng to the face’: [särwan]e tañ pällentae meñe ‘the full
moon of thy face’ (71a5C), särwnae ma
lne poyintse ‘in the ma
ala [=
orb, circle] of the Buddha’s face’ (IT-128a4C); —särwna-laiko ‘face-wash’:
särwna-laiko aiye malkwersa ‘a face-wash with goat’s milk’ (W-10b1C); —
särwna-awo ‘face-wash’: (W-13a6C).
A neuter plural, (as if) perhaps from PIE *stru(hx)o-neha from *streu- ‘spread,
build up’ [: Latin stru ‘I build, construct, arrange,’ Latin strus ‘pile, heap,’
Gothic straujan ‘strew,’ Old English strowian (> English strew), etc. (P:1030-
1031)]. The semantic development parallels that seen in Latin facis from facere
²säl- 751
‘to cast out (?) the donor at the ceremony honoring the deceased father and
mother’ (412b2C [Hilmarsson, 1990: 99]) [it is not certain this form belongs
here; the meaning is unexpected (but see discussion below)]; Pt. II /l(l) -/ [-,
alsta, lla//-, -, al(l)re; MP -, altai, allte]: Dipakarsa uk upplnta
alsta ‘thou didst throw seven lotuses over D.’ (Qumtura 34-g6C/Col [Pinault,
1993-94:175]), : allek no ksa arhnte ll=ntsee [perpette :] ‘but a certain
other arhat threw off the burden of the skandhas’ (4a7C [Hilmarsson, 1990:99]),
/// retke lla kausalets <:> ‘he threw down the army of Kosalans’ (21a7C), ///s·
arane salte-ne • kucatkme añ [ñ]em allte ‘[grief(?)] arose in her heart;
from the balcony she threw herself’ (109b2L), ///leme añ ñm altai
kecyets wts[i] ‘thou didst hurl thyself from the mountain to feed the hungry’
(239a3C), tu erkenmasa alre ‘they laid her to rest in the cemetery’ (560a2/3C),
pelene alre-ne ´ ‘they threw him into prison’ (IT-12a5C), yaltse tinränta
ytrine allre ‘they threw 1,000 denarii on the road’ (IT-131a5C); PP /eälo-/:
(see abstract); —elor*: /// [wa]rne pypyai elorsa ‘by throwing a flower into
the water’ (IT-144a2C [Hilmarsson, 1990:98; IDP reads ///rce]).
This paradigm is that of a regular, productively derived, causative, and
morphologically the perfect causative match to the grundverb 1säl-. However,
this verb is distinguished from 1säl- semantically. The latter has clearly ‘upward’
connotations (‘arise, rise up’) while 2säl- is ‘downward’ in orientation. It
describes the fate of an object in air when gravity has taken over.
All our attested forms of the preterite are from the Classical period. The
difference in the preterite between those forms with a single -l- and those with -ll-
seems geographically based. The single -l- is almost universal in the west (Kucha
and westwards) while the geminate -ll- is almost universal in the east (i.e.,
Shorchuq and Turfan); exceptionally there is a single instance of -l- at Shorchuq,
and a single instance of -ll- in Kucha. The numbers of instances of course are
small, but consistent. I take the -ll- to be innovative and ultimately based on
the -ll- of the subjunctive seen in ällatsi. The -ll- proper to the subjunctive is
also to be found extended to the preterite participle. The preterite stem, as if
PTch *sl-, is a fully Tocharian creation. See further s.v. 3säl-.
³säl- (vi.) ‘fly’
Ps. II(b) /äl(y)’ä/e-/: (see adjective); —lyamo ‘flying’: le ynämñan lye [sic]
lyämña[n] ‘likewise running and flying [animals]’ (343a3A), /// kowän lwsa
lyamñana ynamñana /// ‘[if] he kills flying or running animals’ [‘flying animals’
= birds] (29b8C) [Gloss to TchA-394a2 (salts [= B lyamñana] … lwkiss elant
[= B yornta])]; Ko. V /sä l-/ (see adjective); —salamo ‘flying’: salamo luwo
[ramt] /// ‘like a flying animal’ [‘flying animal’ = ‘bird’] (404a3C).
TchA säl- and B 1,2,3säl- reflect PTch *säl- from PIE *sel- ‘± move quickly’
[: Sanskrit ucchálati ‘hurries forward,’ Greek hállomai (< *sl ye/o-) ‘leap, jump,’
iáll (< *sisl ye/o- where the yodh-present is analogical to the unreduplicated
present) ‘let fly, send forth, put forth,’ Latin sali ‘spring, jump,’ (intensive)
Latin salt ‘id.,’ Sanskrit (middle) sisráte ‘rushes off, speeds; stretches (out),’
(active) sisárti ‘makes run, stretches (tr.), ucchálati (< *ud-sal-) ‘flies
upward/away, jerks upward, springs upwards’ (P:899, Hilmarsson, 1990:106-7,
MA:285; LIV:527ff.; Cheung, 2006:130; Beekes, 2010:572)] (VW, 1941:111,
sälk- 753
mate ltstsa säly[ai] pkri takre ‘then the rules were published by king
M.’ (PK-AS-16.3b2.3C [ibid.:157]).
TchA slyi and B sälyiye reflect PTch *s(ä)li
ii
, which in turn may be (as if)
from PIE *s(ha)l(e)ih1en- and related to Latin linere ‘smear’ and Greek (Hesy-
chian) alínein ‘id.’ The semantic development would be *‘smear’ (noun) >
‘streak, line’ (VW:431).
sälyu, see s.v 1säl-.
säsuwa, s.v. soy.
säsuwike* (nm.) ‘(animal) cub’
[//-, -, säsuwika] /// s mka [•] wi säsuwika talantä mew[i]ya su • ‘…
two poor cubs, the tigress’ (338a3A). It is not altogether clear that this is a
separate word from säsukañ, q.v. However, the latter seems always to be used,
affectionately, of human sons whereas here, the context of the vyaghri-jtaka,
makes it clear we’re dealing with animal cubs. The ‘cubs’ are accusative
(plural!) while ‘tigress’ is nominative. A diminutive of säsuwa, q.v.
säsuwerke (n.) ‘little boy’ [dim. of soy]
[säsuwerke, -, säsuwerke (~ säsuwerke)//] /// [tsu]kse säswerke w pikla
ñi no tsaukwa c /// ‘they give the little boy to drink; however, I suckled thee for
two years’ (415a3L), ptär ram no säsuwerke cau lakle po träñc-ne ‘as a little
boy to [his] father, he bewailed all [his] suffering’ (unpub. Berlin fragm.
[Thomas, 1968b:212]). A diminutive based on säsuwa, the plural of soy ‘son,’
q.v.
säswere* (adj.) ‘pertaining to a son’
[m: -, -, säsuwere (~ seswereL)//] kuse wat wante [lege: wate]
säswer=klksa ‘whoever lived by the desire for a son’ (46b7C), ptär-mtär-
säswere lareana ñemna cets po kärstwa : larauwñesa säswere arañ-
cänne caukante-ñ añ aul ram no (266a3/b1C). Based on säsuwa, the plural of
soy ‘son,’ q.v.
säsukañ (n.pl.) ‘dear sons’
[//säsukañ ~ säsukaC, -, säsuka (voc. säsukañ ~ säsukaC-L)] : säsukañ
[s]rukre //// mätstsorsa ‘[my] dear sons died … of hunger’ (25b1C), y[e]s mäkte
ma[c]e[r poñe]s säsuka poñes empre ostme lantsi camñcer m wat
[wesä]mpa ‘How will you act? Tell, it sons! Tell the truth—can you leave the
house with us or not?’ (108a5L), [am]ni akkeññi skwaa [lege: säswaka] =
B(H)S rama
kyaputry (363b5C). Term of endearment based on
säsuwa, the plural of soy ‘son,’ q.v. See also säsuwike.
¹si- (vi/t.) ‘drain’ (?)
G PP /siyo-/: siyausai ‘having drained’ (324b1L). Or does this belong to 2si-?
K Ps. IXb /íyäsk’ä/e-/ [Inf. is(t)si]: yetse tsatsi kektseñme ysra issi
mrestwe m kul-c warkäl ‘to flay [thy] skin, to drain the blood and marrow
from [thy] body [but] thy energy didn’t flag’ (S-8a3/PK-AS-4Ba3+104a1C).
AB si- is from PIE *sei- ‘drip, run, moisten’ (P:889, only with nominal
derivatives in -l- and -m-, e.g. Old English sioloþ ‘sea,’ Lithuanian séil^ ‘spittle,
drivel,’ OHG seim ‘strained honey’) (cf. LIV:521f, 523). For the meaning and
etymology, see Adams, 1982.
756 ²si-
cf. also Old Prussian soye (~ suge) ‘rain’ (MA:477; Beekes, 2010:1541; cf. LIV:
545)] (Meillet, 1912:115, VW:443). Puhvel (1991:303-304) would add Hittite
hewa- ‘rain,’ hewaniya- ‘to rain,’ to this etymon on the assumption that what we
have reconstructed here as *seuh3- is actually *s-h2euh3- with s-mobile. If so, it
might be possible to add Albanian shi ‘rain’ here despite the fact that sh- is not
the expected reflex of PIE *s- before a stressed vowel, but rather gj-. Perhaps sh-
is the regular outcome of a cluster *sh2-. Kloekhorst (2008:773-774), on the
other hand, combines the Tocharian and Greek words for ‘rain’ under the lemma
*suh2- ‘scatter’ and connects them with Hittite suhh(a)- ‘scatter’ and Hittite
ishuwai- ‘throw, scatter, pour.’
The TchA present middle participle sm and third person plural present
swiñc look like athematic presents to a PIE zero-grade *suh3-. The TchB present
s(u)w- is either the strong grade of such an present (i.e., PIE *sweh3-, since the
Hittite cognates preclude a PIE *-h2-) or, perhaps more likely, an extended *suh3-
eha-. Other accounts that assume as a PIE starting point *suh3- for the entire
paradigm are K. T. Schmidt (1982:360) and Lindeman (1987:301). The rest of
the paradigm is filled out by the originally denominative *sws- (early PTch
*s()wes-) formed in the regular way to swese ‘rain’ (< *suh3-os-o-). See also
swese, wo, and more distantly sum-.
¹suk- (vi.) ‘± hand over, deliver’
G Ps. VI /sukn -/ [//-, -, sukna; m-Part. suknmane]: /// arne eko tume cwi
pyapyai sukna uppalä[ana] /// ‘having taken [the garlands?] in their hands;
then they hand him the lotus flowers’ (IT-14b2E). The meaning usually
associated with the present is reinforced by reference to its equivalent in TchA
(i.e., A-77a4: tmä cesäm karäs lntse suknm tränkä cesäs ka karäs
tñi essi /// ‘thus he says, delivering the tusks to the queen: these tusks [thou hast
ordered me] to give to you’).
Though synchronically a different verb than 2suk-, the two are etymologically
related. Historically the subjunctive of 2suk- is an iterative derivative of the
present of 1suk-, i.e. *suk-nha-ye/o- beside *suk-neha-.
²suk- (vi.) G ‘dangle (intr.), hang down; tarry, linger’; K ‘dangle (tr.)’ [ukäsk-
waiptyar = ‘vacillate’]
G Ko. VII /sukä ññä/e-/ [MPImpf.-, -, sukaññitär//-, -, sukaññiyenträ]: wentsi
päknoytär no sukaññitär /// ‘if he intends to say, but if he hesitates…’ (THT-
1235b2?), sukaññiyenträ ‘they were suspended’ [or ‘they might be suspended’?]
= B(H)S abhi-pralambeyu (530b2C). The form sukaññiyenträ is usually taken
as an optative rather than an imperfect (as tentatively here). Though this word
glosses a B(H)S optative, Hilmarsson makes a good case that the TchB here is
really an imperfect rather than an optative since the B(H)S optative could be used
as an imperfect and that may well be what the Tocharian glossator is responding
to here.
K Ps. IXb /úkäsk’ä/e-/ [//-, -, käske]: [: pa]lsk[a]lñenta ceu [m] tn[e]
käske waiyptyar [:] ‘the ideas do not make him vacillate’ [käske =
B(H)S vilambayanti (Thomas, 1983: 214)] (44b3C).
TchA suk- and B suk- reflect PTch *säuk-. The closest formal matches are
Khotanese hjs- ‘hold, carry,’ Ossestic xurxä ‘sour milk; whey’ (i.e., milk that
760 sukmel
has “turned”), Lith sukù ‘turn, twist,’ sukrùs ‘moving, nimble,’ pã-sukos ‘sour
milk,’ sunkalai ‘id.,’ Latvian suku ‘slip away from,’ OCS sukati ‘twist,’ Russian
skat’ ‘twist together’ (< *s!kati) from PIE *seuk- (in PTch *säuk- we have a
rebuilt zero-grade *säuk- [cf. Adams, 1978]). Cf. Bailey, 1967:235-236.
Semantically the Tocharian words appear more closely related to PIE *swe(n)K-
(where *-K- = either *-k- or *-g-) ‘± dangle in the air, swing, bend in the air’ [:
Sanskrit svájate ~ svájati ‘embrace,’ Sanskrit parivakta- = Avestan pairišxvaxta-
‘com-pletely surrounded,’ Old Irish seng ‘slim, slender,’ Middle High German
swanc ‘supple, slender, slim,’ Old English swancor ‘supple, slender,’ swincan
‘work, punish oneself’ (< *‘bend [to one’s labor]’?), swenan ‘plague, trouble,
torment,’ OHG swenkan ‘swing (tr.), fling (away),’ etc.; OHG swingan ‘swing
(intr.), vault, fly,’ Old English swingan ‘strike, whip; vault,’ MHG swengel
‘(bell) clapper, (pump) handle,’ etc., ON sveggja ‘turn (a ship), etc.’ (P:1047-48;
MA: 63)]. Probably *swenK- (*sunK-) is to be taken as a nasalized variant of
*s(e)uk-. To be rejected are VW’s suggestions (for the Class VII present, pp.
444-445) of a borrowing of B from TchA suk-, itself from PIE *sekw- ‘follow,’ or
(for the Class VII present, p. 445) a borrowing from (an unattested) A *suk-,
itself representing a PIE *seg- + *-w-.
sukmel (n.) ‘cardamon’ (a medical ingredient)
[sukmel, -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S skmel- (Filliozat).
sukhasaumanasyendri* (n.) ‘indication of fortune and joy’ (?)
[-, -, sukhasaumanasyendri//] (171a7C). From B(H)S sukhasaumanasyendri-.
sukhavedan yaspar (n.) ‘touch of the consciousness of pleasure’ (?)
(71a7C). If from B(H)S sukhavedanya- + spara-.
sugant* (n.) ‘lemon grass or camel grass (Andropogon schoenantus or Cymbopogon
schhoenatus)’ (a medical ingredient)
[-, -, sugant//] kuñcitäe alywe balämpa klyauccasi yamale sugantämp=ee
päkalle ‘with sesame oil and Sida cordofolia an electuary [is] to be made;
together with Andropogon schaenantus [it is] to be cooked’ (Y-2a6C/L). From
B(H)S sugandha- (Filliozat).
sugandhik* (n.) ‘olibanum’ (?)
[-, -, sugandhik//] [su]gandhik turyai sumntsa wärñai (571b3A). From
B(H)S sugandhika-.
Sucaritavrg* (n.) ‘Sucaritavarga’ (a chapter of the Udnavarga)
[-, -, Sucaritavrg//] (S-3a4C).
suc kar* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘needle-case’
[-, -, suckar//] 83 se amne aye kemee suckar yamastär pyti 84 ‘whatever
monk makes a needle-case out of ivory, pyti (IT-246b4C/L). From B(H)S
scighara-.
Sujte (n.) ‘Sujta’ (PN)
[Sujte, -, Sujte//] (74b3C, 485a3Col).
st (n.?) ‘?’
st särwñe (W-5a5C).
Sutate (n.) ‘Sudatta’ (PN of a monk and PN in monastic records)
[Sutate, -, -//] (463a2Col, SI B Toch.11.4Col [Pinault, 1998:8]). See also Sutane.
sum- 761
the eyes’ (W-13a6C), /// slakalya satkentampa sumäalya ‘it is to be pulled out
and together with medicines [it is] to be trickled’ (W-42b1C). Presumably from
PIE *seuh3- ‘express [a liquid]; rain’ (P:912). The Tocharian word represents an
otherwise unattested verbal *suh3-m-; cf. Sanskrit soma- (VW, 1941:114,
1976:446, though differing in details). See also su-, sumo, possibly smaññe.
sumagandh (n.) ‘red lotus (Nymphaea rubra Roxb.)’
[sumagandh, -, -//] träppl cauta sumagandhä kurkamäi pätsñä ‘triphala,
honey, red-lotus and saffron stigmas’ (W-38a5C); —sumagandhäe* ‘prtng to
red lotus’: kurkamäi ptsñä sumagandhäa tno ‘saffron stigmas and a red
lotus seed’ (W-32a5C). From B(H)S somagandha- (Filliozat).
Sumati (n.) ‘Sumati’ (PN)
[Sumati, -, -//] (365a2A, 366a5C).
sumar (n.) ‘purple fleabane (Centratherum anthelminticum (Willd.) Kuntze or
Vernonia anthelminthica Willd.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[sumar, -, -//] (W-31b4C). From B(H)S somarj- or somar- (Filliozat).
sumaswiñi (?)
sumaswiñi (489a1Col).
sum (n.) ‘great flowering jasmine’ (Chrysanthemum indicum Linn.)’
[sum -, sum//] sumnämpa taalle yai motämpa yokalle ‘[it is] to be set
[for the] night with suman; [it is] to be drunk with alcohol’ (P-1b3C), sum
spaitu kot ypantse traksi mitäe warsa pärkaälle ‘suman, and as much
pollen, the awns of barley with honey water, [it is] to be dissolved’ (W-22b2C);
—sumne* ‘prtng to suman’: sumne warkensa mlada
i[ke] kärs-
kemane … sumne warkensa käralya ‘strewing the mlada
ika with
suman garlands … [it is] to be strewn with suman garlands’ (M-3a4/PK-AS-
8Ca4C). From B(H)S suman- (Filliozat).
Sumgati (n.) (n.) ‘Sumgati’ (PN of a woman)
[Sumgati, -, -//] (514a5A, 515a4A, 515b8A).
Sumitre (n.) ‘Sumitra’ (PN in administrative records)
[Sumitre, -, -//] (SI B 12.7Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
Sumer ~ Smer (n.) ‘[Mt.] Sumeru’ (the world-mountain)
[Sumer, Sumeräntse, Sumer//Sumernta, -, -] pernerñee Sumersa täprauñentats
[tä]rne[ne] masta ‘thou didst stand at the peak of the heights on glorious
Sumeru’ (203a4/5E/C), [samudtärsa] kätkare epe wat no Sumersa tapre tkoy-ñ :
‘may it be to me deeper than the ocean or higher than Sumeru’ (268a1C); —
sumere* ‘prtng to Mt. Sumeru’: Sumerana swañcaintsa ramt ‘like Sumeru-
rays’ (73a4/5C); —Smer-ale ‘Mt. Sumeru’: ke s aurtsa … Smer-le warñai
ali ‘the wide earth … the mountains, Mt. Sumeru, etc.’ (45b7C), [Sme]r-lentse
tsakär ramt ‘like the peak of Mt. Sumeru’ (74b5C). From B(H)S Sumeru-.
Sumaie (n.) ‘Sumayaa’ (PN)
[Sumaie, -, -//] (433a6Col).
sumo (n.) ‘libation’ (?)
[sumo, -, sumai(?)//] sumai [in a list of medical ingredients (Filliozat reads:
su[pai])] (W-15a4C), Punäktärne päknträ iñcew ra tsa ekalmi ymtsi sumo
[Filliozat reads: su mo] pwarne hom yamaäle ‘in [the constellation] Puna-
ktra, if one intends to make anyone whosoever subject, a libation [is to] be
se 763
shared with su. For a discussion of the meaning and chronological distribution of
the plural forms, see Peyrot (2008:124-126). As Peyrot points out, the emergence
of the masculine nominative plural cey led to the creation of a new differentiated
feminine nominative plural toy. From toy (once used as an accusative plural
[504a4C/L]) arose a new feminine accusative plural, toyna, which, in turn, gave
rise to the masculine accusative plural ceyna. A slightly different scenario of
development of the various forms within Tocharian and a very different account
of their pre-Tocharian formation is given by Pinault (2006c:224-225, 240-241).
See also ce, se, su, and samp.
sek (pronoun) ‘this’
sek parattyasa[mutpt] (151a1C). se, q.v., + -k(ä).
sekretke (word division uncertain)
sekretke (499b3C).
sekwe (n.) ‘pus’
[sekwe, -, -//] /// yente • s[e]kw[e] • yasar leke/// (IT-30a1C [read laike by
Thomas, 1972:446]); —sekwee ‘prtng to pus’: • yasar sekwee y[o]/// (IT-
79a5C); —sekwetstse ‘purulent’: : tanaulyka ramt sekwetse ple ra ‘like the
flies … the purulent wound’ (48a5C).
TchA saku and B sekwe reflect PTch *sekwe from PIE *sokwó- ‘sap, resin’[:
Greek opós (m.) ‘sap,’ Albanian gjak (m.) ‘blood,’ Lithuanian saka (m.pl.)
‘resin,’ OCS sok! (m.) ‘sap, juice of fruits’ (cf. P:1044; MA:499-500)] (Pisani,
1942-43a:28, VW:411).
sete* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, sete//] Yaarakiti y sete : ‘I will give Y. sete’ (IT-59b4?). On the
basis of this passage, Broomhead suggests ‘food-stuffs’ as a possible meaning.
setekai-yok (adj.) ‘?’ (the name of some color)
tseññana kmutäntas=rkwina setekai-yok (588a3E). Or se tekai-yok?
se (pronoun) ‘this’ [intermediate (i.e., second person) deixis]
[m: se -, ce//]; [f: s, - t//]; [nt: te, -, te//] ket no cämpamñe se takoy
alyekepi ‘who else could have this ability [of thine]?’ (the hearer is the Buddha)
(224a1A), ce sklok ptrka pälskome : ‘let go of that doubt from [thy] mind!’
(5a5C), /// empretsñe se se ste (112b4L), yonmasta ce plme lak
go[a]g[a]t ‘thou hast obtained that perfect lakana, the koagata’ (74a2C). For
a discussion of the meaning, see Peyrot (2008:123). For the plural, which is
shares with se and su, see Peyrot (2008:125-127). From se, q.v., + n.
Senawärke (n.) ‘Senvarga’ (PN in a graffito)
[Senawärke, -, -//] (G-Qm8Col).
Senemitre (n.) ‘Senmitra’ (PN)
[Senemitre, -, -//] (440a3Col, LP-21a2/3Col).
senik* (adv.) ‘under one’s care’
[-, -, senik//] [kuse] su pi-cmele senik wnolme po wärpte • ‘he who has
taken the beings of the five-births into care’ (220a1E/C), cw ykuwa to ykentene
wolok[trä] -mw ente lwsts ra pä senik comp kalpää ‘if he [scil. the king]
tarries sad (?) in these places walked on by him [scil. Uttara], he entrusts them to
the animals [he lets them achieve care by the animals]’ (88b1/2C); —senik-awa
‘±without conscience’: (534a3C) [the exact equivalent of TchA senik-o].
serke 765
Latin sarci ‘make restitution; make whole (i.e., repair, mend),’ sarcina ‘bundle,’
Albanian gjarkëz ‘peritoneum’ (< *‘that which surrounds’), Greek hérkos (nt.)
‘wall, rampart, enclosure’ (hérkos odóntn ‘set of teeth’), Hittite sarnikzi ‘makes
restitution’ (P:912; MA:108; cf. de Vaan, 2008:539)]. Not with Schneider (1939:
252, also VW:414) to the otherwise isolated Sanskrit sraj- ‘wreath, garland’ (a
connection mentioned but not endorsed by Mayrhofer, 1976:553). See also
possibly ärk-
sew- (vi.) ‘?’
Ps. II/III /sew’ä/e-/ or /sewé-/ [MPImpf. -, -, sewtär//]: /// aie se kleanmaai
wämyu räskre kswas : akain placsa sewträ atkwal pä • pelaiknee
stk=ai/// ‘the world is roughly covered by the leprosy [?] of kleas and by
false speech sew’d atkwal’ (282a4A). It has also been thought that the word
division should be se wträ where wträ is taken as a form of wät- ‘fight,’ Though
an -i- for an underlying -ä- is unexpected in an Archaic text. Non liquet.
Sessatatte* (n.) ‘eadatta’ (PN of a merchant)
[Sessatatte, -, Sessatatte//] (492a1Col).
saindhava, see s.v. sintp.
sai-n- (vb.) ‘support oneself, lean (on); stanch’
Ps. Xa /sinä sk’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, sainastär//-, -, sainaskentär; MPImpf. -, -,
sainaitär]: (KVc-28b4/THT-1119b4C), (125a2E), /// [sai]naträ pkaisa eka-
rike rke su ‘the r Ekar
ga leaned on a crutch’ (FK-590a4/PK-NS-40a4C
[TVS]); Ko. I /s inä-/ [MP -, -, sainänträ//; Inf. sai(n)tsi; Ger. saille]: : t[s]i[r]au-
[ñ]e[]ai pikaisa saits pre[ke 15] ‘the time to lean on the crutch of energy’
(281b3/4E), abaralodrä lykake tsatspar yasarsa saitsi ‘the lodh tree, a fine
poultice [thereof] [is] to stanch blood’ (P-2a5C): Ipv. /p(ä)sin-/: [MPSg.
psainar]: psaina[r] kl[autsai] = B(H)S avadhatsva rota (527a1C); Pt. IIIa
/sinäs-/ [MP sentsamaiA [sic], -, -//]: (515b4A); PP /ss ino-/: 8 kektseñ-
palsko sasainu anälñe sat[l]ñ[e :] ‘one who has supported breathing in and
breathing out by body and spirit’ (41a1C), yaiko sasaino = B(H)S [a]gre krt
ca (194b4C/L), /// nke sasainu osne malle ‘to sit in a house with arms akimbo’
(322a1E/C).
Etymology obscure. TchA se- and B sai-n- reflect PTch *si- (for the under-
lying --, witness the A preterite participle sseyu and likewise B sasainu).
Given the underlying --, VW’s etymology (425) *sod-y- (from PIE *sed- ‘sit’)
cannot be exactly correct. Perhaps from *sd-ye/o- though such a lengthened
grade would be somewhat surprising (the apparent lengthened grades in Balto-
Slavic are all presumably the result of Winter’s Law). Perhaps, instead we have
PIE *seh2y- ‘bind’ (P:891-892)—compare the meaning ‘stanch.’ The present and
subjunctive reflect a PIE *neu-present (relegated to the subjunctive in Tocharian)
and a derived iterative-intensive present *-nu-ske/o-. Similarly Hilmarsson
(1991d) who takes it to be from *sh2ei-. See also saim.
saim (n.) ‘support, refuge, protection’ [saim ym- ‘take refuge’ (+ acc. direct object);
saim i- ‘seek refuge’]
[saim, -, saim (voc. saim)//saimanma, -, -] pontäts saimo kärtse-ritai añmlaka
‘O refuge of the world, seeker after good, merciful one’ (229b3/4A), ce klautkesa
yke-postä st=stantso s[ai]m lkä tarne tätsi ‘by this process he sees the
sok(t)* 767
bones and the protecting cover of bones up to the top of the skull’ (10b7C), saim
yes yamaat ‘you took refuge’ (35a3C), : pi bhminta saim ymu ‘he who has the
five earths [as] support’ (41a6C), saim ñäeñcai ‘seeking refuge’ (402a2C), saim
y[morme] = B(H)S nirtya- (PK-NS-13+516b5C [Couvreur, 1967[1969]:-
154]); —saimatstse* ‘± having sought refuge’ (?): ekä saimacce yak vijñ
lkeñca se/// (194b6C/L); —saim-wäste ‘support and refuge; protector’ (often an
epithet of the Buddha): [ñäktets] ñakte pudñäk[t]e saim-waste su : ‘the god of
gods, the Buddha, the support and refuge’ (8a8C), saim-wästa = B(H)S ntha-
‘protector, refuge’ (IT-74C?), yes updhyyi wesi saiym waste eycer-me ‘you
teachers were our support and refuge’ (108a6L); —saim-wästetstse ‘having
support and refuge’: [i]kamaiyyai saim-wästetse ckkä/// (583b1L). From sai-,
q.v., + -m (cf. for the formation srm or maim).
saile(-) ‘?’
aieny=alek yku wi pcer saile/// (289b3C/L).
saiwikane (n.[du.]) ‘the two young sons’
In an unpublished Paris fragment (K. T. Schmidt, 1980:408). From *seyw- (<
*soyw-, a byform of *soyu which gave soy, q.v.) + the diminutive -äke.
saiwe (n.) ‘itch, itching’
[saiwe, -, -//] = B(H)S ka
- (Y-3a4C/L). From PIE *sehai-wo- [: Latvian sievs
‘sharp, biting, harsh’ or Latin saevus ‘raging, furious, cruel;’ more distantly: Old
Irish sáeth ‘pain, sickness,’ Welsh hoed ‘pain,’ Old Norse sárr ‘sore, aching;
wounded,’ Old English sr ‘bodily pain, wound, sore,’ OHG sr ‘sore,’ Gothic
sair ‘pain,’ (P:877; MA:413, 568)] (VW, 1941:109, 1976:411). See also
sayusa.
saiwai ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘left’
saiwai ntsesa yaitu ‘decorated on the left shoulder’ (74b4C), wlyai märkwatsa
ok-pokai Vi
[u] saiwaisa no Mahivare ‘on the right leg the eight-armed Viu,
on the left, however, on the leg Mahvara’ (74b5C). For the meaning, see the
discussion in Winter (1985a).
Obviously related in some fashion with Sanskrit savyá-, Avestan haoya-, OCS
šuj", all ‘left’ (Winter, 1985a). Perhaps, with metathesis, from PIE *sowyo- or by
contamination with the predecessors of Greek skai[w]ós, Latin scaevus, and
laevus, all ‘left.’ VW’s discussion (410) and that of his predecessors (also
Pinault, 2002) is based on the erroneous meaning ‘right.’
sok(t)* (nf.) ‘?’
[-, -, sok(t)//] : stiyai sokne karnt[sa] (239b6C), [ko]lokmane ckentse petwesa
ama sokt war yoktsi (PK-NS-51b5? [Pinault, 1999:319]). Pinault translates the
second passage as ‘au bord de la rivière en train de couler, se trouva une bouse
[de vache] pour absorber le liquide (le sperme d’un ascète).’ The whole of the
translation and specifically TchB sokt as ‘cow-pat’ (= French bouse) may follow
from other parts of the text (not known to me) in which it occurs. However,
nothing in this passage itself forces such a translation nor does such a translation
offer any insight into the other passage or to possibly related words. Perhaps
the noun underlying soktatste, q.v., and also perhaps the equivalent of TchA
sokta (the locative of the name of a meter?).
768 soktatstse
VW (639) takes the TchB plural säsuwa to be a borrowing from some Prakrit
(e.g., Pali) sisu/susu ‘lad, young one, boy.’ Much more likely is Winter’s pro-
posal (1985b:260-261) to see säsuwa, with its derivatives säsuwere ‘pertaining
to children’ and säsuwerke ‘dear son,’ as reflecting an old (reduplicating) pre-
terite participle from *seuhx- ‘give birth’ (i.e., neuter singular *susuhxus > *säs
+ plural *-; cf. also Krause, 1956:196), just as we find in eu ‘eaten’ and
euwer ‘what was eaten.’ It is this *seuhx- which, of course, underlies PIE
*suhxyu- and *suhxnu- [: Sanskrit ste ~ súvate ~ suváti ~ suti ‘generates, en-
livens, impels,’ Sanskrit syate ‘be begotten, brought forth,’ Avestan hunmi
‘increase’]. Soye, soke, saiwikane, säsuke, säsuwike, säswere,
säsuwerke.
soy- (vi/vt.) [G] ‘satisfy oneself, be satisfied’, [K] ‘satisfy’
G Ps. I /soyä-/ [//-, soycer, soye]: [2]7 mwk soycer pi-cmelana läklenta ///
‘are you still not sated with the sufferings of the five births?’ (12b4C); Ko. I [=
Ps.] /soyä-/ [Opt. -, -, soyi//; Inf. soytsi]: swräat m soytsi cämpysä ‘you
found pleasure [but] you could not be sated’ (32b7C), empelona kleanma mai no
pals[k]o soyi päst sañat tkoy (TEB-64-06/IT-5C/L): Pt. Ib /soy -/ [//-, -, soyre]:
soyre laitkär tek ‘they were satisfied/sated and removed disease’ (IT-163a2E);
PP /sosoyo-/: : cmelñe srkalñesa tka sosoyu : ‘from birth and death will he be
sated’ (64b4C), • warsa ite mettattäre [lege: maittäre] aräñc[ä[e] samudrä
täñ sosoyu [•] ‘thy heart-ocean, filled with the water of friendship, is satisfied’
(221a1E/C), sosoyo ‘satisfied’ [= B(H)S trpt] (U-3b3?); —soylñe ‘satiation,
satiety’: : persat soylñe ekñesa ‘call up satiation out of possession’ (32b6C),
yetwe santse pelke amññe otri krentäntso soylñe weweñu ‘the jewel of the
law, the Udna, the guidebook/sign of monkishness [is] called the satisfaction of
the good’ (33a2/3C), soylñe = B(H)S trpti (U-3b2?).
K Ps. IXb /sóyäsk’ä/e-/ [-, soyast, soyää//-, -, soyäske; Impf. //-, -,
soyäye; nt-Part. soyäeñca]: /// wi känte reä soyää kektseñ po yke
postä ‘… 200 flows and satiates the body completely one after the other’ (THT-
1324 frgm. b-a5A), /// soyäske-ne wki allokna lokadhtunt[ame] (567b2C/L),
/// aräñc soyeñca aientse wlo ‘satisfying the heart, the king of the world’
(515a3A); Ko. IXb /sóyäsk’ä/e-/ [Inf. soyäs(t)si]: intrie samuddär m soyässi
cämywa ‘I could not satiate the ocean of sense’ (TEB-63-02/IT-5C/L); Pt. IV
/sóyä-/ [soyäawa, soyäasta, soyäa//-, -, soyäare]: soyäw[a] (IT-
47b3E) [:] soya po wnolme w[ts]i [yoktsi yorsa 68] ‘he satisfies every being
through the gift of food and drink’ (22a7C).
Tocharian A *say-, reflected by the past participle sasyu (see TVS, for pre-
vious literature), and B soy- reflect Proto-Tocharian *sy-. Extra-Tocharian con-
nections are not certain. Probably not from PIE *seh2(i)- ‘stuff up, fill’[: Hittite
sh- ‘stuff full, clog up,’ Sanskrit asinvá- ‘insatiable’ (< *nsh2i-n(e)w-), Greek
áetai ‘satisfies himself’ (< *sh2y-e/o-), Latin satis ‘full, sated,’ Old Irish sáith
‘satiety’ (< pre-Celtic *sti-), Gothic saþs ‘sated,’ gasoþjan ‘satiate,’ Lithuanian
sotùs ‘satiated,’ sótis (f.) ‘satiation,’ etc. (P:876; MA:500, Kloekhorst, 2008:690-
691; de Vaan, 2008:540)]. This etymology goes back in nuce to Pedersen, 1941:
264 (cf. also Bailey, 1958b:531, Winter, 1962a:32). However, a *sh2y-e/o-
should have given a PTch **sy-. Young (2007[2009]) has surely correctly
saup- 771
connected OCS syt! ‘satiated’ with the family best represented by Anatolian with
suwus ‘full’ and sunna- ‘fill.’ We can add Tocharian to this etymon; a Pre-
Tocharian *suh1/3-ye/o- would give Proto-Tocharian *sy- regularly (cf. soy ‘son’
above). The *-ye- in the Tocharian word is the intransitivizing/passivizing suffix
well-represented in Indo-Iranian.
soye (n.[m.sg.]) ‘doll’
[soye, soyentse, soye//] Anuratne mñe aye curm yamale ekve soye tsikale
tume cwi soyetse ire yepesa e kärstlya ‘in Anurdh [the Scorpion] a
powder of human bone [is to] be made, then a doll [is to] be shaped, then the
head of this doll [is to] be cut off with a sharp knife’ (M-2a3/PK-AS-8Ba3C),
sanä tekiññe ymtsi ñme tka-ne kewiye meltee soye ymo nässait yamale
‘[if] one has the wish to make an enemy sick, having made a doll of cow dung, a
spell [is to] be cast’ (M-3/PK-AS-8Cb3C). A derivative of soy, q.v. (soy + -e).
sorromp (adv.) ‘down’ [only with kly- ‘fall’]
[60 ri]tte aklk sorro[mp] k[l]ya poyintse : ‘he cherished a wish and fell
down [in front] of the Buddha’ (22a8C), 74 eñcwaññai kentsa [k]l[ya] sorromp
läklessu : ‘on the iron earth the suffering one fell down’ (22b6C), mcer em-ne
e-lmausa 7 klysa [lege: klya] so[rromp] ‘the mother came to him, blinded 7.
she fell down before him’ (49a7C). Etymology unknown (but see VW [435]).
solme (adj./adv.) ‘complete(ly), altogether’
[m: solme, -, solme ~ solme//] [f: //solmana, -, -] solmona indri[nta] ‘all sense-
organs’ (119b5E), ma te tsatsaltarme naukän-ne so[lme] su ke m=ytär-ne
‘not having crushed it he swallows it; the whole of its taste he does not savor’
(407a1/2E), : anantränta solme tarya ymate : ‘he committed the three nan-
taryas [sinful actions bringing immediate retribution] altogether’ (22b3C), :
ñumka-e solme kalpa[nma] /// ‘altogether 91 kalpas [long]’ (25a3C), s cw
ymor solme msketär ‘whose action is complete’ (AMB-b6/PK-NS-32C), nrai-
ntane cmenträ : solme omte aul ye ‘they will be [re]born in hells; there
they will live [their] whole life’ (K-2b4/PK-AS-7Bb4C), poyi aklyamai po
solme tarya pikänta ‘I learned from the Buddha the whole entire tripiaka’
(400b3Col).
Related to TchA salu ‘id.’ which obviously reflects PIE *solwo- [: Greek hólos
‘whole, entire,’ Sanskrit sárva- ‘id.,’ Latin salvus ‘id.,’ Albanian gjalë ‘powerful,
fat, lively,’ etc. (P:979-980; MA:262; Beekes, 2010:1072)] (Meillet and Lévi,
1913:386). With a different derivational suffix (and the rounding of the vowel in
a labial environment) is B solme (< *solmo- [VW:412]). The same formation is
to be seen in Khotanese harma- ‘all, any’ (Hilmarsson, 1986a:19). Also with dif-
ferent derivational suffix are Old Latin sollus ‘totus et solidus’ (< *solno-) or
Armenian sol ‘whole, healthy’ (< *solyo-).
sauke (n.) ‘±streamer’ (?)
[sauke, -, sauke//-, -, sauke] lyk sauke taki /// (74a4C), erkatñene kekmu ra
sauke ym[ye mäsketär] (92a3C), piñña sauke walne ‘stretched out garlands
and streamers’ (429a5L). If correctly identified as to meaning, from suk-
‘dangle, hang,’ q.v.
saup- (vi.) ‘±look around/up [so as to meet someone’s gaze]’ (?)
Ps. I/II /saupä-/ or /saup’ä/e-/ [Ger. saupälle*] /// [piyoyma]r-ne lokänm to
772 saupadhie
<•> saupälya ñä smille pkri yamäate <•> te mä(t) /// ‘I sang to her the
lokas; looking around/up, she made obvious a smile to me [= she smiled openly
at me (?)]. Thus …” (IT-80a2A). The meaning, while not certain, is suggested
by the Chinese equivalents of this text (the underlying B(H)S original is not
known). In this passage a gandharva is retelling the tale to the Buddha of his
wooing of a maiden goddess. The goddess is responding to the gandharva’s
song. In one case the Chinese has ‘looking around/looking up’ and in another
version it has ‘open one’s eyes’ (E. Waldschmidt apud M. Malzahn, p.c.).
If the meaning is correctly established, it is, at least in English, in one of the
realms of metaphorical extension of ‘throw’ (e.g., ‘cast down the eyes,’ ‘throw
one’s head back/forward,’ ‘cast/throw someone a glance’). Thus one might think
of a connection with PIE *seup- ‘throw’ [: Latin supre ‘to throw,’ Lithuanian
supù ‘rock (a child in a cradle),’ OCS s!p ‘throw’ (P:1049; MA:582)]. See
also sopi.
saupadhie ([indeclinable] adj.) ‘a nirva characterized by a remnant of upadhi,
i.e., a normal life not yet fully extinct’
(IT-10b1C/L). From B(H)S saupadiea-.
saumanasye* (adj.) ‘causing gladness or cheerfulness of mind’
[m://saumanasyi, -, -] (176a3C). From B(H)S saumanasya-
sauvirjan* (n.) ‘collyrium’
[-, -, sauvirjan//] (M-3b4/PK-AS-8Cb4C). From B(H)S sauvrñjana-.
sauke, soke
Skanatatte* (n.) PN of a government official
[-, Skanatatti, -//] (Lévi, 1913:316).
skampaumaako* (n.) name of a meter of 4x12 syllables (rhythm 4/4/4)
[-, -, skampaumaakai//] (107b4L).
skk* (n.) ‘± balcony’
[//-, -, skakanma] skakamame kaunäntse pärkorne wawkauwa piltsa ‘from
the balconies petals [that had] unfolded at dawn [were strewn]’ (PK-NS-12K-b2C
[Winter, 1988:788]), ?imprayentse patskä skakanma lasseträ ‘they are
constructing the balconies by .’s window’ (TEB-74-03/THT-1574Col). The
equivalent and cognate of TchA skk.
Perhaps a borrowing from TchA if the latter is (with VW, 1966b:498, 1976:
428-429) from PIE *skko- (m.) ‘that which projects’ [: Old Norse skagi ‘point of
land sticking out,’ skgr ‘forest,’ OCS skok! ‘leap, bound,’ skoiti (imperfective
skakati ‘spring, jump,’ OHG scehan ‘hasten, move away quickly,’ Old Irish
scochid ‘goes away, disappears’ (P:922-3)]. However, they might both be regular
descendants of Proto-Tocharian if the ultimate ancestor is *skkom (nt.). Not
from a hypothetical Iranian *uska-kata-ka- ‘superstructure’ (Isebaert, 1980: 44,
Tremblay, 2005:439).
sky- (vi.) ‘strive, attempt’ [often with infinitive complement]
Ps. VIa /skain -/ [-, -, skaina//-, -, skaina; m-Part. skainmane; Ger.
skainlle]: skaina ek skne ‘he is always striving in the community’ (36a2C),
/// [pañaktäñ]ñ[e] perneca [= pernec] skainmane ‘striving for Buddha-worth’
(95a3C), [: ma]nt sasrne pi-antsei skaina tne : ‘thus those of the five
elements strive here’ (286a5C), karsatsi skainlle kuse ‘whoever will strive to
skeye 773
know’ (192a2C); Ko. V /sk y-/ [skyau, -, skya//; Opt. skyoym, -, skyoy//]:
3 to läklentame añ añm skyau krui tsalpästsi [•] ‘if I strive to free myself
from these sufferings’ (220b2E/C); Ipv. I /(pä)sk y-/ [Sg. päskyaE-C ~ skyaC;
Pl. päskyasC ~ skyasL]: te[me lä]ntsi päskya ‘strive to emerge from it!’
(295a9A), /// [ä]rmana skyas yanmässi ‘strive to discover (?) the origins’ [?]
(377a5L). For the chronology of the imperatives with and without pä-, see
Peyrot, 2008:63. A denominative verb from skeye, q.v.
skw- (vt.) ‘kiss’
Ko. V /sk w-/ [Inf. skwatsi]: kenne lamästär-ne au[]tsate-ne rupake
kantwas[a] skwa[tsi] /// ‘he seats him on [his] knees and began to kiss his little
face with [his] tongue’ (83a3C).
Perhaps borrowed from Khotanese skau- ‘touch’ (< *Proto-Iranian *skva-)—
VW:640, or perhaps related in some fashion to Greek kuné ‘I kiss’ (< *ku-ne-s-
e/o-) and Hittite (3pl.) kuwassanzi ‘they kiss’ (Melchert, p.c.; P:626; MA:335).
skär- (vt.) ‘speak hostilely; threaten; reproach’
Ps. VI /skärr -/ [-, -, skarra//m-Part. skärrmane]]: brh[ma]
i Uttare…
cirona rekaunasa skärrmane weske-ne ‘the brahmans, threatening Uttara with
sharp words, speak to him’ (85b5/6C); Ko. V /sk r-/ [-, -, skra//; Opt. -, -,
skroy//; Inf. skratsi]: [:] kautsi pyktsi skratsi pär[makänta karstatsi] ‘to
kill, to strike, to threaten, to cut off hope’ (266b3A), /// skara sa [abbrev. for
saghvae] ‘[if] he/they speak hostilely [then it is a] saghvaea’
(314b1E/C); Pt. Ib /skr -/ [//-, -, skarre; MP //-, -, skarnte]: • tume cew
ostaññi nksante-[ne] skarre-ne • ‘then the householders blamed him and
reproached him’ (337a5/b1C); —skralñe ‘reproach’ (122a7E).
The present represents PTch *skärn- and the root is connected, as VW
(1970b:527, 1976:429) perceptively notes, with OHG scern ‘be petulant,’
Middle Low German scheren ‘to ridicule.’ Perhaps a semantic specialization of
*sker- ‘cut’ (cf. English ‘a cutting remark’). See also the variant without s-
mobile, kärr-.
skiyo (nf.) ‘shade, shadow’
[skiyo, -, skiyai//] 6 skwänma aie kolokträ … ce läklenta ompostä
kolokanträ skiyo r : ‘the world follows good fortunes; sufferings follow them
like a shadow’ (254a1=255a2/3A), tañ perneai skiyaine ‘in the shadow of thy
worthiness’ (205b2E/C), /// [st]mantse skiyo ‘the shade of a tree’ (25b5C).
From PIE *skóiha (gen. *skiyéhas) ‘shade, shadow’ [: Greek skiá ‘shadow,’
Albanian hije ‘shadow, Avestan asaya- ‘who throws no shadow,’ Sanskrit chy$
‘shade, shadow,’ etc. (P:917-918; MA:508)]. The Tocharian comes (as if) from
PIE *skiyeha-. The lack of the expected initial palatalization may reflect a
leveling from the PIE nominative singular. This etymology goes back in embryo
to Couvreur, 1950:128 (so also VW:430). De Vaan (2008:541-542) would add
Latin scaevus, Greek skaiós ‘left’ (as the ‘shaded hand’ > ‘improper hand’).
skente, s.v. nes-.
skeye (nm.) ‘zeal, effort, exertion; predisposition; temptation’; (pl.) ‘conditioned
states (of being)’
[skeye, skeyentse (?), -//skeyi, skeyets, skeye] [snai] skeye kälpä su
yärpo[nta] ‘without effort he achieves meritorious services’ (57a3C), skeye
774 skai-
rano aikare tserekwa lkä ‘likewise he sees temptations and empty tricks’
(154b4C), skey[ets prutklñe]me [= B(H)S saskranirodha-] (156b1C),
akalk[äe] skeyenme /// ‘from the temptations of wishes’ (278a2C), sasr-
me tsälpeträ yekte skeyentsa ‘he will be freed from the sasra with little
trouble’ (K-9b3/PK-AS-7Ib3C), ske[ye]nme cenats ñke tswa aiamñe ‘from
the efforts of these [people] wisdom cohered in certainty’ (PK-AS-16.3b2C
[Pinault, 1989:157]), skeyesa sakrm wtetse lmte ‘by zeal the monastery was
re-established’ (PK-DAM.507a3Col [Pinault, 1984a:24]); —skeyee* ‘prtng to
effort or conditions of being’: /// palskosa - skeyee ymo[r]ntats armtsa
(159b4C); —skeyessu* ‘zealous’: airpäcce aul [aitsi s]k[eyessonta]ts ‘of
[those] zealous to live a life of ataraxy’ (PK-AS-16.2b3/4C [Pinault, 1989:155]).
TchA ske and B skeye reflect a PTch *skeye from PIE *skwoyo- with s-mobile
and related to Greek poié ‘do’ [: cf. also Sanskrit cinóti ‘arranges, constructs,’
OCS initi ‘order, arrange’ (P:637-638)] (VW, 1970a:168, 1976:429). The TchA
verb ske-/sky-/skw- (the last with regular dissimilation of glide before optative
ending -i - in skawi) and B sky- are in origin regular denominatives in -- (i.e.,
PTch *skey-). See also sky-.
skai-, sky-
Sknatatte* (n.) ‘Saghadatta’ (PN)
[-, Sknatatti, Sknatatte//] (LP-2b1Col, LP-3a2Col).
sklok (nnt.) ‘doubt, concern, anxiety’
[sklok, sklokäntse, sklok//-, -, sklokanma] snai sklok mäsketrä aimauñ [lege:
aimoñ] mna ‘the wise men are without doubt’ (73a2C), pälskontse sklok
‘spiritual doubt’ (409a1C), snai sklok = B(H)S asadeham ‘without doubt’ (U-
1b1C/IT-233b1); —sklokatstse ‘doubtful, doubting’: : walo [rano] ceu preke
aultsa tka sklokatstse 66 ‘the king likewise was at that time doubtful about life’
(5a2/3C), sklokatse = B(H)S akito (308b8C), sklokacci amni ‘doubting
monks’ (IT-247b2C).
Etymology dubious. Perhaps related in some fashion to Sanskrit skhálati
‘vacillates, hesitates’ (so VW:430) or to OHG scëlah ‘oblique’ (Duchesne-
Guillemin, 1941:152). See also sklokaññ-.
sklokaññ- (vi.) ‘be doubtful, despairing’
Ps. XII /sklokä ññ’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, sklokantär//]: sklokantär ñi palsko ‘my spirit is
despairing’ (PK-AS-12J-a5 [Couvreur, 1954c]). A denominative verb from
sklok, q.v.
( )
skren* (n.) ‘crow’
[-, skrenantse, -//-, -, -] skrenantse paruwa mlutällona ‘the feathers of a crow
[are] to be plucked’ (W-32b3C); —skrene ‘prtng to a crow’: Aleñe skrene
paiyye ñcapo-alype pwarne hom yamaälle ‘in A. a crow’s foot and ñcapo-
oil in the fire; an oblation [is] to be made’ (M-1b8/PK-AS-8Ab8C); —skrentse*
‘having a crow’ (PK-NS-686-b1? [Broomhead]). The meaning ‘crow’ (rather
than ‘dove’) comes from the equation with TchA sukr ‘crow’ whose meaning
is assured by its use as a gloss to B(H)S kka- (A sukrne pe oki sul = B(H)S
kkapadak dtavya = ‘it is to be sewn in between like a crowfoot’ [Schmidt,
1994:270]).
( )st- 775
TchA sukr and B skren reflect Proto-Tch *skwren-$ - and *skwren-ä- respec-
tively. The putative *skwron- would look to be PIE in shape, but there are no
immediate comparisons to be made in other PIE groups.
skwaññ- (vi.) ‘be lucky, fortunate, happy’
Ps. XII /s(ä)kwä ññ’ä/e-/ [MP -, -, skwantär//-, -, skwaññentär]: [klea]nmai
lwsa cwi maim-pälskone skwaññenträ ‘the klea-animals are happy in his
judgment and thought’ (11b5C); Ko. XII /s(ä)kwä ññ’ä/e-/ [Inf. skwantsi]:
(239a6C). A denominative verb from sakw, q.v. See also skwantsi.
skwantsi* (n.) ‘good fortune’
[//-, -, skwantsinta] skwantsinta kca cark-c ‘he released to you some good
fortunes’ (THT-3597b2A). The nominalized infinitive of skwaññ-, q.v.
skwassu, s.v. sakw.
sñätpe (n.) ?
[sñätpe, -, -//] prakre näkte [lege: mäkte] sñätpe täñ /// ‘strong like thy sñätpe’
(593b2E).
stane* (n.[m.sg.]) a kind of wine (?)
[-, -, stane//] kaumaii wsar y tkkai mallantsas-me ñu-kunae stane kesa
yältse okänte uktamka ‘the inhabitants of the Pool gave 1,870 for a quantity of
ninth regnal year stane from the vintners in Tkko’ (Bil 2.2/THT-4062?, Schmidt,
2001:20). The Kuci-Prakrit equivalent of TchB stane in this bilingual text is
stena. Perhaps the Tocharian form should have been stene but the first e-diacritic
was accidentally omitted. Etymological connections unknown.
stare, s.v. nes-.
( )
st- (vt.) ‘conclude’ (i.e., both ‘bring to an end’ and
‘come to a decision’)
Ps./Ko. (?) V /st -/ [Ger. stlle]: cie laraumñe cie rtañye [= rtalñye] pelke
kaltta[r]r olämpae [= aulämpa=e] m ta [= te] stlle ol [= aul] wärñai
‘the joyous expression of [my] love and affection for thee persists [lit. stands];
this is will not be brought to an end/cannot be brought to an end my whole life
long’ (496a2/3L).
In Tocharian A we have a preterit, stt, in /// tm prata stt nu kossi
pättñkät • ‘… at this time he again came to the decision to kill the Buddha’
(Malzahn, TVS, pg. 937) parallel in the same line to pkt nu kossi ñi mcär
‘again he intended to kill his own mother.’ ‘Decided’ might be ‘fixed himself
on.’ The same preterit might be attested in Tocharian B as well: 9. äk-meyya
wawka stnene täwaññe /// ‘the ten-powered ones having blossomed, his
loveliness was brought to an end’ (??) (IT-22a3A). The <> of this form is
unclear. It may be that the word should be read without it. As usual <t>’s and
<n>’s are very difficult to distinguish. Thus we should perhaps read stte-ne but
the context is too fragmentary to allow any assurance.
I take the Tocharian A and B forms to represent attestations of the pan-IE verb
*steha- ‘stand (up), (make) come to a stop’ [: Sanskrit tíhati ‘places himself,
stands,’ Greek hístsi ‘places,’ Greek hístatai ‘places himself, stands,’ Latin sist
‘place [myself],’ Hittite tiye/a- ‘steps in,’ tiyari ‘arrives at,’ titte/a- ‘establish,’
istanti- ‘remain, tarry,’ Lycian statti ‘stands’ (intr.), Cuneiform Luvian tai ‘steps
in,’ Cuneiform Luvian ttta ‘entered,’ etc. (P:1004-1008; LIV:536-538)]. If the
Tocharian B stlle is a non-modal (i.e., “present”) gerund, it matches either (1)
776 stk*
Avestan stya- ‘make stand,’ Gothic stoja- ‘direct,’ Albanian -shte-t- (mbësht/s-)
‘support,’ Old Irish nessa-/ossa- ‘tread down/up on,’ from PIE *steh2éye/o- or (2)
(de-reduplicated) transitive *sisteh2- of Latin siste/o-, ‘place,’ Hittite titte/a-
‘establish,’ Greek hístsi ‘places’ (this is probably the more likely option). If it is
subjunctive, it matches Skt. 3rd sg. sthti and Avestan 1st sg. xšt ‘come(s) to stand,’
as well as the Greek aorist subjunctive of hístmi. The TchA (and B?) preterit
would match exactly, except for the augment, the Sanskrit aorist Sanskrit a&$sthita
(PIE *stha-tó). TchA st- rather than t- reflects an old reduplicated present *st- <
*sät-. See also tk- (s.v. nes-), tsk-, and, more distantly, stäm- (s.v. käly-).
stk* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘palace’
[-, -, stk//stki, -,-] /// stne räkorme ‘having ascended to the palace’
(118a1E), [M]rgrañ stkne krent ‘in the beautiful palace of Mr
gra’ (3a5C),
21 aiamñee räkorme stkne /// ‘having ascended to the palace of
wisdom’[stkne = B(H)S prsde] (12a6C), ariye stkame ‘from the outer/
upper palace’ (IT-90a4C).
TchA tk and B stk reflect PTch *stkä, but further connections are
unknown. Neither VW’s (463) derivation from PIE *stngh- and related to Old
Norse stokkr ‘stock, block, log’ and Old Norse stng, OHG stanga, Old English
steng ‘pole,’ nor Isebaert’s suggestion (1980:44, and Tremblay, 2005:439) of a
borrowing from a (hypothetical Sogdian (or other Iranian language) *uz-dna-ka-
(cf. Avestan uzdna- ‘wall’) is compelling.
stnene or stte-ne* ‘?’
See discussion s.v. st-.
stp* (n.) ‘eulogy, panegyric’
[//-, -, stapanma] (IT-132b3C). The meaning is Broomhead’s. If correctly
identified as to meaning, from B(H)S stava- ‘praise, eulogy.’
stm (nnt.) ‘tree’
[stm, stamantse, stm (stamampa)//stna, stants, stna] [m] snai keume
ñyäkcyna ramt stna ‘like the divine trees not without shoots’ (275a1A), [91]
Supratihit ñem nigrot [ai] stants wlo ‘S. was a banyan, the king of the trees’
(3a7C), : em=[ntseme] stna/// [lege: stmantse (or: stants wlo [Thomas,
1983:144])] ‘from the first branch of the tree’ (3a8C), stanme okonta
wärsknte ‘they smelled the fruits from the trees’ (576a2C), stna le srmna
‘trees with [their] seeds’ (K-8a5/PK-AS-7Ha5C), stm añ p[yapyaitsa] ‘trees
with their own flowers’ [= B(H)S taru svakusumair] (PK-NS-414-b4C
[Couvreur, 1966: 170]), troktse stm ‘hollow tree’ (TEB-64-05/IT-5C/L), stm =
B(H)S druma- (U-20b4?); —stm-ñor ‘living beneath a tree; [= B(H)S
vrkamlika-] (PK-NS-55a4 [CEToM]); —stantstse* ‘having trees’: : mpar-
tstsancce [lege: #mparstancce] Vaideh liye [lege: liye] wane [lege: gune] cau
• ‘in the mountain hollow provided with mra trees’ (296b5/6L).
Since Meillet (1916:383), TchA tm and B stm (PTch *stm) have been
connected with Proto-Germanic *stamma- ‘treetrunk’ (< *stamna-), Latin stmen
‘warp,’ Greek st%mn ‘warp,’ Sanskrit sth$ man- (nt.) ‘station, place’ all reflec-
ting a PIE *st(e)h2-mn- ‘(something) standing’ (VW:462). The semantic
similarity between Germanic and Tocharian is particularly noteworthy. VW con-
siders the TchB plural stna as suppletive, coming from a putative PIE *steh2neha
stu- 777
[: Sanskrit sth$ na- ‘station, place,’ Avestan stna- ‘id.,’ etc.]. Hilmarsson
(1986a:308-311, 1986b) attempts to combine the singular and plural in a single
etymon by starting from PIE *st(e)h2dm(e)n-. The nominative stm would be
regular from *st(e)h2dmn while the plural would be regular from *st(e)h2dmneha
with PIE loss of -m- in in a cluster *-Cmn-. Militating against such a proposal is
the extreme rarity of -d- extensions to this root (e.g. Greek parastádes ‘anything
that stands beside’). As a variant of this latter theory one might start from a
putative PIE *steh2-smn, plural *steh2-smn-eha, where the *-m- would disappear
regularly as above and the where the *-s- also disappears before a resonant in the
history of Tocharian (cf. also särwna.)
stäm- (vb.), s.v. käly-.
stinsk- (vi.) ‘be silent’
Ko. II /stin sk’ä/e-/ [MP //stinskemtär, -, -; Inf. stinstsi]: stinskemtär (PK-AS-
17Ba3 [TVS]), /// [mai]yya campalle stinstsi kwri m katkat peparku poñ
(333a7/8E/C); Ipv. IV /pästin-/ [Pl. pstinar]: 54 saswa pstinar pi
mcukanta ‘O Lord, keep the princes silent’ (53a2C). Note that the imperative
has transitive meaning.
From the PIE root normally reconstructed as *stei(hx)- ‘become hard, fixed’ [:
Sanskrit sty$ yate ‘becomes fixed, coagulated, hardens,’ Sanskrit stíy ‘stagnant
water,’ Sanskrit stmá- ‘heavy,’ Sanskrit stimita- ‘unmoving, fixed, silent’ and
perhaps Latin stria ‘icicle,’ East Frisian str ‘stiff,’ Lithuanian stras ‘stiff,’
Germanic *staina- ‘stone’ (P:1010-1011, with further possible cognates; cf. also
Mayrhofer, 1976:521)] (VW:442). Given its meaning it is reasonable to assume
that we have an extension of *steh2- ‘stand,’ i.e., sth2-(e)i- (MA:547; for the type,
see now Lubotsky, 2011). The zero-grade would have been *sth2i- or, with
laryngeal metathesis, *stih2-. The Tocharian verb would be either *sth2i-neha- or
*stih2-neha- with a rebuilt PTch zero-grade, *stäin- (cf. Adams, 1978). Also
stitstse.
stiye* (adj.) ‘?’
[f: -, -, stiyai//] : stiyai sokne karntsa mäkte ma[sta] /// ‘as thou didst go out of
pity into the stiyai sok’ (239b6C=THT-3597b8A). Or an accusative singular
noun, ‘in stiya and sok’? Related to the following entry?
stitstse* (adj.) ‘quiet’ (?)
[m: -, -, sticce//] olyapotstse mka eu … laukar kwarä raiwe sticce
yamaä ‘eating too much makes the stool sluggish and quiet’ (ST-a2/IT-305C).
If the meaning is correct, related to sti-nsk-, q.v.
stu ‘?’
• wstu ite m tka stu • (IT-127b5C). From *stuwu and thus the past parti-
ciple of the following verb?
stu- (vb.) ‘±become dense/compact, congeal’ (?)
Ps. II/III /stuw’ä/e- or stuwé-/ [//-, -, stwentär]: /// no misa stwentär-me mis-
me pitke sta mrest[iwe] /// ‘then their flesh becomes dense; from the flesh
spittle, bone, [and] marrow …’ (THT-1324 frgm. b-b1A [TVS]). This passage
is from the Garbhvakrntistra and apparently describes the process where the
undifferentiated mass of the foetus begins to divide into separate components.
Malzahn (TVS) takes this as a misspelling for tswentär ‘adhere, stick to.’
778 stul-träko*
sparaky* (nnt.) ‘one of the group of [six] contacts (of the sense organs with their
objects)’
[//sparakyinta, -, -] (170b5C). From B(H)S sparakya-.
sparhr* (n.) ‘touch-food’ (i.e., that ingested by contact)
[-, -, sparhr//] (177b2C). From B(H)S sparhra-.
spalce (adj.?) ‘?’
///kär spalce yasar po • kemi wipy olypo/// (121b2E). See next entry.
spalyco (n.?) ‘?’
oniwe tai eneka ts=aawona • lykaka(na) mant ra ya(sa)r spalyco ätkaryai
(•) (PK-AS-7Ma1C [CEToM]). A hapax, in a cluster of such, of unknown
function or meaning, but surely related to the previous entry.
spnt- (vb.) ‘?’
Ko. /sp nt -/ [MP spantmar, -, //; MPOpt -, -, spntoytär]: mäkte ykene
spantmar ‘in whatever place I …’ (THT-1173b4?). [sp]ntoyträ (139b5A).
/Not to be equated with spänt- (so TVS) but otherwise unknown as to meaning
or etymology. [Not in TVS.]
sprtt-, spärtt-.
sprtto (nm.) ‘± discipline, technique’ (?)
[sprtto, -, sprtto//] /// mtri lrccepi sprtto m lkle (324a4L), /// krentä
sprttosa klyautkmte /// ‘by good discipline we turned’ (428b3L). A derivative
of sprtt-, q.v.
splk- (vi.) ‘act/move forcefully; thrash about [when there is no goal]; strive strongly
[with an infinitive object]’
Ps. IXa /splkä sk’ä/e-/ [//-, -, spalkkaskentär; Impf.//-, -, spalkayentär; m-Part.
spalkaskemane]: ///[lk]t[s]i ram no ecce mänte ketsa spalkaye[ntär] ///
(100b4C), spalkkaskentär-ñ marmanma katkauñae warkältsa (Paris [no
signature] [Couvreur, 1954c:84]), wnolm[i] spalkayentär läk ramt kentsa
‘beings thrashed about like fish on land’ (THT-1573 frgm. a-b4C [Krause,
1961:176]), [#]nande t-yaknesa [lkt]s[i] spalkaskema[ne] ‘thus striving hard
to see Ananda’ (PK-13F-a5C [cf. Couvreur, 1954c:84]; restoration mine); Pt. Ib
/splk -/ [-, -, spalkte//]: ymornta ñitkre-ne spalkte-ne ram no arañce rme
lantsi ‘deeds urged him on; his heart strove to leave the city’ (DA-1a1/ PK-NS-
398a1C [Couvreur, 1954c:84]), yolai wmots eartu kausa ptär krent tañ
paiynene spalkte ‘egged on by evil friends, he killed [his] good father and was
eager [to take refuge] in thy feet’ (TEB-64-12/IT-5C/L).
Winter (1984b:120) argues for a verb of motion here: ‘flapped around’ or
‘crawled’ or the like. Couvreur (1954c:84-5) similarly suggests ‘sich wälzen.’
Thomas (1983:252-3) is firm in seeing this verb as a denominative to spelke and
thus with the ‘be zealous.’ Couvreur and Winter are no doubt correct. Related
obviously to spelke, q.v., though ultimately spelke is likely to be noun derived
from the verbal root which underlies both noun and verb in attested Tocharian.
See further s.v. speltke.
splñe* (n.) name of a meter
[-, -, splñe//] (PK-AS16.5b3C [CEToM]). In form at least, the abstract of an
otherwise unknown verb säp-.
spänt- 785
spw- (vi/t.) G ‘± subside, diminish, run dry, peter out’ (??) or ‘spread our’ (??); K
‘reduce’ (??) or ‘spread out’ (tr.) [parra spw- ‘disperse’]
G Ps. IV /spowo-/ [-, -, spowotär//]: /// tseketär spowoträ /// ‘arises and sub-
sides/spreads out’ (IT-30a3C); Ko. V /spw-/ [-, -, spwa//]; Pt. I /spw -/
[//-, -, spawre]: /// [a]nta spawre-ñ tutse ke ‘my ovicaprids have become
smaller/my ovicaprids have been dispersed’ (SI B Toch. 11.2Col [Pinault, 1998:
8]), tunek ptace pakreai ls<s>a spawr ‘therein through open/public effort
they reduced the ptace/therein through open/public effort the ptace was dis-
persed’ (Otani II.13Col [Kagawa, 1915]).
K Pt. IV /sp wä-/ [//-, -, spwäar]: moko Ñwetakke • Cckare • Sakatse
te-yiknesa nta parra spwäar ‘the elder Ñ., Cc., and S. have dispersed the
ovicaprids thusly’ (SI B Toch. 9.2-3Col [Pinault, 1998:4]).
The meaning of this verb is difficult to determine. Following Sieg who takes
aspwatte as ‘unversiegbar’ in 146a1A (/// [cme]läe mä[nt] reä asp[watte]
/// ‘the stream of birth flows inexhaustibly’), Hilmarsson (1991) takes spowoträ
to be antonymic to tseketrä in IT-30a3, and suggests ‘subsides.’ In this he is
followed by Pinault (1998). However, parra spw- would seem more likely to be
a verb of motion than one of change of size. But the larger challenge to the
traditional translation is another instance of aspwatte which is glossed by
Sanskrit nejya ‘unmoveable, unshakable’ (SHT 5, 1109). Thus a meaning
‘spread out’ (intr.) and ‘disperse’ (tr.) would seem to be a serious possibility.
Under this hypothesis, the aspwatte of 146a1 would be ‘not spreading out,’ i.e.,
‘not deviating’ from its appointed path.
If the meaning is basically ‘draw away, withdraw,’ this verb might be con-
nected to Greek spá ‘draw, pull’ from a PIE *(s)peha- (Hilmarsson, 1991:36
[LIV:523-4; P:982]), but the semantic development is not altogether close and the
Greek and Tocharian words would have come from two different extensions, one
in *-s-, and one in *-w-. If, however, the meaning is something like ‘spread out,’
it is natural to think of PIE *speh1(i)- ‘grow fat, become large’ [: Hittite ispi
‘fills himself with food,’ Lithuanian sp^$ ti ‘have time,’ OCS sp@ti ‘Erfolg haben,’
spowan ‘gelingen’ (LIV:532; P:983)]. See also aspwatte.
spänt- (vi/t.) G ‘trust’; K ‘make trust, induce confidence, convince’ [N-sa or N-mpa
spnt- ‘trust in’]
G Ps. III /spänté-/ [MP //-, späntetär, späntentär; Ger. späntelle]: /// [ke]ry[e]
kñme späntenträ onwaññe aul ‘they laugh, they play, they believelife [to
be] immortal’ (2b2C), au[l]mpa m spänteträ 95 ‘do not trust in life’ (3b4/5C),
[m tne] s[pä]ntelle cmela sasrmpa ‘one must not trust in lives and the
sasra’ (15a2C), m späntelle ‘one must not [be] trustful’ (46b8C); Ko. V
/spnt-* ~ spänt -/ [MPOpt.-, -, späntoytär//]: [spä]ntoyträ wnolmi [= wnolme]
akntsa maiwe ‘the foolish being might believe, “(I am) young”’ [= B(H)S
vivasen] (2a6C); PP /späntó-/: • laitki atsi karakna [kus]e [nesä] tne späntoä :
aiamñee peretsa ‘thick vines and branches which have trusted in the ax of
knowledge’ (554a4/5E); —späntlñe ‘confidence’ lklläññesa taññ ersna
späntlñe wes yainmoo ‘by contemplation of thy figure we [have] obtained
confidence’ (PK-AS-17A-b3C [Pinault, 1984:169]); —späntläññetstse ‘confi-
786 spärk-
have a virtual PIE *wi-sperh-. For the semantic development we have some-
thing on the order of *‘move away (tr.)/push away’ > ‘make disappear, destroy.’
VW cogently adduces German vergehen. See also parkäukki.
spärtt- G (vi/vt.) ‘to turn (intr.), stop (intr.), find oneself; conduct oneself, behave;
spend [time]’; K ‘to turn’ (tr.)
G Ps. IV /sporttó-/ [-, -, sporttotär//-, -, sporttontär; Impf. -, -, sportttär//; m-Part.
sporttomane; Ger. sporttole]: [palskone] cwi sportonträ trai palskalñi : ‘in whose
spirit work three ideas’ (8b3C), : sportoträ läklentae ckkär wrotse wnolmentso
nano nano [89] ‘the great wheel of sufferings revolves again and again’
[sportoträ = B(H)S nirvartate] (11a7C), : ek sportotär ñy aiamñe poyiññe ‘my
knowledge always concerns itself [with the knowledge] of the Buddha’ (28b6C),
nakne sasre wrocce sporttomane ‘being in the great play of the sasra’
(K-12b6/PK-AS-7Lb6C); Ko. V /sp rtt-/ [sprttau, -, sprtta//sprttam, -, -;
AOpt. sprttoym, -, sprttoy//; MPOpt. -, -, sprttoytär//; Inf. sprttatsi]: kalymisa
sprttau ‘I will turn in the direction’ (375a5L), 31 kauc ette kluttakentär to
pwenta ckr ente sprta • ‘up and down move the spokes if/when the wheel
revolves’ (30b6C), 75 ce ak-wi klautketsa sprta am[ne :] ‘if a monk
behaves according to the twelve methods’ (64b6C), sprtatsintse pelyki = B(H)S
nirvrtyartha (177a6C), postä sasrne kliñi-ñ walke sprtatsi : ‘it is neces-
sary for me to turn/spend a long time in the sasra’ (206b3E/C=249b1C),
sprttoym sasrne (S-5a6PK-AS-5Ba6C); Pt. Ib /sprtt -/ [sparttwa, -,
sprta//]: 62 m=crne sprta ‘he did not keep to good conduct’ (44b8C); PP
/psp rtt-/: ket ra kartse pasprtau poyi ‘the Buddha [who has] worked for
the good of everyone’ (30b8C), • eneka pasprtau cwi maim palskw=attsaik •
‘whose mind strength [is] completely within me’ (41a2C); —sprttalyñe
‘behavior’: : Mahkyape añ krent sprtalyñesa 20 ‘M. [is] with his own
good behavior’ (12a5C), aientse sprttalñe (149a2C), sp[rta]lñe pä = B(H)S
nirvrtti ca (177a5C), ecce sprtalñe = B(H)S pravrtti- ‘evolution’ (Y-3b3C/L); —
sprttalyñee ‘prtng to behavior’ (549b1C); —pasprttarme [o]mp[o]stä
[sic] pasprttarme pä • = B(H)S adharmam anuvartya ca? (305a5C).
K Ps.Ixb /pä rttäsk’ä/e- ~ pä rttsk’ä/e- ~ sp rttäsk’ä/e-/ [-, -, parttaä ~
sprttaä//-, -, sprttaske; Ger. sprtäälle*]: 32 pelaiknee yerkwantai
taiknesa …• pudñäkte … parttaä ‘in this way the Buddha turns the wheel of
the law’ (30b7/8C), uk pelaiknenta ompte cmelläññe sprttaske ‘the seven laws
induce birth there’ (K-2a4/PK-AS-7Ba4C); Ko. Ixb (=Ps.) /pä rttäsk’ä/e- ~
pä rttsk’ä/e- ~ sprttä sk’ä/e-/ [Opt. parttaim, -, -//; Inf. sprttäs(t)si]:
pelaiknee laukaññ=epirtacce partaim ckkär ‘may I turn the large, un-
turned wheel of the law’ (AMB-a2/PK-NS-32C); Pt. II /pyrtt-/ [-, -,
pyrtta//]: : kuse pelaiknee krent ceu yerkwantai … • pyrta ‘he who turned
this good law-wheel’ (30b3C); PP /pepirttu- (< *pepärttu-)/: rkets lnte
pepirttu pelaiknee ckkär se walke stamoy ‘turned by king and ris may this
wheel long stand’ (S-5b3/PK-AS-5Bb3C); —sprtlñe ‘turning’: 30 pel[ai]k-
n[ee] yerkwantai sprtlñesa tsylpte wnolme • ‘through the turning of the
law-wheel he freed beings’ (30b4/5C).
The basic verb is generalized from sprtt-. This sprtt- may be historically
an interative-intensive or a denominative built on spertte. The causative would
788 spe
appear to have started out as *s’p’ärtt- and the root vowel --, when it appears
in the causative paradigm, is analogical extended from the basic verb.
This verb must be related to the family of Sanskrit spárdhate ‘contends for’ [:
Sanskrit sprdháti ‘contends for,’ Khotanese spal- ‘twitch,’ Hittite ispart-
‘escape,’ Sanskrit sprdh- ‘contest, struggle,’ Avestan sp'r'd- ‘effort,’ Gothic
spaúrds ‘race-course,’ Old English spyrd ‘race-course, contest,’ OHG spurt
‘race-course’; a bit more distantly: OHG spradaln ‘fidget, wiggle,’ OCS
prdajati ‘tremble, quiver’ (P:995-996; LIV:528-529)]. It is difficult to
reconstruct the exact meaning of the PIE antecedent. Certainly a quick
movement is involved and often, it would seem, in the context of a sporting
contest. However, the only turning involved outside of Tocharian is to be found
in the various words for ‘race-course.’ Not, with Pedersen, 1941:163, fn. 1, VW,
1941:115, 1976:438, though differing in details, from *sper- ‘twist,’ despite the
apparent closeness of meaning). See also spertte, sprtto, sparttntsa, and
epirtatte.
spe (< *sape) (adv./postposition) (a) ‘near by’; (b) ‘closely’
(a) /// saryat=ompä poyintse as spe kenne witska <70> ‘he planted there by
the Buddha’s seat in the ground roots’ (388a2E), pudñäkt[e mäskträ ?r]vast spe
skämpa : ‘the Buddha found himself near . with the community’ (5a1/2C); (b)
/// spe lktsi em ‘she went to have a closer look’ (wall-painting 49 [K. T.
Schmidt, 1998:77]). Underlyingly /säpe/ but, since it is always unstressed, the
surface form is always spe.
From PIE *(s)h4upo ‘under, below’ (Pisani, 1942- 43:29; see also K. T.
Schmidt, 1980:409, and Normier, 1980:262). One might compare most closely
Latin sub ‘under,’ Latin suppus ‘(head) downwards,’ Armenian hup ‘near’
(MA:612; cf. de Vaan, 2008:594-595). See the discussion in Watkins, 1973a.
VW (440) is wrong to reject this connection. See also spek, ysape, ysapar.
spek (adv.) ‘moreover; even (?)’
/// spek rano ñäkcyenne yelmenne /// [spek rano = B(H)S api ‘moreover; even’]
(IT-152b3C). Morphologically at least from spe + -k, q.v.
spertte (nm.) ‘± function, behavior’ (?)
[spertte, -, -//-, -, spertte] /// spertte tkoy (75b4C), /// wer sperttentsa prat-
tyasamutpt ste • [= B(H)S bhavga- ‘member of existence’] (IT-153a3L). A
deverbative noun derived from spärtt-, q.v. (Pedersen, 1941:163, fn. 1, VW,
1941:115, 1976:438, though differing in details). From the PTch noun *spertwe
was built the denominative *spertw--, reflected in TchA sprtw- and B sprtt-.
See also spärtt-.
spelkke ~ speltke (nm.) ‘zeal, effort, fervor’ [spelke ym- ‘show zeal’]
[spel(t)ke, - spel(t)ke//] kautsico speltke yamaä su no cwi speltkesa srukalyñe
yanma ‘he shows zeal to kill but by his zeal he will attain death’
(333a4/5E/C), : wnolmi [tan]e snai spelke m mrauskalñ=ersenträ 90 ‘beings here
[are] without zeal, they do not evoke aversion for the world’ (3a6C), [spelke]
ymi = B(H)S parkramet (13a3C), spelke amññ[e] ‘zeal for the monastic life’
(31b3= 32a5C), aiaumye spelkke ymi 15 = B(H)S manda dhra parkramet
(305a2C), /// skeye spelke yamalle ai ‘he was showing effort and zeal’ (575b6C),
spelkesa = B(H)S utthnena (U-6b4/IT-221b4C), spelkke yamaare ‘they
spaitu 789
(22b8C), sum spaitu kot ypantse traksi mitäe warsa pärkaälle ‘sumanas-
pollen [with an] equal [amount of] barley awns [is] to be dissolved in honey
water’ (W-22b2C). Etymology unknown. For a suggestion, see VW (435) who
takes this word to be related to Sanskrit sph$ yate ‘gets fat, puffs up.’
( )
sprne (n.[dual]) ‘heels’ (?)
[sprne, -, -] lyai snai rki sprne sesnau [lege: sesno] ‘heels firm and
slender, without leanness’ (74a5C). This text, a buddhastotra, contains many
allusions to the thirty-two lakanas or marks of physical perfection in a buddha.
However, it does not, as I thought earlier, have them in any particular order. The
allusion here is almost certainly not to the citntarsa- which refers to the
shoulders and upper body (an allusion to which occurs in this MS at 73a5/6C).
More likely, on etymological grounds if nothing else, is a reference to the heels.
Cf. Hilmarsson’s (1989a:75-77) ‘ankles.’
If correctly identified as to meaning, from PIE *sprh1-o-on ‘heel’ [: Old
English spure (f.) ‘heel,’ spora (m.) ‘spur,’ OHG sporo ‘spur’ (likewise < *sprh1-
o-on-), Old Norse spor, Old English spor, OHG spor ‘footprint,’ Greek sphurón
‘ankle’ (all < *sprh1-ó- though the Greek reflex shows some phonological dis-
turbance), cf. Old Irish seir, Welsh ffêr ‘ankle’ (< *sperets) ‘heel,’ all derivatives
of a widespread *sper(h1)- ‘± kick’ (P:992-993; MA:265)].
spr k (n.) ‘fenugreek (Trigonella corniculata Linn. or Trigonella foenum-graecum)’
(a medical ingredient)
[sprk, -, -//] (W passimC). From B(H)S sprkk- (Filliozat).
spharir (n.) ‘crystal’
(571a1A); —spharir-yok* ‘crystalline’: /// -yokänta spharir-yokä/// (565b4C); —
sphariräe ‘prtng to crystal’: spharräe [so to be read] aiseme mutkre-ne
aise mutkntse po m tsuwa naumyee bhjane ite ama ‘from the cooking
pot they poured it [scil. the porridge] out; the pot did not hold a whole mutknte;
it [scil. the porridge] came to stand in a jeweled container’ (107a3/4L). From
B(H)S sphai-. See also svrire.
smaññe* (n.) ‘broth’
[-, -, smaññe//] wtsi smañe /// ‘to eat broth’ (335a5E/C), tane klu pete ~ tane
smaññe pete ‘give here rice; give here broth’ (IT-248b6C). Possibly with VW
(446) from PIE *sumo- (and related to the *soumo- seen in Sanskrit soma-) +
Tocharian -ññe. See also su-.
sm- (vb.) ‘stand’ (??)
Ko. V /sm -/ [Inf. smtsi]: ///nts wäntarwa smtsisa säna ytrye satstsy
anst[si] /// ‘in order to sm- the things of the Xs’, the one road to exhale and
inhale …’ or ‘in order for the things of the Xs’ to sm-, the one road …’ (THT-
1324a3A [TVS]). [The text concerns the descent of the foetus into the womb.]
Very speculatively, if we took the second possibility and translated smtsi as
‘to last’ or the like, we might have an archaic infinitive, showing mobile stress, of
‘stand’ (< *stäm$ tsi), the equivalent of Classical stámatsi with fixed root stress.
[Not in TVS.]
sm* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘repetition’ [sm ym- ‘repeat’]
[-, -, sm//] /// ceu sm ymtsintse pelkiñ yaltse tinränta ytrine allre ‘in
order to make a repetition, they threw a thousand denarii on the road’ (IT-131a5C
sruk- 791
mid [life], scarcely born’ (1a7=2a1C), 81 ket ait yoktsi stk=onwaññe pelaiyk-
nee lyaitke teki mantanta äp srukentär cai • ‘to whomever you will give to
drink the immortal medicine of the law, they put away illness and never die’
(212b3/4E/C), : cmetär ka ksa krui nemcek postä sruketrä : (284a2/3A), auloñ cp
sätk[e]ntär-ne lyitkwänm srukemne (139a3A); Ko. V /sruk- ~ srúk-/
[sraukau, -, srauka//; Opt. -, -, srkoy//; Ger. srukalle]: : srauka temeñce
prere ramtä kekaru[:] nraine tänmasträ ‘and [if] he should die, consequently
like a shot arrow [i.e., as quickly as a shot arrow], he will be [re-]born in hell’
(14b4C), 14 s temeñ srauka nraine tänmastär ‘[if] he dies, he is consequently
[re]born in hell’ (17a8C), kuse tne cmträ m srko[y] ‘whoever may be born will
not die’ (46b2C); Pt. Ia /sruk -/ [srukwa, -, sruka//srukm, sruks, srukre]: sw
[a]rddhe sruka=ntwe nrain=empelye temtsate ‘the unbeliever died; he was
thereupon [re]born in a horrible hell’ (4a6C), 19 sruks entwe tpi pi-känte
cmelane kauträ lyauce : ‘you both died; in 500 births you kill each other’
(42a3C), e[nte we]s m srukm : ‘if we didn’t die’ (45a6C); PP /srukó-/: sruko [=
B(H)S mrta-] (5a1C), /// [osta-]meñcantse ana ai tswaiññe ka sruk[au]sa : ‘a
householder’s wife had just died’ (25b6C), mäntak srukau m waskte ‘just as
one dead did not move’ (606a1C); —srukelle ‘death’: tänmaälle srukelle
ktsaitsñe /// ‘birth, death, and old-age’ (150b1C), pontas srukelle k ñi eske tañ
prskau (298a1/2L); —srukalle ‘death’: taiknesa srukalye prek[e] /// ‘thus the
time of death’ (119a2E), ymäcci srukalyi ke em ce rano wäntresa lre
mäsketrä (K-12a4/PK-AS-7La4C); —srukallee ‘prtng to death’: srukallee
mdr se pontä nukna pontäntso akalkänta kärstoca [sic] : ‘this sea-
monster of death swallows all; [it is] a cutter off of the desires of all’ (295b3A);
—srukalñe ‘death’: : tary=ak-ne pudñäkte teki ktsaitsñe srukalñe 68 ‘the
Buddha announced to him the three: sickness, old-age, and death’ (5a6C),
srkalñe = B(H)S -mara
a- (156a4C), sruklyñentse = B(H)S mrtyor (251b4E), •
srkalñentse ke[ne] = B(H)S mara
nte na ocati (299a2C), • kartse kekmu
srkalñe rwer nesau m prskau [2] ‘death being well come, I am ready; I am
not afraid’ (372a4C), snai aklk srukalñentse koyne ynem ‘without desire we go in
the mouth of death’ (576b6C); —srukalñee ‘prtng to death’: mträ srukaly-
ñee koyn kakyau ‘the M., gaping his mouth of death’ or ‘the death-monster,
gaping his mouth’ (282b4A), srkalñee lek ñäkciye pä Mr lnt ykoym ‘May
I fight the divine King Mra, [king of] death as well’ (AMB-a2/PK-NS-32C),
srukalñee ime onolmen[t]s ‘the death memory of beings’ (K-11a5/PK-AS-
7Na5A); —srukalñe-ke ‘ending in death’: srukalñe-ke = B(H)S mara
nta-
(IT-114C); —srukor ‘death’: srukor aiaumyepi olypo [ri]toyt[a]r [lege: -tär]
päst m kwpe rmoytär (81a3/4C), srukorne ynem ‘we go into death’ (123a6E).
TchA sruk- ‘kill’ (historically the causative) and B sruk- ‘die’ reflect PIE
*streug- and are related to Greek streúgomai ‘am exhausted, worn out; suffer
distress’ (VW:441; rejected by Beekes, 2010:1413), Old Norse strjúka ‘go away,
leave,’ German sich streichen ‘go away’ (Hilmarsson, 1991a:68), and Old Irish
tróg ~ trúag ‘miserable’ (< *(s)trougo- as proposed by Thurneysen, 1946:40)
(MA:588; LIV:605).
sreppe (adv.) ‘unconcernedly’ (?)
/// sreppe cai ame : ‘these sit unconcernedly’ [?] (64a2C). Related to TchA
sleme 793
srepe ‘id.’ by borrowing (probably B > A). Further etymology unknown. For a
suggestion, see VW (441).
srokiye* (n.) ‘snoring, snorting’ (?)
[//-, -, sroki] arai lypakwa sroki/// … weske (522a6C). Preceding this
passage is a long list of negative eating habits. It appears that here we may have
switched to bad verbal habits (NB weske). If so, the three hapax legomena here
may be some sort of “speech acts.”
If the identification is correct, ro might reflect a putative PIE *swreha- from
*swer- ‘speak solemnly’ [: English swear, etc. (P:1049)] and it is hard not to
think of a putative PIE *sronkuh1en- and a meaning ‘snoring, snorting’ for
sroki.
srotpattiññe (adj.) ‘prtng to the entrance into nirvana’
[m: srotpattiññe, -, -//] (333b5E/C, 109a9L). An adjective derived from *srot-
patti from B(H)S srotpatti- ‘entrance into the river (leading to nirvana).’
srotpanne (n.) ‘one who has entered the river leading to nirvana’
[srotpanne, -, -//srotpanni, -, -] (333b5E/C, 552b6E, K-7b1/PK-AS-7Gb1C); —
srotpannetstse ‘id.’: (524a7C). From B(H)S srotpanna- (cf. TchA
srotpattune ‘status of a srotpatti’).
slakkare* (adj.) ‘darting, quick-moving, tremulous’
[m: -, -, slakkare//slakkari, -, -] : kus[e] slakkari kauc ñmo cets nau ///
(9b2C), [sla]kk[a]r[e = B(H)S capala (TX-3a1/THT-1318a1? [Thomas, 1983:
155]).
Etymology obscure. The meaning, assured by a Tocharian-Sanskrit bilingual,
makes the usual connection (VW, 1941:113, 1976:430-1) of this word, and its
TchA counterpart, slkkär, with Greek lagarós ‘hollow, sunken (of an animal’s
flanks), loose,’ Latin laxus ‘spacious, wide, loose,’ English slack, most dubious
(connection doubted by de Vaan, 2008:325).
släk-, sälk-.
släpp- (vi.) ‘± slip into’ (?)
PP /släppó-/: • naitwe kärkllene släppo kuttipaa wat parra pnna • ‘[if] he
reaches for a shell [which has] slipped into the mud or for the pot’ (331a1L).
For a discussion of this passage, see Winter, 2003:105ff.
Etymology obscure. If the meaning is correct, it is perhaps to be derived from
PIE *sel- ‘jump’ (so VW:431); alternatively, one might compare the West
Germanic group represented by English slip (cf. P:663). See also possibly säl-.
sleme (nm.) ‘flame’
[sleme, -, sleme//slemi, -, sleme] [pitka o]rotsai kokai ymtsi krui tu e-sleme
tatkausai /// (100a3C), rätrona koynuwa kakyau pwre slemempa
‘opening wide its red mouths with flames of fire’ (576a5C), nraii slemi panno
ñi eky wine ‘the hellish flames may stretch me even unto Avci’ (TEB-64-
06/IT-5C/L); —slemee* ‘blazing, flaming’: sleme[e] = B(H)S saprajvalita-
‘flaming, blazing’ (541a3C/L).
TchA slam and B sleme reflect PTch *sleme and are probably from PIE
*swolmo- [: Middle Low German swalm ‘thick smoke,’ Latvian svelme ‘vapor’]
from *swel- ‘burn, smoulder’ [: Sanskrit svárati ‘illuminates, shines,’ Old
English swelan ‘burn, ignite’ (intr.), Lithuanian svìlti ‘scorch (intr.), burn without
794 slaukatstse
flame,’ etc. (P:1045; MA:88)]. See VW, 1941:113, 1976:430. Unlike VW, I
take the Tocharian words to be directly equatable with MLG swalm. PTch
*sleme is from *swleme, by metathesis from *swelme (cf. letse) and simplifica-
tion of the initial cluster (cf. sy-). See also sälp-.
slaukatstse (adj.) ‘?’
[m: slaukatstse, -, -//] /// ime taisu tka-ne ñi ikä-pikwalaññe muk nesau
slaukatstse wat tka (330b4L).
svabhp (n.[m.sg.]) ‘peculiarity, nature’
[svabhp, -, svabhp//] rpae svbhpsa = B(H)S rpagatena (178b2C); —
svabhpatstse ‘having a [certain] peculiarity’: mäktoynas totsa warñai reki sva-
bhvatstse ste pañakte käitse pelaikne = B(H)S ys tvad vk svabhva
buddhavacana (199b1L), ñem svabhvatse = B(H)S nmasvabhvas (199b2L),
reki sva[bh]vatse = B(H)S vksvbhva (199b5L). From B(H)S svabhva-.
Svaraphale (n.) ‘Suvaraphala’ (PN of a king)
[Svaraphale, -, -//] (420b4L).
svastik* (n.) ‘swastika [denoting good luck]’
[-, -, svastik//] (107a1L). From B(H)S svastika-.
Svastike* (n.) ‘Svastika’ (PN in wall inscription)
[-, Svastikentse, Svastike//] (Schmidt, 1998:77).
svti* (n.) ‘[constellation/sign] Svti’
[-, -, Svti//] (M-2a1/PK-AS-8Ga1C). From B(H)S svti-.
svrire (adj.) ‘crystalline’
(571a2A). Adjective to spharir, q.v.
swak, s.v. su.
swañciye, swñco.
Swamitre (n.) ‘Svamitra’ (PN in administrative records)
[Swamitre, -, -//] (SI B 12.6Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
swayampar* (n.) ‘svayavara’ [the election of a husband by a katriya princess or
daughter at a public assembly of suitors]
[-, -, svayampar//] tane podhisatve Govi[]tse swayamparne [y]n[e]m[a]ne
okolmai ytrim[e kä]rw[e]ñ r[a a]lää[] ‘here the bodhisattva, going to
the svayavara of Gop, hurls an elephant out of the way like a stone’ (wall
painting 12 caption [Schmidt, 1998:76]). From B(H)S svayavara-.
swarauññe, s.v. swre.
Swarnatepe* (n.) ‘Suvaradeva’ (PN of a king of Kuca, reigned AD 624-646)
[-, Swarnatepi, Swarnatepe//] (G-Qa1.1Col, Lévi, 1913:317, LP-2a3Col).
Swarnabpe* ‘Svarapupa’ (PN of a king of Kuca, died AD 624)
[-, Swarnabpi*, -//] (417b1L, Lévi, 1913:320). See also Ysa Pypyo.
swñcoC ~ swañciyeC (nf.) ‘ray [of light], (sun) beam’
[swñco ~ swañciye, swañcaintse, swñcai//swañcaiC (< swañcai*), swañ-
caits, swañcai ~ swañcaiñL!] mkte [sic] meñe m rinasträ swañcai krocana
/// ‘as the moon does not renounce [its] cold rays’ (52b7C), : dhyananmaana
swañcaints=enenme ‘illuminated from within by dhyna-rays’ (73b3C), yaitu
yaltse swañcaintsa ‘decorated with a thousand rays’ (74b4C), /// [swa]ñcai
tsakyentär-ne /// ‘beams burned him up’ (IT-107a2C [Peyrot, 2008:79]), carka
kektseñme swañcaiñ [hypercorrect for swañcai or final –n assimlated to
swre 795
•H•
haye* (n.) ‘horse’
[-, -, haye//] (511b4L). From B(H)S haya-.
hariaplut* (n.) a meter of 4x12 syllables
[-, -, hariaplut//] (520b5C).
Harici (n.) ‘Harici’ (PN of a buddha)
[Harici, -, -//] (IT-128b2C).
haridsñe* (n.) a meter/tune of 4x14 syllables (rhythm 7/7)
[-, -, haridsñe//] (589b7C).
haridär (n.) ‘turmeric (Curcuma longa Linn. or C. domestica Valeton)’ (MI)
[haridär, -, -//] (W-19a5C). From B(H)S haridr-.
Haricandre (n.) ‘Haricandra’ (PN of a king)
[Haricandre, -, -//] (IT-82b2C).
hareu (n.) ‘orange pepper-tree (Piper aurantiacum Wall.)’ (a medical ingredient)
[hareu, -, -//] (W-18b4C). From B(H)S hare
u-.
halahl (n.) ‘a kind of mortal poison’
(PK-AS-70-a2C [CEToM]). From B(H)S halahla-.
halimak (n.) ‘jaundice’
[halimak, -, -//] (IT-1a5C).
hwui 797
• TS •
tsa emphasizing particle
m ttsa ‘never’ (27b8C), rekaunae irenä krui ra yepe swye-ñ tsa ‘if they
also really rain [on] me the hard word-swords’ (313b2+S-5b1C). Probably
related to TchA ats, B attsi, B attsaik but otherwise no sure connections
(VW:153).
tsak, s.v. ra.
tsaktstse (adj.) ‘thorny’; (n.) ‘thorn-brake’
[m. tsaktstse, -, -//] [f. -, -, tsaktstsai] tsakatsai ketsa orkäntai yärtta-ne ‘back
and forth over the thorny ground he dragged him’ (88a3C), ciron=tyañ
tsaktstsekaumi pä mäskenträ pkri ‘sharp [are] grasses and thorny ground and
shoots appear’ (K-8b5/PK-AS-7Hb5C [CEToM]) A derivative of 2tsk- (for the
formation see kautstse, kauttstse, ymätstse, rinätstse [Couvreur, 1954c:82]) (cf.
VW, 1979b:139, and Hilmarsson, 1991a: 127).
Tsakune (n.) ‘Tsakune’ (PN in administrative records)
[Tsakune, -, -//] (SI B 12.1Col [Pinault, 1998:16]).
tsaktso* (n.) a kind of waterfowl, perhaps a duck
[//tsaktsai (< *tsaktsaiñ), -, -] krakre-sari tsaktsai le krakr(e)-ñiwi pluse
skwassoñc tsrermene ‘the quacking sares, ducks, and quacking ñiwes float
happily in the ditches’ (PK-AS-16.8a5C [CEToM]).
tsakär (n.) ‘summit, top’
[tsakär, -,-//tsäkarwa, -, tsäkarwa] [Sume]r-lentse tsakär ramt ‘like the
summit of mount Sumer’ (74b5C), tsäkärw lents ramt ‘like the peaks of
mountains’ (THT-1191-b3A); —tsäkarwae ‘pointed, spiked, crested’: • iñc-
accepi lentse tsäk[arwae] = B(H)S himavat-ikhara- (IT-202a4C). From
1
tsäk-, q.v. The equivalent of TchA tsäkär; both from PTch *tsäkär. Both
the TchB plural tsäkarwa and the A plural tsäkrunt suggest a PIE suffix *-ru-
(VW, 1941:146, 1976: 528).
tsatku* (adj.) ‘erroneous, perverse’
[f: //tsatk(w)añ, -, tsatk(w)a] : ngi laka tsatku ekalwa ypauna [rse]
wranta osonträ : ‘[if] the nagas see the perverse passions and leave the lands, the
waters dry up’ (3a1C), tsatku[] ko pelaikne /// ‘the erroneously announced
law’ (249.1C); —tsätko: : koko rä [sic] tartse tsätko tsätkwa ekästrä
(255a4A); —tsätkwa (adj./adv.) ‘mistakenly, erroneously’: po tu tsätkwa ‘all
that [is] mistaken’ (8b2C); —tsätkwantse* ‘erroneous, false, heretical’): (A-
3a4/PK-AS-6Ga4C, PK-NS-22a4C [CEToM])); —tsätkwantsñe* ‘delusion, error,
perversity, falseness’: pi pälskontse walantsa tsätkwatsñenta [sic] twra pä
[= B(H)S viparysa-] (229b1/2A); —tsätkwatsñee ‘prtng to delusion’:
tsätkwatsñee surmesa e-lmau ‘blinded by the cataract of delusion’
(207b2E/C). Etymology unknown. VW (522) suggests a relationship with
Sanskrit tyaktá- ‘abandoned, repudiated’ which is possible, though not
compelling, semantically, but very difficult phonologically.
tsapñce (n.) plant sp., only in tsapñce-tsäkana ‘tsapñce-shoots’ [?]:
tsapñce-tsäkana [in a list of medical ingredients] (W-3b2C).
¹tsk- 799
AB tsk- represent PTch *tsk-, (as if) from a PIE -grade iterative-intensive
*dhgwh- from the same root as tsäk- ‘burn’ from *dhegwh-. (The palatalization
reflected by the ts- of tsk- reflects that of the underlying tsäk-.) Cf. VW, 1941:
145, 1976:522-523, Pedersen, 1944:17, though the details differ. The relation-
ship between tsäk- and tsk- is probably paralleled by that between yäm- and
ym- and näk- and nk-, qq.v.
²tsk- (vt.) ‘pierce, bite (of a snake)’
Ps. VIa /tskn -/ [-, -, tskna//; AImpf. -, -, tsaknoy//-, -, tsaknoye]: ///k
tskna läkle … warpalyñee ntse tsakno[y] /// (154a6C); Ko. V /tsk -/ [A -,
-, tska//; Ger. tsaklle*]: [ar]klo auk catä tska ‘[if] a snake, viper, or cat
bites’ (503a2C/L), te po ee päkalle lope terwe ke[t] tska-ne stke ‘all this [one
is] to cook together; the salve [is] medicine for whom the terwe bites’ (P-2b2C);
Pt. Ib /tsk-/ [A -, -, tska//]; PP tsts k-/: : ene tsatskau ‘having pierced the
eyes’ [?] (40b2C).
Etymology uncertain. Possibly from PIE *dnkneha- with dissimilatory loss of
the first -n- [: Greek dákn ‘I bite’ from *dnk-ne/o- or Sanskrit dáati ‘he bites’
(P:201 with other, nominal, cognates; MA:68; cf. LIV:117f.)] (so, with varying
details, Krause, 1955:13, Winter, 1962a:18, and van Brock, 1971a:290; and, as a
possibility at least, Beekes, 2010:299). The vr
ddhi in such a formation is difficult
and perhaps we have a cross with an originally deverbative *dnkeha- ‘thorn’ (see
tsaktstse ‘thorny’). More likely perhaps semantically would be a derivation
from an s-less variant of *stegh- ‘sting, stick,’ namely, *tgheha- [: Old English
stingan ‘to sting,’ Russian stegát" ‘to stitch, quilt, whip’ (P:1014-1015)];
alternatively in so emotionally charged a word we have a ancient case of
methathesis (*st- > ts-). Similar semantically is Ringe’s suggestion (1991:71) of
a derivation from PIE *deihxgw- ‘sting, prick’ (LIV:142), though I would expect
**tsik- from either *deihxgw- or *dihxgw- (also de Vaan, 2008:219). Much less
probable are VW’s suggestion (523) of a connection with 1tsk- or 2tsäk- or
Anreiter’s (1984: 156) connection with Sanskrit téjate ‘is sharp; sharpen,’ Greek
stíz ‘tattoo, prick’ (< PIE *(s)teig-), assuming a pre-Tch *tyg-. Also
tsaktstse.
tstsaikar* (n.) ‘form, shape’
[-, -, tsatsaikar//] [winskau]-cä erepte tstsaikarnne ‘I honor thee in [thy] shape
and form’ (273b1/2A). From the preterite participle of tsik-, q.v.
tsp- (vt.) ‘mash, crush; pierce’
Ps. VIb /tspä n-/ [Ger. tsapanalle]: madanaphale at twerene tsapanale …
khadiräe at twerene tsapanale ‘[one is] to stick a piece of madan-fruit in the
door … [one is] to stick a piece of khadira[wood] in the door’ (M-2a2/PK-AS-
8Ba2C); PP /tsts p-/: läksañana misa lykake kekarwa tsatspauwa ampoñ-
ñatse stke ‘fish meat finely chopped and crushed [is] a medicine for festering’
(P-1a2C).
Etymology uncertain. Similar in form and partially overlapping in meaning
with the related tsop-, q.v. Hackstein (2001:19) suggests a derivation from
*dehap- ‘share’ (e.g., Greek dápt ‘devour’ [LIV:104]) but the meaning seems
distant. See also tsatspar.
tslt- 801
with Old Irish delg ‘spine, point,’ etc. (523-524) as semantically and
phonologically less satisfying.
tsäk- (vt.) ‘burn up, consume by fire; apply heat to (in cooking), i.e., roast, boil; burn
off, evaporate’
Ps. VIII /tsäks’ä/e-/ [A tsaksau, -, tsakä//-, -, tsakse* (tsäkse-me); MP
tsäksemar, -, tsaktär//-, -, tsäksentär; AImpf. //-, -, tsäkye; MPImpf. //-, -,
tsäkyentär; m-Part. tsäksemane; Ger. tsäkalle]: kwpe-onmie pwrasa
tsaksau moññai aulaai ‘I burn up my life’s position in the fires of shame-
remorse’ (TEB-64-10/IT-5C/L), te pwar tsakä war parä ‘fire burns it up,
water carries it [away]’ (33a4C), nrai tallantä tsäksen-me pwar=empel[y]i
‘the poor people burn in the fires of hell’ (THT-1193b7A [TVS]), sta lykake
kautanoñ-c • yetse tsäkyeñ-c kektseñme latkanoyeñ-c po msa • ‘they broke thy
bones fine, they burned thy skin, they stripped all thy flesh from thy body’
(231a5C/L) [It is possible that tsäkye here belongs to a separate 2tsäk- ‘flay’;
see also 2tsäk- ‘flay’]; laka klyauä wat yark=alyekepi : tsaktär ysalye
pwarsa ‘if he sees or hears of the honor of another, he burns up with the fire of
jealousy’ (33b4/5C); onmiana pwrasa tsäksemane marmanma troktse stm ra
‘blood vessels burning in the fires of remorse like a hollow tree [burns]’ (TEB-
64-05/IT-5C/L); skrenantse paruwa mlutällona tsäkalle ‘the feathers of a crow
[are] to be plucked out; [it (= crow) is] to be roasted’ (W-32a3/4C); Ko. II
/tsäk’ä/e-/ [MP tskemar, -, -//; MPOpt. -, -, tstär//-, tstär, -; Inf. tsaktsi (tr.),
tsketsi (intr.); Ger. ts(ä)kelle]: ñkek nraiana pwrasa tskem[a]r ‘now I burn in
the fires of hell’ (THT-1681b3?), mäkte tärrek ewe yesti nskoy enersäk
aläskemane tuk mataryai olyine päst tsträ ‘as the blind man fabricates a
garment and inadvertently [?] letting it fall into the maternal hearth, it would burn
up’ (154b3C); ñumka-kas traunta swesee war kaska-twra tsketsi täryka-wi
liptsi ‘ninety-six trau rain-water, sixty-four to be boiled off, thirty-two to
remain’ (W-35b3C); tsäkelle ([sic] W-12a5C); Pt. IIIa /tsekä- ~ tsékäs-/ [A //-, -,
tsekar; MP tseksamai, -, -//]: snai ke nraintane nemcek tseksamai ‘in hells with-
out number did I certainly burn’ (PK-AS-16.7b6C [Couvreur, 1954: 89]); PP
/tsetseko-/: purpar ñake tsetse[ko] iktlyeme war ‘enjoy now the water from
the boiled seed’ (369a5C); —tskalñe* ‘fever’: tsäkalñetse alälletse pä
stke ‘a medicine for fever and sickness’ (P-1b1C); —tskelñe ‘burning’: käly-
mits tskelñe = B(H)S diodgh- ‘glowing of the horizon’ (543a7C); —
tsetsekor ‘± affliction’: [tse]tsekor mäsketrä = B(H)S vaiklavyrto bhavati (U-
17a3C).
TchA 2tsäk- and B tsäk- reflect Proto-Tocharian *tsäk- from PIE *dhegwh-
‘burn’ [: Sanskrit dáhati, Avestan dažaiti ‘he burns,’ Lithuanian degù, OCS žeg,
Albanian djek ‘I burn’ (P:240-241, with other derivatives; MA:87; LIV:133ff.,
Cheung, 2006:53-54)] (Meillet and Lévi, 1912:24, VW:526). See also 1tsk-
and tskäññ-.
¹tsäk- (vi.) ‘rise, raise oneself up; stand up, arise.’
Ps. III /tseké-/ [MP -, -, tseketär//-, -, tsekentär; MPImpf. -, -, tsektär//-, -,
tsekyentär; m-Part. tsekemane]: /// tseketär spowoträ /// ‘rises and subsides/
spreads out’ [?] (IT-30a3C [cf. Hilmarsson, 1991:36]), : to ñyatstsenta wikässi
poyinta tne tseketar • [sic] ‘to remove these dangers buddhas arise’ (5a6/7C),
tsäkau 803
[lege: ynamo?] [i]ke snai otri ‘a place non-rising and non-going, without sign’
(597a4C). The imputed meaning is predicated on a relationship with 1tsäk-, q.v.
tsäkwale (n.) a part of a plant
[tsäkwale, -, -//] arkantse [= arka-plant] tsäkwale [in a list of medical ingre-
dients] (497b7C), kos to po tot taramäe tsäwale eske ‘as many they all [are]
so many dharama [Fagonia arabica] tsäkwale alone’ (W-2a5C). A derivative
of 1tsäk- ?
tsäm- (vi/vt.) G ‘grow [in size or number];’ K ‘cause to grow, promote’
G Ps. III /tsämé-/ [MP -, -, tsmetär//-, -, tsmentär; m-Part. tsmemane]: tesa m
upadrap tsmetär ale lakle amä ‘by this the supervenient disease does not
grow, likewise the pain subsides’ (P-1a4C), sañi tsmentär artsa [k]au : ‘these
enemies grow each day [in number]’ (31b8C); Ko. V /tsm- ~ tsäm -/ [A -,
tsmat (??), -//; MP //-, -, tsmntär; MPOpt. -, -, tsmoytär//-, -, tsmoyentär; Inf.
tsmtsi]: aukat [t]smat ‘thou wilt increase and grow’ [word separation unsure]
(516b4C); : kos no cwi palskone tsmntär krentauna : ‘as long, however, as the
virtues in his spirit grow’ (64a8C); añ läklenta warpatsi war klautkoy-ñ arañce
tsmoytär-ñ nete ‘may my heart turn into diamond to endure my own sufferings;
may my strength grow’ (S-8b1/PK-AS-4Bb1C); Pt. Ia /tsäm-/ A -, -, tsama//]:
26 ytka-me walo lyutsi po ypoyme wka tarkär akkeññetso tsama yarke
poyintse : ‘the king ordered them [scil. trthas] out of the country; the cloud over
the kya-sons disappeared and honor for the Buddha grew’ (16b6=18a2C); PP
/tsämo-/: ente pañäkti aiene m tsämo tka ‘when the buddhas are not [yet]
grown in the world’ (PK-AS-16.2b2C [Pinault, 1989:155]); —tsmlñe ‘growth’
(537b4C).
K Ps. VIII /tsäms’ä/e-/ A -, tsamt, tsamä//-, -, tsamse* (tsämse-ne); nt-
Part. tsämeñca*; Ger. tsämalle]: [nki] welyñe päk tsamä • ‘and he pro-
motes the speaking of blame’ (19b1C), ktke plontonträ päk ka maiyya
tsamsen-ne ‘they rejoice and are glad and make strength grow’ (K-2b6/PK-AS-
7Bb6C); alna erse yolone tsämeñcañ ke/// (522a7C); toy satkenta tankkaisa
tsamallona ‘these medicines on the spot/place [are] to increase’ (Y-1a2C/L), ///
tsämpalye [lege: tsämalye] wartse asnäntats enepre /// (IT-14b4E); Ko. I
/tsmä- ~ tsämä-/ [-, -, tsmtär (~ tsmtär-ne)//; Inf. tsamtsi]: kos kos tsmtär
ymornta bodhisatve wakce täry-yäkne ‘as often as a bodhisatva promotes the
distinctive three-fold deeds’ (PK-NS-54a1C), 38 wace lok weña pudñäkte
krentä lki erkatte cets yarke tsamtsico : ‘the second loka the Buddha
spoke—he saw the good people unfriendly [to one another]—to promote honor
among them’ (31a5/6C) [the ablaut seen in this paradigm is unusual]; Pt. IIIb
/tsem* ~ tséms-/ [A -, -, tsemtsa//]: tn[e] tsemtsa asae [lege: -ai]
peñyai/// (428b4L); PP /tsetsamu/: (K-T).
TchA tsäm- and B tsäm- reflect PTch *tsäm- from PIE *dem(ha)- ‘build’ (i.e.,
‘build oneself up’ > ‘grow, increase’) [: Greek dém ‘I build,’ Gothic gatiman ‘be
suitable’ (P:198-199, with other nominal cognates, particularly those derived
from a PIE *dm, gen. *déms, ‘house’; MA:87; LIV:114ff.; Cheung, 2006:55)]
(Pedersen, 1944:21, fn. 1, Winter, 1962a:26-7, Jasanoff, 1978:44). To this
etymon also belongs TchA tsmr ‘root.’ See also 1tsamo and 2tsamo.
tsärk- 805
paradigm (e.g., a subjunctive *tsrk-), I would prefer to see the Ps. VI as simply
a variant present to a unified verb.
TchA tsärk- (only in the abstract tsärlune) and B tsärk- reflect PIE *tsärk-,
but further connections are uncertain. The basic meaning seems to have been
‘heat, burn’ or the like (cf. etsarkle ‘with ardor’) and the meaning ‘torture’ may
then be a semantic calque of B(H)S tap- or the result of a similar, but
independent, semantic development. Thus Pedersen’s (1944:19) comparison of
Latin torqure, Couvreur’s (1947:15) derivation from a PIE *dergh- [: Dutch
tergen ‘to irritate’], or Evangelisti’s (1950:136) from *dhregh- [: Sanskrit
dhrghate ‘he torments’] would be weak semantically. See etsarkle, etsark-
letstse (= B(H)S tpina-).
tsärtsäkwa* (n.[pl.]) ‘deceptions’ (?)
[//-, -, tsärtsäkwa] 5 tume kälpsken-ne rsercci mna nakanma tsärtsäkwa
wae wentsi ‘thus malevolent people get him to speak reproaches, deceptions (?),
and to lie’ (282b6A). Semantically plausible in this context would be a meaning
‘deceptions’ but a relationship with the similar tserekwa, q.v., is difficult.
tsälp- (vi/vt.) G ‘be free [of], pass away; escape; be delivered, be taken [from this
world]’; K ‘free [from], redeem, deliver, save’
G Ps. III /tsälpé-/ [MP tsälpemar (?), -, tsälpetär//-, -, tsälpentär; Impf. -, -,
tsälpitär (?)//-, -, tsälpiyentär; Ger, tsälpelle*]: cmetär ra nraiyne ramer no pestä
tsälpeträ ‘he is [re]born in hell but quickly is freed’ (K-3b3/PK-AS-7Cb3C); Ko.
V /tsälp -/ [MP -, -, tsälptär//; MPOpt. tsälpoymar, -, tsälpoytär//-, -, tsälpoyntär
~ tsälpontär; Inf. tsälptsi]: krui [nraime] entwe tsälpträ • ‘if then he will be
redeemed from hell’ (291a4E); [wno]lmi läk[l]entame tsälponträ ‘the beings
should be released from [their] sufferings’ (THT-1179, frgm. a-a6E [TVS]), [trai
kleke]ntsa tsälptsi ‘to be redeemed from the three vehicles’ (104b5C); Ipv. I/II
/pätsilp-/ [MPSg. pätsilpar]: pätsilpar-ñ läklentame ‘free me from sufferings!’
(283a3A [discussion TSV:502-503]); Pt. Ia /tsälp -/ [A tsälpwa, tsälpsta,
tsalpa//-, -, tsälpre]: [snai te]lkanma ñi yolaiññeme tsälpwa ‘without
sacrifices I was freed from evil’ (19b7C), /// prkre esate ot m tsalpa ‘he was
grasped firmly and thus not released’ (PK-NS-54b6C [TVS]), : tu yparwe ñakti
mna tsälpre pi to cmelame : ‘thereupon gods and men were redeemed
from the five birth forms’ (30b8C); PP /tsälpó-/: anmaume tsälpoo = B(H)S
bandhann muktam ‘freed from bonds’ (U-18b4/SIB-117b4C), tsälpau = B(H)S
vipramukta- (IT-54b1C), tsälyowä [lege: tsälpowä] (IT-45a2E); —tsälpelñe ~
tsälpelle** ‘redemption,’ attested only in the derived adjective tsälpell(äñ)ñee
~ tsälpellee ‘prtng to redemption’: kwarsär ceu tsälpelläñ-ñee ‘the vehicle of
redemption’ (597a2C), [tsä]lpellee pelaikne ‘law of redemption’ (390b6E); —
tsälplñe ‘redemption, freedom [from]’: : m nesä läklentame tsälplñe
‘there is no redemption from sufferings’ (30a1C), [krentä]mp=ee änmälñe
pakwre me tsälpl[ñ]e • latuññe ke källlñe ‘the coming together with the
good, the freedom from the bad, the achievement of a royal position’ (128a4E).
K Ps. IXb /tsä lpäsk’ä/e-/ [tsalpäskau (?), -, tsalpää (?)//; MP -, -, tsalpästär//;
nt-Part. tsalpäeñca; m-Part. tsalpäskemane; Ger. tsalpäälle]; Ko. IXb (= Ps.)
[MPOpt. tsälpaimar, -, -//; Inf. tsalpäs(t)si; Ger. tsalpä(äl)le*]: : tsälpaimar
aie ce kleanmae snanme : ‘may we free this world from kleas and
tsit- 807
srukalñe and cmelñe) and often with other verbs in medical texts (Krause,
1952:37) and occasionally elsewhere.
tsu (n.) ‘inch’ (i.e., one-tenth of a cak, q.v.)
(Schmidt, 1990, no locus given). A length of just a bit less than one and a half
inches. Borrowed from Early Middle Chinese tshw'n’ (Modern Chinese cùn).
tsuwai (adv.) ‘± unto, towards, up to’
tsuwai man-ne m kcca wäntr=enestai tukästrä (127a5E), [tsu]wai a[n-
mä]strä • = B(H)S upanahyati ‘tie/bind up/together, tie into a bundle’ (308b6C),
ñi tsuwai poroicer (370b5C). A derivative of tsu-, q.v., presumably in origin
the adverbially used accusative singular of a deverbal noun (Hilmarsson, 1991:
179, argues for a nominative *tsuwiye). See also etsuwai and tswaiññe.
tseñe* (n.) ‘± river, stream, current’
[-, -, tseñe//] : Gkne olyisa tseñe kätkäar • ‘at the Ganges, cross the river by
boat’ (296b4L). From *tsän- ‘flow,’ attested only in TchA (more s.v. tsnamo)
from PIE *dhen- (P:249; MA:491). Tseñe itself would reflect a PIE *dhnen- or
*dhni- with -grade in i-abstracts (Darms, 1978:94ff; cf. Normier, 1980:254). In
either case, the old nominative singular has replaced the accusative singular.
See also tsnamo.
tsetke* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, tsetke//] • tsetkesa tu cenän kaunän /// (IT-158a4C).
tse (adj.) ‘blue’
[m: tse, -, tsena/] [f: tseñña, -, tseññai//tseññna, -, -] wastsi tsena rätre
‘clothes, blue and red’ (118a1E), [u]pplntasa tseññana ‘over blue lotuses’
(588a3E), tseñn=arkwina meñ-yokäññana /// ‘blue, white, moon-like’ (73a4C),
[tse]ññai-upplä ‘blue lotuses’ (81b6C); —tsen-upple* ‘blue-lotus’ (adj.):
ts[e]n-uppli pilt ra ene ‘eyes like blue-lotus leaves’ (575a2C).
TchB tse is exactly matched by TchA tse. In all probability (with Lubotsky
and Starostin, 2003:264) borrowings from Chinese (contemporary Chinese qng
‘be blue, green,’ Middle Chinese chie`). Suggested Indo-European connections
(Old English dosen ‘dark brown,’ dox ‘dark,’ or Latin furvus ‘dark, black’ [VW:
531-532]) are semantically more distant. See also perhaps tsentse.
tsene(-)lae (adj.?) ‘?’
tsene(-)l[a]e anaiai yai - - - (242a2C).
tsentse (adj.) ‘blue’ (?)
[m: //-, -, tseñce] /// saiwaisa arkwi tseñce /// ‘on the left a white and blue
[lotus]’ (?) (IT-170a2C). If correctly identified, a derivative of tse, q.v.
tsere (n.) a measure of liquid volume of half a lwke (?)
[tsere, -, -//] mot tka pi lwksa [sic] ttsere /// ‘the wine was: five jars, [one]
tsere …’ (Cp. 37+36, 78 [Ching, 2011:68]). Ching suggests either ‘some kind
of vessel’ or ‘measure of capacity equal to half a lwke.’ In the context the latter
seems more likely, though there is no reason it could not be both. Meaning
doubtful, etymology unknown.
tserekwa (n.[pl.]) ‘deception(s), deceit, illusion’
[//tserekwa, -, tserekwa] skeye [sas]rana tserekwa snai lyiprä [ñä
aii]mar ‘may I know the deceptions of the sasra completely’ (229b1A), yau
karttse aulu-wärñai snai tserekwa snai nne ‘I live well all life-long without
tsain* 811
Similar in form and partially overlapping in meaning with tsp- (TchA tsw-).
Like TchB tsop-, its A equivalent, tsop-, is attested only in the present. AB (and
PTch) tsop- represents the old present corresponding to tsp- (TchA tsw-),
attested by preterite participles in both languages and by a n-present in TchB.
PTch *tsop- and *tsp- reflect PIE *dhbh- and *dhbh-eha- respectively from
*dhebh- ‘harm, shorten’ [: Sanskrit dabhnóti ‘hurts, destroys; deceives,’ Avestan
dab- ‘deceive,’ Hittite tepnu- ‘reduce,’ and possibly Greek atémb ‘I harm, rob,
shorten, etc.’ (P:240; MA:258, 528)] (VW:525 for tsp-, with differences in
detail; otherwise (535) for tsop- (< *dheubh- [P:263-264]). Phonologically
possible but semantically distant is Winter’s connection (1962a:28) with Greek
déph ‘soften (by working with the hands), make supple.’
tsauke* (n.[m.sg.]) ‘drink’
[-, -, tsauke (?)//-, -, tsauke (?)] ñäkciye [lege: ñäkciye?] tsaukenne [lege:
tsaukene?] ‘in the divine drink(s)’ (497b8C = PK-AS-9B-b4? [Broomhead]). A
nominal derivative of tsuk-, q.v.
tskäññ- (vt.) ‘mark, characterize’
PP /tsets(ä)käñño-/: cakkarwisa mittarwisa tsetskäñño tañ aline ‘thy [two]
palms marked by cakras and mitras’ (75a2C).
A -ññ- derivative of 2tsäk- ‘burn,’ q.v., with an original or basic meaning
‘brand’ (cf. VW:534). Otherwise Winter (1984b:118), who takes this as a
denominative to an unattested *tsak which in turn is related to A *äk ‘(proper)
sequence,’ in the frozen locative ka ‘and’ and frozen perlative k ‘indeed.’
*Tsak/äk would be the (quasi-)equivalents of Latin decus. See also ka.
tskertkane (n.[dual]) ‘calves (of the leg)’
[/tskertkane, -, tskertkane/] /// Airawantatse okolmaits [sic] lnte sayi [lege:
seyi] ramt uñc tskertkane aineyentse lwntse ramt ‘like the trunk of the son of
king Airvata of the elephants, like the calves of the black antelope [ai
eya]’
(74a4C), /// [yäl-ñä]ktentse tskertkanempa tasaitär ‘the … are compared with the
calves of the gazelle-king’ [Thomas, 1983:231] (74a5C). Etymology unknown.
tsnamo* (adj.) ‘flowing’
[f: -, -, tsnamñai//] • tsnamñaisa päpiyaisa /// = B(H)S sravat ptin (IT-
233b6C). A verbal adjective from *tsän- ‘flow’ unattested in TchB but found in
A (cf. Ko. tsnntär, PP tsno). PTch *tsän- reflects PIE *dhen- ‘run, flow’ [:
Sanskrit dhanáyati ‘he runs, sets in movement,’ dhánvati ‘runs, flows,’ Old
Persian danuvatiy ‘flows,’ Latin fns ‘spring’ (P:249, with a few other nominal
cognates; MA:491; de Vaan, 2008:230-231)] (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1941:165,
VW, 1941:146, 1976:527). Also tsnamñe and tseñe.
tsnamñe* (nnt.) ‘influx (of the outer world)’
[-, -, tsnamñe//tsnamñenta, -, tsnamñenta] [snai] tsn[a]mñe = B(H)S nirsrava-
(4b2C), nautää po tsnamñenta ‘makes disappear all [evil] influxes’ (31b1C),
tsnamñenta = B(H)S hsrav (305b3C), kleanmai tsnamñenta ‘the influx of
kleas’ (523b4C); —tsnamñetstse* ‘prtng to outside influx’: snai-tsnamñecci =
B(H)S nirsrav (IT-114C). A derived abstract from tsnamo, q.v.
tsnikre* (n.) ‘?’
[-, -, tsnikre//] /// [e]ntwe lyyastär-ne : tsnikresa /// (IT-262a3C; word division
uncertain).
814 tsmoññe
accessible .................................tarkalle
•A• accidental form of matter .. updyarp
accompanied by a thief ..... steyasaha
crya ........................................... aari accompaniment of a thief
abandon ........................................ rsk- .................................. steyasahagama
abandonment .............prah, rilläññe accomplish ................................... ls-
abdomen ................................ ktso, tso accomplishment .............. stä, ymor
abhidhrma, one learned in the accumulate ................................. kraup-
........................................ abhidharmike accumulation, based on ....... aupacayik
abide ............................... wäs-2, walk- accusation, unjustified
abiding .................................... stamalñe .................................. muladhvsa
ability....... cämpamñe, ytalñe, sajñä accuse ........................ cotit ym-, kuts-
ability, having ............. cämpamñetstse achieve ............................... kälp-, yäm-
able .............cämpalle, cämpamñetstse, achievement ........................ yänmlyñe
................................ cämpamo, epastye achieving ................................. källlñe
able to, being able ...................... cämp- Achyrantes aspera . ..... apamrga, vir
abode of an ascetic ..................... arm acid ..................................mpäl, mtre
above ............................................ kauc acknowledge (?) ............................ rtt-
above, (from)......................... ome Aconitum heterophyllum ..........prativi
abscess .................................... ampoño Acorus calamus ...........okaro (?), vaca
absence ...............................m-nesalñe acquire ............................................ täl-
absence of passion .......... maimatsäññe acquisition .....................................patti
absence of worldly desires .... vairgya acquisition, prtng to honoring of
absence of worldly desires (?) ... vairk ...................................... lbhasatkre
absent (prep.)............................... parna act................................................. ym-
abstention (from sin) ...... narkäälyñe act forcefully............................... splk-
abundant .......................................... ite action ......................................... ymor
abundance ............... itauñe, artkiye (?) action (manifestation of) ..............otri
abuta (a plant) ................................. pt active ...................................... krätaññe
avamedha (major Hindu sacrifice) actor ................................ naktse, nae
................................................. avame actual...................................... yneaññe
Acacia catechu .......................... khadr adaptation .................................... yukti
Acacia lebbek ............................... iri add to .............................................. tsu-
Acacia lebbek, flower of .... iriapupa addiction .................................. upd
accept........................................... wärp- addition, in/on top of that (conj.) .. tusa
accessible ..................................... yalle addition of one portion. ........ bhkottär
816 English-Tocharian B reverse index
destruction, utter ....................... kärstor director . anusake, prnike, yotkolau
determine (rules) ................... (c)ämn- directorship ..........................yotkolatñe
Devadatta, prtng to school of dirt.......................... krke, kari, 2ñatke
..................................... devadattapake dirty............ kraketstse, sal, eñatketstse
develop .................... plätk-, ecce sprt- dirty, be .................................tin-, krk-
deviate ............................................lait- disagreeable ............................... eñcare
devoted service......................... krtit disappear ..... musk-, näk-, naut-, spärk-
devoted to .............................. krätanke disappear into ..............................wäm-
devour ................................. u-/()w- disappear, decrease and ................ wik-
devout .............................. kärtse-älype disappear, cause to .....................spärk-
dew, prtng to .......................... wriyee disappear, make ..........................musk-
diadem ........................... mahr, mukur disappearance .......................................
diagonally ................................... aknai .................. kselñe, nautalñe, spärklñe
diamond ............................ wjrä, war disappearing, not ....................... aikatte
diamond seat .........................wajrasa disapprove ................................... kärr-
die ................................. sruk-, mante i- disassociated, be .......................... pätk-
difference ..................................... wki disassociation ......................... pätkrñe
difference of opinion ................ tsrorye disavow ........................................ mäll-
different .............................. wätkltstse disburse .............................. parra spw-
differentiation .............. waiptrtstsäññe disc .............................................. yerpe
differently ..................................... lä discourse ..................................... welñe
difficult ................... amsko, waimene, disciple........................aike, akalalle
.................. waimenetstse, amskaitstse discipline .................... sprtto, savar
difficult task .............................. dukär discontent ................................... amar
difficult to traverse .........maskwatstse discord ....................................... ysalye
difficulty ............ kramartsäññe, mskw discreet ..................................... imassu
difficulty, with......................... amskai disdain.......................................... mäll-
dig ...................................................rp- disdainful .......................... appamatia
digestion ........................ pkelñe, pwar disease............................... teki, tekiññe
digestion, absence of .................. acirne disease, complicated . ......... saniptik
dignity ............ kare, perne, käre-perne disease, skin ................................. kuh
diligent.......... (-)ykorñetstse, koylle (?) disengage oneself ..................... mlutk-1
dill ............................................. pissau disgust, show ...................... ykaññ-
diminish (?) ................................ spw- disheveled, be ...............................wäl-
din ................................................newe disintegrate ................................spärk-
direct ........................................ ä-, rk- desirous ......................................... ritau
direct (someone).............................. rit- dispatched ............................... makamo
directed in a single direction alokälymi disperse .......................................täts-
directed to(wards) .............. aiwolätstse disperser............................. parkäuki
............................. aittanka, wräntsaitse displeasure . erkattäññe, erkattäññetstse
directed towards, be ...................... aiw- disposition .............................adhyai
directed towards a single object dispute (?) .................................... mäl-2
......................................... somo-kälymi dispute ......................... moli(ye), alna
direction ........... kälymiye, ekalymiññe dissipate ......................................musk-
................................. ekalymiññetsäññe dissolution ....................... parkäälñe
directly........ tswaiññe, snay-emprukai distant .......................... akañc, akañcar
830 English-Tocharian B reverse index
•G• ghee..............................................peke
ghost ................................. prete, yke
gain .............................. kallau, källlñe giddiness ................................ waipalau
gall .................................................... pit gift........................................yor, ailñe
game ......................................... kñme gift-giving ..................................... ailñe
Ganges .......................................... kank gift-perfection ................... dnapramit
Ganges-sand, like .............. gangavluk ginger ......................................tvnkaro
gape ............................................... ky- ginger, crepe (?)................ kau, kua
Garcinia xanthochymus ............. taml ginseng, Indian .......................avaknt
Garcinia xanthochymus, leaf of girdle (?) ...............................klekaryo
........................................... tamlapaträ girl...................................... amñka
garden ................................................... girl............................................... tkcer
........... werpike, werwiye, wnmññe girl, young ................................ mavi
garden of variegated flowers . give .........................................ai-, truk-
............................ vicitrapup-werpike give approbation to ...... anumodit ym-
gardener .......................... werpikatstse give off ...................................... wlsk-
gardener, monastic head .. pañcwarike give pleasure to........................... plnt-
garland ..............carke, pässäkw, warke give substance to ......................... kutk-
garland of lamps ...................... dipaml give to drink.................................. yok-
garment............................. wastsi, yesti give up ............... r-, rsk-, ri-n-, tärk-1
garment (monk’s overgarment) giving .............................................yor
............................................uttarskä giving ................................ aieñcaññe
garment (upper)..........................ak giving up .............................. rilyñetstse
garment, inner/under ..............antarvs giving, form of unrecognized
garment, edge of..................... kepec(e) .......................................... avijñaptirp
gate ............................................... ?ky glad, be ........................... park-, plnt-
gate (city) .................................. yenme gladden .................park-, plnt-, ktk-
gate-keeper .............................. yenmeu gladness/cheerfulness, causing
gather ................................. kr-, kraup- .......................................... saumanasye
gather up ........................................pär- glance ........................................... pilko
gathering.............. kraupalñe, sanipt gleam ............................................ ruk-1
Gautama Buddha, prtng to ... gautamñe gloom .....................................orkamñe
Gautama, related to (?)............ gautam gloomy ................................... orkamo
gaze ...................................... lklläññe glorious ...................................... perneu
gazelle ............................................. yal Glorious Mendicant ...... mahramañe
gazelle, young ........................ylake glory .............................perne, pernerñe
general (?) ............................ tsykune glow .................................. sälp-, 1tsk-
generous .............................. rilynetstse glowing ................................... sälpamo
genitals exposed ....................... apkai Glycyrrhiza glabra ... matuk, matuyai
genitals hidden ......................... koagat Gmelina arborea, fruit of
gentian, Indian.........................kiratikta ....................................... kamaryaphal
gentle ..................................... lalake go ............................ i-, iy-, mäs-, mit-
gesture ................................... lek, pikr go beyond ............................. lut-, ärk-
get ................................................. kälp- go out ....................................käs-, länt-
get away from ............................. pruk- goad ........................................... kälts-2
get dressed (in) ............................ wäs-1 goal or direction, having a single
838 English-Tocharian B reverse index
potent (of a man) ..................... pretsa press ...................... kälts-, närs-, 1kälts-
Pothos officinalis .................... tecapati press together.............................. wälts-
potsherd (?) ................................ tarka pressing (?) ........................... mällarke
potter ............................... lwakstsaika pressure ........................................ netke
potter’s clay, prtng to ............ kwraiññe pretend ............................... yakne ym-
poultice ............ pakye, tsatspar, pel pretense (?) ................................... nne
pour .................................... ku-, 1kälts- pretense ............................... leamträr
pour out ...................................... mutk- pretext ........................................... ewi
poverty..................................... snaitsñe pretext ................................. leamträr
powder ................................ cr, pwe previous ..................... nauaññe, nauu
power ................akti, maiyyo, warkäl price ............................................... pto
.............. ytalñe, cämpamñe, nete, tant price, lower the ............. pito krp- (K)
power (supernatural) ..........cämpamñe prick up (the ear) ........................... pil-
power (supernatural) ........... raddhi, bl pride ............... am, arwarñe, mpa
power over, have ............................ yt- prince ....................................mäñcuke
powerful ......-ytalñetstse, maiyytstse princess .................................mäñcuka
... maiyyu, wärkaltstse, tsirauññetstse principle ....................................padrth
powerless ...................................... avai prior .................. nau, nauaññe, nauu
practice (n.)upacr, waräälñe, akalye prison ............................... pele, prautke
practice (vb.) .................................wär- private ..................................... emeske
practice (moral behavior) ............ psk- private parts concealed ............ koagat
practicing yoga ...................... yogcre private parts revealed ...............apkai
praise (n.) ..... plalñe, palauna, paplar procedure ......................... vicr, upacr
praise, act of ................................ rtar1 proceed ....................................... kätk-1
praise (vb.) ............................ päl-, rtt- process (n.) ................................... vicr
praiseworthy ............. pälalye, pällarke proclaim ....ks-1, (c)änm-, pkri ym-
praising .........................................rtar ..................................... täp-, parna we-
pravrana-rite, prtng to ....... pravarite proclamation ..................... pkri-ymor
pravrana-rite, a monk about to do the procure ........................................... täk-
................................................ prawarik prod ............................................ wrw-
prayer............................................. lok produce ................................... er-, täm-
precious substance ...................... rat produce (metaphorically) ............. sälk-
precipice .........................................yast produce (of fruit) ................... (c)änm-
predisposition .............................. skeye production ...... utpatti, utpat, lyucalyñe
pregnant .................................. pretsa profit ........................................... kallau
pregnant (of animals?) ............. itomtsa profitable ........... pärkwe, pärkwtse
preparation (medical) ................ raitwe profligacy .................................. akre
prepare ........................................ wänk- profound .................................. kätkare
prepare carefully ......................... särk- profuse ............................................. ite
prepared with ................... N-sa arwre progress (vb.) ..................... ecce sprtt-
presence of, in the .................... enepre promenaded; one who walked about
present (vb.) ................................ sälk- ..............................................cakramit
present (adj.)....... mäskeñca, nesamane prominent family, one from a very
present (n.) ....... pratyutpa, yneaññe ............................................. agrakulike
present, be ............................ äm- läm- promise (n.) .................................. plki
presentation ............................... prayok promote (vb.) ............................... tsäm-
English-Tocharian B reverse index 857
species, the three ................... tärkauka spring (of water) ........................... lme
speculation .................................. vitark sprinkle ......................................... pärs-
speech ............................... plce, welñe sprout ............................... kärk-3, auks-
speech, bad or vulgar (?) ...... apaabdh sprout and stalk................. akwam-pere
spell (as in cast a spell) ............. nässait sprouts (of plants) ..................tsäkana
spend [time] ............................... sprtt- spur (on) .................................... wrw-
Sphaeranthus hirtus ........... nicitakmp spurring ........................... wrwäeñca
sphere of indifference . . upekopavicr spy ......................................... pälkostau
sphere of religion ............ dharmadhtu squatting position .............. parlynk(a)
sphere or object of the mind squeeze ..................mely-, nusk-, klup-
........................................ dharmyata squinting ....................................... yue
spheres of desire, prtng to .................... stability (?) ................................ stemye
...................................... kmvacaräe stag .............................................. karse
spider ............................................ yape stagnant ....................................klyemo
spiderling, red ....................... punarnap stain (?) ......................................... ruwe
spike .............................................. laur stalk ............................................. -pere
spiked .............................. tsänkarwae stamen .......................................... kesr
spikenard ...............................putnakei stammering ........................ kärstautstse
spin ............................................. 2nsk- stanch ...........................................sai-n-
spirit.................................... citt, palsko stand (intr.) .................................. käly-
spirit (benevolent) ....................... yke stand still...................................... käly-
spirit (malevolent) ........................ prete standing ...................................klyemo
spiritual................. palskoe, caitasike star .............................................. cirye
spiritual knowledge ................. bra(h)m starve......................................... mätsts-
spiritual knowledge .............. paramrth state ................................ avasth, bhmi
spiritual powers, poss. the five highest state ................................................. we-
.......................................... pañcbhijñe state of neither consciousness or
spiritual (those who are) .... pälskotstse unconsciousness ........... aivasajñ
spittle ............................................ pitke statement ............................... prajñapti
splendid ............................... peñyatstse station in life ...............................ymye
splendid .......................... pärsantae station in life fixed by birth ..........yoni
splendor .......... lyke, peñiyo, pernerñe stationary ............................. awskatte
split ............................................... wk- stay (vb.) ............... käly-, äm-, walk-
split (?) .......................................... äp- stay (n.) ........................................... sk
split apart ...................................... wk- stay away ................................... präk-
split off ......................................... kaut- steadfast ...............................................
spoke ........................................... puwe ............. prakrauñetstse, eprete, kwants
spontaneously .......................snai prna steadfastness ......................... epretäññe
sport (?) ......................................krit steadiness ....................................popok
spot (come to see) .......................... läk- steady ................... ekaññe, cecämo-
spot ................................ tankko, ruwe steal .................................kälyp-, kärk-1
spots (?) .................................pikanma stealer ................. kälpauki, kärkauca
spread ......................................... sätkor steer................................................ vr
e
spread (by throwing) .................. kärsk- step forward/forth .......................... tep-
spread (out) .................................. sätk- step down ..................................... krp-
spread out/apart (?) ....................... 2tär- step on........................................... tsk-
866 English-Tocharian B reverse index
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la mission Pelliot et Remarques linguistiques.” Journal Asiatique, 1911, 1,
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Meillet, Antoine, and Sylvain Lévi (1912). “Remarques sur les formes
grammaticales de quelques textes en Tokharien B, I. Formes verbales.”
Mémoires de la Société de linguistique de Paris 18:1-33.
Meillet, Antoine, and Sylvain Lévi (1913). “Remarques sur les formes nominales
de quelques textes en Tokharien B, I. Formes verbales.” Mémoires de la
Société de linguistique de Paris 18:381-423.
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