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article, ‘To Give up on Words: Silence in Western Apache Culture’. In order to map the
argument, I will be doing the following things. First, I will be presenting what I believe to
be the article’s main claims. I will define any terms or concepts needed to understand
them. Then I will be linking the claims to the kinds of evidence that the author offers in
support of them. Based on the connections that I find between the claims and the
evidence, I will rename the claims so that they can be understood as parts in Basso’s
larger argument structure. I will then make explicit the ways in which they are linked
together. That is, I will present in closing my mapping of the interrelated parts that as I
understand them define the article’s overall argument structure. In the case here,
specifically, I will be arguing that there are six strong ethnographic facts and one
additional weak ethnographic fact, for which the author then provides one general
Keith Basso focuses on the linguistic culture of the Western Apaches in this
article. He studies a peculiar linguistic form in this article. He focuses on the absence of
speech, or ‘silence’. He makes nine interrelated claims in the argument of this article. The
first six, as will be discussed below, are similar. They all identify a particular social
situation in which a significant silence takes place. He identifies these six contexts as:
meeting strangers, courting, children coming home from (boarding) school, getting
cussed out, ‘being with people who are sad’, and ‘being with someone for whom they
sing’. All of these contexts are self-explanatory, but it should be noted that two of them
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appear to be specific ritual events for the Apache: ‘being with those who are sad’ and
‘being with someone for whom they sing’. The former is a ritualized form of mourning
and the latter is a ritualized form of healing. As a seventh claim Basso argues that silence
also occurs in situations when respect for an authoritative addressee is presupposed. His
eighth claim is that, in general, silence indexically presupposes social situations in which
there are social relations that are or have become ambiguous and/or are unpredictable.
This is a generalization of the previous seven claims because across all of them the target
of the silence is either unknown or unpredictable for the person with the option of
speaking to them. Finally, his ninth claim is that similar findings about the meaning of
silence for a group of Navajo suggest further support for his findings here.
The evidence that Basso relies on to support the claims above needs to be
discussed. Though the details are not given, the claims reported in this article are based
on fieldwork that he did among the Apache over the period, 1964-1969. Though at one
informants’, p. 225), all of the claims relevant to this argument mapping are based on two
more general types of ethnographic evidence. The claims are all supported by an appeal
to the idea that they are true according to what he generally observed among the Apache
and/or what his informants told him. This idea is mentioned many times in the article.
Basso also draws on this general ethnographic method and offers examples for some of
the claims that he makes. As such, they are assumed to be specific examples of the
Basso’s first six claims are all supported by the kinds of ethnographic evidence
reviewed above. As such, in the argument mapping here, I am going to label them all the
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same way. They are being called ‘strong ethnographic facts’. His seventh claim cannot be
grouped with the others above. It is a weaker claim in the overall argument. He does
report that silence also indexically presupposes contexts in which respect is shown by a
(silent) ‘speaker’ to the addressee. He admits, however, that his ethnographic data for this
claim is ‘incomplete’ (p. 214, fn. 2). This weaker form of evidence distinguishes this
claim from the previous six mentioned above and has to be taken into consideration. In
contrast to the first six claims, I named this claim a ‘weak ethnographic fact’. Basso’s
eighth claim relies completely on the six strong ethnographic facts and, more loosely, on
the one weak one. It consciously provides a single generalization about Apache culture
that thus explains these more specific ethnographic facts. As such, I am calling it a
‘general ethnographic explanation’. Basso’s ninth and final claim merely reports work
done by another researcher. That work claims that there are very similar facts about the
use of silence in a relatively nearby group of Navaho. The significance of this finding for
Basso’s argument, and thus the reason he reports it in his article, is that it provides further
evidence for his own findings. The logic is implicit here however. It is based on the idea
of cultural influence. If another group of Native Americans, who live relatively close to
the Apache, display very similar uses of silence, Basso has additional evidence to account
for his own findings. Another geographically- and thus culturally-related group showing
the same patterns that he found among the Apache supports his specific and general
points to this point in the argument. It exists alongside the general form of explanation he
has provided. As such, I isolated out his reporting of this other data in his overall
silence among the Western Apache. In my argument, there are four basic elements in the
structure of his argument. In closing, I will review them here explicitly. His argument is
composed first out of six strong ethnographic facts. He adds an additional weak
ethnographic fact to these six. He then provides a general ethnographic explanation’ for
all seven of these facts. Finally, he offers further evidence that both proves and explains