Did The So-Called Thraco-Macedonian Sta PDF

ΚΑΙΡΟΣ
Contributions to Numismatics
in Honor of Basil Demetriadi
ΚΑΙΡΟΣ
Contributions to Numismatics
in Honor of Basil Demetriadi
Edited by
Ute Wartenberg and Michel Amandry
THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY

NEW YORK
2015
© 2015 The American Numismatic Society
ISBN 978-0-89722-338-6
Printed in China
Contents
Preface ix
Acknowledgements xi
Tabula Gratulatoria xiii
Patricia Felch. Basil C. Demetriadi 1
Friedrich Burrer. Die Hemidrachmen-Prägung von Gyrton 5
François de Callataÿ. A Long-Term View (15th–18th Centuries) on Prices Paid
to Acquire Ancient Coins 33
Wolfgang Fischer-Bossert. Die Eule der Athena 45
Evangelia Georgiou. The Coinage of Orthe 55
Jonathan Kagan. Maximilian John Borrell (c. 1802–1870). Dealer, Collector,
and Forgotten Scholar and the Making of the Historia Numorum 83
Sophia Kremydi and Michel Amandry. Le monnayage d’époque sévérienne frappé à
Aigosthènes en Mégaride 97
John H. Kroll. Small Bronze Tokens from the Athenian Agora: Symbola or Kollyboi? 107
Catharine C. Lorber. The Beginning of the Late Facing Head Drachm Coinage of
Larissa 117
Aliki Moustaka. Bendis and the Wolf: An Unpublished Numismatic Type from
Thessalian Phaloria 147
Olivier Picard. Corpus et classement des émissions: les bronzes hellénistiques
de Thasos 153
Selene E. Psoma. Did the So-called Thraco-Macedonian Standard Exist? 167
Pierre Requier. Une rare série de Cos sans portrait imperial du IIIème siècle 191
Kenneth A. Sheedy. The Emergency Coinage of Timotheus (364–362 B.C.) 203
Derek R. Smith. New Varieties of the Eleusinian Triptolemos/Piglet Coinage
from the BCD Collection 225
Vassiliki E. Stefanaki. Corpus des monnaies aux dauphins attribuées à Potidaion/
Poseidion de Carpathos 231
Peter G. van Alfen. The Chalkid(ik)ian Beginnings of Euboian Coinage 255
Hans-Christoph von Mosch and Laura-Antonia Klostermeyer.
Ein Stempelschneider auf Reisen. Die Antinoosmedaillons des Hostilios Markellos
und Hadrians Reise im Jahr 131/2 n. Chr. 285
Mary E. Hoskins Walbank. Prospectus for Palaimon 327
Ute Wartenberg. Thraco-Macedonian Bullion Coinage in the Fifth Century B.C.:
The Case of Ichnai 347
Arnold-Peter C. Weiss. The Persic Distaters of Nikokles Revisited 365
Did the So-called Thraco-Macedonian Standard Exist?*
Selene E. Psoma
In a seminal article, Georges Le Rider demonstrated that during the Archaic period Southern Italy was
a closed monetary zone reserved to the “Achaean standard.”1 Such coins are struck on a stater of 8 g
and show the peculiar feature of an incuse technique. Le Rider explained this so-called Achaean stan-
dard as well as the peculiar incuse technique of these coins as an effort of the cities that adopted them
to create their own closed monetary zone. Based on hoard evidence and on overstrikes of Corinthian
staters,2 he showed that this helped to exclude all other currencies from circulation.3 Trade brought
Corinthian staters of 8.6 g to Sybaris, Metapontion, and Kroton, the Achaean colonies that produced
huge quantities of grain and leather from big animals, preserved fish, and other commodities.4 As Le
Rider explained, by requiring one Corinthian stater of 8.6 g for a local stater of 8 g, these cities made a
profit of 7%.5 This essay of Georges Le Rider opened new perspectives in the study of weight standards
and is a key point for their explanation.
* I dedicate this study to my friend Basil Demetriades, the bienfaiteur par excellence of numismatic studies. Basil opened to
numismatists his personal numismatic library and was always generous in assisting other scholars. Basil showed his kindness
not only to me but also to my dog Brasidas, who enjoyed his company and his gifts.
1. Le Rider 1989, 167–71.
2. For an illustration of an overstrike of a Corinthian stater by Metapontion see Kraay 1976, pl. 2 no 40.
3. Le Rider 1989, 169–71.
4. Salmon 1984, 135. Their products were also depicted on the coins of some of them: the stachys at Metapontion and an
ox at Sybaris.
5. With the adoption of this standard by almost all other cities of Southern Italy during the fifth century B.C. this zone
became larger and included all this area. The impact of this standard is reflected in the coinage of Thourioi, the Panhellenic
colony at the site of Sybaris and some other coinages that were all struck on a more reduced standard. At Taras the stater was
called nomos (Arist. frg 590 apud Poll. Onomast. 9.80.4) and its weight was 7.8–8 g while the stater of Terina was 7.6 g. See
Rutter 1984, 61.
167
168 Selene E. Psoma
Many scholars, including myself, have thought that the Greek colonies of the Aegean coast of
Thrace, some Thracian tribes, and the Macedonian kings used a weight standard for their coinages,
which has been called the Thraco-Macedonian standard.6 Colin Kraay described this standard in
the following way: “this name is attached to the extremely complicated weight standard of northern
Greece; in reality it consists of three parallel series of weights between which there is no obvious inter
relation.”7 This chapter will reconsider new (and old) evidence and provide a better explanation for
the weight standards of these coinages.8 This explanation takes into account trade networks, profit,
and the relationship between colonies and mother cities. I will try to show that there was no common
Thraco-Macedonian standard but three distinct standards:
1. A reduced version of the old Milesian standard of the very earliest coinages of the Chalkidic
peninsula and Alexander I with a stater of 14.2 g.
2. The monetary standard of the Parian colonies that all lay between the Strymon and the Nestos
rivers (Thasos, Neapolis, Galepsos, Berge, etc.), and also Thracian tribes of the same area
(Ichnaians, Orrescians, etc.). This standard is a reduced version of the Aeginetic standard used
by the metropolis of Thasos, Paros, with a stater less than 10 g and fractions on the duodecimal
system.
3. A reduced version of the Chian standard of Abdera and from the early fifth century B.C. of
Dikaia-by-Abdera and Maroneia.
There were a number of common features shared by the different issuing authorities:
1. Electron coins of the Chalkidic peninsula,9 the ”Thasian Peraia”,10 Dikaia-by-Abdera,11 Maroneia12
and other unidentified issuing authorities, whose staters and fractions were part of a small hoard
that was discovered in Western Thrace (CH II 1).13 These were always issued on the Milesian
standard.14 The Milesian standard was the earliest monetary standard and the standard on which
the electron coinage of Chios, Maroneia’s mother city was issued.15
6. For the term “Thraco-Macedonian” see also Raymond 1953, 18 n. 1; Lorber 1990, 31–2 with n. 43. For the early standard
of the cities of the Chalkidic peninsula I preferred in previous publications the term: a reduced version of the Thraco-
Macedonian standard: Psoma 2003; 2005; 2006; Liampi 2005, 240–1.
7. Kraay 1976, 329. He continues: “some mints (e.g., Abdera) employed more than one series for different denominations
at the same time; (…) important weights are the stater of 9.8 g at Thasos and “Lete”, the octadrachm of 29.5 g at Abdera and
of Alexander I, the tetradrachms of 14.7 at Abdera, and of 13.1 g of Alexander I.” In a separate lemma he noted that the name
Phoenician standard, “is sometimes applied to similar weights elsewhere which probably arose independently” and referred
to “the standard (ca. 14.4 g) of the Chalkidic League, which was adopted by Philip II for his silver coinage.” Kraay based his
view on the “Thraco-Macedonian” on May’s study on the coinage of Abdera (May 1966) and mainly on Raymond’s study on
the Macedonian Regal Coinage to 413 B.C. (Raymond 1953).
8. Between the 1970s and 2011 several hoards were published containing coins which scholars attributed to this standard.
During the last 30 years a significant number of small fractions of these coinages have been published. These small fractions
provide valuable new evidence about the weight standards of these coinages, which make a new study a desideratum. Cf.
Kagan 2006, 54.
9. For fractions of 2.5 g depicting fishes: Portolos and Psoma (forthcoming).
10. For Ennea Hodoi see Triton VI 14/ 1/ 2003, no. 201. For the “Thasian Peraia” see Psoma (forthcoming 2).
11. For Dikaia-by-Abdera see Psoma 2008, 187. For the fourth known specimen see Triton VIII 11/1/ 2005, no 248 (2.61 g)
with more details about the other three coins.
12. For Maroneia see Psoma 2008, 187: staters (14 g) and forty-eighths (0.28 g) on the Milesian standard.
13. Electron coins of 13.99 g, 14.00 g, 14.05 g, 2.85 g, 0.69 g, 0.74 g, and 0.34 g.
14. Psoma 2008, 187.
15. For the early coinage of Chios (electron hektai on the Milesian standard): Hardwick 1991, 214–217, nos. 2–13. For
Chios as metropolis of Maroneia: Ps.-Scymn. Ad Nicomedem regem, vv.19, 980, 676–678: Εἶτεν Μαρώνει᾽, οὗ κατοικῆσαι
Did the So-called Thraco-Macedonian Standard Exist? 169
2. The heaviest denomination of ca. 30 g, issued by Alexander I, Thracian tribes that used the
monetary standard of the Parian colonies, and also by the city of Abdera.
3. The earliest silver of Dikaia and Maroneia issued with the weight of the stater of the “Thasian
Peraia.”
Objections to Raymond’s Theory
D. Raymond offered us the most complete study of the Thraco-Macedonian standard.16 According to
her, one fiftieth of the light Babylonian mina, the stater of 9.82 g, was the “source for all the variety
of weights in that area,”17 and “was the creation of the tribes of the region.”18 The basis of this view
was her assumption that the oldest coinages in Thrace were issued by local ethne on this standard.19
Evidence for these tribes comes from literary sources, mainly Herodotos, and the coins themselves:
their ethnics are written in Greek on the obverse in the Parian alphabet and sometimes with letters
deriving from the Euboean alphabet.20 The theory developed by D. Raymond was widely followed.21
Several objections can be made to this theory:
1. Hoard evidence, overstrikes, inscriptions, and occasional finds in the area between the
Haliakmon and the Nestos rivers reveal that there were four different zones of circulation.
These were: (a) the Macedonian kingdom between the Haliakmon and the Axios rivers, (b) the
Chalkidic peninsula, (c) the “Thasian Peraia” between the Strymon and the Nestos rivers, (d) the
area between the Nestos and the Hebros rivers, that I will call Aegean Thrace. The early coinages
of the Macedonian kings, the Greek cities and the Thracian tribes circulated locally and did not
travel to neighboring areas.22
a. The earliest hoards from the Macedonian Kingdom point in the same direction, as they
included only silver coins of Alexander I: (a) CΗ ΙΧ 1323 from Nea Philadelpheia in the
vicinity of Thessaloniki with two hemiobols of Alexander I, and (b) CH IX 12 from the
cemetery of Pydna with five tetradrachms, five tetrobols, 11 trihemiobols and 28 hemiobols
of Alexander I.24
τὸ πρίν τοὺς Κίκονας ἱστοροῦσι τοὺς ἐν Ἰσμάρῳ· αὕτη δὲ Χίων ἐγένεθ᾽ ὕστερον κτίσις.
16. Raymond offered an almost full list of fractions of regal Macedonian coinage down to 413 B.C. and noted that “all these
weights are found, along with still others not used by the Macedonian kings, in the Thraco-Macedonian tribal coinage.” She
continues: “Head and others have assigned those sixth century tribal coins weighing ca. 9+ to the Babylonian standard and
those of 28–29 to the Phoenician…but no one has satisfactorily explained the tetradrachms of 13+:” Raymond 1953, 19. Cf.
Lorber 2008.
17. Raymond 1953, 20.
18. Raymond 1953, 23.
19. Raymond 1953, 19–20.
20. For the coinages of these tribes see Svoronos 1919; Gaebler 1935; Psoma 2006. For these tribes see Zannis 2014,
273–317.
21. For a list of scholars see Lorber 1990, 31–2 with n. 43.
22. For hoards see infra. For overstrikes see Tselekas 2002, 17–27. For occasional finds I wish to thank Chr. Gatzolis of the
Museum of Thessaloniki for this information.
23. For the Nea Philadelpheia hoard see Μisaelidou-Despotidou 1998, 63–70.
24. The hoard will be published by Chr. Gatzolis and S. Psoma. Excavation data and occasional finds from these areas that
were very kindly provided to me by Christos Gatzolis of the Thessaloniki Museum and Vassilis Poulios of the Museum of
Kavala bring additional evidence to this same direction.
170 Selene E. Psoma
b. The Ormylia hoard (CH VIII 37) from the Chalkidic peninsula contains only specimens
issued in this area.25
c. In the “Thasian Peraia” the situation is very similar; all hoards contain only local currencies:
the Pontolivado hoard (CH VIII 16), with 27 hemiekta of Thasos and four of Neapolis,26
and the small Drama hoard (CH VIII 75), with hemiekta from “Eion,”27 and Thasos.
d. Excavations at Abdera, Dikaia, and Maroneia reveal that with the exception of the largest
denominations of Abdera and Dikaia, the coinages of these cities circulated locally and
are very rarely found outside the territories of the issuing authority.28 A hoard of early
silver coins including many small fractions of Abdera comes undoubtedly from the area
of Abdera.29 A hoard of silver of Maroneia (IGCH 718) that was excavated at the site of
Archaic and Classical Maroneia also points to local circulation.30
2. The fact that the coins of the Macedonian kingdom, the Chalkidic peninsula, the “Thasian
Peraia”, and the cities of Aegean Thrace each circulated locally would appear to indicate that
there is not a common standard shared by these areas. Thus, four distinct areas can be traced:
the Macedonian kingdom, the Chalkidic peninsula, the Thasian Peraia, and Aegean Thrace.
3. The coinages that Raymond et alii attributed to Thracian tribes were minted by Greek cities.
The oldest coinage in the North was minted by Berge, an advanced Parian colony close to the
mines of Pangaion.31 It depicts a dancing couple of a Satyr and a Maenad. The incuse square
on the reverse places this coinage among the earliest, if not the earliest, coinages minted on
the European continent.32 The coinage with Pegasus on the obverse that Raymond attributed
to the Thracian tribes has now been shown to belong to Argilos, a colony of Andros, located
immediately to the west of the Strymon.33 The early fifth-century coinage with the running goat
on the obverse, some issues of which have the letters ΛΑ or ΑΛ in the Parian alphabet (i.e. ΓA
or AΓ), was previously attributed to Aigai. Recent studies have shown that this coinage was also
minted in the area of the “Thasian Peraia”.34 An attribution to Galepsos, a Parian colony of this
area was proposed on the evidence of the survival of the running goat type on bronze coins issued
by this city during the fourth century B.C.35 The silver coinages that were present in the so-called
25. This is also the case of the earliest hoard buried in Olynthus (IGCH 356), which contains silver coins of Torone and
Sermylia (but these were on the Euboean-Corinthian standard). For Torone see Hardwick 1998, 119–134; for Sermylia see
Psoma 2001b, 13–44, and for the hoard: Psoma 2001a, 175.
26. Oeconomides 1990, 533–540.
27. Hemiekta of “Eion” were also part of some fourth-century B.C. hoards: (a) IGCH 364, anc. Tragilos, 1936, with eight
coins; (b) CH VIII 75, Drama, 1983, with 15 coins, three “diobols”, one obol of Thasos, and one triobol of Neapolis): AEMTh 9,
1995 (1998) 411–22 spec. 413–14; (c) CH IX 61, Gazoros, two drachms and five hemiekta of Thasos, one hemidrachm of
Neapolis, one hemiekton of “Eion”, and one drachm (trite) of Berge: Psoma 2002, 205–229.
28. For the coinage of Abdera see Chryssanthaki-Nagle 2007. For Maroneia see Psoma et al. 2008. For Dikaia see Schönert-
Geiss 1975.
29. CH X 6. Part of this hoard was bought by J. H. Kagan and was donated to the Numismatic Museum of Athens. For this
hoard see Kagan 2006, 49–59.
30. For this hoard see Lorber 1991, 65–72; Psoma in Psoma et al. 2008, 167–170.
31. Smith 1999, 32–39; Psoma 2006, 61–85. The attribution to Berge finds some support from local finds, information given to
me very recently about findspots of fractions North West of Amphipolis. For an hemiekton from Argilos see Liampi 2005, 271.
32. These coins of Berge have been found in some of the earliest hoards buried in Egypt and the Levant. See Psoma 2006,
65–66.
33. Liampi 1994, 7–36; Liampi 2005.
34. Picard 1985, 182.
35. Psoma 2003, 231–242.
Gerakini hoard are all of very early date and should also be attributed to Greek cities of the
Chalkidic peninsula.36 These coinages are the earliest in the area and are dated to the period 530
B.C. onwards. By contrast, the coinages of the Thracian tribes (Ichnaians, Laiaians, Orrescians,
Pernaians) are dated to a later period.37 Some of them (Bisaltai and Edonians) continued down
to the 460s B.C. while the coinage of the Derrones continued even later.
4. It is very unlikely that the Greek cities adopted the standard of the Thracian tribes. Normally the
Greek cities adopt one of the main monetary standards (the Milesian, the Aeginetic, the Corin-
thian, Euboic, etc.) or reduced versions of one of these.38
We will now turn to the coinages that were struck on the so-called “Thraco-Macedonian” stan-
dard, beginning with the Chalkidic peninsula and continuing with Alexander I of Macedonia. We
will then turn to the coinages of the so-called Thasian Peraia, and finally to the coinages of Abdera,
Dikaia-by-Abdera, and Maroneia.
The Chalkidic Peninsula and Argilos39
These very earliest coinages of cities of the Chalkidic peninsula are silver staters of Sermylia (median
weight of the stater: 13.73 g) Torone, Argilos (median weight of the stater: 13.50 g), and other issu-
ing authorities depicting a standing goat,40 a gorgoneion, fishes, or a sphinx.41 There are also silver
fractions of one fourth, ca. 3.6 g, one eighth, 1.80 and ca. 0.60 g, minted with the types of Sermylia,42
fourths of the stater of ca. 3.6 g minted by the issuing authorities of the staters with a goat or fishes
on the obverse.43 Other issuing authorities from the same area, as shown by the 1982 Gerakini hoard
from the chora of Sermylia (CH VIII 37),44 issued fourths with a wasp to the right or to the left,45 a
ram’s head or a forepart of a ram with big horn to the right.46 To these we can add the small fractions
with gorgoneion, the fourths of a stater with various types (horse’s forepart, boar, oenoechoe, running
dog, tripod, sepia) and the smaller fractions with crabs. These silver coinages appear to have used a
reduced version of the Milesian standard.47 The stater is divided in fourths, eighths, etc. This points
to the adoption of the Mainland system of division. Evidence in this direction is also brought by an
36. See Portolos and Psoma (forthcoming).

37. See Wartenberg, this volume.
38. Psoma (forthcoming 1).
39. The contacts of Argilos with the Chalkidic peninsula are also revealed by the presence of coins of cities of the Chalkidic
peninsula at Argilos and also by the hoard of silver coins of Akanthos that was excavated at the site of Argilos: Liampi 2005,
266–70 (hoard) and 270 ff.
40. For Torone see Hardwick 1998, 119–134. For Sermylia: Psoma 2001, 13–44. For Argilos: Liampi 1994, 7–36; 2005,
241–243. For the Aigantioi: Psoma 2003, 230.
41. Staters with gorgoneion, fishes or a sphinx were part of CH VIII 37 from Sermylia.
42. A rider occurs on the staters and the drachms, and the forepart of a horse on the hemidrachms and the obols: Psoma
2001b, 13–44.
43. For staters and drachms with a standing goat see Psoma 2003, 230, pl. I, 6–7. For staters with four fishes see Traité,
pl. LXII, 15. For drachms with three (?) fishes see Schwabacher 1939, 5: no. 3a (3.49 g) and 3b (3.06 g).
44. A first report on this hoard was given by M. J. Price in CH VIII 37, 5, pl. III 20–23 and IV 1–17.
45. Schwabacher 1939, 6 no. 4 (3.48 g), pl. I, 10.
46. Schwabacher 1939, 7 no. 5 (4.09 g), pl. I, 6.
47. It was E. Babelon (1901–1903, nos. 1810–1816) who first considered this standard as Milesian. Cf. Liampi 2006, 242–
243 for discussion.
172 Selene E. Psoma
early inscription from Stageira that mentions drachmas.48 This same system was shared with Ionia, as
inscriptions on small fractions of Kolophon reveal.49 We have thus the following system of fractions:
Stater (tetradrachm) ca. 14 g
Halves (didrachms) ca. 7 g
Fourths (drachm) ca. 3.5 g
Eighths (hemidrachms/triobols) ca. 1.7 g
Twelfths (diobols) ca. 1.2 g
Sixteenths (trihemiobols) ca. 0.9 g
Twenty-fourths (obols) ca. 0.6 g
The adoption of a reduced version of the Milesian standard, the oldest monetary standard, by the
Greek cities of the Chalkidic peninsula may reflect the impact of Milesian and other Ionian commercial
activity in the Chalkidic peninsula. The cities of this area could export wine and other commodities to
Miletus and also timber for ship-building. Miletus provided 80 ships for the battle of Lade (Hdt. 6.8).
The Great King granted Histiaios of Miletus control over the city of Myrkinos, where the Milesian
Aristagoras later established his headquarters.50 Myrkinos was in the vicinity of Ennea Hodoi and not
far away from Argilos and the Chalkidic peninsula.51 One also recalls the tradition preserved by the
Suda about Colophonians and other Ionians involved in mining activity in the area of the Strymon
river.52 Samians, Erythraeans, and Parians were involved in the international arbitration (diaitesia)
between Chalkidians and Andrians for the control of Akanthos.53
Torone, Sermylia, and Argilos and the other cities of the Chalkidic peninsula that used this
reduced version of the Milesian standard, abandoned it at the very beginning of the fifth century B.C.
and followed a standard whose popularity in this area increased. This standard derived from both the
Euboean and the Corinthian standards.54 Similarly the city of Teos in Ionia abandoned the Milesian
standard and switched to the Aeginetan.55
48. For the inscription from Stageira see Sismanidis 2003, 63. For the trihemiobols with the initials TPIH on the reverse
see Psoma 1996, 97–110. For the diobols and the trihemiobols of the Macedonian king with the initials ΔΙΟΒ and ΤΡΙΗ see
Psoma 1999, 273–282.
49. Barron 1966, 9. For Kolophon see Milne 1941, nos 2–10, 32–33.
50. Hdt. 5.11; 23; 124 and 126.
51. Argilos issued also hektai (2.46–2.40 g) and forty-eights of the stater (0.40–0.25 g). For the division in sixths, thirty-seconds
and forty-eighths see Liampi 2006. It has been shown that the thirty-sixths and the forty-eights are one and the same denomi-
nation: Fischer-Bossert 2007, 184–8. The reason Argilos adopted the Milesian standard and its division in sixths, twelves, etc.,
was because the city was in the vicinity of the so-called Thasian Peraia where the duodecimal system was followed. Later, in the
fourth century, Amphipolis, which adopted the weight standard of the Chalkidians of Thrace and their numismatic habits, struck
drachms of 3.4 g under the influence of Neapolis and Thasos. The silver coins of Amphipolis and Thasos circulated together as
reveals CH IX 18 from the cemetery of Gazoros with a burial date early in the fourth century B.C. See Poulios 2009, 227–233.
52. Suda s.v. Χρυσὸς Κολοφώνιος· οἱ Κολοφώνιοι τὸν κάλλιστον χρυσὸν εἰργάσαντο· καὶ γὰρ πολύ φασι
παραλλάττειν τοῦ ἄλλου τὸν Κολοφώνιον χρυσόν. καὶ τάχα ἴσως οἱ ἐκπεσόντες τῆς οἰκείας Λυδῶν τὰ περὶ Θρᾴκην
καὶ Στρυμόνα χρύσεια κατέσχον μέταλλα σύν τισιν Ἰώνων καὶ ἐσπούδασαν περὶ τὸν χρυσόν.
53. Plut. Aetia Romana et Graeca 298.A.3–B.6.
54. Psoma (forthcoming 1).
55. Kagan 2006, 54–55, with bibliography and discussion.
Alexander I
Alexander I of Macedonia issued silver staters and their smaller fractions and also coins of ca. 29 g.56
The staters and their fractions circulated locally,57 while the silver coins of c. 29 g are absent from
hoards buried in the kingdom and traveled, together with big fractions of other coinages, to Syria,
Egypt, and the Levant.58 Alexander’s silver coinage began in the 460s B.C. and continued to the end
of his reign:59
Staters (Rider/square and at a later stage forepart of goat): 12.40–13.40 g60
Sixths or heavy tetrobols (full weight: rider/square and later lion): 2.20–2.30 g
Sixths or light tetrobolos (low weight: horse/Argive helmet):
61
1.90–2.15 g
Twelfths or trihemiobols
(Forepart of horse/square and later helmet; later series: horse and ivy leaf/square): 0.90–1.05 g
Twenty-fourths or obols (male head wearing petasos/square): ca. 0.60 g
Forty-eighths or hemiobols (spearhead and later horse’s head/ square): 0.25–0.30 g
Of later date are also small fractions for which a terminology deriving from the obol system was
adopted:62
Diobols (horse/square or ΔΙΟΒ): 0.60–0.65 g
Trihemiobols (forepart of horse or head with petasos/TRIH or TRIE): 0.41–0.45 g
Hemiobols (head with petasos/square):63 0.25 g
With a weight of the stater between 12.40 g and 13.40 g, the weight standard of the coinage of
Alexander was also a light(er) version of the Milesian standard. The reason why the Macedonian king
adopted this standard is probably because of the old commercial activity between his kingdom and the
cities of the Chalkidic peninsula. The Greek colonies of this area could export wine in large quantities
to the court of Aigai and also other commodities such as olive oil and grain.64 The peninsula of Pallene
was opposite Pydna, the kingdom’s main port. Mende, from where wine was exported to Macedonia,
and other cities of this peninsula issued some of the coinages that were part of the Ormylia hoard and
were all issued on the reduced Milesian standard.65 Direct contact with Ionia (and Caria) cannot be
excluded. The predecessors of Alexander I might also have imported grain from Egypt, shipped on
Ionian vessels.66
56. For the coinage of Alexander I see Raymond 1953, 100ff; Kagan 1987, 22–23.
57. IGCH 365.
58. See IGCH 1182, 1482, 1790; CH IX 437.
59. Kagan 1987, 22–23.
60. 52 out of 70, 62 staters listed by Raymond, and eight staters of SNG Alpha Bank, had a weight between 12.40 and 13.40 g.
61. The helmet on the reverse of the coins of Alexander I and his successor Perdikkas II is not Illyrian but of Argive origin,
as Aliki Moustaka has very convincingly shown: Moustaka 2000, 393–410.
62. For the coinage of Alexander I see supra n. 56. For the attribution of a number of fractions not in SNG Alpha Bank see
Psoma 1999, 273–82.
63. The spearhead and horse’s head hemiobols have a square on the reverse, and the male head wearing petasos have
phatnomata: Psoma 1999, 273–282.
64. Psoma (forthcoming 1). Alexander I imported grain also from Egypt, as we learn by Bacchylides (Encom. 3 l. 15–16).
65. For Mende see Portolos and Psoma (forthcoming).
66. For Alexander see supra n. 64. For early grain trade see also Roebuck 1950, 236–247.
174 Selene E. Psoma
Alexander I adopted the duodecimal fractional system that was in use in the area of the Thasian
Peraia. This system was also used by Argilos.67 For Argilos, it may be explained by the fact that this city
was immediately on the west bank of the Strymon river, in the vicinity of the so-called Thasian Peraia.
For Alexander I, the best explanation may be related to the king’s contacts with this area. Combined
evidence from Herodotos and Plutarch, from a letter of Alexander III to the city of Philippi, as well as
evidence from the decadrachm hoard shows that after 463 B.C. the king gained the control of the rich
mints of Mount Pangaion.68
The Heavy Silver Coinage of Alexander I and Local Ethne
Alexander I issued large silver coins of ca. 28.60–29.00 g, more than double the weight of his silver
staters.69 Silver coins of this weight were previously issued by the city of Abdera, well before the end
of the sixth century B.C.,70 and by the Ichnaians, the Orrescians, and the Laiaians.71 They were then
followed by the Bisaltai and Getas, the king of the Edonians.72 Their coinages date between the 480s
and the 450s B.C., as hoard evidence and stylistic development reveal.73 On the basis of evidence from
the Decadrachm hoard, dates in the last decade of Alexander’s reign (463–454 B.C.) were proposed
for his triple-staters (megaloi stateres).74 During this period, the king controlled the mines of Mount
Pangaion, which had some impact on his coinage.75 It was in the area between the Strymon and
the Nestos rivers that all the other heavy silver coins (with the exception of those of Abdera) were
issued. With a weight of ca. 28.60–29.00 g these coins were three times heavier than the staters of
the Ichnaians, the Orrescians, and the Laiaians, and twice as heavy as the staters (tetradrachms) of
Abdera. They could thus be considered as their triple-staters. The Bisaltai, the king of Macedonia
and the unknown Mosses, struck silver coins of ca. 4 g, with similar types reproducing the types of
the triple-staters. This denomination was also issued by cities of the “Thasian Peraia”. It was half the
67. For Argilos: Liampi 1994, 7–36; 2005, 241–243.

68. This was a hypothesis advanced by J. H. Kagan (1987, 25). He was based on Hdt. 5.17 (Ἐπέμποντο δὲ οὗτοι παρὰ
Ἀμύντην αἰτήσοντες γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ Δαρείῳ βασιλέϊ. Ἔστι δὲ ἐκ τῆς Πρασιάδος λίμνης σύντομος κάρτα ἐς τὴν
Μακεδονίην· πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἔχεται τῆς λίμνης τὸ μέταλλον ἐξ οὗ ὕστερον τούτων τάλαντον ἀργυρίου Ἀλεξάνδρῳ
ἡμέρης ἑκάστης ἐφοίτα, μετὰ δὲ τὸ μέταλλον Δύσωρον καλεόμενον ὄρος ὑπερβάντι εἶναι ἐν Μακεδονίῃ), Plut. Cim.
14.3 (ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ῥᾳδίως ἐπιβῆναι Μακεδονίας καὶ πολλὴν ἀποτεμέσθαι παρασχὸν ὡς ἐδόκει, μὴ θελήσας αἰτίαν ἔσχε
δώροις ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀλεξάνδρου συμπεπεῖσθαι, καὶ δίκην ἔφυγε τῶν ἐχθρῶν συστάντων ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν) and
evidence from the decadrachm hoard. It was confirmed by the correct interpretation of the word πωλεῖν by M. Faraguna in
the letter of Alexander III to the city of Philippi (SEG 34.664 B10–12): τὴν δὲ γῆν τὴν ἐν Δυ[σωρω]ι μηθένα πωλεῖν τέως
ἡ πρεσβεία πα[ρὰ τοῦ Ἀλε]ξάνδρου ἐπανέλθηι· τὰ δὲ ἕλη ε[ἶναι τῶν] Φιλίππων ἕως γεφύρας.) See Faraguna 1998,
369–78.
69. I wish to thank J. H. Kroll for this suggestion.
70. For these coins that belong to Abdera Groups I and II see May 1966, 49–81; Price-Waggoner 1975, 36–7; Kagan 2006,
49–57; Chryssanthaki-Nagle 2007, 97–107.
71. For the coinages of these tribes (?) see Svoronos 1919; Gaebler 1935, 63–66 (Ichnaians), 89–92 (Orrescians); Price-
Waggoner 1975, 33 (Laiaians).
72. Gaebler 1935, 48–50 (Bisaltai), 144 (Getas of the Edonians). For the dates of the Bisaltic coins see Kagan 1987, 23–5;
Price 1987, 44–45.
73. Wartenberg, this volume.
74. Kagan 1987, 22–3; Price 1987, 45. For megaloi stateres see chrysoi alexandreioi megaloi in the deed of sale from
Amphipolis: Hatzopoulos 1996, no. 90 face B.1 l. 3 (= SEG 41.564}; cf. SEG 50.554 bis.
75. Kagan 1987, 25.
weight of the contemporary staters of the cities of the so-called Thasian Peraia and the Ichnaians, the
Orrescians and the Laiaians76 (Table 1).77
Table 1. Large Fractions of Alexander I, Mosses, and Thracian tribes
Orrescians Ichnaians Bisaltai Edonians Alexander I Mosses
(500–480 B.C.) (500–480 B.C.) (480–460 B.C.) (480–460 B.C.) (late 460s, (late 460s,
450s) 450s)
Triple- 2 oxen and a 2 oxen and a Horse with Horse with Horse with Horse with
staters man/ cruciform man/ wheel attendant attendant attendant and attendant
incuse square 28.30–28.20 28.80–28.40 29–28 later rider 29.32 g
28.30–28.20 29.10–28.80
Hemistaters - - Horse with - Horse with Horse with
attendant attendant attendant
4.50–4.00 4.15–3.96 3.50–3.00
The “Thasian Peraia”
The Ichnaians, the Orrescians, and the Laiaians adopted the weight standard of the cities of the Thasian
Peraia. Berge, Thasos, Neapolis, Galepsos, and Ennea Hodoi that were situated in the area between the
Strymon and the Nestos rivers issued staters of ca. 10 g and fractions on the duodecimal system;78 the
inscriptions of Thasos used the terms stater, hekte, hemiekton and its half to denote these fractions.79
Heavy silver coins of ca. 29 g were never issued by these cities. Their staters were part of hoards buried
in the East, while staters of Berge and Thasos also traveled to the North (Table 2).80
There are also staters and hemiekta of uncertain attribution depicting a running centaur.81 The
hemistaters were part of the earliest series of these coinages while thirds were struck only by Thasos.
Fractions were issued on the same standard by “Eion” (hemistaters, hemiekta and half-hemiekta),82
Pergamos (hektai and hemiekta),83 another issuing authority depicting a goat (hemiekta and half-
hemiekta),84 and Tragilos (half-hemiekta and forty-eigths).85
76. In numismatic literature the coins of ca. 4 g are called octobols.

77. With median weights out of the published specimens in SNG Alpha Bank, Weber, and Jameson.
78. For the weight of the staters see the tables in Lorber 2000, 119–21. For Berge see Smith 2000, 82–97. At Neapolis, the
weight of the stater is 9.46 g during the first period, 9.62 g during the second period, 9.48 g during the third period and 9.53 g
during the fifth period. For Neapolis see Papaevangelou 2000. For Galepsos see Lorber 1999, 119.
79. Picard 1982, 412–24.
80. For hoards buried in the East see Liampi 1993, 789–808. For hoards buried in the North see Psoma and Zannis 2011, 145.
81. Gaebler 1935, 134 no. 4, pl. XXVI, 1: 9.43 g, ibid. no. 5, pl. XXVI, 2: 0.89 g and no. 6, pl. XXVI, 3: 1.07 g.
82. Hemistaters of “Eion:” SNG ANS 268: 4.06 g; Gaebler 139, no. 33, pl. XXVII, 12: 4.13 g (Paris), no. 34, pl. XXVII,
15: 3.15 g (Berlin); SNG ANS 268: 4.06 g. There is a large number of hemiekta published in SNG and other collections;
there weight is between 1.10 and 0.80 g. The smallest fraction with two geese and an ivy leaf is a half-hemiekton (0.5–0.4):
see Gaebler 1935, 140 no. 41, pl. XXVII, 20. There are some staters with a running figure carrying a double thyrsos and a
weight between 8.50 and 8.20 g: Svoronos 1919, pl. XVII, nos. 1–10: see Psoma 2006, 63. These could also be staters on the
Corinthian standard (Euboic hemistaters) issued in the Chalkidic peninsula.
83. For Pergamos see Psoma (2000–2003) 215–225; 2003, 228–230.
84. Psoma 2003, 230, pl. I, 4–5.
85. For Tragilos see Papaevangelou 1995, 54–58.
176 Selene E. Psoma
Table 2. Parian Colonies Between the Strymon and the Nestos

Berge Thasos Neapolis Galepsos Ennea Hodoi
Staters Dancing couple Silenus and Maenad Gorgoneion Running goat Cow and calf
10.20–9.40 ca. 9.90–9.35 9.90–9.50 9.50–9.10 8.20–7.80*
Hemistaters Dancing couple Silenus and Maenad - - -
4.99–4.70 3.9–3.6**
Hektai - - - - -
Hemiekta Veretrum tenens Satyr Silenus running Gorgoneion Running goat
1.29–0.90 0.9–0.8 1.00–0.90 1.10–0.80
Half-hemiekta - Two dolphins
0.5–0.4
48ths Satyr’s head Dolphin
0.10–0.30 0.25–0.2
* These should not be considered as staters on the Corinthian standard (Attic didrachms), as there are many specimens that are heavier:
see Gaebler 1935, 134 no. 7, pl. XXVI, 12: 8.98 g (Belgrade), 134–5, no. 8, pl. XXVI, 13: 9.46 g (Boston 610), 135 no. 9, pl. XXVI, 14: 10.03 g
(Berlin); SNG Cop. 460: 8.98 g; Hirsch 1010: 9.96 g; Locker Lampson 153: 10.04 g; Traité 1, 1290, pl. XL 10: 9.98 g (Paris).
** These were considered thirds by O. Picard. For a different arrangement of fractions see Picard 2000b, 304.
The Greek cities of this area were followed by issuing authorities that seem to be local ethne: the
Ichnaians,86 the Laiaians, the Orrescians, and the Tyntenoi.87 These local ethne are rarely mentioned in
the literary sources but appear to have had access to silver mines during the late sixth and early fifth
centuries B.C.88 They issued triple-staters, staters, and fractions on the standard of the cities of the
“Thasian Peraia” (Table 3).
There was only this weight standard in the area between the Strymon and the Nestos rivers. Other
coinages do not appear in hoards or excavations in this area, and there is no evidence for overstrikes
of foreign coins. All coinages that were issued on the same weight standard circulated locally. Staters
minted by cities and local tribes and triple-staters minted by local tribes could be used as a commodity
for export or to pay tribute to the Persians and later to the Athenians.89 The small fractions were needed
by the Greek cities to facilitate their own operations as epigraphic evidence from Thasos reveals.90
Their fractions did not move outside this area and were used for local exchange.91
86. Psoma and Zannis 2011, 23–46.

87. For the Laiaians see Thuc. 2.96.3 and 97.2 and later writers (Ael. Herod. De prosodia catholica 3.1.130; Steph. Byz. s.v.
Λαιαῖοι) that are following Thucydides. For all evidence on these ethne see Zannis 2014, 273–317.
88. In the list of Herodotus (7.110.3) we find only the Edonians.
89. For their use as a commodity for export see Kroll 2011, 27–38. For their use for the payment of the phoros to the Perians
see Picard 2000, 239–352, to the Athenians see Wartenberg, this volume.
90. Picard 1982, 412–424.
91. For an hemiekton of the Ichnaians found in the area between lakes Pyrrolia and Bolbe, at the village Profitis, south of
mount Vertiskos and west of the Strymon see Lioutas-Kotsos 2003, 187–194.
Table 3. Ichnaians, Laiaians, Orrescians, Tyntenoi, Letaians

Orrescians Ichnaians Laiaians Tyntenoi
Staters Horse and attendant/ Horse and attendant/ Horse and attendant/
incuse square and later wheel incuse square
square divided diagonally
Maenad and centaur/ Maenad and centaur/ Maenad and centaur/ -
cruciform incuse square wheel Cruciform incuse
square
Maenad and centaur/ Maenad and centaur/ Maenad and centaur/ -
helmet wheel helmet ca. 9
9.60–8.80 9.30–9.20 9.30–9.20
Hemistaters Bull turning head r./ Bull turning head l., - -

cruciform incuse dolphin/wheel
4.80–4.10
Maenad and centaur
c. 4 4.50–4.10
Hemiekta Bull running/ Bull turning head l., - -

cruciform incuse dolphin/wheel
1.10–0.80 1.00–0.80
Half-hemiekta Forepart of bull/ - - -

cruciform incuse
0.65–0.45
The Weight Standard of the Coinages of Thasos and the “Thasian Peraia”
From which coinage did the cities of the “Thasian Peraia” derive their weight standards? One could
relate the stater of ca. 10 g to the Persic double siglos of 10.6 g.92 This hypothesis might find some sup-
port in the coinages of the cities of Lycia. These cities formed part of the first satrapy (Hdt. 3.90) of the
Persian Empire and issued silver coins with a weight of 9.5 g.93 However, the cities of the Peraia began
to mint the coins on this standard well before 514 B.C., the beginning of Persian occupation.94 This
makes this hypothesis unlikely.
There is a better explanation for this standard. Thasos and the other cities of the area were all
colonies of Paros.95 The connections of Paros with this area are also revealed by Archaic lyric poetry
and epigraphic evidence both from the colonies on the Continent and from Thasos.96 The weight
standard of Paros was the Aeginetic, one of the most important of the Archaic and Classical periods.97
92. For the weight of the siglos at the beginning of the fifth century, which was at 5.3 g see Kagan 2004, 80 with n. 6.
93. For the weight-standards in Lycia see Kraay 1976, 269–273, 330.
94. Smith 1999, 107–108, 132–137: tables 22–4; Papaevangelou 2000; Liampi 2005, 104–105; Psoma 2006, 67.
95. Isaac 1986, 9–11 (Galepsos, Oisyme, Neapolis), 59–71 (Berge, Eion, Phagres, Galepsos, Oisyme, Apollonia, Antisara,
Neapolis, Akontisma, Pistyros, Stryme); Graham 1964, 71–97.
96. Psoma 2006, 77–78 with bibliography and discussion.
97. One recalls that the Aeginetic weight system was the most popular by far during the Archaic and the Classical periods.
It was adopted by a very significant number of cities all around Eastern Mediterranean: by all cities and leagues of the
178 Selene E. Psoma
The origin of the Greek cities in the area between the Strymon and the Nestos rivers is a significant
argument in favor of the adoption of the reduced version of the Aeginetic standard. The colonists
brought with them the nomima of their metropolis: cults, calendar, dialect, script, state offices, and
citizens’ divisions.98 They also brought the numeral system of the mother city.99 Weight standards—
metra kai stathma—might have been part of these nomima. In Sicily and also in the Chalkidic
peninsula, where a number of colonies of Chalkis, Eretria and Corinth were founded, the monetary
standards in use were the Corinthian and the Euboean.100 Poseidonia and Velia in Southern Italy
struck their silver coinages on the monetary standard of their mother-city, Phokaia.101 It was also the
case of Kydonia on Crete and all the Corinthian colonies in Western Greece.102 In Illyria, Apollonia,
and Dyrrhachion struck their coinages with the weight standard of their metropolis, Corcyra.103 In
a number of cases, colonies in Sicily, Southern Italy, Illyria, and the Chalkidic peninsula tended to
adopt the monetary standard of the mother city as part of their nomima and also as a result of close
commercial activity and in some cases, military collaboration.104
As far as the fractional system is concerned, a closer look at the denominations issued by Aegina
shows that the Aeginetic system was also duodecimal but used a different terminology. Aegina issued
hemistaters (drachms), hemidrachms (triobols), obols (twelfths), and fractions of obols. The colonies
of Paros in the “Thasian Peraia” minted staters, hemistaters, the equivalent of the Aeginetic drachma,
while their hektai of ca. 1.80 g could be the equivalent of an Aeginetic diobol of reduced weight, and
hemiekta of ca. 0.90 g could be considered as low weight obols (1 g). There were also half-hemiekta of
ca. 0.40 g; the Aeginetic hemiobol was 0.50 g. The smallest silver coins in the “Peraia” were ca. 0.20 g,
what may refer to an Aeginetic tetartemorion of ca. 0.25 g (Table 4).
Table 4. Relationship between Aeginetan denominations and those of Parian and other colonies.
Aegina Parian colonies et alii
Staters Staters
Drachms (hemistaters) Hemistaters
Hemidrachms (triobols, fourths) and diobols (sixths) Hektai
Obols (twelfths) Hemiekta
Hemiobols (twenty-fourths) Half-hemiekta
Tetartemoria Fourth-hemiekta
Peloponnese with the exception of Corinth, by the cities of Boeotia and the Boeotian League, by the Euboean League after
371, by the city of Delphi, by the Phokean League and the Amphictyons, by Opous in Eastern Lokris, by Lamia and the
Malians, by all the cities of Thessaly and by the Thessalian League, by the Cycladic islands with few exceptions, by the cities
of Crete, by a number of cities in Caria (Knidos, Chersonnasos, Kaunos, Kindye [or Telmessus], Kos and Kamiros on Rhodes
and Mylasa), and also by some of the most significant mints in the Black Sea (Istros, Kallatis, Olbia and Sinope). See Psoma
(forthcoming 1).
98. Graham 1964, 14, 21, 121–133.
99. Graham 1969, 347–358.
100. For a survey of monetary standards during the Archaic and the Classical periods see Psoma (forthcoming 1).
101. See note 100.
102. See note 100.
103. For Apollonia see Inventory, no. 77, 328–9. For Dyrrhachion: Inventory, no. 79, 330–331.
104. The Achaean colonies seem to be a different case as also a number of Dorian colonies in Caria. For the Achaean
colonies see Le Rider 1989. For Caria see Psoma (forthcoming 1).
There is also epigraphic evidence that supports this hypothesis: the second fragment of the so-
called “stèle des braves” which dates from the mid-fourth century B.C.105 The new fragment notes
the amount for the metoikoi that were killed in war: 17 staters and one hemistater. This amount is
of special interest. The 17 staters and a half are the equivalent of one hemimnaion (half-mina). They
derive from the division of a mine (of 436.6 g) to 35 staters (of 12.4 g) or 70 drachms (of 6.2 g). It
strongly suggests, as L. Fournier and P. Hamon stressed, the way amounts were calculated in Delphic
inscriptions. This is the way Aeginetic accounting worked everywhere. Thus, the way amounts were
calculated at Thasos around the mid-fourth century B.C. was the Aeginetic. Although during this
period the weight standard is not the Aeginetic but the Chian, this should not create a problem:
“[S]tandards on which cities struck coins tended to vary over time, but local weight-standards, by
which things—including money—were measured, tended to be more conservative and long-lived,
with the result that many Greek cities struck coins on one (or multiple) standards and weighed things
on another.”106
A link between the coinage of the mother-city, Paros, and the coinages of the “Thasian Peraia”
finds support in the hypothesis formulated by J. H. Kagan about the silver coinage of Paros on the
Aeginetic standard.107 Paros down to 470 B.C. minted staters and no fractions. As Kagan noted, style
and technical features point to the North. For Kagan, these were all issued in the “Thasian Peraia” with
metal acquired locally. The Aeginetic stater was at 12.4 g and the difference with the local stater was
more than 2 g.108 This difference of weight could be explained by the effort of the issuing authorities
of this area to create a closed monetary zone and, as the Achaean colonies of Southern Italy, impose
their own coinages in an area with significant natural resources and with which trade presented great
advantages for many commercial partners.109 The cities and the tribes of this same area had access
to silver mines situated in this area, which was also rich in other commodities as timber, wine, and
slaves.110
There is another link to the Aeginetic standard. As Kagan has shown, the weight of the triple-staters
minted by Abdera, Alexander I, and some tribes, was the equivalent of five Aeginetic drachms,111 while
the introduction of coinage at Abdera occurred at the date of the adoption of the Aeginetic standard
by Abdera’s metropolis, Teos.112
Between the Nestos and the Hebros Rivers
The three main cities of this area, Abdera, Dikaia-by-Abdera, and Maroneia, all struck silver coinages
during the late Archaic period.113 Abdera issued triple-staters on the standard of the Parian colonies
105. Fournier-Hamon 2007, 358–363.
106. Sosin 2002, 336 with n. 14.
107. Kagan 2008, 105–111.
108. Most local coinages tend to be of lower weight: Kraay 1976, 8. One recalls that the majority by far of the early drachms
of Larissa on the Aeginetic standard were ca. 5.1 g: Kagan 2004, 79–86.
109. For the Achaean colonies of Southern Italy see Le Rider 1989. 167–171.
110. For timber see Thuc. 4.108.1. For wine see Salviat 1990, 457–77.
111. Kagan 2006, 54.
112. Kagan 2006, 54–56.
113. For the early coinage of Abdera see May 1966; Price-Waggoner 1975, 36–7; Kagan 1987, 22; Price 1987, 45; Kagan
2006, 49–59; Chryssanthaki-Nagle 2007, 97–107. For Maroneia see Psoma in Psoma et al. 2008, 162. For Dikaia see Schönert-
180 Selene E. Psoma
well before the end of the sixth century B.C.114 These coins, as all other large fractions, traveled to
the East.115 The earliest silver fractions of Dikaia, staters, and double-staters, were also part of hoards
buried in Egypt and the Levant.116 These were struck on the standard of the Parian colonies. This
standard was also adopted by Maroneia for its earliest silver staters.117 The triple-staters of Abdera and
the earliest silver coinages of Maroneia and Dikaia reveal contacts with the neighboring colonies of
Thasos. To these may refer what we hear from the Thasian Archilochos about the wine of Ismaros.118
Ismaros was immediately to the east of the territories of Archaic and Classical Maroneia, and it is at
its place that Stryme, a Thasian colony, may be placed.119 Sherds with inscriptions using the Parian-
Thasian alphabet, that were excavated in the sanctuary of Apollo at Zone, also point to contacts
between the “Thasian Peraia” and Aegean Thrace well beyond the Nestos river (Table 5).120
Table 5. The early standard of Abdera, Dikaia-by-Abdera, and Maroneia.
Abdera Dikaia-by-Abdera Maroneia
Triple-staters 31.00–29.00 - -
Double-staters - Herakles’s head/incuse square -
19.32–18.36
Staters - Same types 9.6–9.5
9.95–9.65
Drachms - Same types 2.35–2.12
2.10–1.86*
Hemidrachms 1.80 - 1.11
Obols 0.65 0.55–0.46 0.65
Hemiobols 0.35–0.30 0.30–0.26 -
*Based on specimens in a private collection.
The heaviest silver coins of Abdera belong to the earliest series and could also be considered as
the double of the city’s stater (so-called tetradrachm) of 14.90 g.121 Abdera also issued hemistaters
(7.36–7.40), fourths (drachms), and smaller fractions.122 Maroneia and Dikaia also struck fractions;
Maroneia issued drachms (2.35–2.12 g), hemidrachms (c. 1.10 g), and small silver of 0.65 g.123 Dikaia
Geiss 1975, 16–18.

114. May Periods I–II. For the dates see For the dates see Kagan 2006, 49-59; Chryssanthaki-Nagle 2007, 97-107.
115. Chryssanthaki-Nagle 2007, 34–60.
116. Schönert-Geiss 1975, nos 1–6 (double staters), 7–17 (staters).
117. Schönert-Geiss 1987, nos. 1–3. Psoma in Psoma et al. 2008, 171. However, they did not follow the fractional system
of Thasos and all others but issued fourths (drachms), eighths (hemidrachms) and sixteenths (trihemiobols). For these frac-
tions see Schönert-Geiss 1987, nos. 4–7. Fourths were also struck by Dikaia-by-Abdera, see Schönert-Geiss 1975, no. 18, and
also triobols: nos. 19–20.
118. Archil. apud Ath. 1.56; Suda, s.v. Ἰσμαρικὸς οἶνος; cf. Harp. s.v. Στρύμη.
119. For Stryme see Isaac 1986, 12, 70–71; Loukopoulou and Psoma 2008, 55–86.
120. For Zone see IThrAeg 509–11. See also the local marble lion from the chora of Maroneia, which was “the product of an
established sculptural centre with a long tradition, possibly of Thasos”: Kokkorou-Alevras 1997, 591–603.
121. For the weight of this heaviest denomination see May 1966, 10.
122. Coins of ca. 3.60 g were also struck by Abdera from the very beginning. For the weight standard(s) of Abdera see the
very fine tables of May 1966, 10–44. Kagan 2006, 49–59; Chryssanthaki-Nagle 2007, 88–148.
123. For the smaller fractions of Maroneia see Schönert-Geiss 1987; Terzopoulou 2003, 9–30; Psoma in Psoma et al. 2008,
166–170.
also issued drachms and smaller fractions (obols and hemiobols).124 These early silver coinages
of Maroneia and Dikaia came to an end in ca. 480 B.C. Dikaia struck a double-sided coinage and
Maroneia a silver coinage with distinct reverse squares.
The new silver coinages of Dikaia and Maroneia were based on a standard with the heaviest coin at
7.4 g,125 the weight of the hemistaters of Abdera, its half, fourth, and fractions.126 This was the standard of
the city of Abdera. Dikaia-by-Abdera abandoned minting large fractions, while Maroneia continued.127
Maroneia followed Abdera and adjusted the weight of its silver staters and fractions to its neighbor and
rival, the city of Abdera, whose standard was originally a little bit heavier than Maroneia’s (Table 6).
Table 6. The later standard of Abdera, Dikaia-by-Abdera, and Maroneia.128
Abdera Dikaia-by-Abdera Maroneia
Staters (tetradrachms) 14.90 - -
Hemistaters (didrachms) 7.40 7.40–6.96 7.40
Quarter-staters (drachms) 3.70 3.70–3.45 3.60–3.00
Hemidrachms 1.85 1.90–1.50 1.26–0.94
Trihemiobols - 0.95–0.85 -
With a weight of 14.90 g the standard adopted by Abdera for the staters and all other fractions, and
by Maroneia and Dikaia for their new series with reverse types, was not the Chian standard as Roebuck
proposed,129 but a reduced version of the Chian standard with 15.4 g for the stater. The links between
Aegean Thrace and Ionia are well known; the cities of Aegean Thrace were colonies of significant
Ionian cities. Maroneia was a colony of Chios, the richest and the most powerful city of Ionia in the late
sixth century B.C.,130 while Abdera was founded by Chios’s closest neighbors, Klazomenai and Teos.131
Dikaia and Samothrace may be linked to Samos.132 Chios was a very significant center for trade and
famous for its rich agricultural production and large numbers of slaves.133 Abdera’s legendary wealth
was most probably connected with the control of silver mines and the slave trade.134 The adoption
124. There is a considerable number of small fractions of Dikaia-by-Abdera, obols and hemiobols with a variety of types,
in private collections.
125. Schönert-Geiss 1987, nos. 8–19.
126. The adoption of the Mainland system of fractions in both cities points to early contacts with areas as Euboea, Attica
and the Peloponnese.
127. For Maroneia see Psoma 2008, 162–70. For Dikaia-by-Abdera see Schönert-Geiss 1975, 16–22.
128. Smaller fractions also occurred. For Abdera see Kagan 2006, 50–52. For Maroneia: Terzopoulou 2003, 9–30; Psoma
2008, 167. For Dikaia see note 24.
129. Roebuck 1950, 240.
130. The foundation of Maroneia by Chios may have been related to the slave trade. To slave trade from Thrace may also
refer the information of Demosthenes about a place in Attica, in the mining district, that was called Maroneia: D. 37.16:
Ἐδανείσαμεν πέντε καὶ ἑκατὸν μνᾶς ἐγὼ καὶ Εὔεργος, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί, Πανταινέτῳ τουτῳί, ἐπ᾽ ἐργαστηρίῳ τ᾽
ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις ἐν Μαρωνείᾳ καὶ τριάκοντ᾽ ἀνδραπόδοις. Cf. Suda s.v.
131. For the foundation of Abdera see Chryssanthaki-Nagle 2001, 383–406. For Teos see Roebuck 1950, 239–243.
132. For Dikaia: Isaac 109–110. For Samothrace: Dimitrova 2010.
133. For Chios see Inventory no. 840. See also Roebuck 1950, 239–243.
134. For silver mines see Koukouli-Chryssanthaki, 1990: 493–514. For literary sources about the silver mines in the North
see Psoma 2006, 67–8. For the slave trade see also the fourth-century B.C. law from Abdera: IThrAeg E3,186–90. To slave
trade may also point the information given by Thucydides about distances from Abdera to Istros and from Byzantion to
the Laiaians: Thuc. 2.97.1–3: ὁδῷ δὲ τὰ ξυντομώτατα ἐξ Ἀβδήρων ἐς Ἴστρον ἀνὴρ εὔζωνος ἑνδεκαταῖος τελεῖ. τὰ
μὲν πρὸς θάλασσαν τοσαύτη ἦν, ἐς ἤπειρον δὲ ἀπὸ Βυζαντίου ἐς Λαιαίους καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν Στρυμόνα (ταύτῃ γὰρ διὰ
182 Selene E. Psoma
of the silver standard of Chios by the city of Abdera may be explained by trade links between these
two cities that are also revealed by archaeological evidence: Chian pottery is of great significance at
Abdera. We have thus the following scheme:135
(a) Silver on the reduced Aeginetan of the “Thasian Peraia” by Abdera for its triple-staters, Dikaia-
by-Abdera for its double-staters, staters and other fractions and also by Maroneia for its earliest
silver. This was related to Thasian presence in the area through Stryme. What we consider as
triple-staters on the standard of the “Peraia” could be double-staters on the reduced Chian
standard.
(b) Silver on a reduced version of the Chian standard by Abdera for all its silver coinage, and by
Maroneia and Dikaia-by-Abdera for its double-sided silver coinages.
This is the beginning of reassessing the monetary standards of the Greek cities of Thrace, the
Macedonian kingdom, and some local tribes under strong Thasian-Parian influence. Their links with
the mother cities that included trade and had trade at their origins lead to the adoption of different
monetary standards that were either those of the metropolis (Euboean and Corinthian in the Chalkidic
peninsula) or reduced versions of the metropolis’ standard (Aeginetic of the Parian colonies, Chian
of Maroneia and Abdera). There is clearly no place for the Attic standard, and as far as the North
is concerned it occurs only in an area with very well known strong ties with Athens, the Thracian
Chersonnese. I hope to have shown that there is also no place for the “Thraco-Macedonian” standard,
once influential invention of numismatists to explain a standard that comprises three different
standards and becomes more complicated because two of them are slightly reduced (Milesian and
Chian), while the third one is heavily reduced (Aeginetic). These three standards reveal the different
origins and the different trade spheres, which linked Ionia, the Aegean, and Corinth, with the area
between the Axios and the Hebros rivers.
Appendix
Polyaenus, Stratagemata, 3.10.14, and the Monetary Standard of the Macedonian

Kingdom from Archelaos to Perdikkas III
A recently published paper proposed to consider the standard of the coinage of Argilos (and the
cities of the Chalkidic peninsula and the Macedonian kings) in the light of the well known passage
of Polyaenus that refers to the military involvement of the Athenian general Timotheus and his ally
Perdikkas III of Macedonia in the North and their operations against the Chalkidians of Thrace and
Amphipolis.136
πλείστου ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἄνω ἐγίγνετο) ἡμερῶν ἀνδρὶ εὐζώνῳ τριῶν καὶ δέκα ἁνύσαι.
135. Skarlatidou 2010, 361. Klazomenian pottery is abundant in the oldest Klazomenian phase of Abdera: Koukouli-
Chryssanthaki 2004, 241; ibid., Skarlatidou 2004, 249–259; Skarlatidou 2010, 255–304. There is also pottery from Southern
Ionia (Miletos and Samos), and also from Corinth and the Peloponnese. As I have already mentioned, to contacts with
Mainland Greece is connected the early adoption of the division of the stater in quarters, eighths, etc.
136. Fischer-Bossert 2007, 185–6 based on Price 1974, 20. See also Price 1991, 39 n. 1.
Polyaen., Stratagemata, 3.10.14: Τιμόθεος Χαλκιδεῦσι πολεμῶν μετὰ Περδίκκου Κύπριον

χαλκὸν Μακεδονικῷ νομίσματι μίξας ἐπίσημον ἔκοψεν, ὥστε τὰς παλαιὰς πεντεδραχμίας
ἔχειν ἀργυρίου τετάρτην μοίραν, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν χαλκοῦ φαύλου. πλείστης εὐπορήσας
μισθοδοσίας τοὺς ἐμπόρους καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας ἔπεισε, πρὸς χαλκὸν πιπράσκειν·
ἀντιφορτιζόμενοι δὲ τὰ παρ᾽ ἀλλήλων οὐδὲν τοῦ νομίσματος ἐφύλαττον, ἀλλὰ τοῦτο
περιῄει πάλιν εἰς τὴν μισθοφορὰν τὴν στρατιωτικήν.
When Timotheos was with Perdikkas fighting against the Chalcidians, he struck a new coin by
mixing Cypriot bronze with a Macedonian coin, so that the former five drachma coins were one
quarter silver, the rest common bronze. After he had plenty of money to pay wages, he persuaded
the merchants and local traders to sell for bronze. While exchanging things from one to another
they did not avoid any of the coinage, but it circulated again as soldiers’ pay.
— P. Krentz and E. L. Wheeler, trans.
The passage of Polyainos was used as evidence for considering the ca. 10 g staters that the
Macedonian kings issued between the last decade of the fifth century B.C. and the 360s as these
pentedrachma.137 To the support of this hypothesis came the legend ΜΕΝΔΑΙΗ (δραχμή vel ἕκτη)
on silver coins of Mende of the late fifth–early fourth century B.C. with a weight of 2.3 g.138 Thus,
it was proposed that the stater of 14 g of the early coinages of the Chalkidic peninsula, Argilos, and
Alexander I was a pentedrachmon and the 2.6 g a drachma.139
There are several problems with this interpretation. The first problem is the passage itself.
Although the codex archetypus notes pente drachmas (πέντε δραχμάς), it was proposed to correct
it to pentedrachmia (πεντεδραχμία).140 Both pente drachmas and pentedrachmia refer to an amount
of money. If the term referred to real coins, it would be corrected to pentedrachma.141 But, this is
contradicted by numismatic evidence: metal analysis of silver staters of Perdikkas III has shown
that these were struck with a very high percentage of silver and thus can not be the low silver coins
mentioned by Polyaenus.142 This is a serious argument against this theory. But, there are some others
too. If this passage brings any evidence, this is for the regal Macedonian coinages of the years between
413 and 359 B.C. and not for those of the Greek cities of Thrace during the late Archaic period.143 As far
as Mende is concerned, these coins are dated a century later than Argilos’s numismatic output. There
is a chronological gap of more than 100 years between the early coinages of the Chalkidic peninsula
and this passage and thus it can not be used as an argument for an earlier period. More significant is
the fact that the “pentedrachma” are mentioned in royal Macedonian context while the staters were
coins of Greek cities far away from the Macedonian kingdom. Although numismatic collections and
auctions list systematically these cities under Macedon vel Macedonia, their issuing authorities were
not part of this area during the Archaic and Classical periods. In literary sources and inscriptions of
fifth and fourth centuries B.C.144 down to the reign of Philip II, they are always mentioned as cities of
137. See note 136.
138. For these coins see Psoma 2000, 32–3; Psoma 2006, 89–90.
139. Fischer-Bossert 2007, 185–186.
140. Blume 1833, 157.
141. Psoma 2000, 123–136.
142. Lykiardopoulou and Psoma 2000, 323, 330.
143. For the Macedonian regal coinage of this period see Westermark 1989, 301–315.
144. In Thucydides: 1.57.5, 1.59.1; 1.60.3; 1.68.4; 2.9.4; 2.29.5; 2.58.1; 2.67.4; 2.79.1; 2.95.1; and 3; 4.70.1; 4.74.1; 4.79.2;
184 Selene E. Psoma
Thrace.145 It was also the case of Mende. This city was not part of the Macedonian kingdom when these
silver coins were issued.
The passage of Polyainos presents a special interest as it is the only literary source that refers to
royal Macedonian coinage of the years before the reign of Philip II but does not say anything about
the late sixth century B.C., and should not be used as evidence for this period and for an area that was
not part of the Macedonian kingdom.
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ΚΑΙΡΟΣ

THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY

Objections to Raymond’s Theory

The Chalkidic Peninsula and Argilos39

36. See Portolos and Psoma (forthcoming).

The Heavy Silver Coinage of Alexander I and Local Ethne

67. For Argilos: Liampi 1994, 7–36; 2005, 241–243.

The “Thasian Peraia”

76. In numismatic literature the coins of ca. 4 g are called octobols.

Table 2. Parian Colonies Between the Strymon and the Nestos

86. Psoma and Zannis 2011, 23–46.

Table 3. Ichnaians, Laiaians, Orrescians, Tyntenoi, Letaians

Hemistaters Bull turning head r./ Bull turning head l., - -

Hemiekta Bull running/ Bull turning head l., - -

Half-hemiekta Forepart of bull/ - - -

Between the Nestos and the Hebros Rivers

Geiss 1975, 16–18.

Polyaenus, Stratagemata, 3.10.14, and the Monetary Standard of the Macedonian

Polyaen., Stratagemata, 3.10.14: Τιμόθεος Χαλκιδεῦσι πολεμῶν μετὰ Περδίκκου Κύπριον

———. 1969. X=10. Phoenix 23: 347–358.

Bloesch, H. 1987. Griechische Münzen in Winterthur/Münzkabinett der Stadt Winterthur. Winterthur:

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