Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
volume 1, fascicle 2
balag-compositions:
by
mark e. cohen
undena publications
malibu 1974
© 1975 by Undena Publications, P. O. Box 97, Malibu, California 90265
All rights reserved. No part oi this publication may be reproduced or transmitted
in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photo-copy, recording,
or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing irom
the publisher.
ISBN: 0-89003-003-0
ABBREVIATIONS
STT O.R. Gurney - J.J. Finkelstein - P. Hulin, The Sultantepe Tablets, Vols. l -11,
London 1957-1964
Zweite Zwischenzeit D.O. Edzard, Die "Zweite Zwischenzeit" Babyloniens, Wiesbaden 1957
[SANE l, 27]
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABBREVIATIONS 3
TABLE OF CONTENTS 4
A. INTRODUCTION 5
1. The balag-lamentations 5
2. The structure of the balag-lamentations 8
3. The development of the balag-lamentations 9
a. Structure 9
b. Content 10
c. Opportunity 11
d. Ritual use 11
e. Conclusion 11
4. Ritual use of the balag-lamentations 13
B. TEXTS IN TRANSLATION 16
1. The Steer in His Fold (am-e amass-a-na to Enlil) 16
Z. His Word (is) a Wail, a Wail (e-ne-èm-ma-ni i-lu i-lu to Enlil) 20
3. Elevated Wa/rio/ of the Land (gu4-ud-nim-kur-ra to Ninurta) 22
4. Flood which Drowns the Harvest (a gal gal burux su -su to Nergal)
- - 26
S. The Honored One who Wanders About (e-lum di-da-ra to Enlil): first kirugu only 29
C. EXCURSUS 31
1. The balag instrument
- 31
2. On the use of Emegir and Emesal dialects 32
D. GLOSSARY 33
[SANE l, 28]
A. INTRODUCTION
1. The balag-lamentations
"Nothing was settled for all time, nothing could be taken for granted; hence the anxiety and
the insecurity of the mortals, who must forever be intent on propitiating the gods in order to
obtain a favorable decision. The view that nothing was permanent and that the gods were
unpredictable brought with it a fitful and dramatic conception of the universe, one that called
for constant watchfulness and elaborate ritual." 1
Performing these communal rituals were the kalû-priests, whose extensive corpus of liturgies was an integral
part of the propitiatory rites. Within this corpus the lengthiest texts were the ba/ag-compositions, the genre
deriving its name from the balag-instrument which accompanied the recitation of these Sumerian works. 2
These compositions, mournful in tone, bewailing the destruction that had beset the entire land, were
designated by some First Millennium B. C. scribes by the Sumerian logogram ér, most probably for
Akkadian taqribtu, 'lamentation.' 3 Since these lamentations were extremely long, some works consisting
of over five hundred lines, the scribe copied the text onto a very large elay tablet, the size increasing the
tablet's susceptibility to breakage an d damage through the centuries. 4 In other instances the scribe wrote
the text onto a series of smaller tablets, creating the modern problem of archaeology failing to unearth
all the individual tablets constituting one complete composition. 5 As a result we today possess no
complete redaction of any ba/ag-lamentation.
During the reign of the neo-Assyrian monarch Asshurbanipal (668-631 B. C.), when his famous "library"
of Sumerian and Akkadian literary compositions was being accumulated, one scribe was commissioned to
compile a catalogue of the incipits to all the texts then available to him in the liturgy of the kali-priest.
Fortunately this catalogue has survived the centuries, today providing us with the incipits to forty-nine
balag lamentations. 6 Asshurbanipal's "library" also yielded actual texts and fragments to many of these
-
laments, which, when added to texts uncovered in sites throughout southern Mesopotamia, afford us in
part redactions of thirty-seven of th e forty-nine balag's identified in the neo-Assyrian catalogue. In
addition there is preserved a neo Babylonian catalogue of ba/ag- lamentations which duplicates s ix incipits
-
found in the neo - Assyrian catalogue, while listing eleven new balag's of which, to date, only one has
1 E. A. Speiser, `Ancient Mesopotamia,' R. C. Dentan (ed.), The Idea of History in the Ancient Near East, New Haven 1967,
pp. 43-44.
2 For a discussion about the ba/ag-instrument see H. Hartmann, Die Musik der sumerischen Kultur, Frankfort am Main i960,
pp. 52 ff. with previous literature; CAD B pp. 38 ff. sub balaggu. see also below, Excursus 1.
3 The designation of the balag-lamentations by the logogram b is peculiar to the First Millennium B. C. ritual texts.
Th. Jacobsen, AJSL 1941 pp. 222 - 223 suggests that ér might refer to the first part of the total balag-composition, the
eršemma being the second part.
4 To date the longest preserved balag-lamentation is urii ¢m-i-ra-bi, which despite the fact that many kirugu.s are stilI missing,
has 438 preserved llnes.
5 1n the Otd Babylonian period both methods of copying were employed, whereas in the First Millennium B. C. the laments
were always copied onto a series of smaller tablets.
6 4R 2 53.
[SANE 1, 29]
M. E. Cohen [SANE 1/2
6
been identified. 7 Lastly there are five extant Old Babylonian redactions of balag-laments listed in neither
First Millennium B. C. catalogue. 8
The earliest extant copies of the Sumerian balag-lamentations date to the Old Babylonian period, the
beginning of the Second Millennium B. C., a time when Sumerian was no longer a spoken language. 9 The
latest redactions of the laments date to the Seleucid period. Thus the lamentation liturgy appears to have
been a central component in Mesopotamian ritual for a period extending for almost two millennia. Tradition
maintained Sumerian as a language of religion, the efficacy of the text being enhanced as time progressed by
the very antiquity and primacy of the Sumerian language itself, a development to some degree paralleling the
use of Latin in the Roman Catholic Church.
As previously stated the balag-instrument, which accompanied the recitation of lamentations, ultimately lent
its name to this genre of literature. However, the fact that the vast majority of Old Babylonian laments,
inciuding those to which colophons had been appended, did not designate the laments as being balag's
suggests that the appellative balag was not immediately applied to this new genre. On the othe1 hand there
are five Old Babylonian tablets which do label the laments as being balag's, indicating that in the Old
Babylonian period some sites throughout southern Mesopotamia had adopted the term balag for this
collection of laments. 10 I must stress that although the Old Babylonian lamentations are not labelled as
being balag's, they are indeed older redactions of the very same compositions designated as balag's in the
colophons to First Millennium B. C. laments. These Old Bahylonian texts are not precursors to the balag nor
a type of proto-balag, but rather they are the full fledged balag-lamentation itself. These texts can be
-
identified as redactions of balag-lamentations on several bases. Foremost, there exist First Millennium B. C.
duplicates to many of the Old Babylonian texts, these First Millennium B. C. duplicates being designated as
balag's in their colophons. Secondly, the structure and form of the Old Babylonian works are identical to
that of the five Old Babylonian compositions that are labelled as balag's, as well as being similar to the First
Millennium B. C. redactions. And thirdly, the content of the Old Babylonian compostions clearly indicates
these works to be laments. These Old Babylonian redactions were entirely in Emesal, a dialect of Sumerian
peculiar to the kalt priests. However, during the Middle Babylonian period an Akkadian interlinear
-
translation of the Sumerian text w,..; composed. Perhaps it was feared that the kalû-priests, who spoke 'a
Semitic language, might forget the meaning of the Sumerian they were chanting. Or it is possible that the
Akkadian version was merely a scholastic exercise designed to display seribal expertise in the Sumerian
language. Since we possess Old Babylonian redactions of only eighteen of the sixty-one balag-laments
listed in the neo-Assyrian and neo-Babylonian catalogues, it is conceivable that some lamentations were
. composed after the 0ld Babylonian period, during the Middle Babylonian period, which is known to have
been a time of great literary activity. The political upheavel of the Old Babylonian Empire by a Hittite
razzia and the subsequent Kassite domination lent urgency to the preservation of cuneiform literature, this
conceru probably providing the impetus for the composing of new texts.
The six incipits occurring in both First Millennium B. C. catalogues are am-e b,ra-an-na-ra, ug-dam ki am-ûs, dUtu-gin7
è- ta, é tùr-gin s nigin-na-àm, hul?-gâl-la mu un-au, an d abzu pe-el-16-dm. The fourth tablet of lugal-e dim-me-er-an-ki•a,
-
' listed in the H. Clark cylinder, occurs as MLC 1877 (BRM IV no.8).
8CT 42 no. 15; TCL 15 no. 8; CT 36 pl. 35-38; MAH 16066; VAS 2 no. 26 (though some portions duplicate the baIag
eden-na û-sag-gd-ke 4 listed in 4R 2 53 i 44, VAS 2 no. 26 appears to be a different composition); I have not included
RA 17 50, since the first kirugu of this text is not preserved. i cannot tell if this text is listed in 4R 2 53. The genre
of RA 15 128 is unclear. The Old Babylonian catalogue VAS 10 216 also lists several balag's (see Kultlyrik p. 33).
9 See J. Cooper, "Sumerian and Akkadian in sumer an d Akkad," Or NS 42 (Gelb Volume) pp. 239-246 with previous
literature.
i0
For Old Babylonian texts with the subscript balag see J. Krecher, Kultlyrik p. 30 n. 60 to which add a fifth reference,
YBC 9862 (courtesy W.W. Hatlo): ki-§a-bi balag-dInanna-kam. Note that the balag to Dumuzi CT 42 no. 15, which
below 1 suggest is one of the earlier laments, having been composed during the Larsa period, contains the subscript balag
in the colophon. This would then indicate that the term balag was applied to the genre of laments as early as the
Nineteenth Century B. C. in some sites based upon the scribal school's tradition.
[SANE 1, 30
1974] Balag-Compositions 7
Each balag-lamentation is addressed to one particular deity, there being at least one balag for most major
deities in the Sumerian-Akkadian pantheon. Asshurbanipal's neo-Assyrian cataiogue of balag-lamentations is
arranged in a most definite order, starting with laments to male deities and thereafter those to goddesses.
First among the balag's to the gods are compositions to Enki and Enlil, two "father gods" who were the
heads of their respective pantheons. It is interesting to note that the scribe gave priority to the three
lamentations to Enki over the twelve to Enlil, perhaps reflecting a belief in the great antiquity of the
tradition surrounding Enki over that of Enlil and the pantheon of Nippur. 11 Two of the lamentations
listed in the midst of the compositions to Enlil are ascrihed to the goddesses Nintinugga and Gula,
surprising since one would expect these two works to he cited in the second half of the catalogue, among
the lamentations to the goddesses. However, these balag's of Nintinugga and Gula are actually balag's to
Enlil, for in these two works Enlil is the recipient of the praise and it is he whom the two goddesses blame
for the destruction of their cities and temples. Note this excerpt from the lament to Gula entitled uruhulake:
Also within the grouping of Enlil balag's are one work each to Asshur and Marduk, each placed here since
they each share the same incipit as a balag to En11 13 After the Enki and Enlil balag's are cited one
lamentation to Luial, at least one to Asarluhi, at least two to Utu, one to Ishkur, three to Ninurta, one to
Nabû, at least two to Nergal and at least one to Nanna. Among the balag laments to the goddesses several
-
can be identified as being to Inanna or Ninisina. ln addition to the texts listed in the First Millennium B. C.
catalogues there are preserved five Old Babylonian redactions of balag's, three to Dumuzi, one to Inanna and
one to Ninmah. 14
The text of the lamentations consists of three basic elements, praise, narrative and importunity. The majority
of the content is devoted to praising the deity, such praise displaying to the god the sincere devotion of his
supplicants, the laudatory verses assuring the deity that man understands his subservient and helpless position,
recognizing the overlordship of the god. A second aspect of the praise might well be the cajoling of the
god, by which he might grant the desparate plea of a beleaguered nation. The narrative in the laments
describes the decimation of the land, the eruption of natural forces, foreign invasions, all unleashed by the
god in his unbending wrath. Described are the reactions of the goddesses, bewailing the fate of their land,
their temples and their people. Several compositions detail unsuccessful attempts by various deities to
intercede with Enlil on the people's behalf. The importunities are an attempt to halt the ruination of the
country, the nation pleading that the heart and mind of the god be assuaged, that his favor and loving care
return to his people. So too scores of other gods are invoked that they might also urge an end to a
devastation that has not spared their temples and cities.
11
For the possible conflict between the traditions surrounding Enki and Enlil see s. N. Kramer, "Enki and His Inferiority
Complex," Or NS 39 pp. 103 ff.
12
Mullil is the Sumerian Emesal dialect rendering of the name Enlil.
13 Enlil and Marduk both share the incipit a-ab-ba-hu-luh-ha. since only the balag to Enlil is preserved (see R. Kutscher,
A ab ba lu uh ha: The History of a Sumerian Congregational Lament, Ph. D. Dissertation, Yale University 1970), it cannot be
- - - - -
determined whether these are two entirely different compositions or merely the same text with a ch ange in the names of the
gods and temples. However, the zi-bu-(i) -um compositions of Enlil and Asshur are preserved and in this instance the works are
totaliy dissimilar.
14 see ftn. 8 above.
[ SANE 1, 31
8 M. E. Cohen [SANE 1/2
The balag-lamentation is composed of a series of units called kirugu's. In regard to content each kirugu is
an independent literary entity of varying length, unrelated to the preceding and subsequent kirugu's. On the
Old Babylonian tablets, with the exception of a find of texts provenience unknown, each kirugu is
separated from the other by the words "lst (2nd, 3rd, etc.) kirugu. " 15 The total number of kirugu's in
each composition varies, some lamentations containing over thirty such units. 16 ln the collection of balag-
tablets of unknown provenience the kirugu's are separated only by a heavy line drawn horizontally between
the units, the actual term kirugu rarely appearing. l This latter procedure was also observed in all the
First Millennium B. C. copies of balag-lamentations. In some compositions using the horizontal line
procedure there also occurs the gisgigal, a one line unit situated between some kirugu's of the balag, this
unit likewise being set off from the kirugu's by a heavy line drawu horizontally above and below it. 18
19
There are eight Old Babylonian redactions of balag-lamentations in which the coneluding kirugu is preserved.
kirugu of importunity in which the priest pleads that the heart ThetwoEnlicmps eudwitha
and liver, the seats of emotion of the god, be pacified, that Enlil relent of his anger. 20 The other s ix
balag's have no such formulaic conclusion. This difference is logical, for in the balag's to Enlil, Enlil is
viewed as the immediate and direct cause of the devastation, his anger bringing forth the ruination of the
land, thus an entreaty directed to assuage Enlil's wrath. However, the entire background to the lnanna-
Dumuzi lamentations, for example, is quite different. The country's plight is not the direct result of any
god's anger, but rather a result of Dumuzi's disappearance from the land. Thus a plea such as in the Enlil
lamentations would be pointless. ln the balag laments directed to Enlil, after the plea to his emotions,
-
there ensues a request that the host of deities, each individually invoked, also importune the god to halt his
destruction. After this final kirugu occurs a formulaic expression, "This supplication . . . return
21
the 'x temple' to place." Then occurs the term kisubim, which can be translated "lt is its kisû."
-
However, in the First Millennium B. C. 1edactions there is a change in the conelusion of the
balag-lamentation, for now, although the aforementioned two line formula still occurs, after these
two lines an ersemma has been appended to each balag. ln the Old Babylonian period the
ersemma had been a genre entirely separate from the balag. It was a compact, one unit hymn to a god,
not necessarily mournful in tone, also in the liturgy of the kalû-priest. Although we have no indication as
to the ritual use of the ersemma in the Old Babylonian period, it is qûite possible that the ersemma was,
15 This collection of tablets whose provenience is unknown is published in VAs 2 and 10. J. Krecher, Kultlyrik p. 15,
suggests the tablets come from northern Babylonia, perhaps sippar.
16 The balag to lnanna urû-hul-a-ke4 consists of thirty-one kirugu.s in one redaction and thirty-two in another; whereas the
belag to dMah, partially preserved in RA 17 50, consisted of just ten kirugu's.
t 7 ln this collection a few texts do label kirugu's, i.e. VAS 2 no. 64, VAS 10 nos. 123, 124.
18 Exemplars of this gilgigaI in the Old Babylonian period occur in VAS 2 25 ii 41 (see J. Krecher, Kultlyrik p. 145 for
additional occurences of this line) and VAS 2 25 v 43, VAS 10 102 obv. ii 13 (see J. Krecher, Kultlyrik pp. 192-193
for additional occurrences of this line).
19
Enl il: u4 - dam ki am - us, e - lum gu4 - san; Utu(?): MAH 16066 (unpublished, quoted J. Krecher, Kultlyrik p. 15 et
passim); Mah: RA 17 50; Inanna-Dumuzi: CT 36 pl. 35-38, CT 42 no. 15, ura-dm i-ra-bi, ura-huI a-ke4.
20
Atthough the belag u4-dam ki am-as does conclude with this heart-pacification kirugu, in the beIag e-lum gu4-san the heart-
pacification kirugu is the next to last. Interestingly, the final kirugu of e-lum gu4-san was reworked into the ersemma
umun-mu za-e (STT 155), perhaps indicating that later scribes assumed the next to last kirugu to be the conclusion, since
it was a heart-pacification kirugu, thus interpreting what in reality was the concluding kirugu as being an eriemma
(actually eriemma's were appended to belag's only in the Middle Babylonian period onward). This suggests that the
priests expected the final kirugu of an Enlil balag to be the heart-pacification kirugu.
The standard litany of gods occurring in the heart-pacification kirugu may also occur in other kirugu.s of the Old
Babylonian balag's. Cf. CT 42 no. 3 iii, iv, v (en-zu sâ-mar-mar to Lulal) wherein this list of gods occurs, yet there is
no mention of pacifying the heart of Mullil.
21
For the term ki- sa-bi-im see the Glossary.
[SANE l, 32]
1974] Balag-Compositions 9
on occasion, recited in the same ritual ceremonies as the balag. 22 During the Middle Babylonian period
the two genres had apparently been so closely identified with each other, presumably on the basis of ritual
funetion, that each balag was assigned one ersemma as its new conclusion. 23 The ersemma was then
reworked, adopting a second concluding unit which contained the plea to the heart of the god and the
concommitant list of deities, although this list was drastically reduced in size from the final kirugu of the
Old Babylonian lamentation. 24 This new unit of the ersemma was therefore intentionally patterned after
the concluding kirugu of the Old Babylonian balag's to Enlil. Even some lnanna-Dumuzi balag-lamentations,
which had never possessed an entreaty to the heart of the god, were also assigned eršemma's containing
such a plea.
The appearance of an extensive corpus of balag-lamentations, at least twenty-two, in the Old Babylonian
period raises a question concerning its development. Was the creation of the balag-lamentation the genesis
of an entirely new genre or was it an adaptation of older compositions? In seeking an answer to this
problem the relationship of the balag-lament to the three city-laments obviously should be examined. The
earliest lamentations in the extant corpus of Sumerian literature are the "Lamentation over the Destruction
of Ur," 25 the "Lamentation over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur, "26 and the "Nippur Lament." 27 The
former two texts deal with the devastation of Ur (c. 2000 B. C.), which signaled the collapse of the Ur Hl
Empire. The "Nippur Lament" concerns Nippur, the cult center of a Sumerian amphictyony, which had
been destroyed by an Amorite invasion following the collapse of the Ur IH Empire. The destruction of
any Sumerian city, let alone such important centers as Ur and Nippur, represented not just a shift in
political and military might, but had grave religious consequences as well. The desire to restore the cities
and thus return to the harmony and balance of the pre-destruction era was ever-present among the people.
Scholars date the composing of these three lamentations no later than circa 1925 B. C., less than a century
after the events described. 28
If indeed there is a relationship between these three city-laments and the balag-laments four factors must be
considered, the structure and form of the works, the content, the ritual use, and the opportunity for a
relationship to develop'
a. Structure. The balag-lamentation may consist of two types of units, the kirugu and another one line
unit. Unfortunately the one line units are so far attested only on those tablets which employ the
horizontal line method of division, thus not labeling the literary components. However, there is an Old
Babylonian balag-lamentation to Dumuzi, unlisted in the neo-Assyrian catalogue of Asshurbanipal, which
clearly labels one entire section as a gisgigal. 29 Another Old Babylonian composition to Dumuzi, assuredly
22
See J. Krechcr, Kultlyrik p. 34 for the possible relationship of the ersemma to the term er se ma ge appearing in the Mari-
- - -
ritual. However, I suggest reading this term as ir si si(?) mu(?), interpreting this as an incipit, for which see my
- - -
24
Two ertemma.s preserved in First Millennium B. C. copies actually contain three units, the ersemma's being ù-li-Ii en zu
-
s' mar mar and an sù ud dg izi gin7. This latter work contains the longest list of gods in an eršemma, twelve.
- - - - - -
[SANE 1, 33]
10 M. E. Cohen [SANE l/2
also a balag despite the fact that the colophon is not preserved, also contains units designated as gigigal's. 30
The only other literary unit so far attested as alternating with the kirugu is the šabaatuk, this combination
occurring in a text of unknown genre. 31 Therefore it is reasonably safe to conclude that th e unit which
occasionally 1s interspersed between kirugu's of the balag is the gišgigal. If the balag-lamentations are indeed
modelled after older works, such compositions should also consist of kirugu's and gišgigal's. To my
knowledge there are only two types of texts meeting this requirement, the three aforementioned city-
laments, all consisting of kirugu's followed by a one to three line gisgigal, and a hymn to Inanna on behalf
of Ur Ninurta, king of Isin. 32
-
b. Content. The content of the hymn to Inanna on behalf or Ur-Ninurta, referred to above, is totally
dissimilar to the balag-laments, being concerned with th e greatness of the king of lsin and his being
deserving of a good fate. It is obvious that the works most similar to the balag-lamentations should be the
three city-laments, both groups of texts being lamentations over the destruction of the country and its
buildings. There is one major difference between the three city-laments and the balag-laments. The former
works describe one particular historical event. The balag-lamentations, on the other hand, do not portray
any one specific historical occurence, but rathe1 describe the destruction of th e land in general terms. Yet
despite this difference there is a great similarity in content and tone in general, for which in particular
compare the final half of the concluding kirugu of the "Lamentation over the Destruction of Ur" to the
concluding kirugu of the balag to Enlil, udam ki amus:
udam ki amus:
The fact that the Ur Lament and the balag-lamentations both conclude with importunities may, of course,
be coincidence. However, note that both conclusions contain two identical elements, both employing the
expression "to soothe (the heart)" and then concluding with the almost identical line, referring to the city
or temple returning to its place. This would seem to be more than coincidence. Moreover, Th. Jacobsen
discerned a great similarity between th e total structure of the Ur Lament and the later lamentations.
30 TCL 15 no. 8.
3l CT 36 pl. 43. The šabaatuk, gišgigal an d kirugu alI occur in the sirnamgala published in UET 6/1 96 and 97.
32 CT 36 p1. 28-30, for tr an slation see A. Falkenstein and W. vonSoden, Sumerische und Akkadische Hymnen und Gebete,
Zürich-Stuttgart 1953, pp. 105 ff. See ftn. 31 above.
33 Translation according to s. N. Kramer, ANET p. 463.
[SANE 1, 34]
1974] Balag-Compositions 11
"Comparing the present texts [Ur Lament] more carefully it will be seen that not only does it correspond
to the balag in general eharacter (lament for a major public disaster) but it also seems to exhibit the same
division into two parts." 34
C. Opportunity. Being in the liturgy of the kalû-priest all the balag-lamentations are in Emesal, a dialect of
Sumerian peculiar to these priests. The fact that the Ur and Nippur laments are also in this Emesal dialect
indicates that it was probably the kalû-priests who authored and recited these two lamentations. 35 If this
observation is valid, then the opportunity for the kalû-priests to develop the balag-lamentations from the
city-laments is present.
d. Ritual use. The three city-laments were recited most probably at ceremonies involving the restoration
of Ur and Nippur' The mournful tone of the compositions as well as the constant references to the
destroyed shrines suggest that the temples had not yet been rebuilt, indicating, as Th. Jacobsen and W. W.
Hailo have noted, that these works were not recited to commemorate the restoration, but rather before the
restoration, during the razing of the old structures. 36 Although we possess no Old Babylonian texts
detailing the specific occasion in which the balag-lamentation was involved, the closing line "This supplica-
tion ... return the 'x-temple' to place" strongly advocates that the balag was also involved in the
restoration of sacred buildings. And, as with the three city-laments, the continual references to the
destroyed temples in the balag 's indicate that they too were recited during the demolition of sacred
strucfures. In fact the First Millennium B. C. ritual texts ascribe just such a funetion to these laments.
e. Conclusions. Thus all four parameters, structure, content, opportunity and ritual use all indicate a high
probability of direct relationship between the city-laments and the balag-lamentations. As already stated,
the use of the term balag to designate the genre of laments is a somewhat later development, despite the
fact that from their very inception these lamentations were assuredly recited to the accompaniment of the
balag- instrument. Thus the absence of the subscript balag on copies of the city-laments does not preclude
the possibility that they too were chanted to the sound of the balag-instrument. 37 Actually then there are
only two essential differences between the city-laments and the balag-laments. Firstly, the former detail a
specific historical event, while the latter do not. Secondly, no copies of the city-laments were made after
the Old Babylonian period, whereas the balag-laments were copied and recopied down through the Seleucid
period. These two points of divergence are directly related. It has been suggested that the city laments
were composed for one specific restoration ceremony and thereafter, having lost their ritual value, were
relegated to the scribal schools where they were incorporated into the curriculum to be studied and
copied by scribal students. 38 The total lack of copies from the First Millennium B. C. is therefore
expected, since there is no proof of the existence of scribal schools during that period. The balag-
lamentations, on the other hand, not limiting themselves to one specific historical event, were easily
adaptable to different cities, occasions and times. Thus for almost two thousand years the balag-
lamentations were continually copied for ritual implementation. With but a few possible exceptions, the
balag-laments were probably not part of the scribal school curriculum, at least not in Nippur. 39
34 AJSL 58 p. 223.
35 For Emesal compositions being almost the exclusive province of the kali-priest see J. Krecher, Kultlyrik pp. 27-28.
See Excursus 2, below.
36 Th Jacobsen, AJSL 58 p. 223; W. W. Hallo, "The Cultic setting of sumerian Poetry," Actes de la XVIie Rencontre
Assyriologique Internationale, Bruxelles 1969, p. 119.
37 For internal evidence suggesting the use of the balag-instrument in the recitation of the Ur Lament see Th. Jacobsen,
AJSL 58 p. 223 n. 18.
38 R. Kutscher, A- ab-ba-hu-luh-ha: The History of a Sumerian Congregational Lament (Ph. D. Dissertation), Yale U., 1970.
39 This observ ation is based upon the almost total lack of Emesal fragments of the balag-laments from Nippur. To date
only a few fragments have been discovered that belong to the balag genre, e. g. Ni 2412 (sRT 46) ura àm-i-ra-bi;
Ni 1364 (SLTN 71) eden -na 6-sag-gdi-ke4. It is also possible that the Old Babylonian catalogue TMH NF 3 no. 53
obv. i 22 might refer to the balag a-ab-ba-hu-luh-ha ša dEnlil (4R 2 53 1 17).
[SANE 1, 35]
12 M. E. Cohen [SANE 1/2
Attempting to reconstruct the evolution of the balag-lamentations, I suggest the following line of
development. The deterioration of the gis"gigal-unit of the lamentation indicates a development from the
city-laments to the balag-laments. Within the city-laments the gisgigal always occurs after every kirugu, is
labeled as being a gikigal and frequently contains more than one line. However, in the First Millennium
B. C. redactions of the balag's the gigigal occurs very sporadically, if at all, and is never labeled as such. 40
balag's to Dumuzi not listed in the First Millennium B. C. Withexcponfwaremtid
catalogues the Old Babylonian redactions of the balag's display the same deterioration of the gisgigal unit
as is present in the First Millennium B. C. redactions. 41 Thus the Old Babylonian redactions of the balag's
must be placed chronoiogically after the city-laments, not before. The ritual recitation of the three city-
laments during the razing of sacred structures apparently appealed to the ancients, who determined to
incorporate lamentations into any further such 1ituals, whereupon new laments were composed for various
cities and temples of Mesopotamia. lf this hypothesis is valid, then the composing of the earliest balag-
lamentations probably occurred within a few years after the authoring of the city laments, around 1900 B.C..
The two aforementioned Dumuzi balag's that do contain an elaborate gišgigal-unit probably are representative
of the earliest balag lamentations, whereas the other extant Old Babylonian redactions, allowing time for the
-
This observation on the relative dating of the Old Babylonian balag-lamentations on the basis of structural
analysis is borne out by their respective contents. One of the aforementioned balag's to Dumuzi includes
a list of the kings of the Ur lII dynasty and the subsequent First Dynasty of Isin up to Bur-Sin (1895-
i874 B. C.) and another king whose name is partially destroyed. 42 This listing of the leading rulers of
southern Mesopotamia strongly suggests that this balag-lamentation, containing gis"gigal-units, dates to about
1870 B. C.. Among the balag's employing the horizontal line method of dividing kirugu's and containing a
sporadic one line gisgigal (or none at all) one text also contains a king-list. 43 However, this lament cites
eight additional kings after the reign of Bur-Sin of Isin, which dates this text most probably to the reign of
Warad Sin of Larsa (1822-1763 B. C.), a contemporary of Hammurapi of Babylon. 44 Thus the Dumuzi
-
balag, which is an alternation of kirugu's and gißgigal's, predates the others by about a century.
An analysis of the recurrent city lists in the balag-lamentations can also be instrumental in determining the
date of composition. From approximately 1800 B. C. onward southern Mesopotamia witnessed a shift in
political and economic activity northward, from Ur, Isin and Larsa to Babylon, Sippar and Borsippa, this
shift being reflected in the balag-lamentations. The other aforementioned balag to Dumuzi, containing a
unit labeled giffgigal, includes a refrain in which are named the southern Mesopotamian centers Nippur, Ur,
Larsa and Uruk, indicating that this work was composed during the hegemony of the Larsa dynasty. 45
balag's containing at most a one line unlabeled gilgigal already indicateHowevr,thsOldBabyni this
shift in power, for although the list still begins with the venerated cultic center Nippur, the cities Babylon,
Sippar and Borsippa have replaced the more southernly cities. 46 Thus once again the balag-composition
containing the designated giigigal appears to be older.
40
See I. Krecher, Kultlyrik pp. 192-193 line v 43 with commentary.
41 See n. 18 above.
42 TCL 15 no. 8.
43 VAS 2 no. 26.
44 Although in VAS 2 no. 26 th
e names of the kings after Bur-Sin have been destroyed, the last half of each line,
containing a refrain, is preserved, thus indicating that the lament originally listed eight more kings.
45 CT 42 no. 15.
46A similar development can be observed in the eršemma dilmun nlgin-ù, where the Old Babylonian redaction (CT 15
pl. 12-13) cites the cities Nippur, Ur an d Larsa. Although no other Old Babylonian duplicates to these lines exist, the
First Millennium B. C. copies cite the centers Nippur, Sippar, Babylon and in one redaction, 1sin, reflecting an older
tradition wherein Isin was included.
[SANE l, 36]
1974] Balag-Compositions 13
From Mari, an Old Babylonian site along the Middle Euphrates, a text detailing a ritual of the kale-priest
was unearthed, aibeit much of the tablet had been destroyed 4 7 Although it is impossible to discern the
occasion necessitating the performance of this ritual in which even the king participated, the following line
is preserved: "The kalû-priests sing (the work) û-ru-am-ma-i' -ru-bi at the beginning of the month." M. Civ il ,
I believe correctly, has identified this work as the balag-lamentation ur12 àm-i-ra-bi, 48 a lament to Inanna
known from both Oid Babylonian and First Millennium B. C. redactions. This passage then indicates that
in Mari (and most probably other sites throughout Mesopotamia) certain balag-lamentations were recited
during festivals, in this instance the festival of the new moon, and presumably, to judge from First
Millennium B. C. usage, on other designated days of each month.
The only other evidence of the 1itual 1ecitation of the balag-lamentation in the Old Babylonian period is
internal evidence, i. e. the concluding line of the balag's "This supplication . . . return the 'x-temple' to
place." 49 Although the exact translation of this line is problematic, nonetheless it does indicate that the
halag was chanted at some point in the activities centering about the restoration of temples. And, as
mentioned above, the references to the destroyed temples may indicate its recitation during the razing of
sacred structures.
Thus u1 the Old Babylonian period the balag-lamentations appear to have served two functions, first as part
of a fixed liturgy for certain festivals and days of the month, and second as part of ritual ceremonies for
the restoration of tempies.
The source material for the ritual recitation of the balag-lamentations is both richer and more varied in the
First Millennium B. C., there being texts detailing the rituals of the kali-priests, 50 calendar texts 51 and
even a namburbi,52 i. e. a "(ritual for) undoing (of a portended evil)". 53 In the rituals proscribed for the
kalû priest the chanting of a balag was but one element in a highly intricate ceremony, as observed in the
-
When laying the foundation of a temple, in an auspicious month, on a favorable day you
shall open the (old) foundation of the temple. When you lay the foundation of the temple,
during the night you shall set up five offering tables, (one each for the gods) Sin, Marduk,
Ninmah, Kulla and Ninshubur. You shall make offerings, scatter seed all about, kindle a fire
and libate beer, wine and milk. You shall chant the lamentation udam ki amus and the
ersemma-composition umun barakuga. Afterwards you shall set up three offering tables, (one
each) for the god of the temple, the goddess of the temple and the genie of the temple.
47
G. Dossin, RA 35 I ff.; for additional discussion of this ritual see J. Krecher, Kultlyrik pp. 34-35.
48 RA 68 p. 95.
49
see n. 21 above.
50 F. Thureau-Dangin, Rituels accadiens, Paris 1921. For a translation of most of these rituals see A. sachs, ANET
pp. 334-345.
51
s. Langdon, "Calendars of Liturgies and Prayers," AJsL 42 pp. 110 ff.
52 R. Caplice, "Namburbi Texts in the British Museum," OrNS 39 pp. 118 ff.
53 Translation of the term namburbi according to R. Caplice, "The Akkadian namburbi Texts: an Introduction," sANE 1/1,
P. 8.
54 F. Thureau-Dangin, op. cit. pp. 42-44.
[SANE 1, 37]
14 M. E. Cohen [SANE 1/2
You shall kindle a fire and set up water. You shall draw the curtains shut. You shall ehant
(the work) esabhungaeta to the accompaniment of the halhallatu-drum in the direction of the
temple. After this, in the morning you shall set up three offering tables, (one each) for An,
Enlil and Ea. You shall chant the lamentation umun §ermalal'e ankia and the ers"emma-
composition dilmun nigina. You shall dismantle the offering tables and lay the foundation.
Then the (foundation ceremony) of the temple will be finished. You shall not interrupt the
offerings and the lamentations. Once the foundation is laid you shall (perform) the
purification ritual and consecrate the site.
In a ritual for the demolition of a buckling temple wall procedures similar to those proscribed above are
observed. 55 At night offering tables are erected, sacrifices and libations performed while the kaki-priest
"shall chant the lamentation Utugin eta and the ersemma-composition u'u aba muhul. "
Two significant aspects of the ritual function of the balag-lamentation may be discerned. Firstly, the
lament was recited to the gods while the offerings and libations were being performed. And secondly, the
laments were chanted during the demolition of the old edifice, not during ceremonies commemorating the
erection of the new structure. Thus the ba/ag-lamentation served the same function as the offerings, to
appease the divine ange1 the city might incur while the workmen were tearing down sacred structures,
albeit to erect new ones. It is interesting to note that a balag-lamentation was recited on the fifteenth day
of a ceremony for the covering of a sacred kettledrum. 56 It is unusual that the lament was recited after
the recovering process had been completed, rather than while the drum lay uncovered, in the p10cess of
repair, as with temple wall and foundation. Moreover, in this ritual sacrifices and libations did not accompany
the recitation of the lament. I believe that in this instance the lament was ehanted to the accompaniment of
the kettledrum as a means of testing the new drum. 57
The actual content of the balag-lamentations, i.e. the continual references to the destruction of temples, is
obviously appropriate for the aforementioned rituals involving the razing of delapidated or partially destroyed
temple structures' The function of the balag being to assuage divine anger, a seemingly secondary use of the
lament developed for other occasions when the priest or king needed to placate the passions of the gods,
lest misfortune befall the nation. Such usage is attested in a text expressly labeled namburbi, a ritual to avert
portended evil, SS an d in a series of rituals, though not designated as being namburbi's, nonetheless
funetioning as such. 59 An omen forewarned the priest of an evil about to befall the land, this misfortune
brought on by the gods presumably in their anger. It was the funetion of the lamentation recited as part
of the namburbi to soothe the anger of the gods an d thus avert the impending evil. The balag's were
recited as part of rituals to avert evils portended by earth tremors, the entrance of a dog or wild beast into
a temple, and the breakage of a statue of a past or present king of the country. The namburbi empioying
the balag-lamentation is so "that headache, plague (and) pestilence may not approach the king's ho[rses and]
troops." Thereafter followed an elaborate ritual which involved the erecting of
" four reed altars to Lugalgirra, Meslamtaea, Ninkilim .... You offer four sacrificial
sheep. Firewood .... You strike the bronze lilissu-drum. You have the king sit upon a
reed seat. He wears a crown upon his head. You grasp his hands in (the folds of) a turb an .
You sing the lament "Great waters drowning the crops," the ersemma "Warrior, great fl ood."
[SANE 1, 38J
1974] Balag-Compositions 15
You take the king's hands, and he rises and stands before the cultic installation. You have
the king recite "Lord, the strong one of all the great gods." 60
Serving not only to placate divine anger over specific activities, the ba/ag-lamentation was one vehicle by
which the priests maintained an ever-constant vigil against the capriciousness of the gods. The regular
recitation of lamentations on fixed days of each month and on festivals hopefully insured tranquility for
a nation ever afraid it might unknowingly commit an offense against the divine powers. In each month
certain days were designated for the chanting of one or more laments, the days being determined perhaps
on the basis of numerical superstitions. The Uruk calendar, listing literary works to be recited on the
same date every month, designated balag-lamentations for the first, second, seventh, fourteenth, fifteenth
and twentieth of every month, and special recitations during the months of Nisannu and Arahshamnu. The
seventh day of every month was the most involved for the kalû-priest, since he had to recite five entire
balag-compositions, three to An, one to the moon-god Nanna and one for the goddess of Uruk, Inanna.
The calendar from Asshur, partially preserved, deseribes the liturgy in Asshur for the months Shabatu, Adaru
and Nisannu. The following is an excerpt of the Asshur calendar:
On the 23rd (of Shabatu) the lament ursaggal menisermala ila and the ersemma-composition
ana zae mahmen fo1 Asshu1 in the temple of Dagan. After the sacrifices the lament udam ki
amus and the errs"emma-composition umun barakuga for Asshur in the house of Dagan, (the
ceremony) "arousing the temple."
On the 24th (of Shabatu) the lament elum bara mea and the ers"emma-composition nam.fuben
for Asshur in the house of Dagan. After the sacrifices the lament ame amas"ana and the
ersemma-composition ursag abzuta for Asshur in the house of Dagan, (the ceremony)
"arousing the temple."
The lamentation elum gusuna was recited during a ritual for the temple of An in Uruk on the seventeenth
day of a month whose name has heen destroyed on the tablet:
On the seventeenth day (of the month), forty minutes after sunrise, the gate shall be opened
before the deities Anu and Antu, bringing an end to the(ir) overnight stay. The main meal
of the morning shall be offered to Anu, Antu, and all the gods. When the main (meal) is
over, the second meal shall be offered. The (priest) shall fill the golden censers and then
shall sacrifice a bull and a ram. The singer shall [sing] (the hymn entitled) `Slum gud
sunna. " 61
Lastly, lamentations were recited in Uruk on the tenth and eleventh days of the important akitu-festival in
the month of Tishri. 62 Since this was the occasion when the great gods assembled to determine the fates
for the coming year, the chanting of lamentations to soothe the anger of the gods was most vital.
In summary then, the balag-lamentation was originally composed to placate the wrath of the gods during
the razing of sacred structures. As early as the Old Babylonian period the laments also became part of a
fixed liturgy for certain days of the month, presumably to pacify the gods over unknowingly committed
offenses that may have been totally unrelated to the demolishing of temple bu ildings. This dual usage of
the balag-lamentation was maintained throughout the First Millennium B. C. when the balag was even used
in rituals to avert portended evil.
60
Translation according to R. Caplice, "Namburbi Texts in the British Museum," OrNS 39 p. 121.
6l Translation according to A. sachs,
op. cit, p. 98.
62 F. Thureau-Dangin,
op. cit. p. 98.
[SANE 1, 39]
B. TEXTS IN TRANSLATION
The balag "The Steer in His Fold" was originally composed to Mullil (dialectal for Enlil). This lament was
recited in Uruk on the 15th and 20th of every month and to An, the chief god in the pantheon of Uruk,
on the 11th day of the akitu-festival. ln Asshur this balag-lamentation was recited on the 14th of the
month of Shabatu. When the lament was recited in different cities, each city added or substituted the
name of its local deity as the god being addressed in the work. The translation below is based upon a
First Millennium B. C. recension recited in Babylon to the god Asarluhi, whom they identified with their
own god Marduk. The preserved portions of this lament are characterized not only by the dull, long,
repetitious refrains, but by the repetition of entire passages. 63
The great mountain, Mullil, the honored one, has torn down the great doors and walls.
20. The lord of the nation, Mullil, has turned the righteous houses into reed huts.
Mullil has stretched out (his) hand against the son of the righteous m an .
For him who scrapes the ground (at) the water hole, the lord of the nation
has broken up the water hole.
In the house of the lord, Mullil has killed the supplicanls at the shrine.
Lord of the nation, Mullil, unfathomable one, how long will your heart not be soothed?
Father Mullil, who gazes about, how long will your eyes not be tired?
How long will you keep your head covered with a cloth?
How long will you keep your neck in (your) lap?
63 The basic texts on which this translation is based are SBH I, Ii and no. 26.
[SANE 1, 40]
1974] Balag-Compositions 17
How long will you keep your mind covered as a reed box?
Honored one, how long will you lean your ear against (your) lap?
30. Father Mullil, you have smitten the land until you have (completely) destroyed it.
Lord of the nation, the ewe has cast out (her) lamb; the goat has cast out (her) kid.
Oh, your righteous city! The true bearing mother has cast out her child.
The wife of the hero has cast out the little child, her (own) child.
has cast out her spouse.
Father Mullil, the reaches of heaven and earth are not illuminated.
Lord of the nation, the sun does not rise, shining over the lands.
Great mountain, Mullil, the moon does not rise (in) his splendor over Sumer.
Mullil, the sun and moon do not rise, shining over Sumer.
Father Mullil, you called forth to the corner; the people in the corner have been killed.
40. Lord of the nation, you called forth to the side; the people at the side have been killed_
You called forth to every clay pit; they have been filled with blood.
You called forth to the treasure-house of the land; it has been turned into ruins.
Lord Mullil, may heaven and earth soothe you!
Hero Asarluhi, may heaven and earth soothe you!
Lord of the nation, may your majestic heart be soothed!
May the Anunna-gods stand before you in prayer (to soothe) your heart!
May the Anunna gods engendered in heaven stand before you in prayer!
-
[SANE 1, 411
18 M. E. Cohen [SANE 1/2
May the lofty vizier, the leader, Nusku, utter a prayer to you!
May Umunug, Umunbar, th e šangamah-priest of the apsû, utter a prayer to you!
May the great hero, Dugabiugigi, utter a prayer to you!
May the advisor, the princess of advice, utter a prayer to you!
May the advisor, Gas"an"sudde, utter a prayer to you!
May the advisor whose utterance is joyous utter a prayer to you!
80. May the mother of the chief city, Ga"santinuba, utter a prayer to you!
May the great hero, the lord Dikumaham, utter a prayer to you!
May Umunadhal, the lord of heaven and earth, utter a prayer to you!
May the gods of heaven and earth utter a prayer to you!
"You should not abandon your city!" may he utter to you! May he utter a prayer to you!
"You should not abandon Nippur and the Ekur!" may he utter to you!
May he utter a prayer to you!
"You should not abandon the kiur and the Enamtila!" may he utter to you!
May he utter a prayer to you!
"You should not abandon Sippar and the Ebabbar!" may he utter to you!
May he utter a prayer to you!
"You should not abandon your city, Babylon!" may he utter to you!
May he utter a prayer to you!
"You should not abandon the Esagil and Borsippa!" may he utter to you!
May he utter a prayer to you!
90. "You should not abandon the Ezida and the Emahtila!" may he utter to you!
May he utter a prayer to you!
"You should not abandon the Etemenanki!" may he utter to you!
May he utter a prayer to you!
"You should not aba.idon the Edaranna!" may he utter to you!
May he utter a prayer to you!
"Indeed you are its lord!" may he utter to you! May he utter a prayer to you!
"lndeed you are its shepherd!" may he utter to you! May he utter a prayer to you!
"(You are) a storm locked up in a house!" may he utter to you!
May he utter a prayer to you!
(End of the) first kirugu
[SANE 1, 42]
19741 Balag-Compositions 19
[SANE 1, 43]
20 M. E. Cohen [SANE 1/2
You hand over the ewe and (her) lamb to the foreigners.
You hand over the goat and (her) kid to the foreigners.
You destroy the rich man along with his property.
Mullil, you have killed with cold those who even wear much elothing.
Your eyes do not tire.
The balag-lamentation "His Word (is) a Wail, a Wail" is a lament to Mullil that was recited in Uruk on the
seventh day of each month. According to the preserved portions of the lament Mullil, by his utterance,
had unleashed destruction upon the land, all the while Mullil feigning sleep, allowing the devastation to
continue. The goddess of Uruk, lnanna, determines to take action and so travels to Nippur to see Mullil,
hoping she can change his mind. However, she is stalled at Mullil's gate by his doorkeeper, Kalkal, who
insists she fulfill certain conditions before being permitted to enter. Perhaps Kalkal hopes that lnanna
wilI be unable to do as he requires and thus not be able to disturb Mullil. In the last preserved lines
Inanna has fulfilled the requirements and has gained admittance, sitting on Mullil's lap, trying to awaken
him. 64
64 The basic texts on which this translation is based are sBH nos. 43 and 44.
[SANE 1, 44)
19741 Balag-Compositions 21
10. The word of the iord afflicts the man with woe; the man is trampled down.
The word of great An afflicts the m an with woe; the man is trampled down.
The word of Mullil afflicts the young woman with woe; the young woman moans.
its well is trampled down; viciously he tramples it down.
The trees are trampled down; viciously he tramples them down.
its foundation is trampled down; viciously he tramples it down.
The water in its canal is trampled down; viciously he tramples it down.
The field and its grain are trampled down; viciously he tramples it down.
In the city the Anunna-gods tremble at the word of Mullil.
The Anunna-gods engendered in heaven tremble.
20. The Anunna-gods engendered on earth tremble.
In the city the heavens tremble; the earth shakes. His holy name causes silence.
The heavens tremble; the earth shakes. His holy name causes silence.
; the fish do not eat at the word of Mullil.
In the city the fishermen lay their fishing rods back in place.
[lnform him that the one of An] has journeyed [across the earth] .
[SANE 1, 45]
22 M. E. Cohen [SANE 1/2
[Inform him that the one of An] has taken (her) place.
[Inform him that the one of An has dressed (properly)]. Come, doorkeeper, open up!
The doorkeeper joyfully opened up the house, the palace, for her.
Kalkal, the doorman, opened up the house for her.
70. she sits on the great knees.
His head covering she asks him:
"Oh sleeping one, how long will you sleep?"
"Great mountain, father Mullil, how long will you sleep?"
"You have killed with hunge1 those who even possess extensive cultivated lands."
" in my heart you are not."
(Remainder of the lwlag-lamentation missing)
According to the text of the lamentation itself, the incipit is "Elevated Warrior of the Land." However,
in the neo-Assyrian catalogue the incipit is "Elevated Warrior of the Ekur," (the Sumerian word for land
being kur, thus the confusion with the Ekur temple in Nippur). This lament to Ninurta, a warrior god,
was recited in Asshur during the month of Adaru. Ninurta, the son of Mullil in the pantheon of Nippur,
was identified, as in our lament, with the god Ningirsu of Lagash.
The first kirugu consists of praise of Ninurta. The second kirugu again praises Ninurta, whose very
utterance can spatter venom. The singer then exhorts Ninurta/Ningirsu to rise up against the hostile land
which has invaded the homeland, reminding Ninurta of his past triumphs. Line 84 suggests that Ninurta
is summoned while away, returning to his temple to vanquish the foreign invaders. Yet lines 85-92 suggest
that he has carried the attack to the enemy's own territory. Ninurta first hurls a taunt against the enemy
land and then proceeds to defeat the enemy's army. In the third kirugu, looking at the aftermath of the
invasion, the city cries out to Ninurta/Ningirsu's wife, who is wandering about the ruins, bewailing the
destruction of her land. 65
1. Elevated warrior of the land, what can one know about you?
Honored one, elevated warrior of the land, what can one know about you?
Honored one, lord, great hero,
Great hero, ensi of Mullil,
Honored one, iord of heaven and earth,
Great hero, lord of the Eninnu,
[SANE 1, 46]
1974] Balag-Compositions 23
You scan about for the one who used to sleep with his wife.
Your eye searches about for the one who used to sleep with his child.
You utter a wail for the one who used to sleep with his wife.
You utter a wail for the one who used to sleep with his child.
[SANE 1, 47 1
24 M. E. Cohen [SANE 1/2
90. Hostile land, when will your clay return to its sea?
Host ile land, when will your reeds returu to their canebrake?
Hostile land, when will your beams returu to their forests?
[SANE 1, 48]
1974] Balag-Compositions 25
She walks around in the temple; she walks around in the city.
Oh holy iady of Nippur, when will you tire?
She neared the Esume§a.
130. Ninkianunna, come! [May you turn back]!
She walks around in the temple; she walks around in the city.
The heroic [wife] walks around in the temple; she walks around in the city.
[SANE 1, 49]
26 M. E. Cohen [SANE 1/2
The balag-lamentation "Flood which Drowns the Harvest" was recited to Nergal, the lord of the nether-
world_ The fact that this work was chanted as part of a namburbi to prevent the plague from attacking
the troops of the king is most probably due to the identification of Nergal with Irra, the god of plague
and pestilence. The first kirugu's of the composition are devoted to praising Nergal; however, in the last
kirugu's preserved, Nergal is asked by the nation to go before Mullil, the stubborn one, to plead that
Mullil halt the destruction of the land. Nergal determines to undertake the mission, but unfortunately the
remainder of the text is missing. 66
1. Flood which drowns the harvest, what can one know about you?
Honored one, flood which drowns the harvest, what can one know about you?
Honored one, hero, lord of the netherworld,
Great hero, Meslamtaea,
Honored one, great steer, powerful lord,
Great hero, lord who leads the cattle procession,
Honored one, lord, Pisansagunuga,
Great hero, lord of Kutha,
Honored one, lord of the Emeslam,
10. Great hero, towering wall of the Elamma,
Honored one, hero, lord of the dwelling,
66 The basic texts on which this translation is based are K. 69 (ZA 10 276) and SBH nos. 8, 9 and 10.
[SANE 1, 501
1974] Balag-Compositions 27
Let me bring his word to the diviner and that diviner will lie.
Let me bring his word to the interpreter and that interpreter will lie.
His word afflicts the man with woe; that man mourns.
His word afflicts the young woman with woe; that young woman mourns.
As his word proceeds lightly, it destroys the land.
As his word proceeds grandly, it destroys habitations.
His word is a covered fermentation vat. Who may know what is inside it?
His word, whose interior is unknown, its exterior tramples down (all).
His word, whose exterior is unknown, its interior tramples down (all).
50. His word causes men sickness. It weakens men.
His word, drifting in the heavens, indeed makes the count ry sick.
His word, walking on the land, indeed overthrows the l an d.
His word is a storm which chases (all) five out from a household of five.
The hero, the lord Nergal chases (all) ten out from a household of ten.
Above, his word hurries to me; above, it causes grief.
When th e great hero, th e lord Nergal is below, below the land shakes.
At the sickness (inflicted) by his word I moan.
His word which causes th e heavens themselves to rumble above, woe his word!
(End of the) [...] kirugu
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28 M. E. Cohen [SANE 1/2
(Gügigal )
[SANE 1, 52]
1974] Balag-Compositions 29
The one with the thick horns has destroyed your city for you!
The one with supreme strength has destroyed your city for you!
North and south he has destroyed (it) for you!
The curved horizon has he destroyed for you!
Like the heart of the sea has he caused you to moan!
Although the portions of "His Word (is) a Wail, a Wail" and "Flood which Drowns the Harvest" which
detail the success or failure of Inanna and Nergal, respectively, to dissuade Mullil from continuing his
destruction of the land is not preserved, the opening kirugu of the balag-lamentation to Mullil entitled
"The Honored One who Wanders About" does provide the result of just such a mission by Ninurta. He
fails when overcome by the awe of Mullil.
This lament was recited in Uruk on the first day of every month and during the akitu-festival in Uruk,
being recited on the eleventh day to all the gods. The following is only the first kirugu of "The Honored
One who Wanders About." 67
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30 M. E. Cohen [SANE 1/2
1. For this reason I shall sit down with the honored one who wanders about.
With him who wanders about, for this reason I shall sit down with the honored one
who wanders about.
With the lord, great An, who wanders about,
With the lord of the lands who wanders about,
With the lord whose pronouncement is true, who wanders about,
With Mullil, the father of the nation, who wanders about,
With the shepherd of the black-headed, who wanders about,
With him who witnesses everything first-hand, who wanders about,
With the steer who causes the troops to wander, who wanders about,
10. With him who sleeps a false sleep, who wanders about, (I shall sit down).
[SANE 1, 54]
C. EXCURSUS
The exact identification of the ba/ag-instrument has never been satisfactorily established, scholars being
divided as to whether the balag was a type of harp or drum. Quoting CAD B p. 39 sub balaggu, "That
balag was originally a harp is certain from the pictograph in the Uruk IV/IIl period." However, the
possibility exists that in later periods the term balag designated a drum, not a harp. The basis for such
speculation is that the enumerated parts of the balag-instrument are more appropriate for a drum than a
harp, although, as CAD ibidem points out, these terms could possibly refer to the voice box of the harp.
However, there are several factors that tend to support a translation "drum" for the Second and First
Millennia B. C.. Firstly, the ba/ag-instrument possesses a kippatu, 'hoop', as does the alû-drum. This hoop
should be the band that either holds the hollow cylinder of the drum together or keeps the skin taut over
the top of the cylinder. There would appear to be no use for a hoop on a harp. Secondly, the ersemma,
another genre in the liturgy of the kalû-priest, is knowu to have been recited to the accompaniment of the
halhallatu drum. An entire ersemma may occur as a kirugu of a balag-lamentation. It seems rather
-
unlikely that a composition composed for the drum would then be chanted to the harp. Thirdly, a First
Millennium B. C. ritual text seems to indicate the chanting of a balag-lamentation to the accompaniment of
drums. Note the ritual for the fifteenth day after the covering of a kettledrum: "You shall grasp the
"hand" of the kettle-drum (and bring it?) to the presence of the gods, setting it in (aromatic?) barley seed.
You shall perform the lamentation (called?) Lugale dimmer ankia" (translation according to A. Sachs, ANET
335-336; the balag-lamentation Lugale dimmer ankia probably occurs in the H. Clark cylinder, a neo-
Babylonian catalogue of balag-laments (AJSL 26 p. 28 line 18; Atiqot English Series lV/1965 pl. 35 line
17)). I think it most probable that this lament was recited to the playing of the kettledrum as a means
of testing out the new drum. Note that in this ritual just described the lamentation is not accompanied
by the performing of sacrifices or libations, indicating that the purpose of the lament in this context is
not to appease the anger of the gods, as is the purpose of the balag-lament in all other rituals. Also cf.
R. Caplice, OrNS 39 pp. 118 ff for the balag-lament a gal-gal burux su-su possibly being recited to the
kettledrum: "You strike the bronze lilissu-drum. You have the king sit upon a reed seat. He wears a
crown upon his head. You grasp his hands in (the folds of) a turban. You sing the lament "Great waters
drowning the crops."
The genre title balag indicates that in the Second Millennium B. C. the lamentations were recited to the
balag-instrument. So too do actual passages from Sumerian texts whose composition dates to the Second
Millennium B. C. indicate the recitation of liturgy to the balag-instrument. However, it is quite possible
that the balag-lamentations were not chanted to the balag-instrument in the First Millennium B. C., despite
the fact that colophons an d catalogues still employed the term balag for this genre. Such speculation is
based upon the ritual texts of the kalû-priests which not only refer to the lamentations by the Sumerian
logogram ér rather than the expected balag, but curiously never mention the balag-instrument. Yet when
the priest is instructed to recite the ersemma-compositions, the text almost always includes the instructions
"to the accompaniment of the halhallatu-drum," a seemingly unnecessary statement since the very term
eršemma means "wail of the halhallatu-drum." Thus the possibility must be considered that in the First
Millennium B. C. the balag-lamentation was not recited to the accompaniment of any instrument, with the
exception of the kettledrum as mentioned above.
[SANE 1, 55]
32 M. E. Cohen [SANE l/2
As already indicated above on p. 11, n. 35, to identify a text as being an Emesal composition is to
attribute authorship and possibly recitation most assuredly to the kalû-priests. Emegir compositions are
readily identifiable by the complete lack of Emesal orthographies. ("The Home of the Fish" treated by
M. Civil, Iraq 23 154 ff., does contain the one Emesal term ga-s"a-an in line 152 referring to the goddess
Name. However, the occurence of just one example of Emesal orthography, especially when it is the title
of a goddess (Emesal speech frequently being associated with females) should not alter the conclusion that
this text is Emegir and thus not in the province of the kalû-priest. This work was probably a fisherman's
song, sung while the fishermen (im)patiently waited for their day's catch, the words intended to entice the
fish into the nets and traps.) Despite the fact that Emesal texts almost always inelude Emegir orthographies,
Emesal texts are usually easily recognizable as such. However, when a composition deliberately employs
Emegir for narration and Emesal for direct discourse or Emesal for one speaker and Emegir for the others,
the classification of the composition regarding dialect is extremely problematic. Such is the dilemma faced
when deciding upon the dialect of the Lamentation over the Destruction of Ur. l am of the opinion that
the total work should be elassified as an Emesal composition, thereby indicating the total work to be
authored by the kalû-priests. Note the following obse rvations:
1) The narration of the first two kirugu's is in the Emesal dialect, thus indicating authorship by the kaki-
priests. It is extremely difficult to believe that this work was composed by two entirely separate groups
of priests or scribes, one group composing the Emesal portion and the other the Emegir.
2) Even in the following kirugu's where the narration is in the Emegir dialect, a large number of Emesal
orthographies occur, suggesting that the Emegir portions were authored by individual(s) who continually
lapsed back into the Emesai dialect.
(SANE 1, 56]
D. GLOSSARY OF SUMERIAN TERMS
Balag The name of the instrument (see Excursus p. 31) which at least in the 2nd Millenium B. C.
accompanied the chanting of the lamentation, thereby lending its name to the genre of laments.
Ersemma Literally "wail of the halhallatu-drum," a one unit hymn, addressed to a deity, in the corpus
of the kalû-priest.
Kisubimm Literally "It is its ki?;u "; the kiKu was the name of the concluding unit of several classifications
of hymns and of the lamentations. By the end of the Old Babylonian period the kiu of the
lamentation had become just the one line referring to the temple returning to its place.
[SANE l, 57]