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Ljubljana 2007
'¥
Places of Encounter. In memoriam Borut Brumen
© Llniverza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta
Urednika/Editors: Rajko Mursic’ inf and Jaka Repi
Urednis'ki odbor/Editorial board: Bojan Baskar, Cathie Carmichael, Tho
mas Fillitz, Andre Gingrich, Boiidariezernik, Mirjam Mencej, Tho
mas Schippers, Zmago Smitek
lzdajatelj in zalofnik/Published by: Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fa
leulteta, Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo/ Uni
versity of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of Ethnology and
Cultural Anthropology, Ljubljana, Slovenia
Zbirka/Book series: Zupani eva knjiinica, st. 21/ZupaniE’s Collection, Vol. 21
Leto izida/Year of issue: 2007
Urednik zbirlre/ Editor of the series: Miha Kozorog
Uredniiki odbor zbirkef Editorial board of the series: Joie Hudales,
Boiidar Jezernik, Raj ko Mursic, Jaka Repilf, Zmago Smitek
Naslov izdajatelja/Publisher's address: Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno
antropologijo, Filozofska fakulteta Llnive rze v Ljubljani, Zavetiska
5, p. p. 580, 1000 Ljubljana, e»naslov: eika@ff.uni lj.si
Odgovorna oseba/ Responsible person: Boiidar Jezernik, del<can/dean
Lektor/Language editor: Peter Altshul
Fotografija na naslovnici/ Cover photograph by: Sarah Lunacek Brumen
Zasnova zbirleef Collection layout: Mojca Turk
Oblileovanje in priprava za tisk/ Design and layout: Tamara Velu§Eek,
PG Group d.o.o.
Tislr/Printed by: Birografika Bori d.o.o.
Nakladaf Number printed: 1000
Prispeulei so bili recenzirani/Contributions were peer reviewed
CIP Kataloini zapis o publikaciji
Narodna in univerzitetna knjiinica, Ljubljana
a1c.7[497)(os2]
a1c.7[4 015)(0s2]
PLACES of encounter : in memoriam Borut Brumen/ edited by Rajko
Mursic and Jaka Repiif. Ljubljana: Filozofskafakulteta, Oddelek
za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo = Faculty of Arts, Department
of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, 2007. (Zbirka Zupani eva
knjiinica = Book series ZupaniE's collection ; st. 21)
ISBN 978961 Z3'l'208 8
1. Mursic, Rajko
I 234909952
4
Ii
?’__
Contents
7 | Rajko Mursic and Jaka Repi , Borut Brumen: a Scholar and a Friend
VV
Andre Gingrich, Temporalities: Comparative Perspectives from Socio
Cultural Anthropology
Christian Giordano, Dealing with the Past, Dealing with History
Boiidar Jezernik, The Construction of the Other through State Terror:
Museums in German Concentration Camps I933 1945
Cathie Carmichael, Heterodoxy, Ethnic Boundaries and Violence
Christian Promitzer, How I Met the Serbs or ‘The Balkans in Central
Europe’: Saint Peter's Day in Bela lerajina
Thomas K. Schippers, We Were Here First! Some Reflections on Time,
Place and Identity building Today
Rudi Rizman, intellectuals and Politics: On Their Vicissitudinous Rela
tionship in Slovenia
Rajko Mursic, Contested/Reified Symbols and the Eclipse of the Critical
Reason: Some Remarks on Socialist and Post socialist Culture,
Ideology, Religion, and Freedom in Slovenia and Around
lldiko Erdei, It Takes Two to Tango: Encounters of ‘East’ and ‘West’ in
Everyday Economies in Post Socialist Serbia
Thomas Fillitz, “You May Say I'm a Dreamer But Pm not the Only One ”
Georg Klute, Modern Chariots in Small Wars in the Sahara
Henk Driessen, Borders as Sites of Violent Encounters
Monica Martinez Mauri, Ethnic Identity, NCOs and Cultural Mediation
in Kuna Yala, Panama
Elke Mader, Encounters with Otavalof Ritual, identities, and the Internet
Zmago Smitek, The Symbolism of Place in Asian Cultures
Jaka Repiif, Being Oleapian in Port Moresby: Encounters, Urban Iden
tities and Appropriation of Space
Jasna Capo Zmegac, Encounters in the Transnational Social Space
Ulrike Davis'Sulikowski, Chance, Uncertainty, Mobility, Contradiction:
Legba and the Quest for Places of Encounter
Peter Meurkens, Traffic in Memories: The Promise of Ethnological Branding
Aleksandar Boskovié, Telling Stories: Or, about Social Sciences in Con»
temporary World
Index
 ln: William Shakespeare: The Complete Works. Stanley Wells and Gary Taylor, eds. Oxford; Christian
Oxford University Press. Pp. 479 508.
Promitzer
Simic, Andrei _ F j
2000 Nationalism as Folk Ideology: The Case of the Former Yugoslavia. lI1IN€igl1l90t‘sqf
War: Anthropological Perspectives on Yugoslav Ethnicity, Culture and History. Joel M_

How [Met the Serbs

Halpern and David A. Kideckel, eds. Pennsylvania: Penn State Press. Pp. 103 15.
Skendi, Stavro _ _ _
1967 ’Crypto Christianity in the Balkan Area under the Ottomans. Slavic Review 26(2): 227 li(,_
Talbot, Cynthia _ _ _ _ _ _
1995 'Inscribing the Other, lnscribing the Self: Hindu Muslim Identities in l’I‘€'COlOI1lE1llfidl£ 1_’
Comparative Studies in Society and History 37(4): 692 722.
Tanner, Marcus _ _
or ‘The Balkans trt Central
1997 Croatia: A Nation Forged in War. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Trofimov, Yaroslav
2002 'Seeds of Hate.’ The Wall StreetJournal, Monday March 18"‘, A10.
Europe SaintPeter is Day
Vandiver, Margaret I _ _
2001 'Reclaiming Kozarac: Accompanying Returning Refugees. In: Reconstructing Multietliiiic
Societies: The Case ofBosiiia Herzegovina. Diemal Sokolovié and Florian Bieber, eds. Aldershot;
tn Bela krajtrza
Ashgate. Pp. 167 84.
Verkaaik, Oskar _ _ I _
2003 ‘Fun and Violence: Ethnocide and the Effervescence of Collective Aggression. Social Guests and Strangers in the Field
Anthropology 11(1): 3 22. _ _
2004 Migrants and Militants: Fun and Urban Violence in Pakistan. Princeton: Princeton During the last decade Slovene researchers themselves
University Press. have dealt with the new role of borders since the country
Vulliamy, Ed _ _ gained independence. For ethnologists and anthropologists
1994 Seasons in Hell: Understanding Bosnia s War. London: Simon and Schuster. it was a rare chance to study the consequences of the estab
Waiting on the Doorstep... lishment of a new state border — the one with Croatia, which
2000 ’Waiting on the Doorstep: Minority Returns to Eastern Republika Srpska.' 1“ July 2000. had been an administrative border until 1991. The new situa
http://web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/Index/EUR630072000?OpenDocument&of= COUNTRIES
%5CBOSNlA HERZEGOVINA, accessed 215‘ January 2004.
tion of creating national states changed the everyday life of
the people living close to the border: in many ways they had
Wilder Lane, Rose
1924 The Peaks of Shala: Being a Record of Certain Wanderings among the Hill Tribes of to adapt to the fact that they were now in a marginal region
Albania. London: Chapman and Dodd. not only in economic terms, but also in national ones. The
Williamson, Arthur H. ’ 0 _ _ _ new situation even led to a switching of social identities. As
1994 ’“A Pil for Pork Eaters:” Ethnic Identity, Apocalyptic Promises and the Strange Creation
of the Judeo Scots.’ In: The Expulsion ofthe Jews: 1492 and after. Raymond B. Waddington
Duska Kneievié Ho evar has shown in her monograph on the
Upper Kolpa Valley [Kneievié Hoifevar 1999] and Borut
I
and Arthur H. Williamson, eds. New York: Garland. Pp. 237 58.
Brumen in his study on the Istrian village of Sv. Peter (Brumen
Yriarte, Charles ,_ _ _
1876 Bosnie et Herzegovine: Souvenirs de voyage pendant l insurrection. Paris: Plon. 2000), the research of such processes could fruitfully contrib
ute to the discussion of the constructive character of group
Zemon Davis, Natalie
1973 ‘The Rites of Violence: Religious Riot in Sixteenth Centu ry France.’ Pastand Present 59: 51 91. and ethnic identities.
Eanié, lvo Brumen was rather realistic about the actual role of an
1998 Prevarena povijest: Ciislarska estrada, kult liajduka i rat ii Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Her thropologists and ethnologists in the field: “There we are —
cegovini 1990 1995 godine. Zagreb: Durieux. and I hope that we are conscious of that — always guests in a
1.
My translation as different environment, and no matter how much we aim to
Cathie Carmichael, Senior lecturer at the School of History, University of East are all following be imperceptible observers we will always remain strangers
Anglia, United Kingdoni. quotes from non by definition“ [Brumen 2000: 368]. It is noteworthy that
E mail: cathie.carmi'cliael@uea.ac. uk English titles. Brumen expressed these thoughts before he set out for re
so 81 '.'L_

P!

1
 gions geographically and culturally distant from his native
country; he spoke about the communication with interlocu
tors belonging to the Slovene, i.e. “our own” culture [Brumen
2000: 368). Brumen’s self reflective observation is about the
possible pitfalls in assessing distance or closeness in ethno
graphic research. But I see its importance also in the broader
background of the polarisation between subject and object of
ethnological research, in the neglect of the subjectivity of the
researcher, in her or his wish to overcome the distance to
wards the objects of research which h_ave to be necessarily
objectivised, and finally in the wish to evade the involve
ment into power relations already present among the per
sons in the field but also present between subject and object
of research (cf. Fuchs and Berg 1993: 71
This paper deals with my encounter with the population
of four villages in the Slovene region of Bela krajina in the
year 1998; these villages are — like the Istrian village Sv. Peter
— positioned at Slovenia's southern border with Croatia. I
shall therefore take Brumen’s observation about guests and
strangers in the field and the deceptive role of ’our own cul
ture’ as a starting point for my case study. The setting, how
ever, is slightly different therefore I have to modify the rela
tionship between the elements in Brumen’s observation.
The first modification has to do with the symbolic place
of the hosts, in my case the inhabitants of the four villages.
Their Orthodox belief and their representation as Serbs con
front the observer inevitably with an imputation which reads
as follows: Can they be fully considered as part of ’our own
culture’ or do they not also belong to the cultural sphere of
’the Balkans?’ This “imputed ambiguity” [Todorova 1997: 17),
of course, is not an ambiguity between two equivalent poles;
it reflects an existing power relation which is the centrepiece
of the Western discourse about the Balkans (cf. Mo<‘:'nik 2002].
The second modification deals with the symbolic place of
myself, the person who was accepted by the hosts in the field,
and who is not a citizen of Slovenia, but of Austria. ‘Our own
culture’ in my case would mean first of all the Austrian na
tional culture within which ’the Serbs’ are represented as a
demonic and archaic factor of unrest. One extreme of this
representation is symbolised in the saying Serbieri muss
sterbien [Serbia must die] created in the First World War,
while the other one, although minoritarian, is the undifferen
tiated pro Serbian nationalist attitude of which the Austrian
s2
poet Peter Handke is the most prominent exponent. It is
noteworthy that Handke also engages a likewise demonic
imagery which is characterised by braveness, heroism and
authenticity.
‘Our own culture’ could further mean ’common Central
European cultural traits’ which would comprise Austrians and
Slovenes, but not ‘the Serbs.’ It could finally also mean the
culture of Western scholars researching the Balkans:
As a foreigner, he or she seems free both from in
volvement in local, pre modern cultures Hence it
seems that this figure has the potential to describe simi
larities and differences in an ‘autonomous’ way.
(I<iossew2002: 176)
But a closer lookwould reveal that an allegedly unattached
approach encapsulates a specific ’politics of cognition’ pursued
in earlier times by “scrutinizing figures such as the English
anthropologist studying ’primitive cultures” and now by “the
mobile network scholar, participating in the current global
‘invisible college’ of cultural anthropology and moving freely
between various ’identity politics’ ” (Kiossew 2002: 177 8].
And indeed, during the 1990s one could observe a sudden
and short interest of Western researchers in the Balkans who
felt attracted by the exotic surroundings, ’heroic culture’ and
the motley of various ethnic groups which seemed to shoot
up from the ruins of war torn Yugoslavia. Slovenia, in this
respect, could not offer anything interesting. It had evaded
the most terrible situations of war and had become a stable
and rather wealthy democracy compared to its southern
neighbours. This exactly was the situation when I started to
develop my interest for the Orthodox villages of Bela krajina.
My Path to the Serbs
If we want to cope with our position as guests and strang
ers in the eld, we have to know what we take with us when we
go into the field. Therefore we have “to put into question the
privilege of the recognizing subject which as a purely noetic
one is arbitrarily excluded from the effort of objectivation"
[Bourdieu and Wacquant 1996: 248). So by applying the ter
minology of objectivity the recognising subject is able to
explain and dominate the constraints, commitments, inter
83
l
%
ests, in short all social and cultural preconditions which are
in force Within itself (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1996: 248).
Such claims are a maximal programme which is hardly
ever achieved. Firstly, because there is no guarantee that the
researching subject will candidly expose also the negative
and intimate aspects of the underlying [pre ) conditions of
her or his research; other aspects might not be brought to
light because they would unveil the background of established
research policies developed in the hierarchical framework of
institutionalised science. Such research policies, for reasons
of funding, may often be content to fill in the epistemologi
cal gaps in the discourse of hegemonic structures like the
European Union. Therefore, because of career reasons, funda
mental criticism can be frankly done only by full professors
who have the highest symbolic capital. Secondly, the self re
flective attitude in situ is seldom fully in effect and therefore
has to be reconstructed a posteriori in my case it has taken
eight years since 1998.
Having these reservations in mind I can start to recon
struct ‘my path to the Serbs’ in Bela krajina.
During the second half of the 1990s I worked — and still
work — as an academic assistant at the Center for Southeast
European History at the University of Graz. The head of the
centre, professor Karl Kaser, made a name for having devel
oped a transdisciplinary methodological and theoretical ap
proach in the research of the Balkans, which is known as
historical anthropology (cf. Kaser 1992; Kaser 1995; Kaser et.
al. 2003). Among I<aser’s collaborators I was the only one
who wrote his doctoral dissertation about a Slovene topic,
namely on the hidden Slovene minority in the Austrian Fed
eral Province of Styria (cf. Promitzer 1996, 1999) which by its
geographical focus was not really in the mainstream of the
research around Kaser, although he always accepted and sup
ported my research plans.
At the same time two other circumstances have to be
taken into consideration. When Slovenia left Yugoslavia, its
political elite claimed to belong to Europe, i.e. Central Eu
rope, and not to the Balkans? And indeed, official Slovenia
during the last fifteen years did well in presenting itself as a
Central European country, but with good knowledge about
Balkan affairs. In this respect and also in respect with the
xenophobic treatment of certain groups of migrants (cf.
Brumen 2002) — it has become a serious rival of Austria.
84
2.
Rastko Mo nik,
however, has shown
that exactly the
Slovene insistence
on the ideological
opposition "Europef
Balkans” in relation
to its southern
neighbors
something which
Milica Bakic Hayden
has called “nesting
Orientalisms" [cf.
Bakic Hayden 1995)
"seems to be a
definite indication
that Slovenia is a
country that belongs
to the Balkans, since
its hegemonic
ideology reproduces triggered a polemic
the pattern that is discussion between
constitutive of the
Balkans as a
symbolic region"
[Mo nik 2002: 83). '5Ilti'iiiliaii5.=ieii 2003).
It was also in these years that the influential German
historian Holm Sundhaussen wrote down his viewpoint of an
already existing discussion about a reformulation of German
southeast European studies after the end of the Cold War. He
established a catalogue of certain cultural traits which due to
him were common only in the Balkans and mainly concen
trated south of the rivers Danube, Sava and Una. Therefore
Slovenia, if not even excluded, tended to become a marginal
topic within southeast European studies [Sundhaussen 1999)?
I confess that this background — the geographical and
methodological focus at the Center in Graz, the Slovenian
claim to belong to Central Europe (again), and the discussion
about the reorientation of southeast European studies — was
my motivation for trying to combine my expertise on Slovenia
with the mainstream of research on South Eastern Europe in
Germany and Austria; in short, I wanted to combine both,
the then still ’fashionable’ Balkans and my sympathy for in
Western eyes relatively ‘boring Slovenia.’
I therefore tried to combine these two elements within a
formula I later called ’The Balkans in Central Europe.’ Since it
was a result of my wish to demonstrate that the exoticism of
the Balkans can be found closer to Central Europe, the for
mula was rather a sophisticated variant of Balkan Orientalism
than its overcoming. This says something about the implicit
and unconscious images Western researchers have of South
eastern Europe, even if they are adherents of the post mod
ern theories of deconstruction and at least pay lip service to
liberating the Balkans from the smell of ’Balkanism.’ But at
that time for me it only mattered that I struck gold and found
the incarnation ofthe Balkans in Central Europe in the Serbian
villages of Bela krajina, the Southern Slovene region around
the town of Crnomelj. ’
I came to Bela krajina in the spring of 1997. I had a vague
idea through rumours that there were Serbian villages in Bela
krajina, and simply asked my way through with questions
3. like: “Are there any Serbs living there?” or “Is there an Ortho
Sundhaussen’s
dox church in this area?”
essentialism
In retrospective this approach seems to be rough and
clumsy — the Western anthropologist falling into the trap of
him and Maria ’othering’ and Balkanism, making of Serbs and Orthodox
Todorova (cf. belief something exceptional and therefore worthy of his in
Todorova 2002; terest. But as a matter of fact I did not realize at the time that
the population of Bela krajina was apparently accustomed to
§5i __

such. questions, since they had already experience with eth
nologists arid__journalists searching for the local Serbs. So I
quickly found the way to the village of Bojanci. When I aske. d
for the church I was passedon to an older irihahitant of the
village of Bojanci who took care of the church during the long
absences of the priest who lived in neighbouring Croatia. The
man was rather friendly and open minded. He seemed to
represent the collective memory of the village. Later on I
t'ig'ured out that every outsider interested in the histoiy of the
local Serbs knows him and I believe that he is quoted in
virtually every piece published on the Serbs in Bela krajina
for the last forty years.
I visited him one year later again, and he invited me to
come to the church of St. Peter in the neighbouring village of
Milifii on 12 July. On this day, the Orthodox population of the
region celebrates its in ost important holy day: Pi’tt‘tit ‘ihittt
Saint Peter's day. This year there would he "a special opportu
nity to see something: A picture, created by the academic
painter Dorde Petrovic’ from the Croatian city of1<arlovac,
was to be consecrated in a great celebration...
Not the First One To Do Research
Here: The Myth of the ‘Unknown
Orthodox Villages of Bela krajina’
In the meantime I prepared myself for the fieldwork, and
I soon found out that the history of the Serbian villages of Bela
krajina only at the first glance can he easily told. During the
sixteenth century, the Uskoks, refitgees of Ot'il"It1Llt)? ti faith who
came from the Ottoman Empire arrived in the territory ofthe
l' Iabshurg Empire. The F. mperor promised them that they could
keep their t)rtliodox faith and that they would be treated as
tree peasants if they would fight for him as soldiers against
the Ottoman Empire. Among the first were those who settled
down in the region of Bela krajina, which at that time was part
of the Archduchy of Cain iola, the central part of modern Slove
nia. The area is a basin with some mounds in it. It is isolated
from the rest of Slovenia by the mountain ranges of Gorjanci
and I{oii'evski tog, whereas the river Kolpa to the Smith and to
the East nowadays forms the border with Croatia. Because of
repeated invasiiins of Ottoman tmops during the fifteent.h and
early sixteenth centuries the area was deserted at the arrival
ofthe LIskoks{cf. I<1os1991:34:Tomaiin2tl04: 10 24).
86
Most of the Uskoks soon lost their initial privileges and
became ordinary peasants who had to pay their feudal duties.
They also converted to Roman Catholic faith. Only their lan
guage differed from that of their Slovene neighbours, and in
their folk songs they sang about Constantinople, the battle
4. of Kosovo, Kraljeviff Marko, a mythological Serbian hero, and
The church ofSv. about Bosnia, where they had allegedly come from (Sa§elj
Jovan in Bojanci 1934; Terseglav 1996). There were only the three villages of
existed already at Marindol, Milifii and Paunoviéi in the Southeast of Bela krajina
the turn ofthe close to the Kolpa, where the Uskoks kept their initial privi
Century, but it was leges. They remained attached to the Military Border as an
may in 1934 that it enclave and were referred to as the Marindol area. Conse
was promoted to a quently they also kept their Orthodox faith. The exception to
parish ofits own
the rule was the village of Bojanci, isolated from the rest of
(cf. Krajevni
Bela krajina by the huge Velileo Vukovje forest. Its inhabit
leksikon 1937: 121).
For the details in the ants had lost their privileges, like the majority of the settle
historical develop ments of Bela krajina (cf. Terseglav 1996: 49, 64, 74, 76, 103).
ment of Orthodox Nonetheless, they kept their Orthodox faith and attended re
pastoral care and of ligious services — after a two hour walk through the forest — in
the elementary neighbouring Marindol (cf. Zupaniif 1912: 8 10). The popula
schooling cf.
tion of Bojanci — as in the other three Orthodox villages —
Terseglav1996: 24
lived until the Second World War injoint families with broth
and Tomaain 2004:
ers and their wives in the same household, so called zadruga
28, 30 1, 40) For the
beginning of the (cf. Filipovic 1970: 210 1; Sifrer 1971a: 24). The men conse
twentieth century quently took wives from the neighbouring three Orthodox
Niko Ziipanic villages and even from the Orthodox village of Ponikve close
mentions an to Ogulin in Croatia; both Bojanci and Ponikve were then
Orthodox catechist under the pastoral care of the Orthodox monastery of Gomirje
who came to Bojanci in Croatia (cf. Zupanic 1912: 9 10, 26; Sifrer 1971b: 45).
and educated the
Thus for centuries the population of Bela krajina formed
children in national
matters and to write
two different religious groups and endogamous circles. During
the nineteenth century they would finally wind up also in two
in Cyrillic letters
[2upanii:'1912: 9). different nations. The Roman Catholic descendants of the
Uskoks in Bela krajina became Slovenes, while the inhabitants
5. of the few orthodox villages in the Marindol area started to
Thereafter also in identify themselves with the Serbian nation. Apparently the
Bela krajina the term
Serbian Orthodox church had been the engine for this pro
Vlali acquired a
cess? But still, in the early twentieth century the inhabitants
pejorative meaning
(Filipovic 1970: 161; of the Orthodox villages in Bela krajina used the self designa
Draiumeri and tion Vlah, and they also called their local vernacular Vlah. Also
Terseglav 1987: 241, the Slovenes in the neighbourhood called them Vlahs; in con
244; Kiie:’ievic trast to its use in Croatia this term had no pejorative mean
Ho evar 2004: 133). ing in the regional Slovene vernacular izupanic’ 1912: 16).5
3_
 elites were interested in the territory as a zone of national
But there was another problem which had TD flit ‘ti "ll'h the
colonisation, although it formed an economically passive area
Military Border: To whom would the local Serbs belong after
of emigration? Niko Zupanic claimed that the Croat side
its dissolution? In the I otls everybody knew that the system
would not resist the unification of the Orthodox villages with
ofthe Military B I‘t.lt?I'Wi1S outdated. Thus against the will of
Carniola, if they only were Slovenes (zupanic I912: 8]. In»
the Carriiolian provincial diet in Ljiibljana, the Emperor do
deed, the problem was that the contested population was nei»
cided that the enclave of the Orthodox villages pf lv’lai‘iI1dUl.
ther Croatian nor Slovene, but had developed — with the help
Miliei and Paunoviei would be given to Croatia ( Frdina 1953:
of the Orthodox Church its own national identity. As in the
A23 4]; Bojanci remained in Carniola. During the neat
case of Istria, the changing borderlines during the last cen~
eades until World War One, Croat and Slovenian Jtil iI‘11 l 1515
tury formed a still “living picture” in the collective memory
and academies disputed the territorial affiliation of the
of the population (Brumen 2000: 373). It was activated in the
Marindol area (cf. Badinovao 18%). _* W
light of the Serbian Croatian conflict after I991 and the mass
In 190‘) the Slovene anthropologist Nilto Zupame ai*gtied
flights it caused. In retrospect the decision for Slovenia in
in favour of its iiicltision into Carniola; butwhatever solution
I952 was considered a lucky one, as one person born in Milici
would be found, he added. it had to consider the Wllilu ll the
but now living in the Croatian town of Karlovac said. What
local population and the needsofYugoslav unity [Zupanie 1909:
he wanted to explain was that this decision had maybe even
205]. It should he noted that Zupaniii himself was born in Bela
saved the physical existence of the community.
l<ra_iiria, but lived in Belgrade at that time and was an advpeate
Already at an early stage of my preparation for the
of a strong Yugoslavia. Today we can say that Zupanie was
Wpqng, if he had thought that atter 1918 the Kingdom of tin“ Petrovdan meeting I had lost the illusion that I was the first
one to do research about the Serbs in Bela krajina. On the
Serbs, Croats and Slovenes would settle the bordt. i" dispute.
contrary, I was only an epigone in a long row of three or four
In 1929, some months after King Alexaiider had pros
generations of ethnologists — both Slovene and Serbian
claimed the I<ingdoin of Ytigoslavie in E1t‘tJH;J d'etsr. the
who had already conducted fieldwork there since the begin»
IT! ';I,_ltTt1‘pt‘tl'lJ of Bela krajina together" with Bolaiici_cai1ie under
ning of the twentieth century. They had already conjured the
the Savska Banovina. i.e. Croatia. For the. first time the four
image of ‘the Balkans in Central Europe’ without explicitly
Oithodos villages were not separated by a border. But already
using this term; I was therefore only their truehearted fol~
two years later, 191 5'1, the old situation was restored and Bela
lower. Niko Zupanic’ for instance said: “During the Orthodox
krajina without the Maiindol area comebackto the Diavslia
holidays, when people dance the leolo and sing traditional
Banovina, i.e. Slovenia. _ 6.
folk songs at the church of Sv. Jovan in Bojanci, the Slovene
In 1941, after the defeat of the Kingdom ofYugoSl&\/18, Emigration started
inteligenczja from the closest town of Crnomelj and from
the .\/Iarindol area was ceded by the soicalled Independent in the second half
of the nineteenth the small market town ofVinica come here, . to watch this
state of Croatia to the so~called PFOUi?’tClCIClZLtlf916m6l, i.e. the
century; during the exotic world of the Balkan Orient” [ZupaniE I912: 940).
Western part of Slovenia which at that time had been an~
1890s America Zupaniii made excursions to Bela krajina and its Serbian vile
nexed to Italy. But also in Socialist Yugoslavia the border
became a favorite lages over and over until the end of his life in 1961 (cf.
issue between Slovenia and Croatia was not settled. In l9 ' ‘P8
destination. Promitzer Z0032 30740].
the I\/Iarindol area was returned to Croatia, but in Q52 its Altogetherthe Only after his death did the Bosnian ethnographer Milenko
inhabitants finally decided in a local referendum to be incor~ population ofthe Filipovié dare to do research independently in the four vil»
porated into the People’s Republic of Slovenia. The reasons four villages was
lages. Because of already existing traits of modernisation —
for their decision were economic, since the area gravitated to reduced by two
thirds from I869 deagararisation and commuting to factories in nearby towns,
Crnomelj and was separated from Croatia by the river Kolpa
(686 persons) to as well as civil marriage which opened the patrilocal marriage
[Sifrer l97Ib: 1+5; Draiumerifi and Terseglav 198722413;
Z002[21t3 persons] pattern for Slovene wives from outside the community —
Tomaiin 2001+: 2849; Petrovic 2005: 11720]. . o '
[Tomaiin 2004: Filipovié applied a discourse of nostalgia in his presentation
What does the several times changing affiliation of the
at 3]. which was already present in Zupanids writing:
Marindol area say? It seems that both the Slovene and Croat
twi
_ _3§
 Niko Zupanic in his time had exaggerated the cause of the
With the old ones also the customs die. Even if it is
IO. Serbs in Bela krajina by performing a positive reinterpreta
so, yet new customs adopted from the Slovenes are
"The discourse about tion of Balkan Orientalism in the way of his admired exem
introduced, too. I had the impression that they avoided the Serbs in Bela plar, the Serbian geographer Jovan Cvijic; the latter had intro
speaking about traditional customs and opinions, as if krajina as an autochtho
duced the Dinaric type as the authentic incarnation of Homo
they took the view that these are over and gone as well ' nous minority is an
balccmicus. But by doing so Zupanic introduced the Serbs in
as a symbol for backwardness. (Filipovic I970: 215]? ]n5[rL1I'tIE't'1l which is
mainly used by the
Bela krajina as a diaspora community of Serbian nationalism,
7.
Similar was the assessment of two Slovene researchers in Another interpreta recent Serbian when he characterised them as one of the far flung “splin
the late 1980s [Draiumerifi and Terseglav I987]. One of them tion would be that immigration [from ters” of “the strong trunk of the Serbian tribe" (ZupaniE I912:
concludes: Filipovic only other parts of 7].
observed that the Yugoslavia in the The second element which made the Serbs in Bela krajina
The inhabitants of Marindol, Milici, Paunoviéi and four villages were course of fit for possible political use was the discourse of nostalgia
Bojanci agree that there is no possibility to preserve on their way “from 3 modernisation after introduced by Milenko Filipovic, since the responsibility for
themselves as a separate ethnic group. This is also the closed system of the Second World
their imminent extinction in the long run could be blamed
social networks War], i.e. various
conviction of their [Slovene] neighbours in Bela krajina. on Slovene politics. This was exactly the case in the years
towards a commu organisations of Serbs
Both sides only see a possibility in recording and docu from I988 to I990 when an ominous ‘Committee for the
nity which is inSlovenia [Serbian
menting the existing material, social and spiritual cul Protection of the Serbs in Bojanci and Marindol’ blamed
characterised by cultural societies etc.),
ture. [Draiumeric’ I988: 316]“ who utilise the Slovene politicians for the alleged violation of the rights of
social networks of
an open type" autochthonousness of the Serbian minority and when the ephemeral Serbian Demo
Zupanic, who had been born in the close vicinity of the
[Petrovic 2005: 60]. this ethnic group as an cratic Party in Slovenia in I990 called to celebrate the anni
four Orthodox villages, felt a basic solidarity with them and On the discourse of argument for their versary of the Battle of Kosovo in Bojanci.‘° In both cases
idealised Bela krajina as aYugoslav region where you can find nostalgia cf. political claim that the the population of the four villages vehemently rejected such
all South Slavic tribes except for the Bulgarians liupanic I912: Petrovic 2005: I08 Serbs in Slovenia
interference. But still there were rumours in the Slovene me
16). For these reasons he was in I931 rewarded with honorary 9; Promitzer 2003: should be recognised
asa national minority, dia on the eve of the Slovene referendum for independence
citizenship of the municipality of Adlesiffi, to which the vil 178, I86 87.
although there are in that emissaries would ask the population of the four villages
lage of Bojanci belonged [\/rlinic I931 Milenko Filipovié, on
8. reality no vital bonds to secede from Slovenia. In this situation the president of the
the other hand, a Serb, considered himself as someone who
For a thorough between the Serbs of Slovene presidium Milan Kucan and other Slovene politicians
researched the most northern remnants of his own national Bela krajina and the
analysis of the visited Bojanci, where the population declared its loyalty while
culture. Both Zupanic and Filipovié can serve as examples of recent in igrants ”
representation of Kucan promised to respect that they are ‘good Serbs’ and
the “double insider syndrome,” as the Serbian ethnologist the Serbs in Bela [Petrovic 2005: 113).
'good citizens of Slovenia.’ When the referendum took place,
Slobodan Naumovic has called it. This syndrome is not a krajina by Serbian About the Slovene
discussion for
more than 90 percent of the population voted for the inde
counterpart to Balkan Orientalisms of Western researchers, and Slovene
granting the Serbs of pendence of Slovenia, and thus for a second time within
but only fills the ‘insider’s part’ of the scheme: Being an ethnologists cf.
Promitzer 2003: Bela l<rajina minority forty years documented their feeling of attachment to
insider means that Zupanic shared the local and Filipovic the
I76 91. status cf. Tomaiin Slovenia.“ But the economic help the Slovene politicians
national tradition of the group concerned. But, what is more,
(2004 : 49 55] and had promised failed to materialise (Kneievic Hocevar 2004:
they were also part of a social and academic elite and as such
did not only try to collect information about the respective
9|
';Petrovié [2005: tilt 5]. 139).
“Where there is This short historical outline shows that ‘the Serbs of Bela
imaginary group they felt attached to — the inhabitants of 11.
Slava, there are krajina’ were not a blank space; on the contrary, they had
Bela krajina in the case of Zupaniff and the Serbian nation in Serbs" — Slaoo is the ' Seeln detail P1‘0mitZe1'
(2003; 173, 192 5], been well researched by various ethnologists and in the late
the case of Filipovic — but also felt obliged to represent their celebration of the
Tomaiin [2004: 40 3] 1980s had become even a stigmatised subject of Serbian and
real or fictional interests as their intellectual advocates. There patron saint of
and Duska Kneievié Slovene politics. If I wanted to do research about and with
fore were close to political strategies of identity politics ei households taking
place on his holiday I Hof§evar(200li: them, I was confronted with their representation in ethnol
ther on a regional level or according to the pattern “Gcleje
slaoa, tuje Srl:iz'n!”° (cf. Naumovic I998; Hristov 2006]. once a year. 127 31). ogy and politics as well as with their reflection thereof.
L _

“i
 _
Petrovdan 1998 Two Modes of
Interpretation
Below I will retell my impression of an event which took
place in the village of Milici on Petrovdan, the 12"‘ of July, in
I998. There are two modes of reflection about the event: the
first one claims to be the expression of immediate perception
as an impassionate observer; it describes the plot on the scene,
therefore we can call it — like the title of a play — ‘When Serbs
meet Serbs.’ The second mode of reflection deals with my
role as observer and the interaction between the participants
and myself. But let us begin with the first one.
I came in the morning together with a companion from
Ljubljana, the sociologist Rastko l\/Iocnik, whom I had asked
to join me.” l\/lilici is an agglomeration of a few houses; the
small church overtops the few houses on the western end of
the settlement. Around the church about sixty or seventy
persons gathered. Most of them came from the other villages
in the area and a smaller group came together with the painter
from I<arlovac. There was steady movement to and fro until
they had all greeted each other. It was obvious that the people
were mutually connected by kinship and proximity. But since
they lived in different villages, some of them had not seen
each other for some time. So one could already surmise the
high symbolic value of the event for the cohesion of the four
villages. The men were dressed casually, while the women
were dressed more festively. The majority of the attendants
were older than 35, although there were some children and
some teenagers. But there was almost nobody in their twen
ties. A booth was erected with haberdashery put up for sale.
The marketer and his wife were from a small place close to the
city of Novo mesto. they were of Serbian descent and came
originally from Dalmatia. They had heard of the meeting in
l\/Iilifii, but apparently had no contact with the local population.
The latter scarcely took notice of the booth and its articles,
and the marketer did not make any profit. This shows that not
every outsider was welcome, even if he was of Serbian origin.
It seems that the local population avoided the marketer in
view of the bad experiences they had had with unknown per
sons from outside during the breakdown of Yugoslavia.
The holy mass was celebrated by the priest from Srpske
I\/Ioravice, a place in Croatia some thirty kilometres away; he
was responsible for the pastoral care of I\/Iiliiii. Thereafter the
__9Z
12. I alley i@<(3;laSi1p_nally would have met. The city dwellers lwould
At this point I want
to thank Rastko tor
freely loaning me
his fieldnotes.
| ,
consecration of the new painting, which was hung above the
entrance of the church, took place. The picture showed Saint
Peter and Saint Paul. Afterwards a child from Srpske Moraviee
was baptized. Now the attendants were served with cake beer
and raktja. This formed the conclusion of the formal event
The meeting broke off and the people went to individual cel
ebrations in the local houses. The chairman of the local Or
Lhsodox church community invited the priest. the painter and
an$101Tlg[&n1y. a group of Serbs from Karlovac, as well as Rastko
the o is ouse. There was a lamb barbecue, and two
musicians played Serbian and Slovene tunes. People danced
the leolo, a Serbian circle dance, after the meal
Borut Brumen had in mind the differences between the
inhabitants of the village of Sv. Peter and Slovenes from out
ijde whgp he stated that intercultural commnnjeatton is not
burg ne h o members of two different national or ethnic groups,
can appen also between members of one and the same
ethnic or national group (Brumen 2000: 369) It makes sense
gégpply this observation also in the case of the relationship
h een e small group of Serbs from Croatian Karlovac and
t epopulation of Milici. It was obvious that both the mutual
solidarity and the differences contributed to the dynamics
and a positive suspension present at the meeting which by
its exceptional character formed a counterpoint to everyday
life. The differencescan be partly explained by the “symbolie
construction of similarity" (Brumen 2000: 374] between the
gI‘tl'1(1)ClOi< population of Bela krajina with the Slovene na
Ona cu ture, a process which had gained speed after the
erection of the state border between Slovenia and Croatia in
But we sgtoculd not be so naive as to believe that there had
‘een any I ferences between these two groups of Serbs
previously. The local population was of rural origin, at least
Wege part time farmers and were still living in a rural
tows‘ Illflk nég. Even if theylcommuted to neighbouring Slovene
K 1 s I e hrnomelj, Metlika and Novo mesto. The people from
d 31" 1(1)‘/acts 0W@ve1", already had the style of cultivated city
we ers. o I had the impression that during late socialism
there had been a clear bias between these two groups when
f ave S 511 181161" F tlng than the local population. The Serbs
l rpm lar ovac would have seen themselves as part of the
| F93 We y powerful Serbian community in Croatia, whose con
stitution until I990 had defined the Socialist Republic of
Fl
90
Croatia as a national State of Croats and Serbs. Also in reli
gious affairs the four Orthodox villages were dependent upon
the clergy in Croatia [the priest from Srpske Moravice for the
Church of Saint Peter in I\/IiliEi and the monastery of Gomirje
for the Church of Saint John in Bojanci].
But something different was the case on Petrovdan in the
year I998, which had to be interpreted as a consequence of the
different political developments in Croatia and Slovenia after
they had become independent states in I991. For the visitors
from Karlovac the Serbian villages of Bela krajina represented
a romantic island of freedom. We have to remember that at
that time just three years had passed since the mass flights of
rebellious Serbs from Croatia in I995 during the military op
eration Thunderstorm. In I998 Pranjo Tudman, the respon
sible party on the Croatian side, was still president of Croatia,
and his Serbian counterpart Slobodan Milosevic, whose ac
complices had kindled nationalism among the Serbs in Croatia
in the early 1990s, still ruled in rump Yugoslavia. A woman
who was about sixty told me that she had lost her house
during the war and that her son could not return to Croatia,
since he could not obtain Croatian citizenship. She said:
This is afree land. Here we can celebrate our cus
toms without thefear that somebody would intervene.
The self confidence of the local population was sensible
in the official speech of the president of the Orthodox com
munity of Milifii. He alluded to the image of the Serbs in the
course of the recent war:
Today they say about the Serbs that they have done
all dijjferent sorts of things. But when the Serbs showed
their icons to the world, at a great exhibition some ten
fifteen years ago, the entire world was admiring them
for their cultural achievement. Let it be this way, and
let us admire the icon donated by Dorde Petrovic to our
church. The church had to wait ninety years with an
empty space above the entrance. It is now completed. I3
With these words the cultural memory of the local com
munity should be addressed. But, as I have already hinted,
Petrovdan was a representation of the cultural affiliation of
those older than 35, and the whole celebration was directed
94
by a few men, local notables above fifty. Except for the presi
dent of the Orthodox community the locals where much more
cautious in verbalising their national affiliation than the visi
tors from Karlovac. These observations are in accord with the
assessments of the social anthropologist Duska I<neZevié
Hoifevar and the social linguist Tanja Petrovié, who has writ
ten her doctoral dissertation about the language ideology and
the language shift in the four villages. Both have recently
shown that the younger generation in the four villages does
not attach too much value to their non Slovene origin and to
the Orthodox faith of their parents and grandparents, and
that '[l’1€.ClISCOLII"S€ of nostalgia is upheld by males of the older
generation [Kneievic Hoeevar 2004: 134; Petrovié 2005: 68
9, 141,47).
And yes, some ambiguity also remained during the meal,
although it was only perceivable in the realm of music. The
musicians who came from Karlovac were always asking, when
playing a Serbian tune: “Da li to umijete?” [ “Do you know
this one? ] This question was supposed to check whether the
listeners knew the lyrics and could accompany the tunes with
their voices. But at the same time it had the connotation as if
the locals are on their way to forgetting their Serbian roots.
Once the clarinettist said: “Sad c'emo sipshiAvsenz'le!” [“Now
we will do the Serbian Avsenik! "], before he started to play a
Slovenelpolka. For rne it looked as if he wanted to give the
impression that among the local population were not solely
Serbs, but had become Slovenes, too. But all this was implied
in a sense of playfulness which did not restrict itself to Serbian
and Slovene tunes but also included Croatian ones and con
sequently tended to become polyglot. So it had nothing in
common with the stilted character of our fashionable aca
demic discourses on hybridity and creole culture, or with the
not so fashionable but simpler ones on lost ethnic purity.
In his concluding speech the priest from Srpske Moravice
hinted at the different national backgrounds of the participants.
He spoke about the first Christians who also came together to
receive the Holy Communion led by the sense of agape:
Today, we are also togetherfrom many parts. As!
hear, there are Dalmatians among us. We even have
13. 11!.
an Austrian and Slovenes. We arefrom differentfaiths.
From the fieldnotes From the fieldnotes j/Ve are like thefirst Christians, truly evangelically toget
of Rastko Mocnik. 0fRastko Moenik. ier. I“
95

Both the music and the speech of the priest refer to the
performative aspects of the meeting which included both
Rastko and me. In his case the Serbian first name and his use
of the ekavian variant of Serbian let one of his interlocutors
assume that he had a Serbian background. In my case already
my lesser command of Serbian made clear for the partici
pants of the meeting that I lived in another milieu which was
not determined by the consequences. of the breakdown of
Yugoslavia. They realised that I had come there out of curios
ity. Thus the presideiitof the Orthodos Coinmunity once
asked me suspiciotisly ifl was ajournalist. But in general the
feeling towards me was positive. Some people — those from
Karlovac — made fun of me and wanted to show me ’the
Serbian way’ of eating, of dancing and so on. A woman who
also came from Karlovac showed me photographs of her un
married daughter and even wanted to introduce her to me.
But her friend had a message for me. She was the one who had
lost her house and whose son could not return to Croatia. She
appealed to me to tell my people at home about the unfortu
nate situation of her group.
Conclusion
As I stated in the beginning, the Balkans after the break
down of Yugoslavia have once again become a convenient
place where Western researchers come from outside. from ti
different social position and do research only for a short, or
at least limited time. The image of ’th_e Balkans in Central
Europe’ as a periphrasis for the Orthodox people in Bela krajina
and their friends from Karlovac is only an unconscious re
flection of the flair of exoticism and authenticity, the West
ern researcher — in this case me — wants to find in the Balkans.
It therefore adds only a tiny ideological element to the broader
pattern of Balkan Orientalisms. And the li itter — even if it
may sound blunt, this does not change its trueness — is only
a small part of the general hegemonic ideology of the "West
and the Rest" (Smart Hall] present since Capitalism asserted
itself on the global scale and after 1989 91 anew.
Researchers who claim to be able to avoid such pitfalls,
since they come ’from inside." may fall into the trap of the
"double insider syndrome" and contribute to the " construc
tion of a diaspora" (Petrovic 2005: 115 7) useable by
nationaltistl identity politics. And they th.einselves are not
96
ivmmune to Balkan Orientalisms as the example of Niko
Zupani has shown.
Such circumstances underline the vulnerability of various
academic approaches and leads us back to ourselves as subjects
of research, or more concretely, to "the sociology of the social
determinants of sociological practice” (Bourdieu and Wacquant
1996: 249]. In the meantime we should adhere to Borut Bru
men’s hint that we are only guests and strangers in the field.
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