Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Dr. Guenzel
ENC 1102-0M31
April 22 2020
Workshop Draft 3 Research Paper (will add proper title for final)
Introduction
The founding fathers never imagined, or supported, a system that spends billions of
dollars, much of which comes from wealthy individuals, corporations, and average Americans
alike. Does that mean our framework is broken? Or is our framework successful and adaptive to
the present era? This issue of campaign finance, and its enveloping laws, is a profoundly
discussed subject within our political system. Politicians such as Donald Trump, Bernie Sanders,
Elizabeth Warren, and Michael Bloomberg have all loudly voiced their views regarding this
topic. Given that battling for a political race requires extraordinary amounts of money, one
should question the impacts of that money. Throughout the last 80 years a plethora of laws,
amendments, and Supreme Court rulings have vastly shifted the way in which campaigns are
held, leading us to an election such as the 2016 one. I will be analyzing three campaign finance
positions. Firstly, that our system should maintain the status quo, remain as is, regarding
campaign financing. Secondly, that campaign financing should be strongly regulated by capping
donations amounts radically and further tightening laws regarding Political Action Committees
and SuperPAC’s. Lastly, that we should remove restrictions and regulations regarding campaign
finance because those laws and regulations limit American’s constitutional rights, and
furthermore are ineffective. My analysis revolves around a main quest to understand how the
current campaign finance system impacts politics, and what reform proposals, if any, would
further strengthen the way in which we practice our constitutional right of voting.
Background
The 2016 presidential election proved to be the most expensive election cycle in
American history costing 2.4 billion dollars according to the Federal Election Commissions.
According to the Washington Post, the 2016 election cycle, including congressional races, added
another 4 billion dollars effectively summing campaign spending at approximately 6.5 billion
dollars for one cycle. The first American election was held in 1788 under the freshly ratified
constitution. Throughout American history, the structure and operation of elections have
radically changed and evolved. In fact, according to OpenSecrets.com, George Washington, the
first American president, spoiled constituents with free whiskey hoping for their vote in return, a
practice which is illegal today. Until 1828 when Andrew Jackson ran for office, one had to come
from a prestigious family with great wealth to even stand a chance of getting elected. Although,
in 1943 campaigning for elections took one of its most radical shifts with the birth of political
action committees, commonly referred to as PAC’s. Campaign finance revolves around money
raised for the sole purpose of electing a particular candidate. Campaigns raise money through a
variety of sources: individual’s, PAC’s, corporations, and unions. There are Federal laws that set
limits on the amount these sources can contribute; however, these limits only apply to monetary
donations that are explicitly related, or controlled by, the campaign. Furthermore, in the 2010
landmark Supreme Court case Citizens United v. Federal Election Commissions, Justice
Anthony Kennedy wrote the majority opinion ruling “Section 441b’s prohibition on corporate
independent expenditures is thus a ban on speech.”(Citizens United v. FEC) The nation’s highest
court, in their adjudicating process, equated money with speech, and thus ruled that limits on
indirect campaign contributions violate freedom of speech protections in the First Amendment.
This is not to be confused with direct contributions. The ruling changed the system to allow
unlimited contributions for party building activities such as running televised advertisements, so
long that no explicit support for the candidate is given. In effect, individuals and corporations
legally bypass the federally regulated limit by donating to SuperPAC’s, which then spend on
elections so long that they are independent and don’t coordinate with the campaign. In order to
better understand the issue of campaign finance and the various perspectives analyzed in this
paper, there are a handful of concepts that must briefly be explained: soft money, hard money,
issue advocacy, and express advocacy. Soft money is classified as donations given to the
political party or PAC, not directly to the candidate, with no limit on the dollar amount; the 2010
Supreme Court case mentioned above is what allowed for unlimited amounts of soft money to be
donated. On the contrary, hard money is given directly to the candidate’s campaign or PAC and
can be used for anything, although it comes with extremely strict, federally regulated, limits.
Issue advocacy is considered marketing that attempts to persuade viewers on a particular issue,
but not directly supporting an outcome in the election, a particular candidate, and cannot be
linked to the campaign. Express advocacy is the opposite, by stating directly what outcome the
creator of the advertisement wants and is strictly regulated by the Federal Elections Commission.
Hard money is used for express advocacy, while soft money is used for issue advocacy. Some
argue that the current system works because people, regardless of their financial capacity, can
donate to politicians that hold similar views, which allows citizens to strongly engage in the
electoral process. Contrarily, others argue that this is a legal form of bribery, or as referred to in
the political world: pay-to-play politics. By donating great amounts of money to someone, they
believe that in return the politicians will need to satisfy the donor or risk losing future
Proponents of our current system believe that government has exhausted the options
regarding campaign finance reforms as all three bodies have made attempts, both successful and
not, to change the laws regarding the issue. Highly regarded lawyer James Bopp, who has
litigated landmark campaign finance cases in front of the Supreme Court states that “The U.S.
Supreme Court already has addressed the remedies proposed by the “reformers” and found them
unconstitutional under the First Amendment. The Supreme Court and numerous federal courts
following it have struck down almost all laws that attempt to restrict campaign spending or
action committees [PACs], and political parties).” (Bopp 1) Those who don’t want the system to
change argue that considering the highest court in the nation has deemed the vast majority of
wrong to merely attempt reform when those reforms have serious constitutional violations. In
2010, Supreme Court case Citizens United v. Federal Election Commissions ruled that the
system setting certain constraints on contributions was unconstitutional as it violated free speech.
Americans that side with this opinion believe that the issue at hand isn’t too much money in
politics, but rather the fact that too much of the money comes from too little a percentage of the
population. The issue is that not enough citizens are participating and exercising their civic duty
in the election process. Ann M. Ravel, in her journal piece in TIME Magazine writes, “In the
first part of the 2016 election campaign cycle, just 158 families, along with companies
they own or control, contributed nearly half of all the money that was raised to support
the presidential candidates. Meanwhile, a huge number of people around the country are
so disillusioned with government that they don’t even vote, let alone contribute to
political causes.” (Ravel, 3) Her data suggesting that nearly half the money donated
originated from less than 200 families is eye opening to say the least. In order to better
engage the public in the electoral process, some states have begun taking measures such
as disclosing where the money is spent, and in Seattle, as an example, proposals have
been made to supply all residents with a twenty five Dollars voucher to be donated to any
given candidate. Although, the FEC doesn’t seem to care too much about enforcing the
rules regarding disclosure, which have passed through both the legislative and judicial
branches as law of the land. It’s hypocritical to want a change in the system when certain
current rules (2015) aren’t even being followed. Supreme Court justice Anthony
Kennedy, who authored the Citizens United v. FEC decision explicitly wrote “ With the
advent of the Internet, prompt disclosure of expenditures can provide shareholders and citizens
with the information needed to hold corporations and elected officials accountable for their
positions and supporters” (Citizens United v. FEC) in the ruling. Disclosure was a main part of
the ruling that served the crucial purpose of creating a more trustful relationship between
constituents and politicians. Voters deserve to know where money is being spent by these
campaigns. Although sadly this hasn’t happened, and even Justice Kennedy admitted this in an
interview with the Harvard Law school dean saying “You live in this cyber age. A report can be
done in 24 hours, disclosure is not working the way it should.” (Kennedy, Anthony. Boston: 2
Hearing the cost of the 2016 election cycle, $6.5 billion, shocks most Americans who
hadn’t previously been aware. Various important questions arise when discussing such figures.
Where the money comes from, its usage, and why some wealthy corporations and individuals
deem it worthy to contribute millions of dollars. The fact that the American election spending
system is like no other system internationally, including both developed and developing nations,
is concerning. According to the New York Times, “Britain is not unusual in running short,
relatively inexpensive campaigns. But few nations combine enthusiastic fascination with
American-style politics — the governing Conservatives and the opposition Labour Party both
hired top advisers to President Obama this election cycle — with campaign finance rules so
stringent that they would seem better suited to City Council races in the United States.”(Stephen
Castle, Britain's Campaign Finance Laws Leave Parties With Idle Money.” The New York
Canada mean that the typical candidate for the country's Parliament spent between $12,000 and
$90,000, on average, during the 2015 election. By contrast, American candidates for the
House spent close to $500,000 in 2016, while Senate candidates spent around $1.5 million.”
(Ingraham, Christopher. “Analysis | Somebody Just Put a Price Tag on the 2016 Election. It's a
Doozy.” The Washington Post) The American system has the longest lasting elections that
include the highest individual donations by far. According to OpenSecrets.com, between the
2016 and 2018 election cycles, billionaire Sheldon Adelson has contributed $220 million to
Republicans and Billionaire ex-presidential candidate Tom Steyer has contributed around $160
million to Democrats. This system couldn’t be more corrupt; the notion that these men, and
hundreds of other super wealthy people, donate at such high volume and don’t expect something
in return is foolish. It’s clear that their money is a ticket to the potential officials’ ear if elected.
Furthermore, politicians feel beholden to donors because if they disappoint their donors, getting
re-elected effectively becomes more difficult. Russel Berman over at The Atlantic makes a strong
case regarding how Americans feel stating “The problem of money in politics is so universally
recognized that even Donald Trump, the ultimate capitalist, and Bernie Sanders, a self-described
Democratic socialist, agree on it. Sanders has spent his career railing against the corrupting
influence of wealthy and corporate donors, while Trump has unmasked the game by admitting
that he gave money to politicians to curry favor with them. The success of both of these
politicians suggests the degree to which Americans are fed up with the influence of money on
politics.” (Berman, Russell. “How Do We Fix Campaign Finance in U.S. Politics?” The Atlantic)
When Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders agree on an issue, and additionally build successful
campaigns revolving the shared belief, it’s clear that the case for campaign finance reform is
legitimate and what the country yearns for. Berman than continues by stating “If
that at least people will know what individuals and organizations are paying for the ads they see
on TV.” Berman also argues that the wealthy will always have a way in influencing the system.
With that in mind he goes on to explain that a strong reform would be federally financed
campaigns across all types of elections to “empower average people” as he says. Senator
Elizabeth Warren has long been a strong advocate for aggressive reforms. While she ran to be
the Democratic nominee for the 2020 election, she released her campaign finance reform plan on
her website. She states that “With money comes time, access, and the corruption of our
representative democracy. Enough is enough. It’s time to get big money out of politics.”
(Warren, Get Big Money Out of Politics) She then goes on to state that her plan is comprised of
three parts: no more pay to play politics where the wealthy buy power and access, in a
democracy the power belongs to the people, and that spending and raising disclosures must be
vastly expanded. It’s important to note that for a senator like Warren, who rejects all big money
donations, having these positions makes elections harder for her as she must compete with less
money. Although the fact that she’s so vocal about the issue and actively takes a role in
practicing what she preaches while she’s in a position where many wealthy would donate great
sums to her adds to her credibility on the issue and furthermore proves that campaign finance
Campaign finance reforms worry many politicians in Washington as they fear it will
make the system less fair by increasing the chances of incumbent victories due to their name
recognition; fundraising advantages wouldn’t play as big a role. Historically speaking, the vast
majority of reform attempts have been deemed unconstitutional and knocked down by the
judicial system. James Bopp, in his 24-page analysis states” These concerns that he asserts are
constitutionally binding are as follows "the distortions and evasions caused by complex laws, the
lack of transparency in political contributions that result from such distortions, and the almost
constant need for public officials to engage in raising a large number of small
aspect as to why limits should be removed, even in the case of hard money. Supreme Court case
Buckley v. Valeo ruled that certain limits to contributions rooting from the Federal Election
Campaign Act of 1971 are unconstitutional. Furthermore, the case also ruled to limit the scope of
political speech consisting of express advocacy and issue advocacy. These two types of advocacy
compare what a candidate can say regarding their election or defeat and the constitutional
protections regarding them. Furthermore, considering the large size and scope of the U.S Federal
government, there isn't enough money being spent on politics. The government should take steps
to put power back in the hands of the citizens, as the system was meant to be “by the people for
the people” as Abraham Lincoln said in his famous Gettysburg Address. Eliminating various of
the current laws would only strengthen the way the American citizen can participate and fulfill
their civic duty in the process. Bopp states what he believes are proposals to adopt true reform,
“Congress first needs to recognize that today’s perceived abuses are simply the predictable result
of past “reforms” in which the suppression of free speech was the principal focus. Today’s
complex laws cause wasteful distortions in the electoral process and lessen transparency and
public accountability. There are, however, constitutional measures that would correct these
flaws. Specifically, raising or eliminating contribution limits, which have been eroded by
inflation, would allow elected officials to concentrate more on their public duties than on raising
funds, make the flow of campaign money more transparent, and improve public accountability.”
(Bopp 2) Its mind boggling that inflation hasn’t been adjusted to PAC contributions for over 40
years. If limits were raised or removed, constituents would have a stronger role in the electoral
process, which in turn disincentivizes SuperPAC’s (the largest portion of contributions) and
contributions that are considered soft money which can only be used indirectly such as through
issue advocacy. SuperPAC’s are indeed extremely large and influential in U.S. politics, given, as
the data shows that out of the $6.5 billion spent in 2016, a staggering $4 billion came from
SuperPAC’s; but by removing or heightening the individual contribution limit, in effect, would
remove the need for these huge groups, thus largely eliminating what reforms consider corrupt
actors from the process. If fighting the potential for corruption is the top priority, as the majority
of reform proponents believe, the best solution would, in fact, be to shorten, simplify, and
remove various laws in order to permit the direct passage of donations. In addition, transparency
should be more greatly emphasized so that the American people can have a better understanding
regarding the money, its impacts, and where exactly it ends up for what given purpose.
Conclusion
notions regarding campaign finance several times. Should campaign finance reforms be enacted
to rid the system of corruption, is the system currently the best it could be, or should limits be
removed? One imperative consistency between the three perspectives in my findings is the need
to tighten the restrictions regarding disclosures. Elizabeth Warren, James Bopp, Ann M. Ravel,
Justice Anthony Kennedy, and Russel Berman all agree that campaign contribution and
campaign spending disclosures must be heightened, and interestingly enough their agreements
are based in the same ideology: creating a more trustful and transparent relationship between the
Voters should have a right to know exactly who’s donating and what that money is being
used for; what many forget is the role that a politician serves in American government, a public
official. Public officials work for us, the American people, and that must be emphasized so that
the American voter can be more informed while making electoral decisions. Voters must take
into account who is donating, at what amounts of cash, to a particular politician as those
donations might implicate lobbying power that could serve against a citizen’s personal interests;
and as a rule of thumb, citizen’s voting decisions are almost exclusively rooted in their own self-
interests. Contrary to much of the reform perspective that states that money buys elections, it was
evidently seen in the 2016 election that this was not the case: Hilary Clinton spent more than
double of what Donald Trump did while campaigning, and she still lost. Although, the argument
that these large SuperPAC’s disengage the average voter is merit filled as the Washington Post
explains that over $4 billion was spent in the Congressional elections in 2016 and yet Congress
has had its worst approval rating with the American public, only declining in the past 15 years: it
now stands at less 25% approval. The majority of Americans aren’t satisfied with the job being
done, which only further proves that the voter must be better connected to our officials and
elections. It’s bad that 200 individuals were responsible for almost half of contributions in 2016.
The evidence leads me to agree that limits do suppress 1st Amendment rights to freedom
of speech and expression, but at the same time the large SuperPAC’s are way too powerful. If
many of the limits were removed the need to donate to SuperPAC’s would dramatically
decrease. The only reason why SuperPAC’s even exist is to serve as a loophole around the
federally mandated contribution limit. It’s no secret that when a SuperPAC receives donation’s
in the hundreds of millions that the money isn’t being used to very effectively support the given
candidate. These SuperPAC’s raise hundreds of millions of Dollars, which gives them an overly
powerful collective lobbying power; this overly powerful collective lobbying power of mainly
super wealthy donors is precisely what acts as a barrier between the average American and the
politician. Based off the analysis I’ve been conducting it’s clear that getting rid of these large
umbrella groups would refranchise the constituents. Although, I don’t propose a governmental
mandate, from above, making SuperPAC’s illegal as that’s a clear 1st Amendment violation. I
propose a legal, and more effective, method of ending contribution limits in order to allow the
incentive system to operate as it rarely fails. Furthermore, there’d be absolutely no reason for
people to donate through these large groups if they could simply donate directly to the candidate
of their choice and invest in what they believe. Thus, the existence of SuperPAC’s fades away
and eventually disappears as the incentive is gone, ultimately rebuilding the bridge that connects
anthony-kennedy_n_5637c481e4b0631799134b92.
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