The Complex of Sultan Hasan in Cairo: Reading between the Lines

Author(s): Howyda N. Al-Harithy

Source: Muqarnas, Vol. 13 (1996), pp. 68-79
Published by: Brill
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1523252
Accessed: 14-10-2017 04:34 UTC

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 HOWYDA N. AL-HARITHY

THE COMPLEX OF SULTAN HASAN IN CAIRO:

READING BETWEEN THE LINES

Ever since it was built in the mid-fourteenth century, the In an elaborate metaphor, Ibn Habib j
the world.2
complex of al-Nasir Hasan (fig. 1) has dazzleditthose who to the Pyramids of Giza and the Iwan o
superior
have seen it, from contemporary chroniclers, and says that compared with it all other edific
to travelers
through the ages, to modern scholars. In praise
weakofand
theimpoverished in artistry.3 Among Wester
elers,of
complex, al-Maqrizi writes, "There is no sanctuary boththePietro della Valle andJean Thevenot, wh
Muslims, known in the lands of Islam, that equals this in the seventeenth century, proclaimed
ited Cairo
jamic and its dome, the likes of which has not been
most built
impressive jami' they had ever seen.4 In m
in Egypt, Syria, Iraq, North Africa, or Yemen."' Boththe
times, Ibnfascination with this complex began to
Taghri Birdi and Ibn Shahin describe it as an edifice with
art historical studies beginning in 1899, when Ma
an Austrianof
no equal in the whole world and one of the wonders architect and a member of the Comite de

Fig. 1. Complex of Sultan Hasan. General view. (Photo: Louis Hautecoeur and Gaston Wiet, Les Mosquees du Caire [Paris,

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 THE COMPLEX OF SULTAN HASAN 69

Conservation des Monuments Arabes established

many times by
over; however, not many of them
since most
Khedive Tawfiq in 1881, published a monograph died. A worker of this type is not
on the
complex of Sultan Hasan, on which many subsequent
except after strenuous searching."13
studies have been based.5 But this architectural master-
Sultan Hasan died in 1361, leaving the complex
incomplete.
piece remains a puzzle in terms of its symbolic Most of the remaining work, including a
content.
This paper is intended, therefore, not as dome for the
another mausoleum, a dome over the fountain,
read-
marble
ing to the form of the building, but rather as a paneling,
reading and of some inscriptions and decorative
its meaning. work, was completed by Bashir Agha al-Jamdar, the sul-
Among the many questions that have tan's valet, raised
been in 1363. Some of the decorative work, such as
about this imposing monument was onethe carving
posed by of Oleg
the decoration on the portal, remained
Grabar. In a brief article on the complex unfinished.
of Sultan
Hasan, he asked the most intriguing questionWe are told of that
all: this ambitious undertaking was
"How, then, did a weak ruler, murdered in his
intended to youth,
compete with the greatest of buildings, and
find the time or the support to commissionto that theend al-Nasir
most Hasan sought out experts from
magnificent madrasa in Cairo and one of around
the fewthe world:
great"It was said that when al-Malik al-Nasir

ones remaining in the Muslim world?"6 ThisHasanquestion

ordered its is building, he sent for all the muhan-
especially important when one considers diszn
thatfromthe all around the world and ordered them to
con-
struction of this great monument, whichconstruct
was begun a madrasa
in greater than which has never be
built on the face of
Rabic al-Awal 758 (1357),7 went on continuously the earth. He asked them which was
for
the tallest
three years, "not stopping for a single day,"8 building
at a cost of in the world; he was told Iwan Kisra
twenty thousand dirhams a day at a timeAnushirwan,
of great so he ordered it to be measured and re-
eco-
nomic instability as Egypt was recoveringcorded,
fromand the that the madrasa be built ten cubits (dhirad)
rav-
ages of the Black Death. The lavish spending
higher."14 Buton thethe great complex of Sultan Hasan, which
complex reached unexpected sums. Thesurpasses
timber theframe
architectural achievement of his father, al-
used for centering the main arch of the Nasir
qiblaMuhammad,
iwan, for whose thirty-two-year third reign was
example, was said to have cost one hundredthe mostthousand
stable and prosperous of the Mamluk period,
and that
dirhams.9 As the costs mounted Sultan Hasan was ofsup-
his grandfather, the victorious Qala'un,
posed to have said, "If it were not that people
could notwould
merelysay have been intended to satisfy a compet-
that the King of Egypt was unable to finish
itivethe construc-
streak in its patron.
tion of his building, I would have abandoned Onethe
explanation
build- for why the complex was built has
ing of this jami'."10 In the minds of the beenpublic,
offered in such
terms of Mamluk architectural patron-
extravagance could only be justified by some mythical
age generally: in her dissertation, Lobna Sherif'5 inter-
explanation. Ibn Iyas writes, "It is said prets
thatthe the sultan
complex - in line with the theory advanced by
Hasan found, upon digging in the foundation of the that the architecture of the Mam-
Stephen Humphreys
madrasa, a treasure full of Yusufi gold which
luks was has aidedfor their self-glorification and asser-
intended
him in building this madrasa."11 It was more
tion oflikely that
their domination over the local population16 - as
the properties of all the victims of the Black Death
a statement who a fulfillment of al-Nasir Hasan's
of power,
ambitions
had no legal heirs were his buried treasure. Not only to bethelike his father, and to compete with
sultan but others of the ruling elite appropriated
Mamluk amirs money
and with the great dynasties of the time. A
from plague victims.12 second interpretation of the building has been offered
One important economic factor accounting for
in light of thecomponent: in The Image of the Word,
a single
high cost of the building of this complex,Dodd
asideandfrom its explain the building on the basis of
Khairallah
huge scale and high quality, was the cost the
of Qur'anic
labor in the
inscriptions it contains on the portal. They
second half of the fourteenth century, owing
suggest that to the the Light Verse, usually associated
shifting
increase in building activity and the decrease inmihrab,
with the available
to the entry transforms the porch into
labor resulting from the plague. Al-Maqrizi comments
"a mihrab for the outside world,"17 making the complex
on the shortage of workers in the beginning of the
a symbolic entryfif-
to the guided path leading to paradise.
teenth century: "As for the sixth category,
Thisthese are theis not only a generalized statement
interpretation
artisans, wage workers, porters, servants,based
grooms, weav- of the building, but wrongly based
on a fragment
ers, laborers, and their likes. Their wages
on themultiplied
Light Verse which is not actually inscribed on the

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70 HOWYDA N. AL-HARITHY

council
porch at all. That inscription in fact used the meeting,
verses fromdismissed his vizier Manjak al-Yusufi,
and declared that he had reached his majority,27 but
the Surat al-Nur that follows the Light Verse.18
when he tried
The interpretation of the symbolic content ofto take
theover the administration of the state

great complex of Sultan Hasan as proposed he in

wasthis
dethroned
paperand confined to his mother's quarters
is first a reading suggested by the original context
at the harem in Taz al-Nasiri.28 His time in prison
by Amir
which the complex was built and second a was devotedsug-
reading to study and learning. On 18 Jumada al-
gested by the observer's own experience ofAkhir
the752 (August 1451), he was succeeded by his
building.
brotherreading
The first interpretation, which is the primary al-Salih Salih,
of who was fourteen at the time.29 Taz
the complex in this paper, needs not only to be was
al-Nasiri formu-
effectively the ruler of the empire for three
lated in light of the political, social, and
years economic
before the amirs Shaykhu al-Nasiri and Sirghitmish
dynamics of the Mamluk period but also toal-Nasiri30
take into ledcon-
a coup against him and decided to re-
sideration the changing social structure instate
of al-Nasir Hasan. His house arrest was lifted and he
the ruling
was enthroned
elite during the first half of the fourteenth century. In a second time on 2 Shawwal 756 (Octo-
order to reveal its meaning, therefore, I ber 1355).31
will attempt to
construct a profile of its founder's personality andwas
Sultan Hasan his-
the first among the sons of al-Nasir
tory and to reconstruct the sociopolitical atmosphere
Muhammad to have political ambitions. Following his fa-
during the time of its foundation. ther's footsteps, he was determined to end the rivalry be-
Al-Nasir Hasan b. Muhammad b. Qala'un, thethe
tween seventh
amirs and to take sole control of the sultanate.

of the sons of al-Nasir Muhammad to come to power,

Throughout thiswas
second reign, which lasted six years and
born in Cairo in 1335. His mother died when he was
seven months, he took various steps towards achieving
young, and he was raised in the Citadel by his mother-in-
that objective. First of all, he arrested al-Amir Taz, but af-
law, Khawand Urdukin. His name was Qamari, which he Shaykhu interfered, he decided to send him to
ter Amir
changed to Hasan upon his accession to the throne.19
Aleppo asAsgovernor rather than to prison.32 Two amirs,
a young man Hasan was subjected to humiliation by theand Sirghitmish, retained the authority in the
Shaykhu
Mamluk amirs many times over. He suffered exile,
court im-
of al-Nasir Hasan. On 25 Dhu'l-QiCda 758 (Novem-
prisonment, and torture (and eventually death)berat 1357),
their Shaykhu, who held the office of atabak al-casa-
hands. He also witnessed the less-than-fortunate fate of kir, was murdered.33 By then twenty-three years of age, al-
many of his brothers, for he was one among twelveNasirde- Hasan took serious measures to seize power. He re-
scendants, eight sons and four grandsons, of al-Nasir
stricted the authority of Shaykhu's own faction, led by
Muhammad, most of whom were young and inexperi- Khalil ibn Qusun, and sent most of them into exile; the
enced, who succeeded each other on the throne while rest were imprisoned in Alexandria.34 He anticipated a
the Mamluk amirs competed for influence over them. coup planned by Sirghitmish, who after the death of
The years immediately following the death of al-Nasir Shaykhu had become the single most powerful amir in
Muhammad were dominated by the rivalry among the the court of al-Nasir Hasan. In Ramadan 759 (August
senior Nasiri amirs who had gained wealth and power 1358), al-Nasir Hasan was able to rid himself of Sirghit-
during the reign of their master and acted as the guardi-
mish and to send him to prison in Alexandria, where he
ans of his sons. The amirs installed the twelve-year-oldwas later killed.35 Thus liberated from the grip the Nasiri
Hasan as al-Malik al-Nasir on 14 Ramadan 748 (Decem- amirs had had on him, he proceeded to establish his own
ber 1347).20 Al-Nasir Hasan was a minor and a figure-
power base and to replace those loyal to Amir Sirghit-
head. Four Nasiri amirs were actually in control of ad- mish with his own mamluks. He not only appointed his
ministering the affairs of the state: the viceroy Baybugha
mamluks to high military and administrative offices, but
al-Qasimi, known as Aurus,21 his brother the amir Manjakalso entrusted awlad al-nas (lit., the sons of the respect-
al-Yusufi, whom he appointed vizier and ustadar,22 theable people, it refers to the descendants of the mamluks,
amir Shaykhu al-Nasiri,23 and the amir Taz al-Nasiri.24 It
i.e., free-born men) to key positions in his government.
was then that the Black Death came to Egypt25 from Cen- This policy of relying on awlad al-nas was unpreceden-
tral Asia, reaching its height during ShaCban-Shawwal ted. They were appointed to military and administrative
749 (October-December 1348) and ending in the mid- offices, and served as governors as well as amirs of vari-
dle of Dhu'l-QiCda 749 (February 1349).26 ous ranks. One-third of the amirs holding the highest
Four years after his accession to the throne, in 1350,rank (amir of one thousand) were from the awlad al-
al-Nasir Hasan sent for the four chief qadis, called anas36 (among them were two of al-Nasir Hasan's ten

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 THE COMPLEX OF SULTAN HASAN 71

Fig. 2. Map showing location of the complex of Sultan Hasan.

sons) and nearly all of the governors ofwas

important cities
second-generation free-born, an importa
in Syria. "His objectives were to have the whole
his govern-
profile. In the fourteenth century the aw
whichAs
ment run by awlad al-nas," stated al-CAyni.37 al-Nasir
for theHasan belonged had emerg
force.
reasons behind such a policy, al-Nasir Hasan The social
is quoted as division of the ruling cl
saying: "These people are reliable andmamluks
under andmy
awladflag.
al-nas is an essential factor in under-

standing
They go where I tell them, and when I want to the relationship between Sultan Hasan, th
remove
Mamluk
them from office, I can do so easily. They alsoamirs,
treatand my the people of Egypt. He dissociated
himself from the
subjects kindly, and understand the regulations."38 Al- Mamluks, showed stronger affiliation
with
Nasir Hasan's political reforms were never the awlad
fully al-nas, and sought an alliance with the
realized.
At the age of only twenty-seven, he diedlocal
at population,
the handswho of shared his resentment of the
Mamluk amirs. It is in this context that the complex of
Yalbugha al-Khassaki, one of his own mamluks.
The answer to the question as to how a Hasan
Sultan seemingly
can be interpreted. At one level, it is a
manifestation
insignificant ruler could in three years build suchof al-Nasir
a Hasan's political agenda of
reform, revealed
grand monument lies, not in the significance first in the choice of site on which he
of Sultan
Hasan as a victorious king, for his life was
built short; then
his complex, butin the imposing scale in which he
rather in the political ambitions demonstrated during
built it, and finally in its architectural layout.
his short time in power, for they were grand.The complex is situated at the eastern end of the
The experi-
ence of his early years seems to have generated a strong
southern extension of the city of Cairo, an area referred
resentment of the Mamluk amirs; he rejectedto in the sources
their as Suq al-Khail (Horse Market).39 The
abuse
of power and disapproved of their treatmentsultan chose aofsitetheir
across the maydan of al-Rumaila from
subjects. His efforts to stand up to these the Citadel (fig.
powerful 2) andis
amirs on the eastern end of Qalca (now
testimony to his courage and ambition. Muhammad
Al-NasirCAli) Hasan Street, previously occupied by two pal-

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72 HOWYDA N. AL-HARITHY

Fig. 3. Complex of Sultan Hasan. View from the Citadel. Photograph by Firth taken in 1857; fr
enhancement by Dana Bonstrom)

aces which were built for the amirs Yalbugha al-Yahyawi

and Altunbugha al-Maridani by al-Nasir Muhammad in
1337.4" Sultan Hasan purchased the palaces, demolished
them, and ordered the construction of his complex to
begin.4' This choice of site was significant in two ways:
first, the purchase and demolition of the two palaces of

I
the Nasiri amirs was tantamount to abolishing them,
especially since it must have occurred months before
construction began and coincided with al-Nasir Hasan's
political actions against the senior Nasiri amirs in 1357.
Second, the maydan of al-Rumaila had, especially since it
was rebuilt by al-Nasir Muhammad,42 been the place
where demonstrations took place, attacks on the Citadel
were staged, and rebellions began. In 1293, for example,
a revolt against al-Nasir Muhammad led by Amir Kit-
bugha was staged in the maydan from where the Citadel
was besieged and its water supply was cut.43 Locating the
complex of Sultan Hasan on the maydan can therefore
be interpreted as a statement of revolt.
This idea of revolt is reinforced by the imposing scale
of the complex, which was exaggerated (fig. 3) in its orig-
inal context, before the building of the mosque of al-
Rifaci (1869-1911). This and its fort-like appearance are
onlyjustified when considered in relation to the Citadel.
The complex was apparently intended to establish a dia-
logue with the Citadel to allow for its message to be com-
municated. It stood as a challenge to the Citadel oppo-
site, a structure which, by the time of Sultan Hasan, had
become closely associated with the powerful amirs, who
had taken up residence in it, and with the
Fig.imprisonment
4. Citadel of Cairo. View from the complex of S

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 THE COMPLEX OF SULTAN HASAN 73

Fig. 5. Complex of Sultan Hasan. Plan. (From: Max Herz, La Mosquee du Sultan Hasan au Caire [Cair

of the young members of the house of Qala'un (fig. 4).

The complex not only represents the founder's chal- I
lenge to the Mamluk amirs; his alliance with the people i H
is also evident in its architectural layout. The complex ; u ^ ^
has a cruciform plan (fig. 5). The regular and symmetri-
cal form of the four-iwan court is contained in an irreg- |.
ular rectangle measuring a maximum length of 150 by a , :. :
maximum width of 68 meters.44 The corners of the com- i
plex block are occupied by the four madrasas, each of
which has a single-iwan plan (fig. 6). Flanking the south- l?I
western iwan are the doorways to the Hanafi and Han- :
bali schools, and flanking the northeastern iwan are the
doorways to the Shafi and Maliki schools. The four '
doorways are almost identical in architectural design
and decoration (fig. 7). A great corridor of double f
height runs behind the northwestern iwan separating 3:
the four-iwan court from the section of the building con-
taining the entry vestibule and the dependencies. Two l
vaulted corridors only one story in height flank the
northwestern iwan that links the great corridor to the
sahn.
At the other end of the great corridor behind the
monumental porch lies the entry vestibule, or durqada. It
has a cross-axial plan which acts as a reference to the -
plan of the four-iwan court at the heart of the complex
(fig. 8). A band of inscription, carved on stone and writ-
Madrasa.
ten in Mamluk thuluth script, runs around the four walls Fig. 6. Complex of Sultan Hasan. Hanafiyya

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74 HOWYDA N. AL-HARITHY

Fig. 7. Complex of Sultan Hasan. View of northern corner of the

sahn with doorways to Malikiyya Madrasa on the right and to main
corridor on the left.

Fig. 8. Complex of Sultan Hasan. Entry vestibule. (Photo: c

of the vestibule. It contains a lengthy quotation from
Creswell Collection, American University in Cairo)
Surat al-Tawbah beginning with the verse:

In the name of God, Most Gracious, Most Merciful. The

Mecca and Medina and had established good rel
mosques of God shall be visited and maintained by such as
believe in God and the Last Day, establish regular prayers,
with their rulers. "He had accomplished gloriou
and practice regular charity, and fear none except God. Itin the honored city of Mecca," writes Ibn Taghri
is they who are expected to be on true guidance. Do ye"His name is written on the eastern side of th
make the giving of drink to pilgrims, or the maintenance mosque. The existing door of the KaCba was made
of the Sacred Mosque, equal to [the pious service of] those
ing his reign. He also provided the cover for the
who believe in God and the Last Day, and strive with might
and main in the cause of God? They are not comparable in which is now placed inside it. He was charitable
the sight of God: and God guides not those who do people of Mecca and Medina."4i But most importa
wrong.45 Sultan Hasan won a victory over the king of Yem
Mecca, and had liberated and protected the city
These verses and the following ones are a clear reference he has performed an even higher deed in the
to pious deeds, the highest of which is that ofjihad, and
God than providing services to the pilgrims and m
to charitable foundations. One can therefore read a
taining the sacred mosque, as stated by the verses
in the
more specific reference in light of Sultan Hasan's inscription band.
history
and pious deeds in the holy city of Mecca. Sultan Hasan,
Four great tunnel-vaulted iwans flank the sahn (
like other Mamluk sultans, took pride in protecting the of the four is the iwan of the qibla. Ac
The largest
holy cities of Islam. He was committed to the topeople of document, this iwan is dedicated to "t
the waqf

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 THE COMPLEX OF SULTAN HASAN 75

Fig. 9. Complex of Sultan Hasan. View of the four-iwan

Fig. 10. court.
Complex of Sultan Hasan. Northeast facade. (Photo: Louis
(Photo: Louis Hautecoeur and Gaston Wiet, LesHautecoeur
Mosquees du Caire
and Gaston Wiet, Les Mosquees du Caire [Paris, 1932],
[Paris, 1932], pl. 131) pi. 126)

day khutba, the reading of the Qur'an, dan and

of Bayn al-Qasrayn.
the meeting The functions assigned to take
of the Shaficis with their professor to place in the mausoleum
conduct their gen-were stated in the waqf docu-
eral teaching and their usual reading."47 This
ment, which reads complex
as follows: "As for the place called the
was therefore the first to incorporatequbba, he endowed it, grounds and structure, with a
a congregational
mosque into the program of the madrasa mosqueinfor performing
the Mamluk prayers, observing rituals, occu-
period. The remaining three iwans that pying oneself with
flank thethesahnreligious sciences, and for teach-
are approximately equal in size. Teaching ing thesessions
sessions of tafszr
were (jurisprudence) and hadith ...
assigned to each of the iwans. The southwestern with the exception of the two
iwan was fasqiyyas built below the
reserved for the sessions of the Hanbali school, the ground and the ground above them for he [the sultan],
northwestern for the Hanafi school, and the northeast-
may God accept his deeds, has endowed them for his
ern for the Maliki school.48 own burial - may God bless him with a long life - and
The mausoleum is the largest in Egypt.49 It is situatedthe burial of his children, grandchildren, and descend-
behind the qibla wall and projects outside the rectangu-ants."50 The complex was also endowed with a hospital
lar mass containing the rest of the complex into the staffed with three doctors- a doctor of internal medi-

open area of the maydan. It therefore reminds one of acine, an eye doctor, and a surgeon - in addition to t
similar gesture made by the mausoleum of his grandfa-medical assistants.5' It was to occupy the area at the e
ther Qala'un, as it protruded into the space of the may-of the great corridor leading from the vestibule to th

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76 HOWYDA N. AL-HARITHY

main court and behind the Hanbaliyya madrasa. This

comprehensive functional program also included a sabil-
kuttab which was destroyed by the collapse of the first of
two minarets that were intended to frame the portal.
The facade of the complex is dressed in fine stone52
and rises to a height of approximately 38 meters (fig. 10).
It is articulated with tall shallow recesses that run the

height of the building and are crowned with muqarnas

in three tiers. Four minarets were planned for the com-
plex, two were to frame the portal, but only one of them
was built, and it fell down in 1360. The other two mina-
rets flank the tomb chamber on the facade overlooking
the maydan. Only the southern one dates to the original
structure; the northern minaret collapsed in 1660 and
was rebuilt in 1671. The monumental porch is the single
most elaborate element of the northeastern facade. It
stands four stories tall and is the largest portal in Cairo,
with its deeply recessed bay, approximately 8.5 meters
wide and 5 meters deep, surmounted by a fluted and
slightly pointed semi-dome adorned with twelve tiers of
stalactites. Its setting at an angle lends it an additional air
of dominance. This angle is especially significant when
seen in relation to the mausoleum and not, as usually
assumed, to the alignment with the street. The southeast-
ern facade facing the royal maydan and the Citadel
incorporates the projection of the mausoleum (fig. 11),
an impressive gesture especially when visually joined byComplex of Sultan Hasan. View of portal in relation to th
Fig. 11.
mausoleum of Sultan Hasan.
the skewed portal as one views the complex from the
north, that is, from the Citadel.
Through the educational, social, and religious institu- and the people protection. Placing the mausoleum
tions it contained, the main block of the building repre- tween the complex and the Citadel represents the su
sented the people. Each institution filled a community as standing between the people and the Mamluks. Wh
need and referred to a different social group. Thethe projection gives the mausoleum a sense of b
place-
ment of the four madrasas at the corners of that block is attached to the rest of the complex, symbolic of the
an architectural translation of the idea that education is tan's alliance with the people, its placement behind t
the cornerstone of a civilized society. The incorporation qibla wall and on an axis with the mihrab, traditiona
of a congregational mosque, a place in which all the mem-spot for the imam leading the prayer, is symbolic
bers of society gather, reinforces the symbolic reference Sultan Hasan's leading the people in revolt against
to society. Finally, there is the unorthodox placement of machinations of the Mamluks. This reading
political
the mausoleum behind the qibla wall and its projection gests that the complex of Sultan Hasan sets itself ap
outside the main block of the complex; it is theand mostcould not have been interpreted in light of an o
symbolically charged gesture. As the one element most all reading of Mamluk architecture. Unlike its prede
associated with the founder, its positioning and treat- sors, the complex was not intended to represent the
ment accord with the reading of the complex. Theper mau-hand the ruling elite had over the people of Egyp
soleum takes its place in a hierarchy over other elements was rather representative of the rising power of the
of the complex, acquired not only by projecting beyond generation of awlad al-nas in opposition to the old es
the rectangular mass of the main block but also by its
lishment and in alliance with the people.
more elaborate and distinct decoration. Translated into The message conveyed by the complex seems to hav
symbolic content, this means that the alliance between provoked actual opposition to the rulers in the Citad
Sultan Hasan and the people gave the sultan authority
Historical accounts indicate that the complex bec

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 THE COMPLEX OF SULTAN HASAN 77

the locale for actions taken against the Mamluks ficult. The at
complex
the of Sultan Hasan was part of that pro-
Citadel. "The jamic [of Sultan Hasan]," writes cess, aal-Maqrizi
grand gesture to uplift the spirit of the people, re-
"became an opponent of the Citadel. In assert every the instance
glory of Egypt, and renew the faith. One might
of riot among the ruling class, a numbereven consideralong
of amirs a commemorative function served by the
with others climbed to the roof and launched an attack complex that was partly financed by the wealth of those
who perished during the plague.
at the Citadel."53 For example, when the rivalry between
the two amirs, Barquq and Baraka in 1380 led to confron- Such an interpretation explains the metaphor of life
tation, Barquq and his mamluks entered the madrasacelebrated
of by the complex. The experience as one
Sultan Hasan, climbed the minarets, and attacked moves in a sequence of spaces from the portal to the
mausoleum, for example, resembles the path of life: the
Baraka while he was in his maqcad in Hadrat al-Baqar.54
focal points of the procession are the portal and the
Again, in 1388, when conflict arose between al-Amir
Tamirbugha al-Afdali and Yalbugha al-Nasiri, a grouptomb.
of They are placed at the beginning and the end re-
Tamirbugha's supporters took refuge in the complex,spectively,
as- as a reference to birth and death. The dark
narrow passageway linking the entrance to the
cended the roof, and shot at their opponents as they
passed through the Suq al-Khail.55 Similar incidents incourtyard, with its ambiguous sense of orientation,
alludes to the early years of life when goals have not yet
which the building was used as a stage for attack or a ref-
uge were numerous. "Al-Malik al-Zahir Barquq could
been set. The passage leads to the courtyard, flooded
not tolerate that, so he ordered the destruction of thewith light, where the various functions taking place on
steps leading up to the two minarets, the living cellsall ofsides produce an image depicting the different direc-
tions life offers. Eventually, all activities and directions
the fuqaha, and the roof."56 In 1390, the front steps of the
complex were ordered destroyed, the doors were locked, converge in the congregational mosque, which reorients
and the stairs of the minarets were demolished,57 and the the course of the procession. The terminal point is the
mu'adhins had to perform the call to prayer from a plat- tomb where the linear procession takes an upward direc-
form at the main entrance.58 It was not until 1424 that tion, lent by the verticality of the square chamber and its
the building was restored to its original state. dome, a direction taken as the human soul soars to the
The complex can also be interpreted in light of heavens
the after death.

These interpretations are not necessarily in conflic

many long years of political and economic instability that
preceded its foundation. Political unrest had affectedwith one another. Reasserting the glory of Egypt, uplift
the prosperity of the east-west trade, but most severeing of the spirit of the people, and renewing the faith are
all was the Black Death from which Egypt did not quickly only complementary to the opposition and the chal-
lenge to a pattern of rule that had abused power and
recover, for it was followed by a series of famines. Accord-
contributed to the economic decline of the sultanate.
ing to estimates by Dols, Cairo lost a third of its popula-
tion, which had reached almost half a million before the
plague struck.59 Up to twenty thousand lives were
American University of Beirut
reported lost in a single day in Cairo during the peakBeirut,
of Lebanon
the epidemic.60 The city suffered extensive damage, was
NOTES
abandoned, and transformed from a lively flourishing
metropolis into a ghost town. Though al-Maqrizi did not
Author's note: This paper, originally part of my dissertation
live during this time, he pieced together a revealing
"Urban Form and Meaning in Bahri Mamluk Architectur
description of the state of the city: "By the time vard
the University, 1992, was first presented at the Middle East
month of Dhu'l-QiCda began, Cairo was empty and aban- Association meeting held in Portland, Oregon, in October,
doned, the streets were barren of passers-by. One would1. Al-Maqrizi, al-MawaCiz wa-l-lctibarfi Dhikr al-Khitat wa-l-A
vols. (Cairo, 1853-54), 2: 316.
even go through the gate of Zuwayla to the gate of al-
2. Ibn Shahin al-Zahiri, Zubdat Kashf al-Mamalik wa-B
Nasr without crossing anyone's path, owing to the high Turuq wal-Masalik (Paris, 1894), p. 31; Ibn Taghri Birdi,
number of victims and of those occupied with them. The dith al-Duhurfi Mada al-Ayam wal-Shuhur, 2 vols. (Cairo,
dirt accumulated on the streets."61 He goes on to relate 2: 319; Ibn Shahin, Zubdat Kashf al-Mamalik, p. 31.
that many quarters were left deserted, the cemeteries3. Ibn Habib, Tadhkirat al-Nabzhfi Ayam al-MaSur wa-Banzh
(Cairo, 1976), 3: 209-10.
were filled, and mosques and zawiyas were closed. From
4. Max Hertz, La Mosquee du Sultan Hasan au Cairo (Cairo
the image painted of the city and the high mortality rate,pp. 16-17.
one can only assume that the process of recovery was dif-
5. Ibid.; it was originally published in both French and Arabic

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78 HOWYDA N. AL-HARITHY

(Cairo, 1899). Some of the early studies inspired by was

it appointed
are Wil-governor of Tripoli, and in 1358, he replaced
liam Harvey, "The Mosque of Sultan Hasan, Cairo," TazThe
as governor
Build-of Aleppo. For further information, see al-
er (June 16, 1911): 751-55; and Gaston Wiet, "Sultan Hasan,"
Maqrizi, Khitat, 2: 320-24.
La Revue du Caire 2 (June 1935): 86-109. A second 23. Shaykhu
monograph al-Nasiri became a high-ranking amir during the
on the complex is CAli Zaghloul, "Madrasat al-Sultan Hasan,"
reign of al-Muzaffar Hajji and an influential figure at the court
M.A. thesis, Cairo University, 1977. It was also the offocus ofJ.M.
al-Nasir Hasan. In 1350, he was sent to prison with the amir
Rogers, "Seljuk Influence on the Monuments of Cairo," Manjak al-Yusufi
Kunst in Alexandria. He was released after Sultan
des Orients 7 (1970-71): 40-68. Hasan was deposed and was succeeded by al-Salih Salih, re-
turned to
6. Oleg Grabar, "Architecture and Art - Sultan Hasan Cairo in 1351, and shared with the Amir Taz the task
Madra-
sah," The Genius of the Arab Civilization (Cambridge, 1983), the affairs of the state. In 1354, Shaykhu and
of administering
p. 108. the sultan had a falling out, and Shaykhu managed to depose
7. Ibn Habib, Tadhkirat al-Nabih, 3: 209-10; Ibn Iyas, Bada-ic al- al-Salih Salih and reinstate al-Nasir Hasan. During the second
Zuhurfi Waqa'ic al-Duhur, 5 vols. (Cairo, 1982-84), 1, 1: 559; reign of al-Nasir Hasan, Shaykhu enjoyed a great deal of power
Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-Zdhirafi Muluk Misr wal-Qahira, as atabak al-'asdkir. He was the first to hold the title of amir
12 vols. (Cairo, 1929-56), 10: 306. According to al-Maqrizi, kabtr, Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Manhal al-.Sfi, 6: 257-62.
construction began in 757 (1356) (al-Maqrizi, Khitat, 2: 316), 24. He was a senior Nasiri amir who played a major role in the
but the date of 758 (1357) seems to be more accurate, for it is deposing of al-Nasir Hasan and the accession of al-Salih Salih
the date provided by the waqf document. to the throne. He enjoyed a great deal of power during the
8. Al-Maqrizi, Khitat, 2: 316. reign of al-Salih until the conspiracy against him by Sirghit-
9. Ibid. mish and Shaykhun ended in reinstating al-Nasir Hasan and
10. Ibid. appointing Taz as governor of Aleppo in 1354. His rebellion of
11. Ibn Iyas, Bada'ic al-Zuhur, 1, 1: 560. 1357 ended that appointment. He was sent to al- Karak, where
12. Dols, The Black Death in the Middle East (Princeton, he was1977),
imprisoned. He died in 1361; Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Man-
pp. 269-71. hal al-.Sfi, 6: 362-65.
13. Quoted in Dols, Black Death, p. 270. 25. Ibn Iyas, Bada'i' al-Zuhur, 1: 523-28; Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-
14. Ibn Shahin, Zubdat Kashf al-Mamalik, p. 31. Nujum al-Zahira, 10: 195-213; Ibn Duqmaq, al-Jawhar al-Tha-
15. Lobna Sherif, "Layers of Meaning: An Interpretive Analysis of mzn, 2:195-96.
Three Early Mamluk Buildings," Ph.D. diss., University of 26. Al-Maqrizi, Kitab al-Suluk li-MaCrifat Duwal al-Muluk, 4 vols.
Michigan, 1988, pp. 121-66. (Cairo, 1934-71), 2, 3: 772.
16. Stephen Humphreys, "Expressive Intent of the Mamluk Archi- 27. Al-Maqrizi, al-Suluk, 2, 3: 822.
tecture of Cairo: A Preliminary Essay," Studia Islamica 35 28. Ibn Duqmaq, al-Jawhar al-Thamzn, 2: 197-98; Ibn Iyas, Badadic
(1972): 69-120. al-Zuhur, 1, 1: 537.
17. Erica Dodd and Shereen Khairallah, The Image of the Word (Bei- 29. Ibn Taghri Birdl, al-Nujum al-Zdhira, 10: 254; Ibn Iyas, Bada'ic
rut, 1981), p.47. al-Zuhur, 1, 1: 538.
18. Qur'an, Surat al-Nur, 24: 36-37; see Zaghloul, "Madrasat al- 30. Al-Amir Sayf al-Din Sirghitmish b. cAbdullah al-Nasiri was one
Sultan Hasan," p. 148. of the mamluks of al-Nasir Muhammad and a key figure at the
19. Al-CAyni, CAqd al-Juman fi Tdrikh Ahl al-Zaman, ms. no. 1584 court of al-Nasir Hasan. He was a powerful figure after the
(Cairo, Dar al-Kutub), vol. 24/1; al-Maqrizi, Khitat, 2: 240, 316- death of al-Amir Shaykhu until al-Nasir Hasan ordered his
318; Ibn Duqmaq, al-Jawhar al-Thamzn, 2: 195, 214-15; Ibn Iyas, arrest. He was sent to prison in Alexandria in Ramadan 759
Bada'ic al-Zuhur, 1, 1: 519-20. (1358), where he died in Dhu'l-QiCda of the same year; Ibn
20. Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-Zahira, 10: 187; Ibn Iyas, Bada'ic Taghri Birdi, al-Manhal al-Sdfi, 6: 342-44.
al-Zuhur, 1, 1: 519; Ibn Duqmaq, al-Jawhar al-Thamn fi Sirat al- 31. Al-Maqrizi, al-Suluk, 3, 1: 1; Ibn Iyas, BadaTic al-Zuhur, 1, 1:
Khulafa wal-Muluk wal-Saldtin, 3 vols. (Mecca, 1982), 2: 195. 552-53; Ibn Habib, Tadhkirat al-Nabih, 3:176; Ibn Taghri Birdi,
According to al-Suyuti, al-Nasir Hasan was only eleven years of al-Nujum al-Zahira, 10: 302.
age; see al-Suyuti, Husn al-Muhddarafi Tdrikh Misr wal-Qahira, 2 32. Al-Maqrizi, al-Suluk, 3, 1: 4; Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-
vols. (Cairo, 1967), 2:118. Zahira, 10: 303; Ibn Duqmaq, al-Jawhar al-Thaman, 2: 207.
21. Al-Amir Baybugha al-Qasimi was later appointed to replace 33. Ibn Habib, Tadhkirat al-Nabzh, 3: 204; al-Maqrizi, al-Suluk, 3, 1:
Arghun al-Kamili as governor of Aleppo in 1351. In 1352 he led 33-34; Ibn Duqmaq, al-Jawhar al-Thamzn, 2: 208-9.
a rebellion in Syria. During his reign, al-Salih Salih led his 34. Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-Zdhira, 10: 307-9; Ibn Duqmaq,
army to Damascus, arrested the governors of Safad, Tripoli, al-Jawhar al-Thamin, 2: 210; al-Maqrizi, al-Suluk, 3, 1: 35.
and Hama along with Aurus. Baybugha Aurus was imprisoned 35. Ibn Habib, Tadhkirat al-Nabzh, 3: 213; al-Maqrizi, al-Suluk, 3, 1:
at the Citadel of Aleppo where he died later that year. See Ibn 41-44.

Taghri Birdi, al-Manhal al-Sfi wal-Mustawfi baCd al-Wafi, 6 vols. 36. Ibn Duqmaq, al-Jawhar al-Thamzn, 2: 215; Ibn Iyas, Bada'ic al-
(Cairo, 1984-90), 3: 487-89. Zuhur, 1, 1: 578.
22. Al-Amir Manjak al-Yusufi was governor of Damascus before his 37. Al-CAyni, cAqd al-Juman, ms. 1584, vol. 24/1, Dar al-Watha'q,
brother Aurus promoted him to the rank of amir of one thou- Cairo.
sand and appointed him vizier. He enjoyed great wealth and 38. Quoted by P.M. Holt in The Age of the Crusades: The Near East
power, the abuse of which eventually led to his imprisonment from the Eleventh Century to 1517 (London and New York, 1986),
in Alexandria on 24 Shawwal 751 (1350). He was released p.124.
along with Amir Shaykhu after the accession of al-Salih Salih 39. Al-Maqrizi, Khitat, 2: 316.
in Rajab 1351. During the second reign of al-Nasir Hasan he 40. Ibid., 2: 71; Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-Zdhira, 10: 306.

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 THE COMPLEX OF SULTAN HASAN 79

41. Al-Nasir Hasan seems to have initiated several architectural ings in which ye delight are dearer to you than God, or His
projects in Egypt and in Syria after his complex in al-Rumaila apostle, or the striving in His cause; then wait until God brings
was started in 1360. He built the QaCa al-Baysariyya at the Cita- about His decision: and God guides not the rebellious. As-
del in 1360, described by al-Maqrizi as a high, marvelous struc- suredly God did help you in many battle-fields and on the day
ture unlike any other Mamluk building, with windows, of aHunayn: Behold! your great numbers elated you, but they
dome, and tiraz bands all of gold studded with jewels (seeavailed al- you naught: the land, for all that it is wide, did con-
Maqrizi, Khitat, 2: 213). He also built a madrasa in Jerusalem strain you, and ye turned back in retreat," quoted from CAli
(1361) in the manner of his complex in Cairo, in addition toZaghloul,a "Madrasat al-Sultan Hasan," p. 149.
number of sabil-kuttabs in Jerusalem, Gaza, Damascus 46. and
Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-Zahira, 10: 316.
other cities. 47. The wafq document of al-Nasir Hasan, Mahkama 40/6, Dar al-
42. It is called Maydan Salah al-Din today. Its history goes back toWatha'iq al-Qawmiyya, Cairo.
the time ofAhmad ibn Tulun. It was rebuilt by the Ayyubid48. sul-Ibid.

tan al-Kamil in 1214. During the reign of al-Nasir Muhammad 49. Muhammad Fahmi and CAli Zaghloul, The Great M
the maydan was revived, planted with trees, supplied with Mosque of Sultan Hasan (Cairo, 1974), p. 20.
50. The wafq document of al-Nasir Hasan, Mahkama 40/6
water, and enclosed by a stone wall. It was to provide pleasant
scenery as viewed from the Citadel, especially from the Qasr Watha'iq al-Qawmiyya, Cairo.
al-Ablaq, which was also built by al-Nasir Muhammad. Al-Maq- 51. Ibid.

rizi, Khitat, 2: 228; Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum, 9:179. 52. The stone used for the facade is believed to have been
43. Ibn Iyas, Bada'iC al-Zuhur, 1, 1: 382. from the site of the Great Pyramid; see Stanley Lane
44. Herz, La Mosquee du Sultan Hasan, p. 2. The Story of Cairo (London, 1902), p. 231.
45. Qur'an, Surat al-Tawbah, 9:18-25. The inscription continues 53.asAl-Maqrizi, Khitat, 2: 316.
follows: "Those who believe, and suffer exile and strive with54. Ibn Qadl Shuhbah, Tarikh Ibn Qadi Shuhbah, 3 vols. (D
might and main, in God's cause, with their goods and their 1977), 1, 3: 24; Ibn Iyas, Bada'ic al-Zuhur, 1, 1: 257.
persons, have the highest rank in the sight of God: Who will 55. Ibn Qadi Shuhbah, Tarikh, 1, 3: 281.
achieve [salvation]. Their Lord doth give them glad tidings 56.of
Al-Maqrizi, Khitat, 2: 316.
Mercy from Himself, of His good pleasures, and of gardens57. forOne of the windows of the mausoleum that opened onto the
them, wherein are delights that endure: they will dwell therein maydan was made into a door to provide access to the main
forever. Verily in God's presence is a reward, the greatest [of floor of the building. Al-Khatib al-Jawhari, Nuzhat al-Nufus wal-
all]. O ye who believe! take not for protectors your fathers and Abdanfi Tawarikh al-Zaman, 3 vols. (Cairo, 1970-73) 1: 322.
your brothers if they love infidelity above Faith: If any of 58.
youAl-Maqrizi, Khitat, 2: 316; Ibn Qali Shuhbah, Tarikh, 1, 3: 368.
59. Dols, Black Death, p. 203.
do so, they do wrong. Say: If it be that your fathers, your broth-
ers, your mates, or your kindred; the wealth that ye have60. Al-Maqrizi, al-Suluk, 2, 3: 782.
61. Ibid., 781.
gained; the commerce in which ye fear a decline; or the dwell-

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