doi:10.1111/j.1468-2435.2009.00517.

The Migration of Westerners to

Thailand: An Unusual Flow From
Developed to Developing World
Robert W. Howard*

ABSTRACT

Thousands of Westerners migrate to Thailand; some go to expatriate jobs

and some are self-funded retirees but many are former tourists who live
precariously for years on small local salaries with insecure visa status. The
present study examined demographics, reasons for migration, well-being,
perceived assimilation and experiences of Westerners living in or who had
lived in Thailand for at least one year. Westerners were studied in-country
and 1003 current and former migrants completed an online survey. Com-
mon migration motives were a preference for Thai lifestyle and culture, low
living costs, a warm climate, and readily-available, attractive sexual part-
ners. Most Westerners in-country reported feeling well-assimilated; half had
Thai partners, and most planned to stay for life. Their major reported prob-
lems were the difficult Thai language, visa policies, and official corruption.
Common reasons for leaving Thailand were financial or disillusionment,
occasioned in some cases by perceived poor assimilation. The move appar-
ently works out well for many but assimilation often may be illusory and
there are signs of a local backlash against the influx of Westerners.

INTRODUCTION

Migration between the developed and developing world mostly flows

from the latter to the former, and for good reasons. International
migrants typically seek better economic and political conditions (Cohen,
1997; Castles, 2002; Castles and Miller, 2003) and prefer nations high
on quality of life indices (Sirgy et al., 2006). Life in developing nations

* University of New South Wales, Australia.

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Published by Blackwell Publishing Ltd., Journal Compilation  2009 IOM
9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK, International Migration Vol. 47 (2) 2009
and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. ISSN 0020-7985
194 Howard

can be harsh, average incomes are low and corruption and dictator-
ships are widespread. Dire conditions in ‘‘failed states’’ such as
Somalia induce life-threatening efforts to reach the affluent, safer West
(Sorensen, 2006).

Some population transfer does go the other way, although often tempo-
rarily. There is return migration and a flow of skilled Western expatriate
workers to fill diplomatic, military, missionary and aid work postings.
Westerners help staff universities and company branches in many devel-
oping nations, and many receive excellent ‘‘expat’’ salaries and housing
to compensate for apparent hardship postings. Many live in wealthy
enclaves, such as ‘‘white zones’’ in Central America (Harpelle, 2005) and
gated communities in Manila. Another recent flow is of Western retirees,
often for low living costs, warmer climates and better treatment of the
elderly. Mexico, Costa Rica and the Caribbean island nations are popu-
lar (Otero, 1997; Warnes, 2001). Parenthetically, retirees increasingly
migrate within the developed world, perhaps to a locale visited fre-
quently as a tourist (Timothy, 2002). Some northern European retirees
go to southern Europe. Spain’s Costa del Sol has a large British
enclave (O’Reilly, 2000). Many British retirees also go to Australia
(Warnes, 2001).

But there also is a little- studied, large-scale migration of Westerners to

one particular developing nation: Thailand. Some are on expatriate
work assignments and some are retirees, but many fit neither category
and here are dubbed ‘‘marginals’’. Many first visit as tourists and then
live in Thailand for years, often on a small local salary, perhaps working
as an English teacher.

This migration to Thailand is interesting for several reasons. First, the

flow of ‘‘marginals’’ is a ‘‘man-bites-dog’’ migration, evidently against
the migrant’s economic and political interests. Many voluntarily accept
conditions that citizens of developing nations move abroad to escape.
Thailand is more economically developed than most of its neighbours
but it still is a third world nation ranking well below Western nations
on quality of life indices. It has systemic corruption and a questionable
rule of law (Phongpaichit et al., 1998), political instability and low
wages. In 2003–4, the minimum daily wage in Bangkok was only 170
baht (US$1 = 34 baht in late 2008) and the average monthly wage in
Thailand was just 7,037 baht (Anonymous, 2004). Westerners face addi-
tional difficulties. Career prospects often are limited and Thai is a diffi-
cult tonal language. Thai culture is very different, which may result in

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 Westerners in Thailand 195

marriage difficulties as highlighted by Pirazzi and Vasant (2004). Fur-

thermore, Thailand wants few migrants and deported 200,000 undocu-
mented foreign workers after the 1997 financial crash (Chantavanich,
1999). Westerner visa status often is precarious and most Westerners, at
best, have an annually renewable visa.

Indeed, anecdotal evidence abounds about negative experiences

in-country; Westerners down on their luck, even resorting to begging.
The British honorary consul in Pattaya, a tourist and expatriate
seaside enclave, deals with about 700 cases a year. Many are young
Britons jailed for working without a permit or for visa overstay. Some
have no money but want to stay on. They sleep on the beach and steal
food. Ziesing states that many Westerners in Thailand are troubled
and desperate, with alcoholism widespread (1996). Some operate scams
against other Westerners. Many have money problems after being
cheated by other foreigners and ⁄ or Thai women. A common scenario
features a Thai wife who spends all her much older husband’s money
and then leaves. Anecdotal reports tell of foreign husbands being
evicted from houses they bought in their Thai wife’s name and of
women on their second or third foreign husband. Reportedly, some
long-term Western residents are burned-out and are cynical about
many Thais. Pattaya has several unexplained deaths each month
of Westerners.

Second, the flow to Thailand is interesting because of other unusual

aspects. Most migrants are male and go without wives or children. Their
social assimilation apparently is rapid, despite the cultural and language
differences. Many quickly partner with a Thai, and some report having
many Thai friends. Assimilation of ethnically different migrants can be
lengthy elsewhere and then may occur only by the acculturated second
generation (Alba and Nee, 1997). Different ethnic groups have intermar-
ried at different rates in the United States (Sassler, 2005).

While there is a lack of research on this type of migration, Rodriguez

and Cohen examine a peripherally related but very small migration from
the former USSR to Costa Rica, a developing nation (2005). According
to its 2000 census, Costa Rica had about 600 such migrants, many of
whom were women who had married Costa Ricans studying in the
USSR. Later migrants often migrated because of the worsening Russian
economy or a hope to go on to the United States. Many Russians did
not feel well-assimilated in Costa Rica but could not or would not
return to Russia.

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Existing Work on Western Migrants in Thailand

Little academic research exists on the flow to Thailand, but some pop-
ular works exist. Some are how-to migration guides, based partly
on the author’s own experiences (e.g. Ziesing, 1996; Krieger, 2002;
Terlecky and Bryce, 2006). Hopkins gives a somewhat sensationalized
account of the lives of some prominent Western expatriates in Bang-
kok (2005).1 Some works combine the latter with tips on negotiating
Thai culture (Redmond, 1998; Kolmodin, 2006). There are also several
websites and online forums that deal with expatriate experiences in
Thailand (e.g., Thai Visa, Mango Sauce, and Stickman’s Guide to
Bangkok).

Some Thai popular media reports have discussed the mia farang (white
foreigner’s wife) phenomenon, involving a Thai female who marries a
foreigner. An editorial in Thailand’s ‘‘The Nation’’ newspaper on 6 June
2004 noted the increasing extent of such marriages, commenting on a
Thai government report. The editorial stated that 15,000 Isan (Thai-
land’s northeastern provinces) women had Western husbands, and that
many of these women lived overseas. Some villages in Isan have a mia
farang corner, with a few houses built by and inhabited by Westerners. .
In one village, 25 of 180 families had a mia farang as a family member.
Many Isan girls now cite being a mia farang as their main career choice,
which the editorial stated brings ‘‘... money, security, stability, an end to
crushing poverty, and ...community acceptance of ... choice in career’’.
The mia farangs bring in at least one billion baht annually, an estimated
six per cent of Isan’s income.

Some reports tell of increasing intolerance towards Westerners, perhaps

because of the increasing numbers. Fuller highlights a growing backlash
and a local perception that some Western residents are ‘‘low-end’’
(2007), and mentions the local view that Thailand attracts some males
unattractive to women at home.. Fuller quotes a Thai former bank vice
president expressing frustration about some such foreigners, ‘‘We are
getting a lot of weird retirees here. They can’t survive in your country
so they come here’’ (ibid). A posting on the Mango Sauce website on 11
April 2007 highlighted a perception of ‘‘Thailand’s noticeably cooler
attitude towards Western immigrants... those of us who choose to live
here are feeling less and less welcome’’. Internet expat forums discuss
how some Thais increasingly use the term farang (white foreigner) with
an undertone of contempt.

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 Westerners in Thailand 197

There is little scholarly focus on Western migration to Thailand;

although a few studies examine expatriate managers’ cultural interac-
tions in Thailand (Stening and Hammer, 1992; Clegg and Gray, 2002;
Fisher and Hartel, 2003). Cohen studied about 30 male ‘‘marginal far-
angs’’ living in or visiting a Bangkok lane in 1981 to 1983 (1984). They
were ‘‘marginal’’ because they did not fit usual expatriate categories and
did not take part in the wider expatriate community. Most were aged
between 25 to 45 years old and came from varied educational and occu-
pational backgrounds. Some drifted around various countries, others
oscillated between Thailand and work in the West, and a few had
dropped out of a regular career due to a crisis such as divorce. Some
supported themselves by legal or semi-legal jobs and occasional involve-
ment in criminal activities in Thailand, such as drug dealing. Their lives
in Thailand centred on alcohol, drugs and sex; although some grew disil-
lusioned eventually with the sex bar scene (described by Steinfatt, 2002).
Some had only a little knowledge of and interest in Thai culture and
language. Cohen noted common initial enthusiasm about Thailand
which could dampen into disenchantment and a cynical attitude towards
Thais, caused primarily by unfortunate experiences with Thai women.
Most moved out of this ‘‘dropout’’ existence after a few years but some
persisted indefinitely.

Humphery-Smith studied 28 Western women who had married Thais,

whom they met mostly overseas, and who then moved to Thailand
(1995). Some of these women had had romantic notions of a faraway
land or thought they were going to Taiwan. Humphery-Smith recorded
many horror stories about such women, who lived in poverty with
in-laws and whose husbands’ behaviour had changed dramatically upon
arrival in Thailand (Humphery-Smith, 1995). According to the women
interviewed, husbands stayed out all night, led quite separate social lives,
and even moved girlfriends into the house. Many interviewees confirmed
such problems, saying they felt they hardly knew their husbands; one
interviewee said, ‘‘We suffer a lot to live here’’. A quarter of these
women described their marriage as difficult; many felt marginal and that
they would never feel completely accepted in Thai society. Some
reported increasing resentment and hostility toward Westerners in Bang-
kok, even as long ago as the mid-1990s.

Aims of the Present Study

Several interesting general research questions arise, some of which are

addressed by the present study. First, how many Westerners have moved

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to Thailand and what are their demographics? Do most fit the ‘‘low-

end’’ male stereotype? Second, why do they migrate, often evidently
against their best interests? Some go to expatriate jobs but why do the
marginals go? Third, what are their experiences in-country? How well
does the move work out and how many return home, and why? Are the
anecdotal reports of problems representative? Fourth, what is Western-
ers’ social and economic impact on Thailand? How is the influx of
racially and culturally different foreigners changing Thailand and how
are Thais reacting to this influx? Are reports of an increasing backlash
accurate?

The present study addresses the first three of the abovementioned

research questions. Specifically, the first aim was to estimate how many
Westerners have moved to Thailand. The second aim was to get some
idea of their demographic characteristics. And the third was to gauge
the variety of motives for moving to Thailand and remaining in or
leaving the country, as well as major problems confronted, their actual
experiences in Thailand, and their overall well-being and levels of
assimilation.

These questions were addressed through the use of several methods.

Study 1 estimated numbers of Western residents from official statistics
and a survey of Western embassies. Studies 2 and 3 looked at the
remaining questions, mostly using data from an online survey. The latter
method allows for wide and diverse samples, and usually yields similar
results to traditional surveys (Birnbaum, 2004). Study 2 examined data
of the entire sample and Study 3 examined data of the migrants of par-
ticular interest for migration theory, the ‘‘marginals.’’ The survey data
were supplemented by the author’s in-country observations and a scan
of expatriate websites and forums.

But, first some details about Thailand are in order.

THAILAND

Thailand’s population is around 65 million. Thirteen per cent of Thais

are of Chinese descent, this population dominates business but, unlike
elsewhere in South-East Asia, is well-assimilated due to government
policies (Chua, 2003). They speak Thai, have Thai names, and inter-
marry with ethnic Thais. Most Thais are Buddhists, but the southern
provinces, where an insurgency rages, are predominantly Muslim. Thai

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 Westerners in Thailand 199

society is highly stratified, and wealth is very unequally distributed; the

richest 20 per cent hold 60 per cent of the wealth.

Thailand has several distinct regions, the poorest being Isan, which few
tourists visit. Many Isan residents migrate to the overcrowded capital
Bangkok for work, often working in Thailand’s tourist-oriented sex
industry. Typically darker-skinned and with distinct facial features, they
may be discriminated against in Bangkok. The author’s impression is
that many Thai women who partner with Westerners are from Isan.
Bangkok dwarfs all other cities and has good Western-style facilities
and several Western enclaves, notably Sukhumvit and Khaosan Road
(Howard, 2005).

Tourism is the major foreign exchange earner, with over 11 million tour-
ist arrivals in 2004, about 60 per cent from East Asia. Major tourist
attractions are the friendly people, culture, low costs, warm climate, bea-
ches, diving, and the sex industry. The latter exists in all tourist areas,
particularly in Bangkok and the beach resorts Pattaya and Phuket. Thai
women, perceived as friendly and feminine, are a major lure. Thai pros-
titution traditionally is warmer than its impersonal and disapproved-of
Western variant (Steinfatt, 2002). In the West, there is a sharp boundary
between relationships of prostitution and non-prostitution, but there is
not in Thailand. A relationship of prostitution may be ‘‘open-ended’’,
without a sharp boundary between it and a normal relationship, which
may confuse many Westerners (see Cohen, 2001). Even with typical rela-
tionships between Thais, money can enter. Thai males are expected to
show affection by supporting girlfriends financially and they typically
pay a dowry on marriage. Thai females often support their parents
financially and repeated requests for money to Western males can be a
major relationship problem source (Pirazzi and Vasant, 2004).

Thai Immigration and Emigration

Thailand is both a receiving and a sending nation and is a transit point

for people smuggling (Chantavanich, 1999; Huguet and Punpuing,
2005). Huguet and Punpuing give a comprehensive overview of foreign
migration to Thailand and of Thai emigration, focusing primarily on the
influx from neighbouring countries (2005). Many thousands of Thais
work abroad, male migrants usually work in low-skilled jobs such
as construction, while female migrants sometimes work as entertainers.
As of 1996, 22,607 Thais migrated to the Middle East and 160,941 to
other Asian nations (Chantavanich, 1999). In recent times, many go to

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200 Howard

Taiwan, as well. Huguet and Punpuing cite 148,600 Thais working

abroad in 2004, about 80 per cent of whom are male; these migrants
remit about US$1.5 billion annually (2005).

Thai government visa policies allow skilled migration into Thailand for
short periods but mainly aim to preserve Thailand for the Thais, discour-
aging permanent residence (Iredale et al., 2004; Huguet, 2005). Legal
immigration rates are low (0 per 1000 according to the CIA World
Factbook), however Thailand has over one million undocumented foreign
residents, mainly from neighbouring Myanmar, Laos, and Cambodia
(Amarapibal et al., 2003). Permanent residence and citizenship are hard
for foreigners to acquire. Additionally, foreigners cannot own land. Vari-
ous types of visa are available, but most require annual renewals. Even
after marrying a Thai, permanent residence remains difficult. In 1998,
Thailand introduced a retirement visa for foreigners aged over 50 years
old, who had an amount of at least 800,000 baht in a bank account. Hold-
ers of this visa cannot work and must first reside in Thailand for three
months in order to be eligible for annually renewable visas. Apparently,
the main government motive is financial. The author could not get any
official statistics on the number of retirees in the country from the Thai
government (Huguet and Punpuing, 2005, say that they also could not.
Recently, permanent residence quotas of 100 maximum annually per
nation were introduced, with citizenship possible only after 10 years con-
tinuous residence. Again, it is unclear how many visas are actually offered.

However, individuals of different nationalities could get a free 30 day

tourist visa upon arrival, with no apparent limit to the number of
renewals after exiting Thailand and immediately re-entering. Companies
offered ‘‘visa run’’ services, involving a quick return bus trip to a bor-
der. Many lived in Thailand for years by monthly exits. This loophole
was closed in late 2006 and now only three visas on arrival are allowed
in a six month period.

STUDY 1: NUMBER OF WESTERNERS LIVING IN THAILAND

The present estimate of the number of white Westerners currently living in

Thailand is based on official statistics and a survey of Western embassies.

Here, a Western nation is defined as one of the following countries: the

United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Israel,
and those in Western Europe. The number is difficult to estimate and

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 Westerners in Thailand 201

some typical indirect methods could not be readily applied (Zaba, 1987).
Official statistics miss many individuals on successive tourist visas or
who reside only part of the year. Embassies have estimates and numbers
registered, but many citizens do not register. An oft-cited Thai media
estimate is 100,000 white foreigners resident in Thailand, but its source
is unknown. This number also includes whites from non-Western
nations in Eastern Europe and Latin America, which have low tourist
arrival numbers, except for Russia (see Table 1). Pattaya actually has a
sizeable Russian population, including many female sex workers.

TABLE 1
OFFICIAL STATISTICS AND EMBASSY ESTIMATES OF TOURIST ARRIVALS AND ⁄ OR
VARIOUS FOREIGN RESIDENTS. FOR THE WESTERN NATIONS, BLANK SPACES
MEAN THAT NO DATA WERE AVAILABLE

Residents Residents Residents Residents

Tourist Thai Immig. Embassy Embassy
Arrivals Census Dept. Estimates Registered
2004 2000 2002 2005–6 2005–6

Australia 396,959 1400 735 7000

Austria 52,066 2000 450
Belgium 53,565 1000–2000 625
Canada 107,505 1400 268 8000
Denmark 89,672 300 894 1000–1500
Finland 72,230 1000
France 252,458 700 968 7679 5679
Germany 449,765 3400 1307 10,300–30,000
Greece
Iceland
Ireland 2000 1000
Israel 89,804
Italy 119,639 600 381
Luxembourg
Netherlands 137,582 900 1079 7,000
New Zealand 71,612 300 188 1,400*
Norway 77,684 381 940
Portugal 400 1190 240* 120
South Africa 40,745
Spain 52,386 390
Sweden 223,031 100 592 400
Switzerland 129,347 2200 614 4166 4166
U.K. 634,750 2300 5577 21,338* 10,669
U.S.A. 566,726 5200 2394 10,000–14,000
Total above 3,736,492 19,200 16,568 98,453
Eastern Europe 70,413
Russia 118,966
Latin America 28,444
East Asia 7,070,994
All nations 11,737,413

*Author’s estimate. See text for details.

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202 Howard

Official statistics are difficult to obtain. The author repeatedly wrote to

and visited the Thai Immigration Department headquarters in Bangkok
to secure official statistics or estimates and government policies concern-
ing Westerners, but to no avail. Some data are given in the latest 2000
Thai census (see Table 1).

Huguet and Punpuing had more success, gaining the Thai Immigration
Department statistics shown in Table 1 and the following statistics: in
2004, Thailand had 102,446 registered foreign professional workers,
mostly from Asia, for example 18.4 per cent from Japan and seven per
cent from China (2005). They cite data from only three Western nations:
the United Kingdom, with 6,880 workers, the United States, with 5,278,
and Australia, with 2,630. They cite a Radio Thailand report stating
that 19,233 foreign students were studying in Thailand in 2003, but it is
unclear how many are Westerners. They state the following figures on
detainees and deportees from the Thai immigration detention centre in
Bangkok: in 1999–2002, a total of 178,909 persons were detained
(including 1,835 from Europe, 197 from North America and 78 from
Australia and New Zealand) and 176,777 were deported (1,719 from
Europe, 180 from North America, and 65 from Australia and New Zea-
land). In 2003, a total of 61,623 were detained (307 from Europe, 39
from North America, and none from either Australia or New Zealand)
and 61,930 were deported (310 from Europe, 38 from North America).
According to Huguest and Punpuing, the Ministry of Labour reports
that 503,000 individuals from 178 nations entered the nation legally but
over-stayed their visas. In 2003, 82,341 were deported. The over-stayers
in 2003 included more than 10,000 each from the United Kingdom and
the United States and more than 4,000 from Germany. Over-staying is a
serious offence when apprehended in-country and may result in prison
and deportation. However, if an individual is detected at a border, he or
she is usually only charged a fine.

The author sent emails and ⁄ or letters to all Western embassies or con-
sulates in Thailand for estimates of their citizens living in Thailand,
including the number registered, and how many of these individuals
were retirees. Non-responders were phoned, which gained many more
estimates. A few stated that estimates were confidential, and several
stressed the difficulties of estimating numbers (also noted by O’Reilly,
2000, for Westerners living in Spain). Some provided estimates and some
provided only numbers registered. Only a few had data on retirees, thus
retiree data is not dealt with here. The number of individuals registered
may or may not underestimate the totals. For instance, Switzerland

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 Westerners in Thailand 203

requires all citizens living in-country for at least a year to register, but
most others do not. The embassies of Portugal and the United Kingdom
provided only registered totals, so these were doubled to estimate overall
numbers, but Switzerland’s was not. The embassy of New Zealand sta-
ted that residence figures were confidential, however, since its ratio to
culturally-similar Australia for census estimates and tourism arrivals
very roughly equals that for their home populations (at 5 to 1) this sug-
gests that there are about 1,400 New Zealand residents. Three countries
for which the author not could get any embassy estimates for were: Ice-
land, Luxembourg and Greece. These embassies have no official tourist
arrivals listings, perhaps because numbers are too few. None of the
online survey respondents came from these countries or from Portugal,
but four respondents came from South Africa and three from Israel. Fif-
teen survey respondents came from Ireland, but it is unclear why there
is no official tourist arrival count. Perhaps these arrivals are included
within the UK count.

Table 1 presents various official Thai statistics on immigration and tour-

ist arrivals and the embassy estimates. Tourism statistics probably inflate
actual visitor numbers in a sense, because Thailand is a hub for travel
to Indochina and the same tourist may enter Thailand several times on
the same journey. Additionally, some arrivals are really residents on
successive 30 day visas. The 2000 Thai census figures and 2002 Immigra-
tion Department totals of 19,300 and 16,568 Westerners are quite low
compared to embassy estimates.

The embassy estimates have gaps for some Western nations, while some
embassies give a range. Taking the midpoint of each range and adding
all the estimates up yields an estimate of around 100,000 Westerners,
including some non-whites. Adding a few thousand more for countries
with no estimates and subtracting some for non-whites gives 100,000
white Westerner residents as a rough estimate. So, the oft-cited media
figure of 100,000 probably is not far off the mark.

Now let us examine the demographics, motives, and experiences in Thai-

land of all surveyed Western migrants.

STUDY 2: OVERALL SAMPLE RESULTS

Study 2 aimed to answer the abovementioned questions concern-

ing motives, experiences, and perceived assimilation, for all survey

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respondents. Data of all are presented in a separate section because

Westerners in Thailand are very diverse and may have quite different
motives for migrating, as well as different experiences living in Thailand.
Someone on a generous expat package sent to Thailand by a company
has different motives and perhaps has different experiences from a
retiree or a young former tourist teaching English.

Method

Data were gathered using several methods. The author lived in Bangkok
for nearly six months in 2004 to 2005 and visited various provinces and
some Western enclaves for several weeks in 2005 to 2006. The author
observed expatriate areas in Bangkok, such as Sukhumvit, where he
spoke to many expats. The author also visited Pattaya, Chiang Mai,
and the Isan cities of Khon Kaen and Udon Thani, which all have
Western populations. The author attended one session of the Pattaya
Expats Association, which meets weekly. The author also scanned many
expatriate websites and forums, in which Westerners discuss their own
immigration experiences, as well as various issues.

The online survey took about ten minutes to complete and had two
forms. One form was for white Westerners currently resident in Thai-
land for at least a year. The second was for white Westerners who had
lived in Thailand for at least a year, but no longer did so. The survey
asked for basic demographic data, reasons for moving to Thailand, what
they liked least and most about Thailand, major problems in-country,
and knowledge of Thai culture and language, and concluded with an
open-ended invitation for any general comments. Many questions
offered several alternatives and an ‘‘other’’ category with invitations to
expand. Respondents who had left also were asked about reasons for
leaving and if they would return under various circumstances (e.g.,
winning US$10 million in a lottery).2

A survey advertisement specified that the survey was anonymous and

was limited to white Westerners, with several relevant countries specified
(including Israel and South Africa), who had lived in Thailand for at
least one year. The advertisement stated that the survey purpose was to
learn about them and their experiences in Thailand. The ad and the sur-
vey URL were mentioned on many websites for Western expats (such as
Farangaffairs, Khaosan Road, Thai Visa, Stickman, and Mango Sauce),
repeatedly on two newsgroups (soc.culture.thai and rec.travel.asia),
and on the Expat page in Thailand’s ‘‘The Nation’’ English language

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 Westerners in Thailand 205

newspaper. The author also published letters to the editor about the
survey in several of Thailand’s English language newspapers and the
magazine ‘‘Farang’’. The survey ran from 19 May 2005 until 20 March
2006, by which time no respondent had posted for four weeks.

Results

The author checked all survey responses and eliminated 65. A few
seemed frivolous, some had pressed the form’s ‘‘submit’’ button multiple
times (only their first entry was retained), and a few specified non-
Western nationalities (India, Singapore) or did not fit other criteria.
Two persons filled out the survey twice, some months apart, an occa-
sional problem with online surveys (Birnbaum, 2004). Their demograph-
ics and responses were very similar, so the later completion was
eliminated. This left 1003 respondents, of whom 312 had left Thailand.

Tables 2 to 6 present summary survey data. Unless otherwise stated,

percentages are of the entire sample of 1003, including non-responders
to a question. Of the 1003 respondents, 691 currently lived in Thailand
and 67 per cent of whom did so for 11 or 12 months each year. The 312
who had left had lived in Thailand at different times, including a few
who had lived in the country in the 1960s. The median length of stay
for those still in Thailand was 3.5 years (range 1 to 38) and most
intended to stay for life. For those who had left, the median length of
stay was only 1.75 years (range 1 to 20).

The first question concerns demographics. Table 2 shows that almost all
respondents are male, with a median age of 43 years old and a range
from 18 to 79 years old. The 34 female repondents included spouses of
Thais or expatriate workers, and only a few who migrated indepen-
dently. Most Western nationalities are represented, with UK and US
nationalities as the most common. Some nationalities are underrepre-
sented compared to embassy estimates, particularly German, probably
largely because the questionnaire is in English. A few respondents were
on diplomatic and military assignments. Others are retirees, expatriate
workers on contracts, and ‘‘marginals.’’ Most do not obviously fit the
‘‘low-end’’ stereotype. Most are well-educated, with more than 60 per
cent having at least a bachelor’s degree. Their stated occupations in the
West were varied; journalist, academic, sales representative, manager,
and among many others. Nearly half had a Thai spouse or live-in part-
ner, but 27 per cent had never married. Most lived in Bangkok and the
main tourist locales but a scattering lived elsewhere, including Isan.

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TABLE 2
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ONLINE SURVEY SAMPLE. PERCENTAGES ARE OF THE
TOTAL SAMPLE, INCLUDING NON-RESPONDERS TO A QUESTION

All Respondents Marginals

(N = 1003) (N = 366)

Median age 43 years 38 years

Percent male 96.61 96.99
Most frequent nationalities
UK 30.71 33.61
USA 29.01 24.04
Australia 13.36 14.75
Canada 5.38 5.46
Netherlands 3.49 3.57
Germany 2.99 3.57
Educational level
High school or less 16.25 20.22
Some post-secondary 18.45 18.85
Bachelors degree 38.99 43.99
Postgraduate degree 26.02 16.39
Current marital status
Married to Thai 30 27.32
Live-in Thai partner 17.95 20.22
Married to non-Thai 3.1 4.64
Never married 27.12 34.7
Residence
Bangkok 54.59 56.56
Pattaya 14.37 11.2
Chiang Mai 6.49 8.57
Phuket 5.79 6.01
Hua Hin 1.5 1.64
Ko Samui 1.1 1.91
Other 16 15.85
Living 11 or 12 months a year in Thailand
67 70.22

Another research question concerned migration motives. Anecdotally

and from the author’s in-country observations, a common migration
motive is the availability of attractive sexual partners. Another is the
appealing social life and welcoming attitude from locals. Thais seem
warm, friendly and polite, and friendships seem easy to strike up. While
suburban streets may be deserted in the West, in Thailand they are often
replete with street vendors, sidewalk restaurants, mini-bars and many
people walking around. Thailand also lacks the overt ageism of the
West. The author often observed Western men, aged 60 years old or
over, cavorting in bars like 20 year olds, which is quite acceptable in
Thailand. Other common motives from the author’s observations are
push factors, such as wishes to escape from various dislikes in the West,

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TABLE 3
STATED REASONS FOR MOVING TO AND LEAVING THAILAND. ANY NUMBER
COULD BE CITED. PERCENTAGES ARE OF THE TOTAL SAMPLE, INCLUDING
NON-RESPONDERS TO A QUESTION

All Respondents Marginals

(N = 1003) (N = 366)

Reason ⁄ s moved to Thailand

Thai lifestyle 53.84 62.84
Low living costs 41.67 43.72
Thai women ⁄ men 36.49 47.54
Climate 35.39 40.98
Thai culture 31.42 37.98
Dislike home country 27.22 36.34
To take up job 26.42 0
Other 16.05 22.13
Thai partner returned 5.58 0
All Leavers Marginals
(N = 312) (N = 140)

Reason ⁄ s left Thailand

Financial 38.46 58.57
Left expat job 33.65 6.43
Disillusioned with Thailand 18.59 22.86
Visa reasons 10.26 12.14
Missed life in West 9.29 12.86
Other 24.68 28.57
Would still leave
Yes 53.21 52.86
Uncertain 21.79 23.57
No 23.08 22.14
Would return if won $10 million lottery 54.17 50

particularly assertive Western women, political correctness, high living

costs and cold winters.

What do the survey data show? Table 3 presents the stated reasons for
migration; including eight sets of alternatives and a fill-in ‘‘other’’ cate-
gory. A respondent could cite any number of reasons, and many were
given. About a quarter had come to fill an expat job and about a
quarter cited the push factor of disliking aspects of the West. The most
common were for Thai lifestyle, low living costs and Thai women ⁄ men
(e.g., attractive, available partners). The ‘‘other’’ category yielded many
responses; some had joined family members or went to set up a
business. Many had liked what they encountered as tourists. Common
comments were; ‘‘Came for a holiday and ended up staying’’, ‘‘Visited

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TABLE 4
VISA AND JOB STATUS IN THAILAND. PERCENTAGES ARE OF THE TOTAL SAMPLE,
INCLUDING NON-RESPONDERS TO A QUESTION

All Respondents Marginals

(N = 1003) (N = 366)

Visa status
Business 27.31 23.5
90 day 22.14 30.87
30 day tourist 14.76 18.31
Retirement 11.96 0
Other* 17.25 27.6
Job status
Hold work permit 40.37 40.71
Never held job while in Thailand 31.7 28.42
Retirement pension only 9.77 0
English teacher 14.26 28.96
Dive instructor 1 2.19
Bar work 1 2.19
Via Internet in another nation 7.48 10.93
Part-time in another nation 3.29 3.01
Other 46.46 28.69
Main source ⁄ s of finance in Thailand
(More than one could be cited)
Savings ⁄ investments 37.39 49.73
Local job on local salary 26.52 46.45
Expat contract job 21.93 0
Retirement pension 13.16 0
Other 20.14 9.56

*The ‘‘other’’ category does not include those with permanent residence or staying
illegally.

the place three times as a tourist and fell in love with it, especially the
women’’, ‘‘Arrived as backpacker, fell in love with the country and
stayed’’, and ‘‘Lifestyle initially, though it paled quite rapidly.’’ Other
reasons were more idiosyncratic: ‘‘Thai food’’, ‘‘Adventure’’, ‘‘New
experience’’, and ‘‘Girlfriend was here.’’

Three related open-ended questions give additional perspectives on

motives. One asked about the main advantages of living in Thailand,
another about what they most liked about living in Thailand, and a
third about what they missed least about life in the West. Common rea-
sons cited in all questions included dislike of aspects of life in the West
such as taxes, competition, loneliness, high prices, and Western women.
Comments were: ‘‘Escape from [the] rat race’’, ‘‘Age is respected and liv-
ing is cheap’’, ‘‘Escaping Western women and culture’’, ‘‘Until I left
Australia, I had no idea how miserable life [in Australia] was’’, ‘‘Never
lonely. Feel popular’’, ‘‘An abundance of women’’, I can live life as I

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TABLE 5
KNOWLEDGE OF THAI LANGUAGE AND CULTURE. PERCENTAGES ARE OF THE
TOTAL SAMPLE, INCLUDING NON-RESPONDERS TO A QUESTION

All Respondents Marginals

(N = 1003) (N = 366)

Knowledge of Thai culture

Excellent 15.15 16.12
Good 54.14 54.92
Some 26.92 25.14
Little 2 2.46
Little to none 0.9 5.46
Want to learn more about Thai culture
Yes 59.92 59.02
In between 28.41 29.23
No 10.67 10.66
Fluency in Thai language
Very fluent 3.29 3.83
Fluent 12.86 13.39
In between 31.61 35.79
Some 35.39 31.69
Little or none 15.75 14.21

please’’, ‘‘I can have a sex life....unavailable in the U.S. for older men’’,
‘‘Available women. Period.’’, ‘‘If you want cheap sex and booze, its
great’’, ‘‘Paradise for a single man’’, ‘‘I can immerse myself in a vibrant,
fascinating culture’’, ‘‘No real stress’’, and ‘‘Paradise for farang if have
money’’. Common responses about what was least missed about the
West were the people, who were described as aggressive, materialistic,
miserable, and unfriendly), the weather, the cost of living (prices, taxes)
and political correctness. These are some examples: ‘‘Oh what a long
list.’’, ‘‘... angry women’’, ‘‘Materialism... sterile, suburban neighbour-
hoods’’, and ‘‘Political correctness’’. Ironically, a few specified immi-
grants at home; ‘‘Filipino immigrants’’ and ‘‘Before ... I lived in
London; a dirty, polluted, expensive, immigrant-infested dump’’.

Another research question concerned experiences in Thailand. How well

does the move work out, how do they support themselves and how do
they spend their time? The majority of respondents still in Thailand were
happy with their move; most intended to stay for life, stating that they
would stay in Thailand if they won US$10 million in a lottery. Two
related open-ended questions asked about what they liked least about
living in Thailand and what the main disadvantages of living there were.
The most common problem (cited by 23.53% of the 1003) was language
and communication difficulties, followed by visa ⁄ work permit issues

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TABLE 6
RATINGS OF WELL-BEING AND ACCEPTANCE IN THAILAND. PERCENTAGES ARE
OF THE TOTAL SAMPLE, INCLUDING NON-RESPONDERS TO A QUESTION

All Respondents Marginals

(N = 1003) (N = 366)

Own well-being
Excellent 39.08 33.06
Good 47.76 50.55
Neutral 9.47 11.48
Poor 2.39 3.28
Very poor 0.3 0
Other farangs’ well-being
Excellent 20.14 14.75
Good 54.84 54.37
Neutral 17.95 24.59
Poor 4.39 3.01
Very poor 1.1 1.37
Acceptance of farangs in general
Excellent 11.27 9.02
Good 47.96 44.81
Neutral 25.42 29.78
Poor 11.37 12.02
Very poor 2.89 3.28
Feel accepted oneself
Yes 55.03 49.18
Somewhat 36.89 40.44
No 6.78 8.2
Persons mainly socialized with
Other farangs 46.06 41.26
Thai friends 22.23 21.58
Thai spouse 8.47 8.2
Thais in bar scene 5.83 7.38
Other 15.75 19.13

(12.86%), racism from Thais (5.39%), local corruption (4.39%) and a

perception of few or no legal rights for foreigners (3.69%). Common
dislikes were being seen as an ATM, double pricing (foreigners paying
double what Thais pay in many circumstances), a weak intellectual cul-
ture, and the alleged lies and dishonesty of locals. Sample comments
were; ‘‘General low level of education’’, ‘‘Lack of educated friends’’,
‘‘Mafia police’’, ‘‘Police extortion’’, ‘‘Thais are very racist but in a nice
way’’, ‘‘No civil rights for foreigners’’, ‘‘After 12 years, Thais still try to
cheat me out of money’’, ‘‘Being a foreigner and having no rights’’,
‘‘Closed society, legal insecurity’’, ‘‘Dishonesty. Everything is false.
You never know where you stand. It drives you crazy’’, ‘‘Danger just
below the surface’’, ‘‘I do not trust Thai people. I cannot find friends
here’’, ‘‘Thais exclude farangs and treat them as an ATM’’, ‘‘Insincere,

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 Westerners in Thailand 211

dishonest people’’, ‘‘Non-stop lies and overwhelming corruption’’, and

‘‘Being a powerless minority in such a corrupt environment’’.One noted
that ‘‘after a while you lose [the] connection to your homeland and cul-
ture.’’ Some complained about other Westerners, calling them ‘‘low life’’
and ‘‘ill-behaved’’ farangs.

How did they spend their time in Thailand? Many had jobs. Table 4
shows that about 40 per cent held a work permit but some worked ille-
gally. Many lived off pensions, savings and ⁄ or investments. The table
shows much variation, with many jobs held. Some were on local salaries
but some were working on lucrative expat contract jobs. Many worked
as English teachers. A few reported commuting to neighbouring coun-
tries to work or living off rent on a UK house, for example, and some
worked by sending and receiving information over the Internet. The
median income for those who stated an income in Thailand was 90,000
baht a month (N = 709). Some stated that career prospects for most
foreigners in Thailand were poor, and indeed, some gave this as a
reason for leaving. Others complained about the Thai working culture;
‘‘...employers demand much and give little.’’ Table 4 shows that visa
status varies, but many were on successive 30 day tourist visas.

An open-ended question asked about main leisure activities. Commonly

cited activities were similar to those in the West: reading, Internet use,
playing golf, going to the cinema, going to the beach, and going to bars.
A few just stated ‘‘work.’’

Why do migrants leave? The leavers cited many reasons, but most com-
mon were financial (savings ran out or a job ended), poor assimilation,
or to avoid their children being educated in the weak Thai education
system. Some were disillusioned with life in Thailand or its rigors, such
as visa runs, and some disliked its perceived weak intellectual culture.
Most still were happy with their decision to leave but many expressed
reluctance to have done so, and would return if they won US$10 million
in the lottery. Some comments were: ‘‘Right decision for my kids, but
personally I would rather be there’’, ‘‘Not good for young children’’,
‘‘Forced to leave, Thai family nearly killed me’’, ‘‘Always a tourist’’,
‘‘Could not accept being a farang all my life and not being given a
chance to assimilate’’, ‘‘Thais look down on whites. They don’t like us
and I got tired of it’’, and ‘‘Unfairness, corruption and racism.’’

Do the Westerners perceive themselves as well-assimilated into Thai

society? Do they try to assimilate? Many factors may affect how well an

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individual assimilates; personality characteristics, attitudes, holding of

an expat job, and so on, but assimilation into any new society can be
quite difficult. O’Reilly noted how poorly many British residents in
Spain were assimilated into Spanish society, many speaking little Span-
ish after many years of residence (2000). According to the author’s
observations and anecdotal evidence, Thais very much stick together,
siding against foreigners. The author was struck by how quickly Thais
establish a close rapport with each other. It also is an anecdotal com-
monplace amongst foreigners that they will never be completely accepted
(Hopkins, 2005). Thai visa policies also suggest exclusiveness.

There is evidence of poor assimilation. Many Westerners live in Western

enclaves, for instance. Western males complain of having no male Thai
friends, because there are no commonalities, which is echoed by some
survey respondents (Ziesing, 1996). The author rarely saw Westerners
with Thai men. Even with Thai women, gaps in culture and educational
level often are huge. Anecdotally, some foreigners report moving to Thai-
land for the apparent friendliness of the Thai people but eventually hav-
ing an ‘‘aha’’ experience in which they realized things are not what they
seemed and the apparent friendliness may have hidden motives. Some
survey respondents echoed this; ‘‘Disillusioned with Thai people’’, ‘‘I real-
ized the true face of the Thai people’’, and ‘‘Thais regard farangs with a
strange mixture of disdain, amusement and opportunity’’. As noted
above, some respondents cited poor assimilation as a reason for leaving.

However, there is some evidence of good assimilation. As mentioned,

nearly half had a Thai spouse or live-in partner, though many such rela-
tionships really are based on money, and end if and when the money
runs out. Overall survey responses suggest reasonably good perceived
assimilation for most and that most want to assimilate. Table 5 suggests
that many do want to assimilate, stating that they have a good knowl-
edge of Thai culture and want to learn more about it. Yet, many are
not fluent in the language, even after years of residence. Table 6 suggests
that most had a good sense of well-being in Thailand. Most believed
themselves and other farangs, in general, were well-assimilated. A sam-
ple comment was: ‘‘Overall I am happy here’’. However, Table 6 also
shows that about half of respondents primarily socialize with other for-
eigners or with Thais in the bar scene.

Some respondents reported poorer assimilation; about five per cent cited
xenophobia and racism as what they liked least about Thailand. Some
relevant comments were: ‘‘There is no way a Westerner could ever start

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 Westerners in Thailand 213

a meaningful relationship or friendship with a local. No matter how

hard you try to assimilate, you’re still a foreigner’’, ‘‘[There is] extreme
racism and resentment of foreigners’’, ‘‘Thais are a little racist’’, ‘‘West-
erners cannot integrate here...we are basically unwanted’’, ‘‘Officials tend
to regard farang as white trash’’, ‘‘Thais exclude farang and treat them
as an ATM’’, ‘‘...the government and the people have it in for farangs’’,
‘‘Impossible integration as a foreigner’’, ‘‘We are tolerated but not
accepted’’, ‘‘Hard to find a real proper niche outside the expat commu-
nity’’, ‘‘Many expats lead segregated lives’’, ‘‘... rarely truly accepted’’,
‘‘Thais hate us all underneath it all’’, and ‘‘Thais regard farangs as third
class citizens.’’

A final open-ended question asked for any general comments about the
questionnaire topics. Some comments reveal ambivalence towards Thai-
land, and others suggest that would-be migrants need a few years to see
if living there really suits him or her. Comments were: ‘‘Heaven and hell
in the same place’’, ‘‘Many foreigners who live here have a love ⁄ hate
relationship with Thailand’’, ‘‘We are all treading on eggshells’’, ‘‘Some
[farangs are] really happy, but many have miserable lives’’, ‘‘Basically to
live in Thailand you need money...Cash is king’’, ‘‘Alcoholism is a prob-
lem among many’’, ‘There are a lot of bitter and cynical farangs here’’,
‘‘Good if you can adapt to the culture and way of life’’, ‘‘I see an increas-
ing number of people struggling to survive on a grossly inadequate
income; 25 per cent are very happy, 75 per cent [are] depressed and not
living in the right place’’, ‘‘Living here is not for everyone. I see many
farangs who I don’t think should be here because of their attitude. A lot
of adaptation is required which is probably why many take their Thai
wives home’’, ‘‘Paradise if you have money but woe betide you if you run
out’’, and ‘‘ Was very happy for vast majority of my time here, just worn
out now..

Some non-stayers reported that living in Thailand was an overall good

experience while others seemed little changed by it. Sample extremes
were: ‘‘Appreciated my life in the West more after living in a culture so
different’’ and ‘‘Just another place to work for me.’’

So, the overall results may be summarized as follows: motives are varied
but common ones are s preference for the Thai lifestyle and culture, attrac-
tive partners and a warm climate. The stay apparently works out well for
most in the short-term, but some complained of poor assimilation.

Now let us examine just the marginals.

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STUDY 3: SURVEY RESULTS AND OBSERVATIONS OF

‘‘MARGINALS’’

Study 3 examines survey and observational data of the’’marginals,

respondents who migrated to Thailand for reasons other than an expa-
triate job (such as diplomatic or aid work postings), or because a spouse
wanted to return, or to retire on a pension and ⁄ or investments. Many in
this category arrived as tourists and decided to stay on after the first- or
a later visit, in a perceived enchanted land. This category has vague
boundaries; individuals can shift between categories, some may become
retirees, stay on, return after holding an expat contract job, or gain such
a position after spending some time in Thailand. Data on this group are
particularly interesting because of the ‘‘man-bites-dog’’ nature of their
migration.

The author encountered many marginals in-country, a few apparently

down on their luck. Two young Westerners were street vendors; one sell-
ing clothes at the bar area, Patpong, and the other selling views of the
Moon through a telescope at the backpacker tourist enclave, Khaosan
Road. Another young Westerner was begging in the Sukhumvit tourist
district, claiming to need money to get home after being robbed. A rep-
resentative example is ‘‘George’’, an Englishman aged about 50 years
old who had lived in Thailand for nearly a decade and did not want to
return to the United Kingdom. He had an estranged Thai wife. He
worked every night as a doorman outside a Western-oriented bar, bring-
ing in customers, for 3000 baht a month. He stated that he also did
some website design and English teaching. He lived in one room, with a
non-functioning air conditioner, in a Thai area. His philosophy was to
wear a broad smile in Thailand but to watch your back. He had been
physically attacked several times by Thai men, once with a knife at 3
am. He said that the police often would do little and recounted another
case of a Westerner dead of multiple knife and gunshot wounds, which
police ruled a suicide.

A second example is ‘‘Hans’’, whom the author met briefly at Bangkok

airport as he returned from a visa run to Vietnam. He was German,
aged about 30 years old, and had lived in Thailand for four years, flying
out every 30 days. He worked over the Internet and did not want to
leave. A third case is ‘‘Stickman’’, a 38 year old New Zealander, whom
the author has corresponded with but has not met. He arrived as a tour-
ist and has lived in Thailand for over eight years, initially mostly

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 Westerners in Thailand 215

because of Thai women. However, after some years ago, he married a

Thai. He now works as a teacher in Bangkok and also runs a detective
agency. Much of his business involves checking on whether Thai bargirls
who are being supported by foreigners overseas have actually stopped
working in bars (from his experience they usually have not). He set up a
very popular website dealing with expat and tourist issues.

Method

Some quite strict criteria were applied to the online survey data to
exclude expat workers, retirees and those who migrated for various
other reasons. Any individual who fell into one of these categories was
deleted: went to Thailand for a job or to complete a course or whose
spouse had migrated for these reasons (this included all diplomatic and
military postings and a few students), went specifically to start a busi-
ness, and anyone who had married a Thai overseas. Also deleted was
anyone whose main source of income was a retirement pension, who
was on a retirement visa, whose Thai partner could not get a visa to the
West, who was an offshore worker (e.g., in oil) or whose income in
Thailand was a very substantial 200,000 baht a month or more. A sam-
ple of 366 of the 1003 remained (11 female), with 226 still resident in
Thailand. Most of these individuals lived in-country for 11 or 12 months
a year. Doubtless some other marginals were eliminated and the sample
may include a few who are not marginals.

Results

Tables 2 to 6 present the results, and rather surprisingly show few major
differences between data of the marginals and the overall sample. They
are a bit younger (median =38 years, range 19 to 66 years old) and less
educated. Their median income was lower at 20,000 baht a month
(range 0 to 150,000, N = 273 reporting an income). For those with a
job, the median income was 40,000 baht a month (range from 3,000 to
150,000, N = 149). Nearly half had a local job on a local salary but
many lived on savings and ⁄ or investments, some reporting no income
from work in Thailand. Many worked as English teachers while others
were journalists, had started businesses, or worked in several jobs. One
stated, ‘‘I have run a food stand, a breakfast bar and managed an apart-
ment building and cafe.’’

The median length of stay for those still in Thailand was 2.5 years
(range 1 to 32, N = 226) and for those who left, 1.75 years (range 1 to

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20, N = 140). Reasons for migrating and leaving were roughly similar
to the overall sample, except that none had come to an expat job and
none was a retiree and more had left for financial reasons. More
reported reasons of liking Thai lifestyle, disliking their home country,
and liking Thai women. As one put it, ‘‘I think most men are here for
the women.’’ Various ‘‘other’’ category reasons for migrating were;
‘‘Met girl’’, ‘‘For unusual experience’’, ‘‘People suck in my country’’,
and ‘‘[I came for the] party atmosphere.’’ A few had secured an expat
job while in Thailand, reporting its end as a reason to leave. Other rea-
sons for leaving were, ‘‘Relationship breakdown’’, ‘‘Life here is too
cheap’’, ‘‘Felt it was time to come home’’, ‘‘Had enough of visa runs’’,
‘‘Girlfriend wanted me to make a life with her in the West’’, ‘‘After get-
ting married, could no longer survive on a Thai salary’’, ‘‘Felt I needed
to use my brain more than I did in Thailand’’, and ‘‘Motorcycle acci-
dent’’. Some reported the other Westerners in Thailand as a reason
to leave; ‘‘Hated foreigners in Thailand’’ and ‘‘Dealing with lowlife
scumbag.....Westerners’’.

General comments also reflect experiences and views like those of the
overall sample; ‘‘Initially Thailand seems like a dream come true. After
time, the novelty wears off and one sees the real Thailand. Warts and
all, I still enjoy living in Thailand... issues are rights to own land, not
being fully accepted.... Will I end up like some washed-up Westerner
with nothing to show for my life?’’, ‘‘Most proper expats earn fabulous
salaries and can afford a much more comfortable lifestyle than back
home’’, and ‘‘Periods of loneliness were difficult.’’ Some comments
reflect extreme views – either happiness or sadness about living in Thai-
land. Some comments also reflect a negative impression of other farangs;
‘‘Westerners do not generally prosper in Thailand’’, ‘‘Don’t move here’’,
‘‘Thailand attracts marginal, dysfunctional farangs’’, and ‘‘Farang
stigma is fuelled by an influx of sex-crazed barflies.’’ Some were very
happy; ‘‘Will probably die here, and even if it was next week, I feel I
have had enough happiness for one lifetime-every week!’’, ‘‘I consider
myself extremely lucky to be able to live here for the rest of my life’’,
and ‘‘Most people go through life looking for something, when I found
Thailand I found what I was looking for.’’

So, to summarize, responses of marginals overall were not that different

from those of the overall sample. This is partly because they are a large
proportion of the overall sample, but also perhaps because many
experiences of Westerners and their motives for moving to Thailand
may overlap.

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 Westerners in Thailand 217

CONCLUSION

The main findings may be summarized as follows. The oft-cited media

figure of 100,000 is a reasonable rough estimate of numbers of Western-
ers living in Thailand. The online survey data suggest that the Western-
ers predominantly are male, but are otherwise quite diverse
demographically. Many survey respondents are not ‘‘low-end’’, despite
the stereotype, although it is unclear how representative the survey sam-
ple is of the overall population. Many are graduates and professionals.
The author’s fieldwork suggested that some Westerners indeed really are
fairly ‘‘low-end’’ and, particularly by Thai standards, may seem gauche
and insensitive. Some survey comments echoed this view (‘‘Thailand
attracts marginal, dysfunctional farangs’’). My observations confirmed
these instances of insensitivity; once on Bangkok’s overhead monorail
‘‘Skytrain,’’ the author observed a young Western male clad in shorts
extend his very long and hairy leg halfway across the space in front of
an adjacent seat, oblivious to its Thai female occupant who was visibly
shrinking away.

The present study found that common reasons for migration were an
appreciation for the Thai lifestyle and culture, the warm climate, low liv-
ing costs, and the availability of attractive sexual partners, particularly
for the marginals. However, many survey respondents migrated to Thai-
land because of an expatriate position or they disliked some aspects of
life in the West. Indeed, some are economic migrants, as their expatriate
salaries or their savings, investments, and pensions go much further in
low-cost Thailand. Previous studies of Western retirees in other coun-
tries show climate and low living costs as powerful lures (Otero, 1997;
Warnes, 2001). However, many marginals accept low incomes, poor
career prospects, and visa insecurity to live in Thailand. Their major
motives often are two powerful rewards perhaps lacking in the West; the
availability of attractive sexual partners and of many opportunities for
social interaction with warm, friendly people. Indeed, Pirazzi and Vasant
give a Thai perspective on the loneliness and sterility of much Western
life compared to Thailand’s rich social life, which many Westerners find
so appealing (2004). Therefore, the present study extends migration the-
ory by adding to the list of common migration motives and by showing
an interesting example of a strongly gendered migration.

Another major aim was to see how well the move works out and how
well assimilated the Westerners feel. The move apparently works out

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218 Howard

well for many, at least in the short-term, often they plan to stay for life.
Despite anecdotal tales of many problems in-country that were men-
tioned earlier, most survey respondents reported feeling well-assimilated
and content. However, assimilation may be illusory for many. Apparent
acceptance may be just on the surface and impoverished Westerners
may get little sympathy. Some survey comments were; ‘‘This heaven can
quickly become hell for the unwary’’, and ‘‘Farangs are accepted as
guests to bring in money but [not] to live as equals, citizens’’. A website
posting noted, ‘‘Things can go wrong or quickly turn sour in this coun-
try... I know more than a few people who ... after a while are literally
screaming to get away from Thailand!’’ Indeed, for a few respondents,
poor assimilation was a motive to leave. Also, many survey respondents
reported socializing mainly with other foreigners. Many Westerners live
in Western enclaves; there is an expat community, with expat associa-
tions and clubs. The atmosphere at the Pattaya Expats Association
meeting attended by the author was very jovial. Many members seemed
preoccupied by health concerns, and much of the meeting featured a
talk by a local doctor on new diagnostic equipment. However, there is
little evidence for networks aiding migration, as with much ethnic migra-
tion elsewhere, aside from advice on websites and in how-to books
(Alba and Nee, 1997). Probably few need such advice, given the relative
wealth of Westerners and their previous visits to Thailand as tourists.

Furthermore, although a major motive for migration is for making the

acquittance of Thai partners, it is a commonplace opinion that
Thai ⁄ Westerner relationships have many problems. Age, cultural, and
educational gaps between partners often are large, a major risk factor
for marriage stability. The author observed many mixed couples in expat
areas and, although the usually much older Western male often seemed
quite content, few Thai women did. Thai women often are in such rela-
tionships for the money, and seemed happier when paired with the Thai
men, with whom they share a common culture. Anecdotal reports
abound of Thai wives having Thai boyfriends or even husbands of
whom the foreign husband is unaware. As one survey respondent put it,
‘‘The girl told me lies from the first time I saw her. I was supporting her
family and two Thai husbands.’’ Posts on expat websites repeatedly ech-
oed this scenario, especially common after marriage to a former sex
worker, who may only simulate romance (Steinfatt, 2002). One post on
the expat website Mango Sauce likened the Thai reality for Westerners
to the film ‘‘The Matrix’’ where humans live in an illusory computer-
projected world; ‘‘Thailand is the Matrix but as long as you don’t wake
up then who cares.’’

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 Westerners in Thailand 219

A key factor in satisfaction may be length of stay. The median length

of stay in the survey sample still resident in Thailand was only
3.5 years. After some years, perceptions may sharpen, negatives eventu-
ally may outweigh positives, or values may change. The disadvantages
of living in a developing nation with visa insecurity may become more
salient. Upon marriage and children, for instance, Thailand may lose
its major appeal of many available partners. Some long-term residents
become ambivalent about Thailand and some become disillusioned.
Cohen also found that initial enthusiasm tended to wane and some in
Humphery-Smith’s study also had soured on Thailand (Cohen, 1984;
Humphery-Smith, 1995). Cited problems are poor career prospects, the
weak intellectual culture, cultural differences, and shallow personal
relationships. One survey respondent said, ‘‘Initially great, eventually
worse than home. Real honest friendships and relationships sadly lack-
ing’’. Indeed, Humphery-Smith (1995) noted that some respondents felt
lonely, saying that close friendships were rare amongst Thais. One web-
site poster said, ‘‘The next stage of staying too long is to get a regular
girl in when you’ll be sharing the delights of pidgin English, misunder-
standings and the loneliness of not being understood....’’. Some report
that after some years there, when they can speak Thai well, local Thais
lose interest in them. Some survey respondents cited a four year honey-
moon period and then a downward satisfaction spiral; ‘‘In the begin-
ning it was great and after four years I had enough’’, ‘‘Most farangs I
know become worn down after ten years or so and return home. The
honeymoon period lasts for about four years’’. The practical implica-
tion is that any would-be migrant should give the move a few years
trial and should ensure that the bridges back to the West are intact if
it goes wrong.

The present study has several limitations, including that the survey
sample is large but it is not clear how representative it is of the over-
all Westerner population; Germans are underrepresented and the sur-
vey only focuses on whites. The problematic marginals may be
underrepresented as well, and future research might investigate this
interesting group further. Length of time in-country for many also
was not great. Some in the sample reported being gay, but too few
did for a meaningful analysis of their experiences. The survey sample
had few women, and further research might look at women migrants,
as anecdotal evidence suggests that many women who migrate alone
often soon leave, since they lack the compelling sexual motive of
many males. Some female respondents report that Western males in-
country are not interested in them; one survey respondent complained

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220 Howard

of a ‘‘... lack of single intelligent Western men interested in farang

women’’ and another said ‘‘farang men here seem interested in only
Thai women.’’

Further research could tackle various other issues, including the long-
term viability and welfare of the Westerner population determined to
remain long-term, especially retirees. Some major problems are visa
insecurity and possible rising living costs. Thailand still may turn into
a more expensive more economically advanced nation. Currently, the
baht is undervalued against the US dollar according to the Economist
magazine’s ‘‘Big Mac’’ index but rose about 20 per cent from 2006
to 2007. A continuing rise may render staying on difficult for those
on overseas-sourced pensions and investments. Another issue is the
types of social services, which might be needed for a future elderly
Western population. This has becomes a concern amongst British
retirees in Spain, for example, with their reduced capacity for inde-
pendent living and their weak or disrupted ties with the United King-
dom (Hardill et al., 2005). Lloyd-Sherlock, for instance, documents
the many problems of older Thais. Medical services in Bangkok are
good and inexpensive (2006). A related issue is what happens to the
second generation. Many Westerners have children with Thais, and
their future acculturation and acceptance is another topic of interest
for future research.

Further research might also examine the Western enclaves in Pattaya,

Phuket, and Sukhumvit and the small clusters of Westerner-occupied
houses in some Isan villages. The large enclaves have an interesting
social setup, with few Western women and many mixed couples.
Researchers also might look at the marginal Western populations in
Laos, Cambodia, and the Philippines. Reportedly, some Westerners pre-
viously resident in Thailand moved to Cambodia due to the 2006 limit
on visas-on-arrival.

More research is needed on the social and economic impacts of the

Westerner influx – both migrants and tourists. Thailand gains economi-
cally from highly skilled migrant workers, who start up businesses, bring
in investments and pensions, and spend on new housing construction.
Tourism is the major foreign exchange earner and the livelihood of
many Thais. However, mass tourism has expanded the sex industry and
has had environmental drawbacks. In popular areas such as Ko Samui
and Phuket, the main Thai tourism pattern has been rampant over-
development and destruction of the natural environment (Cohen, 2001;

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 Westerners in Thailand 221

Westerhausen, 2002; Kontogeorgopoulos, 2003). Locals sometimes are

forced off their land with little compensation.

Despite the reports of a backlash against Westerners, currently the

overall impact of Westerners may not be perceived as terribly nega-
tive because they are seen as bringing in money and providing jobs
for Thais. Indeed, 100,000 residents is a not a large proportion. How-
ever, Thais may not readily differentiate the social impact of Western
migrants from that of the many tourists. There are some data on
Thai views of tourists, which may give some indication of attitudes
toward Westerners in general. Thai newspapers often stereotype West-
erners as free-spending holiday-makers, undiscriminating investors,
and rich potential husbands. In a radio interview heard by the
author, Thai-American author Rattwut Lapcharoensap stated that as
a child in Bangkok he wondered what tourists were coming to Thai-
land to see and how they had so much leisure time. He also noted
Thailand’s concern about its image as a sexual Disneyland. Howard
surveyed views of Thai visitors and street vendors in Khaosan Road
(2005). While most were positive, many visitors had little interest in
meeting foreigners; they liked the area’s international atmosphere
(Howard, 2005). Their travel to Thailand is similar to the way West-
erners visit a Chinatown in a Western cities, because the area seems
exotic and like being in a foreign country (Timothy, 2002). Most
street vendors held were positive impressions, commenting that ‘‘tour-
ists friendly, cordial’’, ‘‘know many tourists and see [sic] about tour-
ists’ lives’’, and ‘‘tourists are OK.’’ However, a few were quite
negative; ‘‘Not good manners’’, ‘‘Tourists drunk and want cheap
prices’’, and ‘‘Many tourists have bad habits and temper. [Are]
Bull[ies]. and [are] Cheap Charlies.’’

The present study has some policy implications. Thailand might look at
tax arrangements for retirees and should consider improving visa condi-
tions. Westerners are welcomed primarily as short stay tourists or as
temporary skilled workers. Many survey respondents complained about
the difficulty of obtaining permanent residence and about their insecure
visa status. Retirees must renew their visa annually and so take quite a
risk if they have sold property at home but eventually must return due
to non-renewal. The Thai goverment might also look at extending stays
on work permits and making permanent residence easier for foreigners,
especially for those with Thai partners. Many Thais live and work per-
manently in other nations and perhaps their visa arrangements could be
reciprocated.

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Journal Compilation  2009 IOM
222 Howard

NOTES

1. Here, an expatriate is defined as any Western resident. A genre of books

documents positive experiences of Westerners living in Thailand, for exam-
ple Wormsley (2000).
2. Survey form copies are available from the author.

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