The Gold Coinage of Alexander's Lifetime

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The gold coinage of Alexander's lifetime

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Contents
Philip II’s gold 3

Sources of gold 3
Weights and denominations 4
Dating of the Alexanders: history and problems 5
The gold coinage in Macedonia 7
Iconography 7
Varieties 8
The staters with cantharus, trident head or fulmen 12
Mints 14
Uncertain Greece or Macedonia issues 14
The gold coinage in the other parts of the empire 16
Sardis 17
Tarsus 19
Sidon 21
Salamis 23
Memphis 25
Babylon 26
Ake 29
Byblos 30
Aradus 30
Lampsacus 32
Abydus 33
Susa 34
Magnesia ad Maeandrum 36
Miletus 37
Citium 38
Side 39
Bibliography 41
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Introduction
Philip II’s gold
The largest production of gold coin in Greece started in the second half of the fourth cen-
tury, when Philip II, during the phase of strong expansion of his kingdom, conquered the city of
Krenides (357/6 BC, later renamed Philippi), that was located in the territory where the people
from Thasos had already started mining the gold and the silver in the Pangaion mountain, whose
mines, according to the sources, supplied a yearly income of a thousand talents.1
Through the possession of the mines in Macedonia and Thrace, Philip had been able to
issue coins in larger quantities than his predecessors, and far beyond the resources of any
greek city-state, except perhaps Athens. The most important change operated by him in the roy-
al numismatic system is the adoption of the bimetallism, breaking the tradition of the earlier royal
coinages which didn’t produce gold coins. The introduction of the gold staters named philippioi
(about 345 BC), struck according to the Attic standards (8.64 g), was his response to
Achaemenid gold, while the silver issues, coined throughout the reign, followed the “Thraco-
macedonian” weight standard.
His coins were struck at two or possibly three mints: Pella, the capital, Amphipolis, the
most important trading centre of the kingdom, and a more hypothetical third mint, which may
have been at Aegae.
Sources of gold
With his son Alexander III, the gold coin issue grew steadily for several factors, first of all
the availability of metal, but also the need for large amounts of money for the maintenance of the
army, the payment of the veterans and the establishment of a sovereign state that could have a
monopoly on the minting of coins.
The exploitation of the already active mines provided large amounts of precious metal,
but it can be assumed that much of his gold coinage was minted from the Persian gold bullions
captured after the conquest of the Persian Empire territories.
Based upon the historical sources, the treasures captured at Susa and Persepolis and
stored at Ecbatana between the end of 331 and the start of 330 BC amounted to 180.000 tal-
ents, a sum that is unprecedented in the sources and has been estimated to be the equivalent of
468 tons of gold or 4680 tons of silver.2
Through the study of the treasures and the data available for the mints of Tarsus, Sardis
and Miletus, which have been estimated to represent together the 17.2% of total production of
gold coins, Callataÿ 3 evaluates between ± 750 and ± 900 the total number of obverse dies used
for minting staters of Alexander until 300 BC. Following his calculations, is possible to presume
that it would have been coined nearly 200,000 talents in about forty years, amounts very similar
to those taken, according to the literary sources, to Susa and Persepolis by Alexander in 331-30
BC.
Alexander's relative output of gold coinage was so massive that it temporarily lessened
the value of gold compared with silver. Before Alexander, gold was used relatively infrequently
1 Diodorus Siculus, 16.8.6: “μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα παρελθὼν ἐπὶ πόλιν Κρηνίδας ταύτην μὲν
ἐπαυξήσας οἰκητόρων πλήθει μετωνόμασε Φιλίππους, ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ προσαγορεύσας, τὰ δὲ
κατὰ τὴν χώραν χρύσεια μέταλλα παντελῶς ὄντα λιτὰ καὶ ἄδοξα ταῖς κατασκευαῖς ἐπὶ
τοσοῦτον ηὔξησεν ὥστε δύνασθαι φέρειν αὐτῷ πρόσοδον πλεῖον ἢ ταλάντων χιλίων”.
2 Callataÿ, F., 1989, 260-64.
3 Callataÿ, F., 1989, 270-73.
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for coinage compared with silver, and was valued at about 13 times that of silver, but he reduced
the gold's value to 10 times silver's, with one of his gold staters equaling in value nearly five of
his silver tetradrachms. After his death, the value of gold gradually returned to the pre-Alexander
levels.
Obviously, it must be considered that not all the gold have been used for issues. Many
burial groups, rich in gold and silver jewellery and other fine objects, probably belong to the
Macedonian veterans sent back by Alexander in 329 BC and especially to those discharged in
324 after the mutiny at Opis.
It is evident that the gold and the silver vessels and utensils offered in the monumental
tombs of the late 4th century BC belong to a common cultural sphere that acquired great knowl-
edge in art and technique, in the palace workshops of the gold-rich East, in the Greek cities of
Asia Minor or the Achaemenid empire itself.
The picture that emerges from the distribution of the monumental and rich tombs is the
same that the one given by the spread of the numismatic hoards in the region of Macedonia:
most of the hoards with gold staters are located in the areas of Amphipolis, the region of Serres
and in the Chalkidike.
The discovery of the locations both of the rich tombs and the numismatic hoard groups is
confirmed by the lack of corresponding situations in the regions of Upper Macedonia; the reason
for this could be that most of the Companions from Upper Macedonia, owners of ready money,
real estate and land holdings in their homelands, stayed for long periods at the Macedonian
court in Pella, where they were ultimately buried. 4
Weights and denominations
Undoubtedly, the main feature of the new system of royal coinage, introduced by Alexan-
der probably after the fall of Tyre (332 BC) 5, was that also the silver coins were struck on the At -
tic standard; in this way, his silver became directly interchangeable with the Athenian owl and
more easily acceptable in all over the Mediterranean world, superseding in a few decades the
Athenian coins as the leading trade coinage in the empire, and out of it as well. Also the gold
staters in a short time completely replaced the darics6, and remained in circulation as the main
gold unit throughout the hellenistic period, as we can see from the archaeological data given by
the studies of the hoards. 7 For the first time, a common coinage was issued, distributed and cir -
culated in the markets of a vast domain.
In gold, Alexander issued staters and distaters, as well as fractions (halves, quarters and
eighths) following the Attic standard8. Price’s studies about the weights of the coins of the British
Museum collection led to these data 9:
• for the distaters, the weight of the few specimens varies between 17.20 and 17.15 g
• for the staters, the weight of the large majority of the coins varies between 8.48 and
8.62 g, showing the adherence to the gold standard adopted by Philip II; we can’t notice ap-
preciable differences between the lifetime and posthumous issues.
4 Touratsoglou, Y.P., 2010, 223-233.

5 Μέγας Αλέξανδρος (catalogue of the exhibition), 2010, 101.
6 Gold coin of ca. 8.4 g introduced by Darius I (522-486 BC); along with silver siglos, it repre-
sented the bimetallic monetary standard of the Achaemenid Persian Empire. (Alram, M., "DAR-
IC", Encyclopaedia Iranica, 1994).
7 Price, M. J., 1991, 50-75.
8 Tetradrachm: 17.30 g; Didrachm (stater): 8.66 g.
9 Price, M. J., 1991, 41.
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Dating of the Alexanders: history and problems
One of the most important causes for the chronological problems that arise in the study
of Alexander’s coinage is that such coins were not only minted during his lifetime, but their issue
was continued by the Macedonian generals who divided the empire and created the Hellenistic
dynasties, and also by independent cities which minted and used the “Alexanders” as an in-
ternational coinage.
Initially, the issuing of the Alexander’s tetradrachms continued, bearing the legend with
the royal title (ΒΑΣΙΛΕΣΩΣ ΑΛΕΧΑΝΔΡΟΥ). Then, the king’s name changed and in the following
phase, new iconographic types were adopted, but always related to Alexander, depicting his por-
trait for the first time on coins; in this way the kings verified the legitimacy of the succession
process, called to mind their origins in cases of dynastic conflicts and consolidated their power.
The longevity of the Alexandrian coinage was a unique phenomenon in Classical antiqui-
ty: in all, about 114 different mints produced Alexander coins over a period of 250 years, includ-
ing many imitative issues. The last “Alexanders” were minted at Mesembria (Thrace) around 165
BC, even if no gold or bronze coins bearing Alexander’s name would seem to have been issued
after 280 BC.
Therefore, the difficulties with which we are confronted in attempting a systematic classi-
fication of the enormous series of coins which bear the name of Alexander, are of two kinds:
• we have to decide if a particular coin belongs to the reign of Alexander himself, or, if
not, to what subsequent period it should be assigned;
• we have to determine the geographical attribution; only in his lifetime, twenty-three
mints located in Macedonia, Asia Minor, Cyprus, Syria, Phoenicia, East and Egypt produced
coinage in his name.
In the last century, many scholars dedicated their studies to the chronological problems
of these issues. 10
One of the first scholar to study Alexander coinage was Müller, who has been able to dis-
tinguish between the early and later coins of Alexander by examining the size of the flans, which
became progressively wider and flatter, furnishing an indication of evolvement over time, and the
reverse symbols and ligatures found on nearly all of the coins, factor which helped him to assign
them to mints accordingly.
Later, Newell utilised the technique of identifying coins struck from a common die (die
linkage) to show that coins attributed by Müller to different mints were, in fact, the products of the
same mint because they shared a common obverse die, even though the symbols and mono-
grams of their reverses were different.
The main body of evidence that permitted Newell to achieve the reconstruction of the
minting of the Alexanders was the Demanhur hoard. On the basis of his observation of die links,
he divided the tetradrachms into eleven groups, each of which had 3-12 different control marks,
often interpreted as identifying officials responsible for a particular issue. Newell based his
chronology on style, die links between groups and the addition and subsequent removal of the
title ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ to the coinage.
In this hoard were also found Alexander coins bearing dates, minted at Sidon and Ake,
where issues made before Alexander's conquest bore Phoenician numerals dating the coins ac-
cording to the regnal year of the local king, and Alexander’s issue continued this system with
greek letters.
In 1955 Margaret Thompson and Alfred R. Bellinger published a work detailing the
Alexander drachms of Asia Minor, which made clear that Alexander's mints had different func-
tions: some mints, principally the seven discussed in their work, were established for the express
purpose of minting small silver for the empire, while others, particularly those in Macedonia,
10 KONTES, Z. S., 2000.

6
were responsible for the larger coinage. Thompson and Bellinger proposed that this was not an
arbitrary system set up by Alexander, but a logical progression based on existing local coinages.
They established the arrangement of drachms from the seven main mints, along with the staters
associated with them, based on the close die links among the coins, and they used three impor-
tant dates as the backbone of the chronology for this arrangement:
• 334, the year in which Alexander began his campaigns in Asia Minor;
• 323, the year in which he died;
• 317, the death of Philip III.
None of the Alexander drachms of Asia Minor can have been produced before 334, any
coins that bear Alexander types but the name of Philip III must be after 323, and no coinage of
Philip III can have been minted later than 317. This study added an important piece to the overall
study of Alexander's coinage, in organising the coinage as well as providing the basis for deter-
mining its chronology.
In 1977, Georges Le Rider published a first and only comprehensive study of the coins of
Philip II, important also for the study of the dates of Alexander's coinage.
In 1982, Orestes Zervos discussed Alexander's earliest coins in a article that posed a
serious challenge to the traditional dating system worked out by Newell; in it, he emphasises not
only the iconographic but also stylistic characteristics of the early Alexander coins, and provides
sufficient numismatic evidence for his proposals. Zervos's theories were questioned by Martin
Price, and the two scholars published their views side by side in the Numismatic Chronicle of
1982.
In 1997 H.Troxell published a detailed study of Alexander's coinage in Macedonia where
she discusses Alexander's lifetime and posthumous issues. Troxell follows Newell with regard to
most of the aspects of the Macedonian issues, with one major exception: like Zervos, she be-
lieves that the Alexander coins did not begin to be minted until 332. Her argument adds to that of
Zervos, and indeed has convinced many, including Le Rider, that the lower dates were correct.
In 1999, Patrick Marchetti published an article which attempts to once again establish the
accuracy of Newell's traditional chronology. His argument was based on the epigraphical evi-
dence recording the money of the Amphictionic league; for Marchetti, the striking of new money
in Delphi on the Attic standard must have been ordered by Alexander, factor that would support
the traditional chronology set up by Newell.
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The gold coinage in Macedonia

Iconography
Immediately after Philip’s death, Alexander started the issue, only for a few months, of a
new silver tetradrachm in Macedon, following the Macedonian standard (14.50 g) with the laure-
ate head of Zeus as an obverse and an eagle standing on a thunderbolt with head turned back
and the inscription ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ at the reverse; after that, during the winter 336/5, he re-
formed the Macedonian royal coinage with new weights and new designs. It has been also ar-
gued that the Alexander coinage was introduced at a later date, 333, or even 33111, but it’s nec-
essary to remember that Alexander, as his father before him, considered really important his
election as general of the Corinthian League, therefore it’s plausible to assume that also his first
gold issue preceded the departure of the expedition to free the Greek cities of Asia Minor.
According to Plutarch 12, Philip was personally responsible for the coin design that cele -
brated his victory in the Olympic games, and it seems very probable that also Alexander had a
personal interest in the designs chosen to replace those of his father: trough the types chosen
by them, the Macedonian kings were spreading the message that they were Greeks, leading the
Greeks against the common enemy represented by the Persian empire.
The main types for the gold of Alexander’s new system of coinage were:
• Distaters (17.28 g), staters (8.67 g) and hemistaters (4.21 g)

Obv.: Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet; on bowl, serpent.
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
• Quarter staters (2.15 g)
Obv:. As staters.
Rev.: Bow and club.
• Eighth staters (1.07 g)
Obv.: As staters.
Rev. Thunderbolt.
The distaters were minted only in the mints of Macedonia and Sidon, Aratus and Miletus.
The quarter and the eighth gold staters appeared only in the earliest periods of production of
Pella, Lampsacus, Miletus, Salamis and Sardis. The designs of the reverse are connected with
those of the silver coinage: the quarter stater celebrate Herakles, the eighth Zeus.
quarter stater eighth stater
11 Zervos’s thesis is reported at Price, M. J., 1991, 27-28.

12Plutarch, Alexander 4.5: “ ἥ τε φιλοτιμία παρ᾽ ἡλικίαν ἐμβριθὲς εἶχε τὸ φρόνημα καὶ
μεγαλόψυχον. οὔτε γὰρ ἀπὸ παντὸς οὔτε πᾶσαν ἠγάπα δόξαν, ὡς Φίλιππος λόγου τε
δεινότητι σοφιστικῶς καλλωπιζόμενος καὶ τὰς ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ, νίκας τῶν ἁρμάτων
ἐγχαράττων τοῖς νομίσμασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἀποπειρωμένων εἰ βούλοιτ᾽ ἂν
Ὀλυμπίασιν ἀγωνίσασθαι στάδιον, ἦν γὰρ ποδώκης, ‘εἴ γε,’ ἔφη, ‘βασιλεῖς ἔμελλον ἕξειν
ἀνταγωνιστάς.”
8
The silver tetradrachm of the new system, which circulated after November 333 BC, fol-
lowing the victory at Issos. is characterised by the type with Herakles/enthroned Zeus. Both the
images reflect the Panhellenic policy of Alexander, but could also be associated with corre-
sponding eastern deities 13: the head of Herakles, mythical father of the dynasty and one of
Alexander’s favourite heroes, had a long tradition as a coin type in Macedonia, was a general
reference to the fight against barbarians, but could also recall the oriental Melqart or Gilgamesh;
the enthroned Zeus shows influences from the oriental god Baal and establish also an ideologi-
cal parallel to the head of Olympian Zeus as Panhellenic rendered on Philip’s tetradrachms.
The type of the staters, on the other hand, is new to the Macedonian coinage.
The head of Athena was probably an adapted copy of that of the colossal bronze statue
of Athena Promachos made by Pheidias on the Acropolis of Athens, although the serpent on the
bowl of her helmet seems to have been added. The goddess of wisdom, victory and freedom
was a natural choice for a coinage designed to provide finance for a military expedition to free
the Greeks in Asia Minor. 
The Nike of the reverse is symbol of the expected victory in the Persian war, but the stylis in her
left hand opened discussions about is meaning, as it was a symbol normally used to indicate a
naval victory.
It has been noticed that the golden statue of Nike on the Acropolis of Athens were being
restored in that period, and symbols of victories at sea would have been appropriate for these;
also, representations on Panathenaic vases show that some of the Nike figures were carrying
sea trophies of this kind, and it has been suggested by Price 14 that Alexander may have donated
to Athens, the ancient maritime power, one or more of these new statues after he had been
elected commander of the Panhellenic expedition against Persian Empire.
In the occasion of the victory of the Greeks at the battle of Salamis, the Macedonians
were conspicuous by the negative part that they had played in the Greek success; but Alexan-
der, as leader of the league of Greek states, could now with good political judgement recall that
great victory, highlighting the superiority of the Greeks at sea.
Furthermore, the more realistic option could be the reference to another naval victory,
namely the capture of Tyre by Alexander. Indeed, this type with Athena/Nike with stylis must
have circulated for the first time soon after 332 BC, 15 following the fall of Tyre, when Alexander
became lord of the seas, having defeated the Persian fleet.
On a few issues, the stylis is replaced by a palm or a trident, but such occasions have no
apparent significance, since they can probably be attributed to the whim of individual die-cutters;
sometimes also figures of Nikai stand on the arm of the stylis.
Varieties
Macedonia
Distaters
163
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; thunderbolt;
ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
13 Μέγας Αλέξανδρος (catalogue of the exhibition), 2010, 103.

14 Price, M. J., 1991, 29-30.
15 Touratsoglou, Y.P., Athens, 2010, 224.
9
167
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; cantharus;
170
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; grapes;
170
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; trident-head;
173
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; trident-head —>;
174
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; trident-head <—;
201
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; bee;
Staters
164
164A
168
172
175
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; trident-head <—;
176
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; Boeotian (?)
shield; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
177
10
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; cantharus; mono-
gram; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
178
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; trident-head; star;
179
monogram; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
180
181
182
183
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; trident-head; Δ;
184
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; bucranium; mono-
202
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; bee;
203
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; bee; monogram;
244
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; club;
Fractions
1/4
165
Rev.: Bow and club; above, thunderbolt.
169
Rev.: Bow and club; above, cantharus.
11
169A
Rev.: Bow and club.
176A
Rev.: Bow and club; above, shield.
1/8
166
Rev.: thunderbolt.
Aegeae
Distaters
185
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; comic actor (?) l.;
190
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; thunderbolt; A;
191
196
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; athlete jumping l.;
Staters
186
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; comic actor (?) l.;
188
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; boxer (?) l.; rudder;
192
193
197
12

198
monogram; ivy-leaf; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
The staters with cantharus, trident head or fulmen
Hyla A. Troxell 16 published a study about an early subgroup of the common Alexander
staters with symbols of cantharus, trident head or fulmen, traditionally assigned to the mint of
Amphipolis or Pella, even if no decisive evidence exists for either attribution; therefore, all gold
coins with these symbols, as well as those with the Boeatian (?) shield, are simply assigned to
Macedonia.
The results of the study have not yet led to conclusions usable to establish a chronology,
but it has been identified a distinct group of staters with the first three symbols, that consist of
two series:
• Series 1, with only cantharus or trident as reverse symbols; it seems to be the imme-
diate predecessor of Series 2.
• Series 2, a large series which starts with cantharus and trident and adds the fulmen
later.
staters with symbols of trident head, cantharus, and fulmen
16 Troxell, H., 1997, 99-128.

13
Through this study it has been possible the reattribution to Macedonia to many of the
staters that previously had been assigned to Tarsus by Newell in 1918.
The series's attribution to Macedonia rests not only on the frequent presence of series 1
staters along with those of series 2 in hoards from the Greek mainland, but above all on an
analysis of the coins themselves, with the many similarities between series 1 and 2 (like coif-
fures and helmet crests and the shapes of the canthari); furthermore, series 2 at its outset uses
only the two symbols of series 1, cantharus and trident, adding the third common Macedonian
symbol of the fulmen only later.
Both common symbols and similar die linkage associate these staters with the ones of
Philip produced at Pella; also, the earliest canthari of series 1 and 2 are very similar to those of
Philippe’s Pella II.1.17 If Philippe’s Pella groups truly belong to that city, then seemingly so do
these earliest Alexander staters.
In the same volume, Troxell published two of the earliest known hoards containing
Alexander’s Macedonian distaters, and divided these coins into three different groups:
• Group A, with the symbols of cantharus, trident and fulmen; they are the most common
coins (twenty-two known obverse dies have been found), stylistically homogeneous, exhibiting
only three known obverse links between symbols (two cantharus-trident, and one cantharus-
fulmen).
• Group B, the fulmen-Α distaters, previously attributed to Sikyon, (six obverse dies have
been located); they are distinguished by the relative abundance, their lack of a second symbol
and by the fact that they are not accompanied by any silver with the same marking.
• Group C, after the issuance of groups A and B, the three symbols of group A (can-
tharus, trident and fulmen) have been revived on distaters unaccompanied by any secondary
marking, again obverse linked; there exist a third separate, small sub-group of distaters, with
obverses of different style with two crests rather than three on Athena’s helmet, and with the
Nike walking.
The Mende hoard’s data suggest that groups A and B had been struck by 323 or very
shortly after, and the heavy linkage among only the group B coins suggests that they were pro-
duced later than group A, and very shortly before the hoard’s burial. Group C is almost surely the
latest of the three groups.
Price18 noticed that the thunderbolt, trident and cantharus are also regularly used as
symbols on the gold of Philip II; special minting arrangements may explain the frequent recur-
rence of these symbols, which also appear at Tarsus.
A plausible explanation for the recurrence of these types at the beginning of his reign
could be connected with political factors, as Alexander’s position at the start was far from se-
cure, and also economic reasons, since the phenomenon persisted beyond this first period.
Mørkholm19 suggested that, since the barbarian tribes to the north of Macedon, the Illyri -
ans and the Celts of the Danubian region apparently preferred the types of Philip’s gold coins,
which were widely imitated in this area, Alexander continued also to issue posthumous gold
coins in the name of his father until about 328 BC., in order to maintain the northern trade.
These coins indeed circulated to some extent in mainland Greece, as well as in the
north, but they have never been found in Asia Minor or further east.
17 Troxell, H.,1997, compare Plate 25, A-C (C1-C3) with the canthari of Philippe’s pls. 57-60.
18 Price, M. J.,1991,106.
19 Mørkholm, Ο., 1991, 43.
14
Mints
The attribution of the Macedonian gold issues to any specific mint in Macedonia is diffi-
cult, and the symbols and monograms on them don’t provide a certain connection with the silver
ones.
Alexander used the Macedonian mints of Philip (Pella, Amphipolis and Aegae (?)), but
with him Amphipolis became by far the most important; Pella’s tetradrachms seem to have circu-
lated mainly in Macedonia and mainland Greece. Aegae was also modest, but is noteworthy for
the large proportion of gold coins, including a remarkable number of distaters; thirteen obverse
dies are recorded for the gold as against ten for the silver tetradrachms.
It’s possible to suppose that another mint in Macedonia, other than the one that served
as a main mint for the silver coins and specialised for gold issues, could be located in Philippi, in
the gold-mining region.
Nevertheless, for a particular group of gold issues, previously attributed to Sikyon and
connected with Aegeae by Price, 20 is possible to find distinctive symbols which permit the link to
tetradrachms. The attribution to Aegeae supposed by Price is based on the tetradrachm 200 with
the head of the eagle held by Zeus that is turned back, particular which recalls the stater coinage
struck by Philip II and other issues of earlier Macedonian kings probably produced at Aegeae.
The types of this group are the comic actor (?), the boxer (?) with the rudder, the thunderbolt, the
athlete jumping.
To Pella’s mint maybe have to be assigned the gold types with the bee (Price varieties
201-3)21, clearly Macedonian in their style; nevertheless, the presence in this group of the dis -
tater 201 may support for Price the connection with Aegeae, where issues of distaters are prom-
inent, even if the experimentation that can be noted here could also indicate the inauguration of
a new mint.
Uncertain Greece or Macedonia issues
Distaters
789
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; crab;
Staters
790
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; crab;
791
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; bull-neck/head
(head facing); ΔΙ; monogram; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
792
20 Prince, M. J.,1991,109.
21 Price, M. J., 1991,115-116.
15

Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; head of Helios fac-
ing; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
793
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; horse-forepart r.;
794
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; Corinthian helmet
l.; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
795
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; Φ; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
797
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; eagle l.; mono-
798
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; K; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
800
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; sphinx r.; mono-
801
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; crested conical
helmet; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
802
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; caduceus-head;
star; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
The varieties 789-795, 797-8 and 800-803 22, bearing different symbols (crab, bull-neck/
head, head of Helios, horse-forepart, Corinthian helmet, eagle, K, sphinx, crested conical hel-
met, caduceus-head, star), are dated to c. 325 - c. 310 BC and are cataloged by Prince as of
uncertain origin, probably Greece or Macedonia.
22 Price, M. J., 1991,166-7.

16
The gold coinage in the other parts of the empire

Recognising the economic and political importance of having a uniform coinage, during
his advance Alexander took over existing mints in the places he conquered and produced a pro-
lific minting, while at other sites, most notably Alexandria, new mints were established where
none had existed before.
The list of mints operating on Asian soil and one in Egypt shows that there was a con-
scious policy of providing this form of money on an empire-wide basis. There is a clear emphasis
on providing sufficient fractional coinage for the requirement of daily exchange, even in areas
where there had been no such practice under the Persians, but also regular supplies of gold
staters and tetradrachms were assured.
Gold issues beetween 336 and 323 BC
Mint Starting year Varieties Denominations
Macedonia 336 163-84, 201-3, 244 2AU, AU, 1/4 AU, 1/8 AU
Aegae 336 185-6, 188, 190-3, 196-8 2AU, AU
Sardis 334 2528-35, 2537-9, 2543, AU, 1/2 AU, 1/4 AU

2556-7
Tarsus 333 3004-6, 3008-9 AU
Sidon 333 3456-56A (undated), 2AU, AU

3457-66, 3470-73
(undated), 3480, 3482,
3484, 3486, 3490, 3494,
3496 (undated)
Salamis 332 3125-38 AU, 1/2 AU, 1/4 AU
Memphis 332 3961, 3963, 3965-8 AU
Babylon 331 3592-97, 3671-2 AU
Ake 330 3242-3, 3247, 3251, AU

3257-8
Byblos 330 3422-3 AU
Aradus 328 3306, 3313-5, 3331-31A 2AU, AU
Lampsacus 328 1357-61 AU, 1/2 AU, 1/4 AU
Abydus 328 1496-7, 1504 AU
Susa 325 3825-26A, 3828, 3831, AU

3835, 3838-9, 3841
Magnesia ad Maendrum 325 1917-8, 1920, 1923-5, AU

1928-9
Miletus 325 2077-85 2AU, AU, 1/2 AU, 1/4 AU
Citium 325 3100-5 AU
Side 325 2956-7, 2959, 2963 AU
Uncertain Greece or 325 789-95, 797-8, 800-2 2AU, AU

Macedonia
17
The Panhellenic character of the fight in Alexander’s propaganda ceased to exist when
the allied forces were discharged at Ecbatana in 330 BC, to be gradually replaced by an idealis-
tic policy completely new in Greek affairs, generally known in recent research as Ver-
schmelzunfpolitik (Fusion Policy). 23 The numismatic series issued in Asia and particularly in the
administrative centre of the empire must be considered products of precisely this policy.
There was a general considerable increase of the production in the years 325-323 BC,
and mints appear to have opened at this date at Magnesia, Miletus, Side, Amathus, Citium,
Curium, Paphos, and Susa. Under Alexander, gold issues were first struck in Phoenicia, and a
regal coinage was for the first time produced in Mesopotamia.
After his first victory at Granicus River, in June 334 Alexander was in Sardis, the admin-
istrative centre of the Persian satrapy of Lidia and almost certainly the mint for Persian sigloi and
darics; therefore, there is a strong probability that it continued to be an active mint also under
Alexander.
When he entered in Cilicia in September 333, he probably thought that the lines of com-
munication with Macedonia had become uncomfortably long; therefore, he decided to set up a
royal mint at Tarsus, the administrative centre of the new conquered province; here he found all
the necessary personnel and installations ready on his arrival, since previously Tarsus had been
used as a mint for substantial military issued by many Persian satraps.
Sardis
Staters
2528
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ram-head l.;
2529
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ram-head r.;
2530
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ram-head r., shell;
2532
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; snake l.;
2533
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; griffin-head l.;
2537
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; tripod;
2539
23 Touratsoglou, Y. P., 20 17, 225.

18
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; bucranium;
2543
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; head l. with Phyr-
gian cap; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
2556
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; head r. with Phyr-
2557
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; head l. with Phyr-
Fractions
1/2
2534
1/4
2535
2538
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; tripod;
This is probably the earliest mint on Asian soil. The varieties attributed to this mint consist of co-
herent groups of staters, tetradrachms and drachmae. The excavations at Sardis didn’t produce
yet evidence that these varieties were struck there, and until such evidence is available, there
must be some caution in accepting this attribution.
The varieties 2528-47 consist of an important coinage that see the presence of staters, distaters
and halves and quarters staters and which should belong the the lifetime of Alexander, started
after 334 BC. The types of these gold issues are ram-head, stag-head, griffin-head, tripod, bu-
cranium, head with Phrygian cap, rose and torch.
The unusual issue of a distater, showing the variety of the acrostolion (2591), coincides with that
at Miletus (2083), and they both probably must be dated to 325/4, when the veterans of Alexan-
der’s army were returning.
Stater (8.54 g), Sardis, ca. 334-323, Price 2539 (LF bucranium)
19
Tarsus
Staters
3004
3005
3006
3008
3009
Obv.: Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet; on bowl, griffin.
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; plough r.; thund-
erbolt; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
In addition to the Alexander coinage in all three metals, the mint of Tarsus also produced staters
or double sigloi struck on the Persian standard (11.20 g). The first issue has been dated c. 327
B.C. and clearly imitates the preceding issues of Mazaeus.
It’s sure that the mint began to produce with the same engravers without any serious break in
production, so the Alexander’s issues started immediately after his arrival in summer 333 BC.
The first period of coinage is divided in two contemporary sequences of issues that use a system
of globules, normally in addition to a letter A or B, to mark separate issues.
As we have seen in Macedonia, several issues have been made at the same time, maybe to
remove from circulation the earlier Achaemenid coinage; it’s possible to find examples of over-
striking which probably reflect this urgent need.
The production of this mint was large, as we can presume from multiple factors: its issues are
commonly represented in hoards; twenty-seven obverse and a hundreds and fifteen reverse dies
may well have been struck over a short period of time; the engraver from Sidon who provided a
die at the founding of the mint at Ake (3467 and 3238) probably moved to Tarsus, as the style of
dies for 2995-6 is exactly the same.
A further period of intensive minting, which ended at about the time of the introduction of the
royal title (325-23 BC), is marked by the introduction of the plough symbol, present in the gold
issues 3009-10, where we find also the changing of the helmet decoration from a snake to a grif-
fin and, as at Sidon, this event must precede the death of Alexander.
Many issues previously attributed to Tarsus, as said above, have been returned to Macedonia;
however, the cantharus and trident gold issues 3004-8 have been retained in the Tarsus’s pro-
duction because of their different style that can be related to that of variety 3009-10 with the
plough symbol.
20
Stater (8.52 g), Tarsus, ca. 327-323, Price 3009 (obv.: Athena with griffin on helmet/rev.:
LF plough r.; LW thunderbolt)
After his victory at Issus in November 333, Alexander remained for seven months before
the walls of Tyre and then he spent two more months besieging Gaza before being able to move
on to Egypt in the winter of 332. During the siege of Tyre, Alexander had his base in Sidon,
which had a well-established mint. In addition, he was in possession of great sums of money
seized from the Persians at the Battle of Issus. These two factors, along with the necessity of
clearly establishing himself as the leader of a new empire, immediately led to the minting of
coins. Therefore, during this period, mints proliferated: Myriandrus (later renamed Alexandria
near Issus) in Cilicia; Sidon, Ake, Byblos, and Aradus in Phoenicia; Damascus in Syria;
Salamis on the island of Cyprus.
The mint of Memphis, already active in the mid of the fourth century with issues struck
by Artaxerxes and the last Persian satrap Mazaces, started to mint bronze coins with the head of
Alexander around 332 BC, found in the excavations of the necropolis of Saqqara.
During the spring of 331, before visiting the oracle of Ammon in the oasis of Siwah, he
made a short stop to found the first and most famous of his colonies, Alexandria in Egypt, which
was in due course to be provided with a mint, that could not be ready to start working before a
somewhat later date.
In the late spring, Alexander marched north from Egypt along the coast, then turned
eastwards to fight the last and decisive battle of Gaugamela. Shortly afterwards he entered the
metropolis of Babylon in triumph.
Babylon’s mint opened immediately after its capture in 331 and it was the only Alexan-
der mint east of the Euphrates. Its rich and important province was placed under the satrap
Mazaeus, who was also allowed to issue coins in his own name, following Alexander’s policy of
reconciliation with the Persian nobility.
In most of these places said above, Alexander was able to take over local facilities al-
ready existing, but in the case of Damascus and Ake new mints were opened; the choice of
Damascus was perhaps prompted by the accident that here Alexander acquired the rich booty
left by Darius after Issus, while Ake was presumably a substitute for Tyre and Gaza, which were
not allowed to continue as mints after their capture.
At some of the mints (Byblos, Sidon, Damascus and Salamis) they adopted the Phoen-
incian practice of using adjusted dies. Some of the Syro-Phoenincian mints identify their coinage
by placing the initials if the city on the coins; the issues from SIdon and Ake are especially impor-
tant for the arrangement of Alexander’s coinages by providing us with a series of annual dates.
In Phoenicia and Cyprus, the cities were governed by local kings who were permitted to
continue their reigns if they embraced the cause of Alexander; the cities were apparently ex-
empted from the direct control of a provincial governor and left with a certain amount of autono-
my in their internal affairs, and this may explain the use of city initials in this area.
21
Sidon
Distaters
3459
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; club.;
3462
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; star;
Staters
3456
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; wreath;
3465A
Obv.: Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet; on bowl, star in snake’s coil.
3457
3458
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; caduceus;
3460
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; club;
3461
3463
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; star;
3464
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; corn-grain;
3465
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ivy-leaf;
3466
22
3470
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; palm with fillets;
3471
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; palm with fillets;
3472
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ΣΙ; palm with fillets;
3473
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; palm with fillets; Σ;
3480
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; palm; galley l., ΣΙ;
3482
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; zayin (7), palm
with fillets; ΣI; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
3484
3486
3490
3494
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; K (10); ΣI;
3496
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ΣI; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
Newell and Merker studied and realised the dated sequence of issues at this mint.24
There are coins with Pheonician letters 1, 2 and 7-10, followed by others with Greek letters indi-
cating 10 and 12-24; for four years thereafter there is a new Greek-letters sequence 1-4 differen-
tiated from the previous by an M or a monogram. Since there is no example of “year” Λ, we can
24 See tables at Price, M. J.,1991, table F 404-5 and I 437.

23
presume that the change from Phoenician to Greek was deliberate and it happened during the
year, and not at the end of it: the Pheonician yod and Greek kappa are of the same year 10.
There were five new dies for the gold coins in year 10, the largest quantity for any of the dated
years of Sidon, even if the number is not anyway so large.
From hoard evidence, the issues in the name of Philip III (which must fall between 323 and 317
BC) and an issue of Ptolemy I marked as being from Sidon and with an X (22), follow the abso-
lute dates: if Ptolemy occupied Phoenicia after battle of Gaza in 312 BC, year 1 must be placed
in 333 BC, when Alexander arrived in Phoenicia.
Newell placed at the beginning of the sequence some gold issues undated (3456-66), clearly
related in style to the undated staters with palm symbol (3470-3), the last two varieties of which
are signed as being of Sidon; the palm symbol is also present in the successive dated sequence
(3482, 3484, 3486, 3490).
The absence of interlinking of obverse dies among 3456-66 suggest that the sizeable issues
may have required a fair amount of time for production, but anyway they should precede the in-
troduction of the silvers issues of year 1.
The attribution to this group of gold to Sidon is still uncertain: part of the metal could have come
from the booty captured from Darius, but the thunderbolt variety (3461) may be compared with
the same symbol in silver in Ake, reattributing the group of gold to this mint.
The issue 3458 and others of this group show the interesting feature of the small figure of Nike
on the yard arm of the mast held by Nike.
Stater (8.58 g), Sidon, ca. 327-326, Price 3482 (LF zayin, palm with fillets; LW ΣΙ)
Salamis
Staters
3125
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; eagle l.;
3126
3128
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; eagle r.;
3129
24
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; eagle r.;
3129A
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; eagle r.; O;
3133
3134
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; horse-leg r.;
3135
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; quiver;
3136
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; harpa;
ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟ.
3137
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; spear-head;
3138
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; bow;
Fractions
1/2
3130
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; eagle r.; O;
1/4
3127
Obv.: Herakles/club.
Rev.: bow; eagle l.
3131
Rev.: eagle r.
3132
Obv.: Herakles/bow.
Rev.: bow; eagle r., inscription inverted.
The first of three groups of issues attributed to this mint include gold staters and fractions which
are linked to the silver with the bow symbol (3139-42) and the bronzes 3143-8.
25
The 3149 shows the symbol of the rudder, that can be found on the issues of Philip III (P130-
P130A), so the the date for his introduction may be around 323-20.
Some of gold issues, first attributed to Cyprus for the fixed die axis, appear to have a really close
style to that of the Macedonian issues, therefore their provenance may be questioned.
Stater (8.59 g), Salamis, ca. 323-320, Price 3149 (LF rudder)
Memphis
Staters
3961
no symbol
3963
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ram-head r. with
Isis-crown; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
3965
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; rose; E; Y;
3966
Obv.: Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet.
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; EY; rose;
3966A
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; rose; A;
3967
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; rose; Δ;
3968
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; rose; ΔI;
3969
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; rose; Δ;
26
There is no need to postulate a change of mint from that used by the Persians to a mint set up in
the newly founded Alexandria, as it’s suggested by the type of the Pegasus (3973) which appear
on the gold and on the silver imperial issues, and the Egyptian symbol khnum on the gold 3963;
the move to Alexandria was probably made after Ptolemy’s accession to the satrapy in 323 BC.
The varieties of the gold issues attributed to this mint are: the ram-head with Isis crown (khnum)
and the rose (3965-8).
Stater (8.84 g), Memphis, ca. 332-323, Price 3963 (LF ram-head r. with Isis-crown)
Babylon
Staters
3592
Obv.: Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet; on bowl, sphinx.
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; Φ; M;
3593
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; M; Φ;
3594
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; monogram, M;
3595
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; monogram, M;
3596
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; M; monogram;
3597
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; M; monogram;
3671
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; M, monogram;
ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ.
3672
27
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; M, monogram;
This was an exceedingly productive mint, second only to the main Macedonian mint and for sure
the most important in the far east of Alexander’s empire.
This royal mint produced a traditional form of Achaemenid coinage (gold double-daric and more
rarely daric) side-by-side with the new Macedonian coinage.
It has been noticed that the lion staters with M and ΛΥ inscribed with the name of Mazaeus were
an exact parallel of the imperial issues of Alexander and Philip III 3691 and P178-81, and since
he was governor of Babylon under Alexander in the period 331-328/7 BC, it’s probably that they
were emanated from this city, even if the later lion staters were struck at several cities.
The imperial coinage attributed to Babylon can be divided in five groups. The staters 3592-3593
are part of the first group, which consist of the varieties with Φ and Μ (3578-93); the Baal figure
on the lion staters of Mazaeus is so close to that of the Zeus of this group that a die-study of the
two coinages would show whether the styles were strictly parallel.
The staters 3594-7 are part of the second group, that keep the M from the first group, joined by a
constant monogram, sometimes inverted, and a variety of changing symbols. Some details of
style continue from the first group on the second one, with some pronounced changes in the sil-
ver coinage, while in the gold issues the differences are less marked.
The products of these dies are regularly found in hoards in the Macedonian empire and beyond,
representing with Macedonian issues the most far-flung coinages of the Greek world.
The interlinking of dies shows that there are two distinct style of workmanship that can be identi-
fied: the first continues the general form of the first group, the second is close to the style of the
series attributed to Susa and to the Aradus mint.
All but one of the six symbols that appear in the first group are also on the issues of the second
group, and of these five symbols only one is not known also with the royal title. The clue to the
arrangement must lie in the introduction of the royal title which occurs in the middle of these is-
sues: it may be assumed that the title was introduced at a single moment at this mint, and was
not a feature that came and went over two or three years, since all the fourteen symbols that are
known with the title are also found without it. Given the assumption that the title was introduced
at one moment in time, this would indicate that all fourteen symbols were being used at the
same time. Whatever the significance of the symbols, this group of issue, with its closely knit in-
terlinking of obverse dies, has every aspect of a large-scale production over a relatively short
period of time.
Stater (8.54 g), Babylon, ca. 331-325, Price 3592 (obv.. Athena with sphinx on helmet/
rev.: LW Φ; RW M)
The sphinx that decorates the helmet of Athena in the two first groups (3592, 3594-6) is also to
be found on the Susa issues; serious consideration should be given to placing the Susa group
after the M-monogram group, and separating to another mint the M-ΛΥ issues of Alexander and
Philip, which have no close affinity of style with the preceding groups. If the lion staters with ΛΥ,
28
parallels to the Alexander of the third group, belong at the same mint as those of Mazaeus, there
must be a possibility that the second group may not belong to Babylon, but to Susa.
The reappearance of the fourteen symbols in the fourth group, dated after 317 BC, may open
the discussion about the identification of them with people: a monogram usually represents the
letters of a recognisable name, and in group two the monograms of 3659-60 seems to be per-
forming the same function as the symbols which they have replaced. If the symbols represent
people, then it would appear that a number of individuals who had worked at the mint under
Alexander were recalled at the beginning of the MI group after a long period of absence from the
mint.; the change of personnel may have occurred on the resumption of power by Seleucus in
311 bc, and it can be tentatively suggested that that year saw the introduction of the MI group.
Diodorus25 states that in 331 BC a thousand talents were left a Babylon, but the bulk of the trea -
sure amounting to 180,000 talents was taken from Persepolis, Susa, and Pasagardae to Ec-
batana. Arrian 26 states that Alexander paid off Thessalians and other allies at Ecbatana in 331
BC giving them their entire agreed pay and a gift of two thousand talents; Diodorus 27 places a
similar payment to troops at Babylon.
These and other payments of that period could not all have been paid in new coin. However,
payment of debts, some possibly fairly small, may well have entailed the use of coinage, and
seen in this context of payments and storage of treasure it would seem that Susa would have
had a very good reason to possess a mint, as it’s underlined by the fact that in 324, in the period
that coincides with the time when the issues of the second group were in production, the gover-
nor of Susiana and previously guardian of the treasure of Darius III, Abulites, brought to Alexan-
der three thousand talents in coin, namely a total of nine hundred thousand gold staters. Abulites
may have taken with him a quantity of staters or double darics the cut the size of the consign-
ment, but it also seems possible that he may have ordered a hurried striking of tetradrachm
coinage. With the interlinking of dies and maybe fourteeen concurrent mint units in operation,
this coinage has every look of one undertaken in some hurry.
The whole of the second group might have been struck in 325/4 BC would provide a quantity of
coinage that may have been given to the soldiers creditors or to the veterans on their discharge;
the full payment of their arrears of pay would not have to be made until their return home to Asia
Minor or Macedonia, and the new minting activity noted in Pheonicia and Asia Minor in the peri-
od 325-323 BC may reflect their passage.
25Diodorus Siculus, 17.64.5-6: “μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὴν μὲν ἄκραν παρέδωκε τηρεῖν Ἀγάθωνι τῷ
Πυδναίῳ, συστήσας αὐτῷ Μακεδόνας στρατιώτας ἑπτακοσίους: Ἀπολλόδωρον δὲ τὸν
Ἀμφιπολίτην καὶ Μένητα τὸν Πελλαῖον ἀπέδειξε στρατηγοὺς τῆς τε Βαβυλῶνος καὶ τῶν
σατραπειῶν μέχρι Κιλικίας, δοὺς δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀργυρίου τάλαντα χίλια προσέταξε
ξενολογεῖν στρατιώτας ὡς πλείστους. [6] Μιθρίνῃ δὲ τῷ παραδόντι τὴν ἐν Σάρδεσιν
ἄκραν Ἀρμενίαν ἔδωκεν. ἐκ δὲ τῶν ληφθέντων χρημάτων τῶν μὲν ἱππέων τῶν
Μακεδόνων ἑκάστῳ ἓξ μνᾶς ἐδωρήσατο, τῶν δὲ συμμάχων πέντε, τῶν δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς
φάλαγγος Μακεδόνων δύο, τοὺς δὲ ξένους διμήνου μισθοφοραῖς ἐτίμησε πάντας.“
26Arrian, 3.19.15: “ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐς Ἐκβάτανα Ἀλέξανδρος τοὺς μὲν Θετταλοὺς ἱππέας καὶ
τοὺς ἄλλους ξυμμάχους ἀποπέμπει ὀπίσω ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, τόν τε μισθὸν ἀποδοὺς αὐτοῖς
ἐντελῆ τὸν ξυντεταγμένον καὶ δισχίλια παρ᾽ αὑτοῦ τάλαντα ἐπιδούς”.
Diodorus Siculus, 17.64.6-6: “ ἐκ δὲ τῶν ληφθέντων χρημάτων τῶν μὲν ἱππέων τῶν
27
Μακεδόνων ἑκάστῳ ἓξ μνᾶς ἐδωρήσατο, τῶν δὲ συμμάχων πέντε, τῶν δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς

φάλαγγος Μακεδόνων δύο, τοὺς δὲ ξένους διμήνου μισθοφοραῖς ἐτίμησε πάντας”.
29
Ake
Staters
3242
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; o; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
3243
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; o; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
3247
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; to; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
3251
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; 21;
3257
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ayin; 23;
3258
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; 23;
Also for this mint, like for the one of Sidon, it has been possible to study the sequence of num-
bered issues dated by Phoenician numerals and accompanied by the Phoenician letters ayin
and kaph, which presence opened a discussion about the attribution of these issues to Tyre or
Ake’s mint.
The imperial mint was opened at the same time as the Alexander silver coinage began at Sidon,
with a transfer of one of the earliest dies to Ake and also the move of personnel from the earlier
mint to the new mint at Ake.
The variety of the gold issues attributed to this mint is the one with the griffin on Athena’s helmet
(3242-3, 3247, 3251, 3257-8), as is typical n the eastern mints, in which the snake was some-
times replaced by a running lion-griffin or a sphinx. This innovation seems to date from 331, al-
though the more common bird-headed griffin first appears after Alexander’s death.
Stater (8.51 g), Ake, ca. 324-323, Price 3257 (obv.. Athena with sphinx on helmet/rev.:
LW ayin; RW kaph, 23)
30
Byblos
Staters
3422
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ayin-yod;
3423
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ayin-yod;
Two series are attributed to Byblos: the first, which is marked by the Phoenincian inscription
ayin-yod, is probably connected with king Enylos, whose fleet joined Alexander before
the siege of Tyre; 28 the second series is marked with a monogram indicating probably the name
in Greek of King Andramelek, and this group of issues was prolific, covering many years.
The only gold issues of this mint (3422-3) seem to be parallel to other large coinages of gold and
silver at the end of Alexander’s life which seem to have been devised to pay off his veterans.
Stater (8.64 g), Byblos, ca. 330-320, Price 3422 (LW ayin-yod)
Aradus
Distaters
3331A
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; caduceus; mono-
gram AP; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ.
Staters
3306
Obv.: Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet; on bowl, serpent; Δ.
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; mem-aleph;
monogram AP; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
28Arrian, 2.20.1: “καὶ Ἔνυλος ὁ Βύβλου ὡς ἔμαθον τὰς πόλεις σφῶν ὑπ᾽ Ἀλεξάνδρου
ἐχομένας, ἀπολιπόντες Αὐτοφραδάτην τε καὶ τὰς ξὺν αὐτῷ νέας παρ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρον ξὺν τῷ
ναυτικῷ τῷ σφετέρῳ ἀφίκοντο καὶ αἱ τῶν Σιδωνίων τριήρεις σὺν αὐτοῖς, ὥστε Φοινίκων
μὲν νῆες ὀγδοήκοντα μάλιστα αὐτῷ παρεγένοντο.”
31
3313
Obv.: Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet; on bowl, serpent; Δ.
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; monogram AP;
3314
Obv.: Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet; on bowl, serpent; between crest and hel-
met, Λ.
3315
Obv.: Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet; on bowl, serpent; Σ.
3331
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; caduceus; mono-
gram AP; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ.
The first of the three groups of issues that may be attributed to Aradus’s mint consist of lifetime
and early posthumous issues (3303-35).
A gold stater (3306), paralleled by a tetradrachm with the Phoenician letters mem-aleph, shows
the same letters, with a probaly lamed prefix, jointed by a Greek monogram of the letters AP.
The mem-aleph signature, whose meaning is debated (Melek’ arvad = “king of Aradus”; Babelon:
Mi ‘ arvad = “from Aradus”; Betlyon: Mamlaki ‘arvad = “the kingdom of Aradus”)29 was typical of
the autonomous issues of the city during the Persian period, and in this way also the Greek
monogram can be attributed to it.
The gold stater 3306 suggest also that it can’t be attributed to the earliest Alexander issue at the
mint, for two elements: the royal title is present, in contrast to 3303-5, and the obverse bears the
letter delta. The issue 3303, with the initial letter of the city rather than the monogram, could be
the earliest; 3303A could be contemporary or little earlier than 3306.
There are close connection between the style of this group and that of the plough group at Tar-
sus (3009-3034), where the title is used at the the end of the group (3033-4), dated c. to 324-3
BC, while at Aradus the evidence suggests a slightly earlier date. The beginning of this group
should be place after 330 BC, probably c. 328 BC.
The gold distater 3331A (8.58 g), with the variety of caduceus and the royal title, would be
unique as a posthumous denomination, and it is probable that this final group had begun by the
time of the death of Alexander (the date of the introduction of the royal title elsewhere would not
seem to precede 325/4 BC).
Stater (8.65 g), Aradus, ca. 328-320, Price 3306 (obv.: Athena, to l. Δ/rev.: LW mem-
aleph; RW monogram AP)
29 Price, M. J.,1991, 414.

32
Although it has been assumed that some of the double darics and lion staters minted in
this period may have been produced in the eastern satrapies, we don’t have yet good evidence
that a mint was ever operating east of Babylon during Alexander’s reign. However the theory
that the Persian treasures of precious metal were turned into coin primarily at Susa and Ec-
batana is plausible and many issues may be attributed to them.
While Alexander was way, important development had taken place in the western pasts
of his kingdom. Magnesia on the Maeander in Ionia started to produce Alaxander coins, gold
staters and silver drachms, to be followed by Colophon and Miletus (c. 325) and Teos (c.324).
At the Hellespont, Lampsacus began minting Alexander coins around 329 or 328 and a sub-
sidiary mint was opened in the same period in neighbouring Abydus. All the mints supplement-
ed their silver by substantial issue in gold, from 323 to 317, sometimes in the form of post-
humous staters of Philip II’s type. Gold issues were especially large at Lampsacus and Abydus.
Returning to the Levant, we find that about 329/8 several new mints for Alexander
coinage were established in Cyprus, including CItium. Small mints also operated, apparently
only for very short period of time, in Syria and in Phoenicia. In these egions we also find the ear-
liest examples of an important innovation in the inscription: while the coins, both gold and silver,
were originally inscribed ΑΛΕΧΑΝΔΡΟΥ, at some date, c. 325, the title ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ was added
on the issues of Myriandrus, in Siria. The new legend was copied at Citium almost at once, so
closely indeed that the earliest issued in each mint used the spelling ΑΛΕΧΑΝΔΡ and placed the
two world of the inscription in exactly the same unusual position, with the title in the right field
and the name below the enthroned Zeus of the silver coinage.
The considerable increase in the number of mints between 330 and 326/5 reflect a de-
mand for more coins of the imperial type and give us an indication of the boom in trade which
followed Alexander’s conquest of the Persian empire.
Around 325 there was a great expansion in output at some of the mints, especially at
Amphipolis and Side and at the drachm mints in Asia Minor; this phenomenon was partly due to
the need to provide money for the Greek and Macedonian veterans and mercenaries returning
to their homes after been demobilised in great numbers in 324 and 323 BC.
Lampsacus
Staters
1357
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; two horse-
foreparts conjoined; Δ; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
1358
foreparts conjoined; Δo; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
1359
foreparts conjoined; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
 
Fractions
1/2
1360
33
foreparts conjoined; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
1/4
Rev.: bow and club; above, two horse-foreparts conjoined; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
The Lampsacus minting can be divided in three main periods, the first beginning during Alexan-
der’s lifetime and continuing until the end of Philip III’reign. The gold staters of the types of Philip
II with the monogram AL mark the years of Philip III (323-317 BC). The lifetime Alexanders are
linked to those of the reign of Philip III by an altered die.
The varieties 1351-61 represent a large increase in the minting activity, but they may also have
been struck over a relatively short period of time, as we can suppose from the same monogram
which link them all.
It’s possible to notice the similarity of the two horse foreparts symbol on the gold issues 1357-61
with the design used on the coinage of Perinthus, and this same symbol on the coinage of Lysi-
machus has been recognised to be mark of Perinthus; therefore, a Thracian origin for these
symbols sounds possible.
The attribution for this early group relies on the regular inclusion of the Pegasus-forepart (1378,
1381-95), a recognisable badge of the city, in the subsequent periods of minting, but it must be
pointed out that this is only one amongst several symbols and letter combination and the con-
nection between symbol and city can only be tentative.
The autonomous coinage of Lampsacus in the fourth century BC ends with a silver issue with a
head of Athena on the obverse clearly influenced by the staters of Alexander, but, however, the
particular style of these pieces does not reflect the style of gold staters attributed to Lampsacus,
and also this must cast doubt on the current attribution of the first period of minting.
Stater (8.61 g), Lampsacus, ca. 328-323, Price 1357 (LF two horse foreparts conjoined;
LW Δ)
Abydus
Staters
1496
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; male l. wearing
chlamys; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
1497
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; male l. wearing
chlamys; Ξ; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
34
1504
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; Pegasus-forepart
l.; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
Attribution can be made to this mint only with caution. The issues of staters (1496-7, male l.
wearing chlamys, and 1504, Pegasus-forepart) provide a good parallel to the coinage of Lamp-
sacus, and style confirms that the mints should be in the same area.
At both mints there are sizeable issues of staters of the type of Philip II beginning a little before
the introduction of the name of Philip III. At Abydus the first issues of Philip II staters include the
monogram of 1511-13; this variety is die-linked to an issue with another monogram that may rep-
resent the same person as that of 1507-9. This group probably marks the accession of Philip III,
so this mint must have opened at the same time as Lampsacus, or a little later.
The first period of coinage has a stop after the issues that can be connected with Philip III, and
there is a clear gap in minting. The final period represents intensive minting that continued di-
rectly into the coinage of Lysimachus. Thereafter there are no Alexander issues that can be at-
tributed to Abydus, but there is one late posthumous issue of gold of the types of Philip II that
use the “eagle” of Abydus as the symbol identifying the town, which never occurs on the earlier
Alexander issues attributed to this city.
Stater (8.55 g), Abydus, ca. 328-323, Price 1504 (LF Pegasus-forepart l.)
Susa
Staters
3825
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; monogram;
3826
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; monogram; mono-
gram; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ.
3826A
Obv.: Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet; on bowl, flying duck or dove.
3828
35
3831
3835
3838
gram; bee; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ.
3839
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; monogram; bee,
monogram; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ.
3841
The group placed first (3825-42) contains an important group with several issues of gold with the
sphinx of the flying duck or dove on Athena’s helmet and others with different monograms. The
syle of silver of this group is closely related to that of the issues of Aspeisas, made satrap of Su-
siana in 316 BC by Antigonus30.
The gold types 3844 and 3845 are part of a small group of Alexanders (3844-9) that may be re-
lated to the issues of Philip through the letters ΛΑ, but the important second group of Babylon
with M and monogram is also closely linked to these groups by obverse style.
Stater (8.59 g), Susa, ca. 325-320, Price 3826A (obv.: Athena with flying duck or dove on
helmet/rev.: LF monogram; RW monogram; ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΛΕΧΑΝΔΡΟΥ)
30Diodorus Siculus, 19.55: “ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Ἀντίγονος τῆς μὲν Σουσιανῆς ἀπέλιπε σατράπην
Ἀσπίσαν, ἕνα τῶν ἐγχωρίων, αὐτὸς δὲ τὰ χρήματα πάντα διαγνοὺς κατακομίζειν ἐπὶ
θάλασσαν, ἁμάξας καὶ καμήλους παρεσκευάσατο καὶ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἔχων ταῦτα
προῆγεν ἐπὶ τῆς Βαβυλωνίας.”
36
Magnesia ad Maeandrum
Staters
1917
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ram-head r.;
1918
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ram-head facing;
1920
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ram-head facing,
1923
Obv.: Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet; on bowl, serpent; below, ram-head r.
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ram-head l.;
1924
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand;griffin seated l.;
1925
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; griffin seated l.;
ram-head l.; ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ.
1928
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ram-head l.,
1929
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ram-head l.,
The major series of drachmae and gold staters attributed to this mint opens, on the evidence of
the Asia Minor (1964) hoard, some time before the death of Alexander.
The strong similarity of style between the stater 1917 (ram-head) and 3125 (eagle) attributed to
Salamis let suppose or that an engraver moved from Salamis to Magnesia, or that both issues
belong to Salamis.
It would seem that the year 323 BC falls during the issue of the bee and spearhead varieties
and, indeed, this sees the first issue in the name of Philip III (P50). The previous issues provided
an abundant coinage, but with their limited number of symbols and monograms, and with close
die-linking between varieties, they probably reflect an intense period of minting over a short peri-
od. They are very similar in this regard to the opening issues of the Miletus mint, and the similari-
ty in underlined by the use of a symbol below the head of Athena on the obverse of the gold
staters, a ram’s head at this mint, a thunderbolt at Miletus. There appears to be no reason to
place the beginning of the Alexander coinage at Magnesia before c. 325 BC.
37
Stater (8.62 g), Magnesia ad Maeandrum, ca. 325-323, Price 1925 (obv.: Athena; below
ram-head r./rev.: LF griffin seated l.; LW ram-head l.)
Miletus
Staters
2077
Obv.: Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet; on bowl, serpent; below, thunderbolt.
2078
2079
2082
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; inscription; mono-
2084
2085
Fractions
1/2
2080
38
1/4
Many issues of gold distaters, staters and fractions with the thunderbolt symbol below the head
of Athena on the obverse are part of the group 2077-2091, which opens, at the end of Alexan-
der’s lifetime, the production of this mint. All of them display the same monogram in clearly relat-
ed varieties; considering the dimension of this issue, a connection with the return of the veterans
is plausible.
The general similarity of the early silver of this mint to that of lifetime Macedonian issues make it
very likely that there was some contact between the mints of the two areas, and the possibility
that an engraver, maybe with a die, transferred between the two cannot be discounted.
One issue of staters of the type of Philip II has been attributed to this mint, bearing a monogram
similar to, but not the same as that of 2077-91, with the variety of Athena with thunderbolt; since
the obverse die of that issue is also used at Magnesia, it seems unwise to assume that it be-
longs to this mint. Indeed, there is no coinage in precious metal in the name of Philip III that can
be attributed to this group.
Stater (8.53 g), Miletus, ca. 325-321, Price 2077 (obv.: Athena; below thunderbolt/rev.:
LF monogram)
Citium
Staters
3100
Obv.: Head of Athena (hair plaited) r. in crested Corinthian helmet; on bowl, serpent.
3101
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; monogram; club;
3102
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; monogram, club;
3103
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; monogram; club;
39
3104
Obv.: Head of Athena (curly hair) r. in crested Corinthian helmet; on bowl, serpent.
3105
Obv.: Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet; A.
An important group of gold staters (3100-5) has been attributed with certainty to this mint
through the monogram of the city’s name engraved on every issue. In these varieties Athena
appears with hair plaited in 3100 and with curly hair in 3104, while at reverse if 3101 and 3103
there is a club.
Since Pumiathon of Citium was disgraced by Alexander, a date not before 325 BC must be as-
signed for the beginning of these issues. The obverse letter A of 3105 finds parallels at Aradus
and Tarsus in the same period.
Stater (8.64 g), Citium, ca. 325-320, Price 3104 (obv.: Athena (hair plaited)/rev.: LW
monogram)
Side
Staters
2956
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ΦΙ; ΒΣ;
2957
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ΦΙ, ΣB;
2959
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ΦΙ, ΛΣ;
2963
Rev.: Winged Nike standing l. holding wreath in r. and mast (stylis) in l. hand; ΦΙ, Λ;
40
The gold issues 2956-7, 2959 and 2963 are part of the late lifetime and early posthumous group
2948-65, which provided an abundant coinage that travelled over a wide area. This group also
links by obverse die to issues in the name of Philip III P119-P120.
The use of the royal title provides a terminus post quem for its beginning, which must be places
in last few years of Alexander’s lifetime.
This group must be also connected with the return to Greece of ten thousand veterans. Consid-
ering the differences of style between this group and the pomegranate group of the time of Philip
III, a break in issues c. 323/2 should be postulated.
The double consonant ΒΣ (2952-7) and ΛΣ (2959-62) is a significant feature of the manner in
which the late lifetime group was marked, as they probably indicate a particular mint system of
marking individual issues. A similar phenomenon is to be noted also on the autonomous fourth
century BC issues at Aspendus and Selge. It’s possible to suppose that one of these cities might
have been used to produce imperial coinage in 325-3 BC and, with the parallel of this unusual
method of marking issues, a connection with this group seems very likely.
Stater (8.48 g), Side, ca. 325-320, Price 2959 (LW ΦΙ, ΛΣ)
41
Bibliography
• PRICE, M. J., The Coinage in the Name of Alexander the Great and Philip Arrhidaeus,
Zurich/London,1991.
• TROXELL, H., Studies in the Macedonian Coinage of Alexander the Great (ANSNS
21), New York, 1997.
• MØRKHOLM Ο., Early Hellenistic Coinage. From the Accession of Alexander to the
Peace of Apamea (336-186 BC), Cambridge, 1991.
• CALLATAŸ, F., Les trésors achéménides et les monnayages d'Alexandre: espèces
immobilisées et espèces circulantes? (Revue des Études Anciennes. XCI, 1-2, p. 259-
276. L'or perse et l'histoire grecque), Bordeaux, 1989.
• TOURATSOGLOU, Y.P., Συμβολή στην οικονομική ιστορία του βασιλείου της
αρχαίας Μακεδονίας (6ος-3ος αι. π.Χ.) (KERMA 2), Athens, 2010.
• TSAGKARI, D., ZACHOS, K., LIAMPI, K., Μέγας Αλέξανδρος. Από τη γη της
Μακεδονίας έως τα πέρατα της οικουμένης, Catalogue of the Exhibition at the Ar-
chaeological Museum of Ioannina (May 7, 2010 – October 31, 2010), Alpha Bank Nu-
mismatic Collection, Athens, 2010.
• KONTES, Z. S., The Dating of the Coinage of Alexander the Great, Brown University,
Institute for Archaeology and the Ancient World, 2000.

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The gold coinage of Alexander's lifetime

Philip II’s gold 3

Philip II’s gold

Weights and denominations

4 Touratsoglou, Y.P., 2010, 223-233.

Dating of the Alexanders: history and problems

10 KONTES, Z. S., 2000.

The gold coinage in Macedonia

• Distaters (17.28 g), staters (8.67 g) and hemistaters (4.21 g)

quarter stater eighth stater

11 Zervos’s thesis is reported at Price, M. J., 1991, 27-28.

13 Μέγας Αλέξανδρος (catalogue of the exhibition), 2010, 103.

Obv.: Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet; on bowl, serpent.

The staters with cantharus, trident head or fulmen

staters with symbols of trident head, cantharus, and fulmen

16 Troxell, H., 1997, 99-128.

Uncertain Greece or Macedonia issues

Obv.: Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet; on bowl, serpent.

22 Price, M. J., 1991,166-7.

The gold coinage in the other parts of the empire

Gold issues beetween 336 and 323 BC

Mint Starting year Varieties Denominations

Aegae 336 185-6, 188, 190-3, 196-8 2AU, AU

Sardis 334 2528-35, 2537-9, 2543, AU, 1/2 AU, 1/4 AU

Tarsus 333 3004-6, 3008-9 AU

Sidon 333 3456-56A (undated), 2AU, AU

Salamis 332 3125-38 AU, 1/2 AU, 1/4 AU

Memphis 332 3961, 3963, 3965-8 AU

Babylon 331 3592-97, 3671-2 AU

Ake 330 3242-3, 3247, 3251, AU

Byblos 330 3422-3 AU

Aradus 328 3306, 3313-5, 3331-31A 2AU, AU

Lampsacus 328 1357-61 AU, 1/2 AU, 1/4 AU

Abydus 328 1496-7, 1504 AU

Susa 325 3825-26A, 3828, 3831, AU

Magnesia ad Maendrum 325 1917-8, 1920, 1923-5, AU

Miletus 325 2077-85 2AU, AU, 1/2 AU, 1/4 AU

Citium 325 3100-5 AU

Side 325 2956-7, 2959, 2963 AU

Uncertain Greece or 325 789-95, 797-8, 800-2 2AU, AU

23 Touratsoglou, Y. P., 20 17, 225.

24 See tables at Price, M. J.,1991, table F 404-5 and I 437.

Μακεδόνων ἑκάστῳ ἓξ μνᾶς ἐδωρήσατο, τῶν δὲ συμμάχων πέντε, τῶν δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς

29 Price, M. J.,1991, 414.

21), New York, 1997.

Peace of Apamea (336-186 BC), Cambridge, 1991.

• CALLATAŸ, F., Les trésors achéménides et les monnayages d'Alexandre: espèces

276. L'or perse et l'histoire grecque), Bordeaux, 1989.

• TOURATSOGLOU, Y.P., Συμβολή στην οικονομική ιστορία του βασιλείου της

αρχαίας Μακεδονίας (6ος-3ος αι. π.Χ.) (KERMA 2), Athens, 2010.

mismatic Collection, Athens, 2010.

Institute for Archaeology and the Ancient World, 2000.

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