Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
REFERENCES
Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/307220?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents
You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
This content downloaded from 67.66.218.73 on Sun, 23 Apr 2017 11:33:02 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
ON THE ORIGIN OF RUSSIAN VY AS A FORM OF
POLITE ADDRESS
This content downloaded from 67.66.218.73 on Sun, 23 Apr 2017 11:33:02 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Russian vy 331
This content downloaded from 67.66.218.73 on Sun, 23 Apr 2017 11:33:02 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
332 Slavic and East European Journal
tion, addressed to both. The use of vos to address one person may have
been motivated by this implicit plurality. An emperor represents a plurality
in another sense: he may be looked upon as the sum total of the people of
his nation. Thus, he is justified in referring to himself as their representative
with the plural pronoun nos 'we' (i.e., 'I and my people'). Vos with the
implication of reverence is the simple reciprocal of this usage. On the other
hand, the practice need not have been mediated by any association with
actual plurality, for plurality itself can be construed as a metaphor for
power. Thus, the reverential vos may have been a direct reflection of the
Emperor's power.8
Eventually the use of Latin plural was extended to other figures of
authority (e.g., popes, kings, grand princes), and the practice gradually
spread to other European languages. For example, it entered German in
the ninth century, French in the twelfth, English in the thirteenth,' and
finally Russian in the fifteenth century during the reign of Ivan III. At that
time the pronoun vy (as well as my, like Latin nos) with singular reference
conveyed more reverence than anything else; it occurred in diplomatic cor-
respondence, mainly between Moscow and Rome. For example: "a my svo-
ego celoveka k vam ... otpustili" (message from Ivan III to the Roman
Emperor Maximilian, 1493); "my dlja vas tex plennikov . . . vozvratili"
(message from Ivan III to Philip, King of Spain, 1504); "a vy, velikij
gosudar' Vasilij, ko mne o tom otpi'ite" (Maximilian's message to Vasilij
III, 1514); "a napadete vy na nego, brat nag, to i my takie sami na nego
poidem" (message from Vasilij III to Maximilian concerning alliance and
friendship, 1514);1o "Vy gospodine, moego posla . .. otpustili ni s dem" (Z.
Serap. Novg., 19, 16th cent.)."
Certain historical events and political factors were instrumental in chang-
ing the everyday life of Ivan III and his successors. These included the fall
of the Eastern Roman Empire and the resultant concept of Moscow as the
"Third Rome"; liberation from the "Tartar Yoke" in 1480, during the reign
of Ivan III; Ivan's great territorial expansion; his politically motivated mar-
riage to the Byzantine princess, Sofia Palaeologus, who was educated in
Rome under the Pope's supervision; and more frequent contact and closer
relations with the West, especially Rome. In striving to gain recognition
and prestige as an independent and powerful ruler of a growing nation,
Ivan III was not averse to adopting certain practices of other powerful
monarchs in Europe. At times he even referred to himself as "czar," a bor-
rowing of Latin caesar through the intermediary of Germanic.12
Vy-address, an apparent imitation of the diplomatic ritual of the Roman
court, did not readily spread among the population. It remained dormant
in Russian until the eighteenth century. Before this date it appeared only
sporadically and inconsistently, often alternating with ty in the same mes-
sage, sometimes even in the same sentence: "Vas by, ... blagoestivogo
This content downloaded from 67.66.218.73 on Sun, 23 Apr 2017 11:33:02 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Russian vy 333
carja, u6inil miloserdyj Bog zdrava i ... podal by tebe, gosudarju, svye
pobedu" (Patriarch Filaret's letter to Czar Mixail FedoroviE, October
1619); "A nyne, gosudar', tvoimi svjatymi molitvami, podaroval Bog emu
... zdravie; i po blagosloveniju valego svjatitel'stva"; "Molim ie vale pre-
podobstvo, da vozslesi [2nd pers. sing.] o nas 'estnyje vagi molitvy" (Nun
Marfa's letter to Patriarch Filaret, June 1620);'1 "Velemoinejsij monarx! Po
vasemu ... ukazu my paki pokorno ob"javilisja i skolko my modem v
junosti svoej vyrazumeti ob"javiti xosdem ... komediju preslavnogo Temir-
Aksaka, bude Vage carskoe velidestvo milostiju svoeju izvolite ot nas ...
poslu'at"' (prologue to a play staged for Czar Aleksej Mixajlovic's audi-
ence, February 1675);14 "Aleksij Mixajlovic .. . novovybornyj tvoj gosu-
darev sokol'nik Ivan ... vam velikomu gosudarju 'elom b'et" (introduction
of a new falconer to the Czar).15
If from the fifteenth to the seventeenth centuries vy was used primarily to
convey reverence, when vy-address became more widespread at the begin-
ning of the eighteenth century, it came to express not so much reverence as
respect, politeness, and formality. The following examples, taken from
Peter I's correspondence of 1712, illustrate this semantic transformation;
again, fluctuation between ty and vy can be observed: "Kogda Semen
tepelev vam javitca, togda izvol'te prikazat"' (letter 5331 of 1 July to
Admiral F. M. Apraksin); "A e'eli togo ne ucinis, to vzyletca na tebe"
(letter 5332 of 2 July to Vice-Governor Korsakov, where, issuing a stern
warning, Peter I is not concerned with maintaining politeness); "A 6to vy
pi'ete, Uto korol' datskoj" (letter 5334 of 4 July to A. D. Men'ikov); "Po
polutenii sego prieziaj [familiar form] k nam ne umedlja, ibo nyne v PolSe
delat' vam, poitaj, neiego"; "ty sam znaes"; "Poneie kak vy sami k nam
pisali, Eto poljaki soglasilis' s vami" (letters 5444, 5449, 5455 of 20, 21, and
25 August to Ambassador G. F. Dolgorukij); "daby vy po tomu [ukazu]
ispolnili" (message 5490 of 1 September to Captain A. I. U'akov); "Pis'mo
tvoe ja polu6il .. . predaju vas v soxranenie bozie" (letter 5640 of 27
This content downloaded from 67.66.218.73 on Sun, 23 Apr 2017 11:33:02 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
334 Slavic and East European Journal
This content downloaded from 67.66.218.73 on Sun, 23 Apr 2017 11:33:02 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Russian vy 335
NOTES
1 Since the terms tjkan'e and v'kan'e are generally considered substandard and s
carry a marked negative connotation, they are replaced here by the terms ty-add
vy-address; on the use of ty and vy in contemporary Russian see Gerald L. May
Use of Ty and Vy in Modern Standard Russian," SEEJ 19 (1975), 435-42.
2 A. V. Isa6enko, Grammati'eskij stroj russkogo jazyka v sopostavlenii s slovackim
logija, pt. 2 (Bratislava: Izd. Slovackoj Akademii Nauk, 1960), 414.
3 The German second person plural pronoun Ihr, which began to perform the sa
tion as Latin vos in the ninth (or, possibly, tenth) century, was replaced by t
person plural pronoun Sie in the second half of the seventeenth century (F. I.
Istorieeskaja grammatika russkogo jazyka [M.: GOSUC-PEDIZ, 1959], 389). It is i
ing to recall that in the nineteenth century, servants, peasants, and mesane often
Russian third person plural pronoun oni (or one) in place of the singular pronoun
ona to refer to honored persons; for example: "Oni [referring to bratec] . . . r
6asov ne prixodjat" (Gon~arov, Oblomov); "Oni dama bol'naja, fit' v takom gor
nix tol'ko bespokojstvo odno" (Ostrovskij, Ne ot mira sego); "Celovek oni byli
jaznennyj" (texov, Proisgestvie). The hero of Leskov's Grabei uses the honorifi
rather, third person plural verbs) almost exclusively in reference to his mot
mamen'ka ... govorjat"; "mamen'ka ne uznali"; "Mamen'ka otve~ajut"; "Mam
pozvoljajut"; "Mamen'ka ispugalis'"; but also "Mamen'ka posmotrela." He nev
the honorific expression to his uncle ("On [djaden'ka] govorit"), and vacillates in r
to his aunt ("Tetugka otveiaet" and "Teten'ka opjat' otve'ajut"). On the other h
consistently addresses everyone with the polite vy, while they address him with ty
emergence of the honorific oni-used "[v] podobostrastno po~titel'noj redi ... v
on ili ona (razg., ustar.)" (D. N. Ugakov, ed., Tolkovyj slovar' russkogo jazyka [4
GIINS, 1935-40])-be attributed to the influence of German Sie? Possibly; but
likely not, if the following points are taken into account. In contrast to Sie, whi
went a semantic transformation, displaced Ihr, and began to be used in direct
polite address, oni has never been used in place of vy but only in indirect ref
either on or ona to demonstrate more servility than politeness. Moreover, the ho
oni has neither gained a permanent place in Russian, nor ever enjoyed literary
is even labeled "prostoredie" in V. V. Vinogradov and N. Ju. ?vedova, eds.,
istorieeskoj grammatike russkogo literaturnogo jazyka (M.: Nauka, 1964), 577.
as the honorific oni primarily characterized the speech of peasants, servants, and
it is possible that they themselves invented it by imitating the application of the
vy to a single person. However, a clearer picture of the origin of the honorific o
be best obtained by a thorough investigation of this temporary linguistic phen
something beyond the scope of the present study.
4 A. S. Pugkin, Polnoe sobranie soeinenij, 2nd ed. (9 vols.; M.: AN SSSR, 1956-58)
For more on this subject see the following studies, which examine the semanti
of ty and vy in nineteenth-century Russian literature and contrast the natural dis
of ty-vy with that observed in Russian translations of French: Krystyna Pom
"Zametka o pis'me Tat'jany," in Andrej Kodjak et al., eds., Alexander Pugkin Sy
II (Columbus: Slavica, 1980), 61-66; John Lyons, "Pronouns of Address in Ann
ina: The Stylistics of Bilingualism and the Impossibility of Translation," in Sidne
baum et al., eds., Studies in English Linguistics for Randolph Quirk (London: L
1980), 235-49. The author is indebted to Catherine V. Chvany for providing hi
copy of the first source and for suggesting the second.
5 P. M. Kravienko, "Upotreblenie mestoimenij my i vy v zna6enii edinstvenno
UWenye zapiski Azerbajdfanskogo pedagogiLeskogo instituta 7 (1958), 233.
6 Kravienko, 229.
This content downloaded from 67.66.218.73 on Sun, 23 Apr 2017 11:33:02 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
336 Slavic and East European Journal
7 Sister St. G. Byrne, "Shakespeare's Use of the Pronoun of Address; Its Significance in
Characterization and Motivation" (Ph.D. diss., The Catholic Univ. of America, 1936),
xvi.
8 Roger Brown and Albert Gilman, "The Pronouns of Power and Solidarity," in Thomas A.
Sebeok, ed., Style in Language (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1960), 255.
9 Byrne, xvi-xix.
10 Cited from Kravienko, 230.
11 Cited from Slovar' russkogo jazyka XI-XVII vv. (M.: Nauka, 1975-), III, 176.
12 M. Fasmer [M. Vasmer], Etimologiceskij slovar' russkogo jazyka (4 vols.; M.: Progress,
1964-73), IV, 290-91; Wendy Buehr, ed., History of Russia (New York: American Heritage,
1970), 75-90.
13 F. I. Buslaev, Russkaja xrestomatija (The Hague: Mouton, 1969; rpt. of 9th ed., 1904),
278-79.
14 0. A. Derzavina, ed., Russkaja dramaturgija poslednej cetverti XVII v. i nacala XVIII v.
(M.: Nauka, 1972), 59.
15 Buslaev, Russkaja xrestomatija, 323.
16 B. B. Kafengaus et al., eds., Pis'ma i bumagi imperatora Petra Velikogo, vol. 12 (M.:
Nauka, 1977).
17 G. N. Moiseeva, Russkie povesti pervoj treti XVIII veka (M.-L.: Nauka, 1965).
18 A. G. Kennedy, The Pronoun of Address in English Literature of the Thirteenth Century
(Stanford University, CA: The University, 1915), 80.
19 See V. V. Vinogradov, Oderki po istorii russkogo literaturnogo jazyka XVII-XIX vv., 2nd
ed. (M.: GOSUC-PEDIZ, 1938), 148-78.
20 Kravienko, 230, 225. Some Soviet scholars, particularly those who quote Marx, Engels,
Lenin, or Stalin in their works, have a tendency to deny any possibility of foreign influ-
ence on the Russian language or culture. Kravienko (225), for example, quotes Engels:
"Forty million Great Russians comprise too great a nation, and their development has
been too original for anyone to assume any outside influence." However, the well-known
and highly regarded pre-Soviet linguist, F. I. Buslaev (1818-97), presents a more objective
and accurate picture of the situation: "Upotreblenie 1-go lica vo mn. aisle, vm. edinstven-
nogo, vladetel'nymi licami, kogda oni govorjat o sebe, objazano svoim proisxoideniem
rimskomu i vizantijskomu ceremonialu" (Istoriceskaja grammatika russkogojazyka, 389).
21 It may be interesting to note that at times the use of ty and vy was governed by the
intervention of authorities. For example, "One of the first acts of the Provisional Govern-
ment in 1917 was to force all commissioned officers to use vy to privates, but the Red
Army reintroduced ty, eventually extending it to all subordinates" (Paul Friedrich,
"Social Context and Semantic Feature: The Russian Pronominal Usage," in John J.
Gumperz and Dell Hymes, eds., Directions in Sociolinguistics: The Ethnography of Com-
munication [New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1972], 282). Also, see n. 25 below.
22 L. V. Cerepnin et al., eds., Krest'janskaja vojna pod predvoditel'stvom Stepana Razina, vol.
4 (M.: Nauka, 1976), 40.
23 It is possible, however, that translations of French literature in the eighteenth century and
the frequent use of French (with vous), mainly by the Russian aristocracy, promoted
wider usage and acceptance of vy-address among other Russians; nevertheless, the origin
of singular vy reflects Latin influence, which came primarily through diplomatic corre-
spondence and close relations between Moscow and Rome-for instance, during the pro-
longed period of negotiations concerning the arrangements for the marriage of Ivan III
and Sofia Palaeologus. Since diplomatic correspondence was not limited to Rome, a
question may arise whether the Latin influence was direct or through an intermediary
language. In view of the fact that until the eighteenth century the language of diplomacy
throughout Europe was Latin, and that, as a consequence, diplomatic correspondence
among the European rulers was normally conducted in Latin, it would hardly be possible
to establish which language-if any-served as an intermediary.
This content downloaded from 67.66.218.73 on Sun, 23 Apr 2017 11:33:02 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Russian vy 337
24 Toward the end of the eighteenth century the Revolutionary Committee in France con-
demned the use of vous to refer to one person as a feudal remnant and ordered the use of
tu. The ban on vous, however, did not last long, and differences of power among various
social elements were soon expressed once again. See E Brunot, La pensee et la langue
(Paris: Masson et Cie., 1927).
25 Kennedy, The Pronoun . . ., 22. In seventeenth-century English thou and you (< ye)
created a bit of social controversy when the founder of the Quakers, George Fox, argued
that only thou should be used to address one person, regardless of social position, and
you to address many; Fox insisted that this was a natural and logical form of address. See
Brown and Gilman, "The Pronouns of Power .. ." 265.
This content downloaded from 67.66.218.73 on Sun, 23 Apr 2017 11:33:02 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms