Confucianism's Influence on Late Koryŏ and Early Chosŏn Dynasties

Confucianism in the Late Koryŏ and Early Chosŏn
Author(s): John Duncan

Source: Korean Studies, Vol. 18 (1994), pp. 76-102
Published by: University of Hawai'i Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23720088
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Confucianism in the Late Koryô
and Early Chosôn
John Duncan
One cause of confusion over the nature of early Chosón intellectual history has been
the practice of evaluating the thought of fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Korean
scholar-officials from the standpoint of the Zhu Xi orthodoxy of mid and late Chosón.
This study reevaluates the ideas and policies of the prime architects of the new dynasty,
men like Cho Chun and Chóng To-jón, in the context of Koryó intellectual traditions
and the Yuan-dynasty Neo-Confucianism that was introduced into Korea in the late
thirteenth century.
Introduction
Studies in the intellectual history of the late Koryô and early Chosôn
period have focused almost exclusively on the rise and spread of Cheng
zhu Neo-Confucianism, seeing it either as the ideology of a new "scholar
official" class or as the driving force behind the founding of the Chosôn
dynasty in 1392. In either case, the primary emphasis has been on the dis
placement of Buddhism and a belletristic Han-Tang Confucian style by
Neo-Confucian Nature and Principle Learning (scmgnihak; also known as
tohak, Ch. daoxue, the learning of the Way).
The more widely accepted view of the intellectual history of the late
Koryô and early Chosôn period is that Chengzhu Neo-Confucianism rose
to dominance as the class ideology of a "new scholar-official" group of
medium and small landlords who seized power with the founding of Cho
sôn. I have argued elsewhere, however, that "new scholar-officials"—if
such a group existed at all—were not the main force behind the founding
of the dynasty, making it highly unlikely that Neo-Confucianism could
have triumphed as their class ideology in 1392.1 The mainstream view suf
fers from internal inconsistencies as well. Although the founding of Cho
LATE KORYÓ AND EARLY CHOSÓN CONFUCIANISM 77
son was supposedly carried out by Neo-Confucian

officials," some of the most prominent Neo-Confucianists o
teenth century, including Yi Saek and Chông Mong-ju,
opposed to the overthrow of Koryó. Also, although the "
cials" are widely supposed to have attacked Buddhism
grounds, Yi Sang-baek's study of the anti-Buddhist m
1390s shows that a primary motive for the persecution
the need to put the state on a more stable financial fo
although the proponents of the "new scholar-official" t
Neo-Confucianism represented the class interests of me
landlords against the class interests of the large landlords o
aristocracy (which presumably were reflected in Buddhism
to provide concrete explanations of how Neo-Confuciani
were linked to economic issues. In fact, it is difficult to
basis on which this distinction is made, since the mean
(land) and the relations of production (slavery and tenancy)
ideological superstructures are presumably grounded w
the same for all landlords regardless of the size of their ho
whole, the interpretation of fourteenth- and fifteenth-cen
history advanced by advocates of the "new scholar-off
unconvincing.
The other major interpretation of late Koryó and early Chosón intel
lectual history is that the establishment of Chosón was a direct conse
quence of the late-thirteenth-century importation of Neo-Confucianism.
According to this view, the spread of Neo-Confucianism among the offi
cial class in the fourteenth century gave rise to a critique that attributed the
problems of society to the decadence and corruption of Buddhism. The
Koryó dynasty had a long and intimate relationship with Buddhism and
was either unwilling or unable to carry out needed reforms, making it nec
essary in the minds of the Neo-Confucian-inspired officials to overthrow
the dynasty in order to revitalize Korean society. A leading spokesperson
for this interpretation in Korea is Kim Ch'ung-yôl, who emphasizes the
philosophical conflict between Buddhism and Neo-Confucianism as the
key issue in the change of dynasties from Koryó to Chosón. Kim argues
that Neo-Confucianism was a sophisticated and comprehensive philo
sophical system that in the late Koryó "began to exercise the initiative in
religion, politics, society, scholarship, culture, education, and even diplo
macy; it manifested itself as a Confucianism concerned with protecting its
Way and attacked without hesitation anything that impeded its exercise of
that initiative as well as all heterogeneous systems."4
Martina Deuchler also emphasizes the role of Neo-Confucianism in
the founding of the new dynasty, contending that "the establishment of the
78 DUNCAN
Chosôn dyna
itself by ar
dynasty a f
aspects of th
scholar-officials of the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries saw in Neo
Confucianism a vehicle through which they could gain access to the Chi
nese past for a model of social and political reform to correct the ills of
Koryô society.6
There is no question that Chengzhu Neo-Confucian ideas played an
important role in late-fourteenth-century politics and did much to inspire
and shape the reforms of the early Chosôn, especially in the area of so
cial legislation. Nonetheless, the focus on Chengzhu Neo-Confucianism,
which seems to derive from an impulse to find the origins of the Neo-Con
fucian society of mid and late Chosôn, has directed our attention away
from other important aspects of late Koryô and early Chosôn intellectual
life. The vast majority of early Chosôn officials, as Deuchler has pointed
out, were not committed to the Neo-Confucian vision of society and poli
tics.7 Even the thinking of the reformist vanguard, it seems to me, cannot
be reduced to Chengzhu learning. This is because many of the men who
played important political roles in the early years of the Chosôn dynasty
espoused ideas, such as emphasis on a powerful, activist, central govern
ment and on the value of literature as a vehicle for cultivating and mani
festing morality, that seem to conflict with central tenets of Chengzhu
learning. There are historians who are aware of the complexity of early
Chosón thought. Yi T'ae-jin, for example, suggests that such thought may
best be described as a broadly constituted "learning of encyclopedic
works" (yusôhak, Ch. leishu xue) similar to that of Song China. Unfortu
nately, Professor Yi does not specify what this "learning of encyclopedic
works" entailed, except to mention the compilation of histories and the
practice of belles lettres.8
Our picture of fundamental social and ideological change between
Koryô and Chosôn has a rough parallel in China. Conventional interpreta
tions of Tang and Song history have stressed social change in the shift
from an aristocratic sociopolitical order in the Tang to a local gentry-cen
tered society in the Song, occurring in tandem with the supplanting of the
literature-oriented Tang Buddhist-Confucian intellectual tradition by a
new Chengzhu daoxue learning that was hostile to Buddhism and depre
cated literature in favor of the classics and moral self-cultivation.9 Inter
pretations of late Koryô and early Chosôn sociopolitical and intellectual
history appear to have been inspired, however indirectly, by this under
standing of China's experience.
However, more recent interpretations of the social and intellectual
transition from Tang to Song present a more complicat

Bol, for example, in his study of Tang and Song intellec
that the Chinese shi underwent a transformation from ari
Tang, to central scholar-officials in the Northern Song, to
Southern Song. This was paralleled by a shifting of int
tions from the culture-oriented approach of the Tang, whi
practice of literature (wenzhang, K. munjang) as the key
culture and harmonizing the three teachings of Confuc
and Buddhism, to an activist movement in the Northern So
the role of government in transforming society and sough
values of antiquity in old-style (guwen, K. komun) litera
that placed primary emphasis on individual self-cultivation
"directed attention away from government and ideas f
society that could be affected through government," and d
role of literary endeavor.10
This approach, which emphasizes the relationship be
and intellectual styles, seems to offer a way to reinvestigat
ideas in the transition from Koryô to Chosôn, especially wi
controversies over literature. What follows is an initial atte
the applicability of this approach to Korea.
The Han-Tang Buddhist-Confucian Tradition

The dominant intellectual tradition among the central o
Koryô period was the literary-oriented Han-Tang styl
describes this tradition as a coexistence of Confucianism an
which Confucianism concerned itself with administrativ
belles lettres while Buddhism provided the philosophica
society. Yi says, "The Confucian learning of this time h
dency toward poetry and literary arts rather than toward
sics or study of theory."" Although other scholars may hav
view over the years, they have tended to stay within i
work. For example, Pak Sông-hwan characterizes Koryô
a Buddhist-Confucian dualism in which Confucianism
official statecraft learning (kwanhak-chôk kyôngsehak)
Ch'oe Süng-no in the tenth century to Yi Saek in the fourt
The dominance of the Han-Tang tradition was reflected
ination system, which afforded much greater prestige to t
tiates (chinsa, Ch. jinshi), who were chosen primarily fo
compose poetry, than to the classics licentiates (my
mingjing), who were chosen on the basis of their know
more of the Chinese classics. This dominance is reflecte
policies pursued by such kings as Yejong (1106-1122), w
80 DUNCAN
ary skill an
(Samgyo)—B
dition seems
scholars emp
and a Tang w
the Noble G
included Im
of poetry and
The Han-Tan
duction and
teenth centur
the examinat
ing on poetry
tions (ch'aen
were still be
examination p
emy still emp
Sóng-gye gro
1388 was to e
policy in Kin
erary licenti
held once mo
cessation of
stituted in 1
more, this tim
Controversy
service exam
of whether t
with the chin
dynasty. Alt
oral, in 1393
but in 1407, a
This written-
century, with
attitudes beh
1439), a stud
social ethics.
at the first le
it would resu
lettres amon
lettres ultima
ars (sallim) an
The reasons for the persistence of belletrist scholarship

One can, of course, simply argue that established traditions
can also point to more practical considerations, as seen
argument that Korean scholars needed to sustain a liter
order to maintain credibility with the Chinese.21 It seems
that one potentially important factor we have tended to
rush to understand the rise of Confucianism was the pe
dhism as an important element of early Choson culture.
Buddhism in the Late Koryô and Early Choson

Anti-Buddhism was a feature of Chinese Confucian
the time of Han Yu and the rise of the guwen moveme
reached the fever pitch that it did in Korea. The Chos
established amid much anti-Buddhist furor and the pu
restricting Buddhists and Buddhist institutions. These even
torians to describe the early Choson in such terms as "rejec
and elevating Confucianism" (ch'ôkpul sungyu).
The anti-Buddhist fervor notwithstanding, the chang
does not appear to have solved the Buddhist problem. Se
sôn kings, including T'aejo, Sejong, and Sejo, were devo
Buddhism, and many of the Buddhist controversies of the
century persisted well into the fifteenth century. Historia
ognized this, but have generally viewed the controversy in
Confucian officialdom versus a Buddhist royal family,
studies by scholars such as Yi Sang-baek and Han U-gün
that the restrictive Buddhist policies of the early Chos
state's financial concerns more than they did philosophi
Buddhism.23 The following examination of the issue
reminder that the Buddhist controversy of the early Choso
and deeply rooted in practical as well as ideological issue
Before we can deal meaningfully with the question of t
Buddhism after 1392, we must establish an understanding o
the late Koryô. Supporters of the conventional view of
dhist society cite such evidence as the importance of s
Buddhist rituals as the p 'algwanhoe24 and the yôndung
ties between the Koryô royal family and Buddhism. Alt
has been widely accepted for decades, it has not bee
detailed studies of the links between Buddhism and th
elites of the late Koryô. Recently scholars such as Ho Hü
vided concrete studies on how Buddhist values and
informed and supported the organization of the Koryô fam
in general,25 but even these efforts do not deal specifically
82 DUNCAN
tionship bet
Koryó.
Building on these studies, evidence has recently been presented clar
ifying the institutional ties between Buddhism and the official families and
discussed the issue of Buddhist religious faith in individual officials. It
shows that Buddhism was fully integrated into the political, social, and
religious life of the great official families of the late Koryó. The official
dom had close institutional links to Buddhism in several ways, including
court politics and participation in Buddhist ceremonies such as the yondü
nghoe. Such prominent members of the late Koryó bureaucracy as Yi Saek
and even Chông To-jon, the famed anti-Buddhist polemicist, wrote memo
rial stelae for temple construction projects and deceased Buddhist monks.
It was also common for central officials, including such prominent Confu
cians as Kwôn Pu of the Andong Kwón, to dedicate one or more sons to
the clergy, and for their secularly oriented sons to study for the govern
ment service examinations under Buddhist monks, many of whom were
famed for their skill in composing poetry. Religious belief in Buddhism
also seems to have been widespread among members of the civil bureau
cracy, as seen in their support of Buddhist projects and statements of belief
contained in inscriptions on bells and other items they contributed to tem
ples in hopes of gaining the blessings of the Buddha.26
This evidence not only establishes Buddhism's deep roots in the late
Koryó, it also shows the difficulty of dichotomizing the officialdom into
mutually antagonistic Buddhist and Neo-Confucianist camps. Confucian
scholar-officials regularly composed eulogies for deceased Buddhist
monks, and prominent Confucianists routinely dedicated their children to
the Buddhist clergy and had their sons educated in Buddhist temples. This
does not necessarily deny the existence of tension between Buddhism and
Confucianism in the late Koryô, but it forces us to recognize that the con
flict between Buddhism and Confucianism that arose at the end of the
dynasty was neither the consequence of deep class divisions within the
officialdom nor the eruption, in the political sphere, of a long-simmering
intellectual conflict between a more or less exclusively Confucianist group
on the one hand and a similarly exclusivist Buddhist group on the other.
Anti-Buddhist activism, as is well known, constituted one of the
main themes of late-fourteenth-century Korean politics. Scholar-officials
such as Chóng To-jon criticized Buddhism on both philosophical and ethi
cal grounds, and the new regime that emerged under King Kongyang
(1389-1392) seized lands and slaves from Buddhist temples. Placed in the
context of the anti-Buddhist policies pursued by some early-Chosôn kings
and the broad general differences between Koryó and the mature Chosôn
of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, these late-fourteenth-century
anti-Buddhist activities appear to demarcate a sharp b

tual affiliations of the Korean political elites.
Appearances notwithstanding, there is much evid
dhism, far from being vanquished, remained an importa
Chosón official life. Numerous historians have point
devotion to Buddhism of kings T'aejo (1392-1398) an
1450), not to mention the openly pro-Buddhist polic
(1455-1468). Edward Wagner's discussion of the politi
tensions leading up to the literati purges of the early
shows that the royal family's devotion to Buddhism r
tant issue until at least the end of the fifteenth century,
years after the establishment of the Chosón.27 But th
that, as Han U-gun has argued,28 Buddhism was still b
dhist rites still practiced by a large proportion of the cen
INSTITUTIONAL LINKS
Many scholars have explained the early persistence of Budd

practices in the court in terms of the personal devotion to Buddh
King T'aejo. Once T'aejo had passed from the scene, we are told, h
cessors—T'aejong in particular—began to take harsh steps agains
dhism, culminating in the 1406 measures abolishing many te
appropriating their lands and slaves for government use, and sharply
ing the lands and slaves of the remaining temples.
There is little doubt that Buddhism lost much of its potential to
political influence in the new dynasty. Symbolic of this was the
tinuance of the Buddhist preceptorships. Although T'aejo appointed b
national preceptor (kuksa), Chogu, and a royal preceptor (wangs
ch'o, those two men are believed to have been the last Buddhist prece
to be appointed, and their deaths in 1395 and 1405, respectively
thought to have marked the end of Buddhist preceptorship in Korea.
This did not mean, however, that Buddhism lost all royal favor a
T'aejo's departure from the scene. Despite the almost universally a
view of T'aejong as a vigorously pro-Confucian, anti-Buddhist ru
Sang-baek has shown that T'aejong's motivation for pursuing an
Buddhist policy was as much financial as ideological and that T'aej
fact turned to Buddhism for religious solace in his middle and
years.31 Kings Sejong and Sejo were, of course, devout believers
dhism. But, unlike T'aejong, their faith in Buddhism was given
political expression, with Buddhist monks brought into the pal
given high honors. The monk Shinmi, for example, was called to
ace to conduct Buddhist services when Sejong fell ill in 1449.32 Th
year Shinmi was given the extraordinary title of sôngyo chongdo ch
84 DUNCAN
sôp [general
Hyegak chon
of kuksa to
ance at a time when other offices and institutions had been renamed to
reflect the inferior status of Choson vis-à-vis the Ming suggests a resump
tion, however temporary, of the old practice of appointing Buddhist pre
ceptors. Two months later Shinmi's title was changed from Hyegak chonja
to Hyegak chongsa [religious preceptor].34 We do not know how much
political influence Shinmi wielded, but the histories tell that his brother
Kim Su-on was given preferential treatment because of Shinmi's special
relationship with the king.35 In toto, the evidence indicates that more
than half a century after the change of dynasties Buddhism still enjoyed a
surprising degree of royal favor and at least some potential for political
influence.
Given the limited nature of the Choson kingship, it seems improba
ble that Buddhism could have enjoyed such strong royal patronage with
out backing from significant elements of the officialdom. Indeed, there are
indications of such support for Buddhism. The Veritable Records tell us
that in the seventh month of 1393, one year after the establishment of the
Choson, "the royal preceptor Chach'o was allowed to reside at Kwang
myông Temple. Over one hundred men and women from within the walls
[of the capital] came each day to listen to Chach'o lecture."36
The tradition of high-ranking officials composing Buddhist memo
rial stelae, which indicates bureaucratic support for Buddhism, also per
sisted into the new dynasty. Although early Chosón literary collections,
unlike those of the late Koryô, are not replete with Buddhist memorial
inscriptions, such commemorative writings do exist. Michael Kalton has
noted that the famed Confucianist Kwôn Kün wrote many Buddhist
related commemorations and prayers in the years after 1392.37 Another
early-Chosôn official who wrote large numbers of Buddhist memorial
inscriptions was the aforementioned Kim Su-on, who rose to high office
under Kings Sejo and Sôngjong (1470-1494). Kim's Shiga chip contains
no fewer than fifteen Buddhist-related inscriptions, mostly having to do
with royal support for construction or refurbishment of temples.
The custom of great official families sending sons to the clergy also
seems to have continued into the early Choson. Such sources as the
Andong Kwôn sshi songhwa chokpo, literary collections, and the Veritable
Records contains a number of cases where prominent monks are identified
as brothers of high-ranking officials. Kwôn Kün, perhaps the most promi
nent Confucianist of the first decades of the Choson, had an elder brother,
Isa, who was a Monk Supervisor.38 Yun So-jong, the Confucianist who
played such an important political role in the change of dynasties, also had
LATE KORYÓ AND EARLY CHOSÔN CONFUCIANISM 85
a brother in the Buddhist clergy.39 Both Kwôn Kün's

brothers undoubtedly joined the clergy prior to the fall o
other cases the men in question almost certainly commit
monastic life after 1392. For instance, the monk Toks
capital to conduct Buddhist services for a royal princ
elder brother of Inspector General (Taesahôn) A
Kwangju.40 The age of neither Tokso nor An Wan-gyông
Wan-gyóng passed the higher civil service examination in
years after the change of dynasties. Thus even if Tokso o
were bom before 1392, they both surely came of age
ment of Chosôn. Shinmi, the highly honored monk
Sejong and Sejo, was the elder brother of Kim Su-on
when Shinmi was born, but Kim Su-on was bom in 14
after the establishment of the Chosôn, making it very li
was bom, or at least committed himself to the clergy, so
Thus even though shifting philosophical loyalties and
Buddhist institutional power under King T'aejong m
official families to abandon the custom of devoting s
other families appear to have continued the tradition well
century.
RELIGIOUS BELIEF
Those historians who do acknowledge the persistence of rel

faith in Buddhism into the early Chosôn almost always cite the p
religious beliefs of certain kings and members of the royal family,
ently assuming that the officialdom was solidly Neo-Confucian. A
look at fifteenth century Chosôn, however, indicates that Buddhist
and practices were alive and well among members of the central
dom. Sông Hyôn (1439-1504) told in his Yongjae ch'onghwa of s
officials (sadaebu) engaging in Buddhist rituals (chae) to gain ea
blessings.41 Sông also pointed out that students of the National Conf
Academy (Sônggyungwan yusaeng) consecrated Buddhist bon
noted somewhat bemusedly that the literati (sarim) did not object.42
Of course, the survival of Buddhist belief and practice into the
Chosôn was accompanied by a continuation of anti-Buddhist ag
The reigns of T'aejo, Chôngjong, and T'aejong are well known f
Buddhist activities, climaxing in T'aejong's 1406 measures. But an
dhism did not subside after 1406; it continued throughout the ea
sôn. In 1424, for example, students of the National Confucian A
presented an anti-Buddhist memorial outlining Buddhist abuses
ing for the disestablishment of Buddhist temples and the discontinu
Buddhist rites.43 Such anti-Buddhist agitation grew more frequent i
86 DUNCAN
waning year
discussed the
1448 when st
opposition t
ace.45 Instea
peripheral g
fucian victo
on relations between Buddhism and the court—the same themes that dom
inated the anti-Buddhist polemics of the late Koryo—and in this sense
provide substantial indirect evidence for the prominence of Buddhism in
the early Chosôn.46
LINKS BETWEEN BUDDHISM AND HAN-TANG SCHOLARSHIP
We have other evidence that seems to link the survival of Buddhist

practices and beliefs to the persistence of the Han-Tang Buddhist-Confu
cian tradition. There is, first of all, the continuation of the old Koryo cus
tom of having children study under monks. Kwôn Kün, for example, had
his sons study under a Buddhist monk,47 and Yi Song-mu tells us that
"King T'aejong intended to educate his eldest son, Prince Yangnyóng,
under the tutelage of a venerable monk at a remote mountain in accor
dance with the old Koryo tradition."48 T'aejong, one of the most autocratic
rulers in Korean history, may have been motivated less by religious com
mitment than by a desire to keep his heir out of the clutches of the central
officialdom. Regardless of his motives, however, it is significant that it
was a Buddhist monk to whom T'aejong wished to send his son. Further
evidence of the persistence of this custom comes over a quarter century
later, in 1438, when the dynasty found it necessary to issue an edict order
ing Hüngch'ón and Hüngdók temples to quit teaching children.49 The edict
does not specify whose children were studying there, but since both tem
ples were located in the capital city it seems almost certain that it was the
children from families of the central officialdom.
The sources do not specify what those young men were learning
from the monks, but it was probably the poetic arts. Evidence for this is
found during Sejong's reign. Early in the fourth month of 1443, Sejong
ordered the Hall of Worthies (Chiphyônjôn) to edit commentaries on Du
Fu's poetry for distribution throughout the capital and the provinces.50 A
few days later, Manu, the abbot of Hoeam Temple (near the old Koryo
capital) was moved to Hüngch'ón Temple (in the new capital) and given
a third-rank stipend. This was done so that Manu, who was well versed
in poetry, could be consulted regarding the commentaries on Du Fu's
poetry.51
The role of Buddhist monks as writers and teachers of poetry in the
early Chosôn may represent a continuation of the old Han-

style, which sought to unify differing teachings through
literature. Perhaps the clearest example of the surviva
Tang style among early-Chosón officials was the aforem
on. Kim passed the government service examination in 1
to hold a number of academic posts in the Royal Conf
before ultimately rising to a senior first grade post and re
title of Lord of Yôngsan (Yóngsan puwón kun) under K
Kim was educated in the Confucian classics and had mor
familiarity with Chengzhu notions of principle (i, Ch. li),52
a devout believer in Buddhism. His syncretic intelle
revealed in the following statement: "No one has ever achie
of the way of governance without upholding benevolence (i
righteousness (üi, Ch. y i); also no one has ever clearly
source of governance without basing himself in clarity
striving for the learning of governance of the emperors an
see that Buddhism is the most honored of the Three Te
master of all virtue."53
It can be difficult, particularly when using the Han-
Confucian tradition as a point of departure, to distinguish
learning and Chengzhu Neo-Confucianism. Both were c
dhism, and both displayed a high-minded Confucian morali
There were significant differences between the tw
styles, however. One area of divergence was attitudes to
Whereas Chinese guwen scholars sought to cultivate and
values through literature, Chinese daoxue adherents st
morality through self-cultivation and considered literature
often expressing hostility to guwen advocates of literature
for example, had clashed sharply with Su Shi (Su Dongpo) o
literature in learning.54 Wm. Theodore de Bary notes th
could often be magnanimous toward representatives of
lectual movements, such as Wang Anshi, he held "special
practitioners of belles lettres for their "frivolous attitude."5
Another area of significant divergence between guw
concerned the role of government. The guwen scholar
Northern Song, such as Sima Guang, who called for a st
imperial power, were committed to reforming society thro
and activist central government. As Peter Bol has point
Southern Song daoxue thinkers were not interested in
power of government to transform society from above," b
concerned with how self-cultivating shi could transfor
local level through such institutions as the community com
88 DUNCAN
Antagonism
Neo-Confucia
erary-orient
Yuan China
tury comme
originator in
such as Yi K
ities: one, th
two, that ko
zhu influenc
tion system
Korea was t
enjoyed a pr
Chinese scholars.
Yi Che-hyôn, who held high offices throughout the first half of the
fourteenth century, was certainly an important figure in late Koryô intel
lectual history. Yi was a historian and a leading advocate of Confucian
statecraft learning (kyôngsehak). These attributes, in the context of Yi's
long stay in Yuan China and his association with leading Chinese Neo
Confucianists, plus his role in intellectual and reform efforts, have led a
number of historians to assign him a major role in the spread of Chengzhu
Neo-Confucianism in Korea.59
Certain aspects of Yi Che-hyôn's thought do seem to reflect strong

Chengzhu influence. His attacks on belles lettres began as early as the
reign of King Ch'ungsôn (1308-1313), when Yi told the king that if he
instituted measures to encourage Confucian studies, no true Confucian
would discard practical learning (shirhak) to learn poetry from the Bud
dhists.60 In the context of Yi Che-hyôn's subsequent revision of the exami
nation system to exclude poetry in favor of "practical learning"—a
typically Zhu Xi-ist position that found favor in the Yuan61—it would
appear that Yi fired the opening shots in what would be one of the major
debates of the late Koryô and early Chosôn period.
The moral cultivation of the ruler as a prerequisite for good govern
ment was also an important concern for Chengzhu Neo-Confucians. Writ
ing in 1344, Yi Che-hyôn noted that the Korean king, concerned with
cultivating his virtue, had "lectures by wise Confucianists on the Classic
of Filial Piety, the Analects, the Mencius, the Great Learning, and the
Doctrine of the Mean, and was learning the way of examining things,
extending knowledge, attaining sincerity, and rectifying the heart."62 Yi
also seems to have been in the vanguard of the late Koryô anti-Buddhist
movement, stating in his Ikchae nango that the Buddhist way (sôkto) is
not as well ordered as the i (principle, Ch. li) of Confucianism (yu).63
On the basis of these remarks, Yi Che-hyôn does a

been a major player in the spread of Neo-Confucian ide
the fourteenth century, despite his lack of sophisticatio
Principle Learning metaphysics. However, the issue is not s
of these positions taken by Yi Che-hy5n, with the possible
emphasis on the importance of the moral cultivation of th
within the parameters of komun-style Confucianism. Furth
Yi's apparent familiarity with the rudiments of Chengzhu
biography in the Koryôsa states that he did not like Nat
Learning.64 Although a final determination will depend on
of Yi Che-hyôn's writings and comparison with North
thinkers, it is likely, especially in light of Yi's emphasis on
ernment and Chông To-jôn's praise for Yi's contribution
komun tradition, that the kind of Confucian learning Y
sented was related more closely to komun than to Chengzh
With regard to Yi Che-hyôn's position as the originator
style in Korea, however, Chông To-jôn seems to have been
a limited understanding of the Koryó literary tradition.
historians have noted the existence of a komun trend in Ko
Yi Che-hyôn's time. Cho Dong-il reports that in the late ele
twelfth centuries Kim Hwang-wón (1045-1117) was fam
tion of parallel prose and his skill in komun. Cho goes o
twelfth century as a period of struggle between officia
parallel prose and officials who followed the komun style,
including, in addition to Kim Hwang-wôn, such lumina
and Kim Pu-shik. Although Cho does not study the rela
literary and intellectual styles in depth, he does suggest th
tury Korean komun learning had a strong ethical componen
late-Tang guwen movement, citing Kim Hwang-wôn's
man who did not compromise" and noting Kim Pu-shik's
literature was the means to rectify morality.65
As discussed earlier, however, the second half of the tw
saw a resurgence of the belletrist Han-Tang style and
eclipse of komun learning during the period of military ru
tilted sharply in favor of Sôn (Ch. Ch'an) Buddhism, and
tuals such as the members of the Noble Gathering of th
forswore practical and political affairs in favor of wine
tion of elegant poetry and looked back with longing to the
when the Han-Tang tradition was at its zenith. However, th
tion did not completely vanish during the military era. It
a handful of scholar-officials, such as Pak In-sok (1143-
into hiding after the 1170 coup and subsequently subsisted
90 DUNCAN
of Koryó pol
bility and beg
By the mid-t
consequence
leadership by
his predecesso
end of milit
change in th
intellectual a
Ch'oe, a prom
Cha saw hims
the preface t
tradition in
vice examina
own, whom
Munhôn Ch'o
that our Way
pointing out
Ch'oe Yak.68
Ch'ung and
Ch'oe, who
guwen move
looked back o
He also displ
who devoted
term used p
with the form
the opening l
Literature [mun
the Way should
them while man
proper. Thus, w
one's work is so
Here we see
echoes the in
erature as a
not to say th
komun style
Ch'oe Cha's
renowned for
stage was set
Although Ch'oe Cha still emphasized literary talent, i

body of his collection, he balanced his interest in literatu
sions of the political and military achievements of earlier civi
cials, as in his depiction of Kang Kam-ch'an's early-eleven
achievements against the Khitan invaders73 and the glor
careers of members of the Kyongwón Yi family.74 Ch'oe went
argue that Confucian ministers (yushin) should be given field
military operations, citing, among other examples, the succes
shik against the twelfth-century rebels in Pyongyang.75
Ch'oe Cha also introduced, at least indirectly, a Confuc
of Buddhism in his discussion of early-Koryó objections to
When T'aejo first founded the dynasty amid continuous fighting, he re

[Ch. yinyang] and Buddhism. The official Ch'oe Ung remonstrated, "In
you must cultivate literary virtue [or cultural virtue, mundók] to gain th
people. Even though a king is facing a time of military exigencies, he m
erary virtue. I have never heard of gaining the hearts of the people by
dhism and umyang" The king responded, "How would I not know that
mountains and streams of our country are holy and mysterious, and ou
remote villages. Thus our people like Buddhas and gods and seek from
tune. Now there is ceaseless fighting and there is no security, so people
in fear and know not what to do. I can only think that they are hoping th
ous aid of the Buddhas and gods and the spirits of the mountains and s
effective. How could I use this as the great way of governing the count
the hearts of the people? Once the fighting has stopped and the people
will be possible to transform customs and realize the beauty of moral
Although Ch'oe Cha does not appear to have been moun

offensive against Buddhism, his discussion of Ch'oe Ung's
Buddhism and his depiction of T'aejo's lack of trust in Bud
way to rule the country suggests a certain resistance to the B
nations of the military rulers and presages later Confuc
against Buddhism. It is interesting to note in this regard that
also brought up the issue of Ch'oe Ung's remarks to T'aej
fourteenth-century tirade against Buddhism.77
Thus Ch'oe Cha revealed himself to be not only a self-a
sor to a Koryô komun Confucian tradition, but also a harbing
to come. In apparent anticipation of the imminent demise of
he was laying the groundwork for a restoration of powe
branch of government and its yu officials while foreshadowin
an anti-Buddhist critique in the late fourteenth century.
The trend toward greater emphasis on Confucianism se
accelerated after the actual fall of the military regime.
Ch'ungyôl issued an edict that said, "Confucian scholars [y
92 DUNCAN
tice only the

widely conve
conversant i
Confucian Ac
ing behind t
lettres and h
after the dem
dating of the
The extent
komun think
needs clarific
late thirteent
already been
komun advocates.
Komun-style attitudes toward literature continue to appear in the
final decades of the Koryo and on into the Chosôn. Yi Saek, cited by
Kwôn Kün as the founder of the School of Principle in Korea and praised
for his abandonment of belle lettres in favor of cultivation of the mind and
heart (shim, Ch. xin),19 seems to echo an argument of Su Dongpo—that lit
erature is basic to personal cultivation because Confucian principles are
interpreted in the mind as it expresses itself through literature80—when he
writes, "The Way of Poetry is important to the moral transformation of
kings. The human mind is revealed therein... poetry shapes human nature
and emotions."81
Important officials of the early Choson, including men who were
at least nominally Nature and Principle scholars, continued to stress the
importance of literary arts. Ha Yun, a prominent scholar-official who,
along with Kwôn Kün and Chông Mong-ju, had studied under Yi Saek,
wrote in the early fifteenth century that
poetry originates in the principle of heaven and human ethics and extends to gover
nance, moral suasion, and customs. It extends from the music and lyrics of the court on
high to the songs of the streets and alleys below. Poetry makes it possible to manifest
the good mind in one's emotions and to discipline the indolent spirit.82
It seems clear that these thinkers' emphasis on the role of literature is

informed not by the Han-Tang tradition, but rather by komun insistence on
literature as the vehicle for moral cultivation and expression. This impres
sion is strengthened by criticisms that appear to target practitioners of the
Han-Tang style of belles lettres and textual exegesis. Consider the follow
ing lament by Kim Chong-jik (1431-1492), that noted stalwart of the Neo
Confucian literati (sarim) group:
People say that scholars [sa, Ch. s hi] proficient in the study of the
Ch. jingshu] are inferior in the practice of literature [munjang, Ch.
proficient in the practice of literature are ignorant in the study of th
don't see it that way. The practice of literature derives from the stu
and the study of the classics forms the roots of the practice of literat
grass and trees, without roots how could their branches and leaves g
and how could their flowers and fruit attain beauty? The Book of S
of History, the six classics are all classical learning, and the writing
is the practice of literature. If I can look for principle [i, Ch. li] throug
I can observe it closely and achieve it without undue effort. If liter
are fused in my chest, then I can speak or write poetry and all is ac
effort on my part. Since olden times, all those who have lamented t
tice of literature and have passed it on to later generations have bee
Now, however, people see the study of classics as nothing more
of passages and textual exegesis and regard the practice of literature
than the turning of nice phrases in an ornate manner. How can the
and textual exegesis be the way of governing heaven and earth, and
ing of nice phrases in an ornate manner be part of the learning of n
and morality? This will eventually lead to the separation of the stud
the practice of literature and the two will not be used together. This
view.83
Kim Chong-jik's deprecation of ornate literature and textual exege

sis seems to be a clear attack on the old Han-Tang style.84 Although Kim
Chong-jik is generally considered to be a major figure in the development
of Korean tohak (Ch. daoxue), his reasoning here seems to be informed
less by a Chengzhu distinction between study of the classics and literary
endeavor than by a komun-style view of literature playing an important
role in governance and the formation of public values. Our sense of Kim
Chong-jik as a komun thinker is further strengthened by his statement in a
1464 memorial to King Sejo that the various learnings outside of poetry
and history were not for Confucianists.85
Cho Dong-il depicts the merit subject group as emphasizing the dec
orative (changshik) aspects of literature and "rejecting the contention that
literature had to be tohak, that only the literature [munjang] of the classics
had true value."86 This would seem to suggest strong affinities between the
learning of the merit subjects and the old Han-Tang tradition.
The picture is not that simple, however. Consider the case of Yang
Sông-ji, a prominent member of the merit subject group and the target of
much Neo-Confucian literati criticism. In 1472 Yang presented a memo
rial calling for the first-stage examination to include Su Dongpo, Han Yu,
and Liu Zongyuan.87 What this suggests, pending closer study of the liter
ary styles of the early Chosôn and their links with intellectual styles, is
that both the merit subjects and the Neo-Confucian literati were strongly
influenced by Northern Song guwen thinkers.
94 DUNCAN
Parallels bet
intellectual tr
There are als
that are stron
Emphasis on
government
jor theme f
cianists who
prominent
Kwôn Kün,
Learning, ar
government,
as expressed
ideas that se
thought. For
rest with th
philosopher-
ernance of
the minister
aspects of Ch
legalist tren
legalist tren
Nature and
that these as
ness in early
xue concept
purposes.
One final point worthy of consideration here is the general strategy
pursued by late-Koryô and early-Chosôn Confucian thinkers. In late
Koryô and early-Chosôn Korea it is abundantly clear that a major concern
of Confucian reformers was to strengthen the central government and, as
Deuchler has shown, reform society through the promulgation of legisla
tion promoting Confucian values and rituals.91 This basic strategy seems to
parallel the Northern Song stress on the role of the central government in
transforming society. Indeed, it wasn't until the sixteenth century, over one
hundred years after the founding of the dynasty, that Choson scholars and
officials began to demonstrate serious interest in local institutions. It
seems safe, therefore, to say that late-Koryô and early-Chosôn scholar
officials—some of whom, like Chông To-jôn, were nominally scholars of
Chengzhu learning—held political ideas and attitudes that are more remi
niscent of the Northern Song than of the mainstream Chengzhu learning of
the Southern Song and later.92
Final Comments
Perhaps it will help us gain a better perspective on the tensions in late

Koryó and early-Chosón Confucianism if we go back and reconsider devel
opments within the Confucian tradition in China. The Chengzhu school
emerged triumphant in the Yuan dynasty, whose Neo-Confucianism de Bary
describes as emphasizing statecraft and ethics. De Bary notes some variance
among Zhu Xi's followers in the Yuan, as in the cases of Wang Yinglin and
Ma Duanlin, who were strongly interested in the historical development of
institutions.93 But he argues that, despite their different emphases, all
Chengzhu scholars ultimately grounded themselves in the belief that the
moral cultivation of the ruler was essential to good government.94
Late-Koryó and early-Chosón Neo-Confucianism seems to share
much with the Neo-Confucianism de Bary describes for the Yuan. Many
scholars have noted that fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Korean thinkers
were interested primarily in social ethics and issues of statecraft;95 as we
have seen, there was much interest in the moral foundations of govern
ment. Thus it is almost natural to assume that late-Koryó and early-Cho
sôn Confucianism was by and large a reflection of the Yuan tradition.
Such an assumption seems to me, however, to be facile and mislead
ing. As we have discussed, there were many conflicting elements in four
teenth- and fifteenth-century Korean Confucian thought, elements more
reminiscent of Song than Yuan China. Cheng Yiquan laid out the tensions
in Song Neo-Confucianism early on when he observed that "scholars of
the empire have split into three groups specializing respectively in the
study of the Classics, moral principles, and belles lettres; only those who
concentrate on moral principles are true Confucians."96 Cheng's classifica
tion has been modified and expanded by Peter Bol, who argues that Song
China witnessed a political fight for ideological supremacy, focusing on
the contents of the civil service examination, among three groups of Con
fucianists: the legalists (Wang Anshi/Sima Guang), the belletrists, and the
moralists (the Chengzhu school). Victory for the Chengzhu school meant
primary emphasis on moral cultivation rather than the development of lit
erary skills or institutional expertise.97 The tensions among belletrist,
legalist, and moralist trends within late-Koryó and early-Chosón Confu
cianism seem to parallel closely those seen in the Song. Not only do we
have similar controversies, but the primary battle in both countries was
fought in the political arena over the contents of the civil service examina
tion system. Thus it is clear that the founding of the Chosôn failed to
resolve the intellectual controversies of the late Koryô. Struggles over
Buddhism, over belles lettres, and over the moral underpinnings of gover
nance continued to flare up throughout the fifteenth century.
96 DUNCAN
There are a
ideological b
the absence o
ties. There were no substantial clashes of social or economic interests
between the supporters of the Koryô, such as Yi Saek and Chông Mong-ju,
and the men who backed the establishment of the Chosôn, such as Chông
To-jôn and Cho Chun, that could give rise to mutually antagonistic ideolo
gies based on social class.
Another possible explanation is that the old intellectual traditions of
the Koryô were closely interwoven with political and social institutions. It
was very difficult, for example, for a Neo-Confucianist like Kwôn Kün to
be consistently and radically anti-Buddhist when his own elder brother
was a high-ranking Buddhist cleric. It was also difficult for early Chosôn
officials and intellectuals to abandon the tradition of cultivating the liter
ary arts when the mastery of poetry had not only conferred high prestige
throughout their own history but was also deemed necessary for Chinese
recognition of Korea's cultural attainments and refinement.
The most important explanation, perhaps, is the complex and diffuse
nature of fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Korean Confucian discourse.
Despite the widely held assumption that the founding of the Chosôn meant
the establishment of Chengzhu learning as the state ideology, Korean
thinkers of the fifteenth century continued to espouse positions similar to
those held by such Song targets of Chengzhu criticism as Su Shi. As we
have seen, the ideological controversies of the late Koryô and early Cho
sôn seem to parallel those of the Song, not only with regard to the issues
being debated, but also with regard to the arena—the examination sys
tem—in which the battles were fought.
There was a major difference, however, between the Korean case
and that of China. The schools of thought in Song China exhibit relatively
clear delineation. Many of our protagonists of the late Koryô and early
Chosôn, in contrast, considered themselves—and were considered by their
peers—to be followers of the Chengzhu Nature and Principle school even
as they often advanced positions typical of the other schools, positions that
appear at times to be fundamentally incompatible with the basic moral
tenets of Chengzhu learning. Consider, for example, Ha Yun's views on
the value of literary endeavor or Chông To-jôn's argument for the primacy
of the prime minister. Not only did late-Koryô and early-Chosón thinkers
form an eclectic group, they were also eclectic as individuals.
These apparent inconsistencies in late-Koryô and early-Chosôn Neo
Confucianism are often explained in terms of the immaturity of the
Korean understanding of Chengzhu learning.98 According to this interpre
tation, the Koreans did not really master Neo-Confucianism until the mid
sixteenth century, when men like Ki Tae-süng, Yi Hwan

to develop a discourse on Nature and Principle metaph
could not be expected to be consistent in earlier years. I fin
that it took the Koreans over 250 years to achieve a suffici
ing of Neo-Confucianism to enable them to engage in N
ple metaphysical debates.
Can we say, then, that these nominally Chengzhu N
thinkers during early-Chosón took an eclectic approac
practical situation in which they found themselves at a tim
need for fundamental institutional reform? De Bary has
tions of Chengzhu Neo-Confucianism as a revolutionary
that Neo-Confucianism was best suited to respond to t
already established centralized civil administration, he sa
fucianists rarely gave "much thought to the seizing an
power or the founding of new dynasties, yet often they fo
serving as custodians of a power and managers of a stat
themselves created."99 Did the Korean Neo-Confucianists of the late four
teenth and early fifteenth centuries find it necessary to look beyond the
tenets of Chengzhu Neo-Confucianism to find answers to the problems
inherent in establishing a new dynasty and creating a new institutional
framework? Certainly this would help explain why Chông To-jon turned
to legalist sources of inspiration in his attempt to put the new dynasty on a
solid institutional footing, and why Ha Yun or Kwôn Kün felt compelled
to defend the practice of belles lettres in order to maintain Korea's high
level of cultural accomplishment and ensure the new dynasty's respect
ability in the conduct of diplomatic correspondence with Ming China. It
seems very likely that ideological consistency was subordinated to the
practical necessities of the Korean political circumstances of the late four
teenth and early fifteenth centuries.
There are, however, other issues that must be taken into consider
ation in explaining the eclectic nature of late-Koryô and early-Chosôn
intellectual history. One is the surprisingly strong persistence of Buddhist
practice and belief among members of the central official class in the early
Chosôn. Another is the revitalized Confucian discourse of the late Koryô,
which had its beginnings among such thirteenth-century komun stylists as
Ch'oe Cha. It is also important to note that these changes in intellectual
attitudes initially came about in tandem with major political changes in
Korea—the demise of military rule and the restoration of power to the
civil branch of government. Thus, despite the almost universally accepted
view that the revival of interest in Confucianism was the consequence of
An Hyang's introduction of Zhu Xi's teachings in the late thirteenth cen
tury, the actual resurgence of Korean interest in Confucianism and the
98 DUNCAN
beginnings o
began decad
imported Ch
basic parame
fucianism in
nings of the
surprise that
eclectic appro
NOTES
1.John B. Duncan, "The Social Background to the Founding of the Chosón

Dynasty: Change or Continuity?" Journal of Korean Studies 6 (1988-89): 39-79.
2. See Yi Sang-baek, Yijo kónguk üi yôngu (Seoul: Oryu munhwasa, 1948), pp.
163-176.
3. For a thorough critique of this interpretation, see James B. Palais, "Han
Yông-u's Studies of Early Chosón Intellectual History," Journal of Korean Studies 2
(1980): 199-224.
4. Kim Ch'ung-yôl, Koryô yuhaksa (Seoul: Koryô taehakkyo, 1987), p. 409.
5. Martina Deuchler, The Confucian Transformation of Korea: A Study of Soci
ety and Ideology (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992), p. 92.
6. Ibid., pp. 24-27.
7. Ibid., p. 127.
8. Yi T'ae-jin, Chosón yugyo sahoeron (Seoul: Chishik sanôpsa, 1989), pp.
74-75.
9. For a concise presentation of this view, see Edwin O. Reischauer and John K.
Fairbank, East Asia: The Great Tradition (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960), pp. 220
222, 235-241. This view seems to have been informed largely by Naito Konan's depic
tion of fundamental sociopolitical change between the Tang and the Song, and by Feng
Yu-lan's studies on Chinese intellectual history, which focused on Chengzhu philo
sophical thought and its origins.
10. See Peter K. Bol, "This Culture of Ours": Intellectual Transitions in T'ang
and Sung China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992).
11. Yi Pyóng-do, Hanguksa chungse p'yôn (Seoul: Üryu munhwasa, 1977), p.
227.
12. Pak Sông-hwan, "Yugyo," Hanguksa non 2 (1977): 257-261.

13. Edward J. Shultz, "Twelfth Century Koryô: Merit and Birth" (paper pre
sented at the annual meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, Washington D.C.,
5 April 1992), p. 26-27.
14. Im Ch'un, Sóha chip 5: 8b, in Koryô myônghyôn chip, vol. 2 (Seoul: Kyón
gin munhwasa, 1973).
15. Cho Dong-il, Hanguk munhak t'ongsa (Seoul: Chishik sanôpsa, 1982), vol.
2, pp. 18-23.
16. The fourteenth-century examination system featured a series of reforms and
reversals. Poetry was reinstated in 1327, then relegated to secondary status in 1344,
when a three-tiered examination format emphasizing classics and policy questions was
adopted. Poetry was revived in 1362, abandoned again in 1369, and restored once more
in 1376, when chief examiner Hong Chung-són tested examinees on poetry and rhyme
prose. This process is described in the Koryósa 73: 11 a—12b. For discussion of the late
Koryó examination system, see Yi Sông-mu, "The Influence of N

Education and the Civil Service Examination System in Fourteenth
tury Korea," in The Rise of Neo-Confucianism in Korea, ed. by W
Bary and JaHyun Kim Haboush (New York: Columbia Universit
146-148.
17. Yi Sung-in, Toün chip 4: 12b. See also the comments by Yi Saek at Mogün
chip 7: 26b or the remonstrance official's memorial in Koryôsa chóryo 31: 2a.
18. Yi Sông-mu, "Influence of Neo-Confucianism," pp. 148-149.
19. Chosen sôtokufu, Chôsenshi, 37 vols. (Seoul: Chosenshi henshükai, 1932—
40), part 4, vol. 3, p. 311.
20. There does seem to be reason to suspect that by the late fifteenth century the
Neo-Confucian literati attack on belle lettres had broadened to include komun-style
writers. Yang Sông-ji was one of the targets of the Neo-Confucian literati, but appears
to have been committed to the komun style, as seen in his 1472 memorial calling for
the first stage of the higher examination to include Su Dongpo, Han Yu, and Liu
Zongyuan. Nulje chip 4: 31a-b.
21. In his lengthy memorial regarding the examination system Kwôn Kün
argues that literary scholarship is important for composing diplomatic documents and
also for hosting Chinese envoys. T'aejong shillok 13: 14a-15b.
22. This point of view is summarized by Yi Ki-baek, Hanguksa shillon (Seoul:
Ilchogak, 1990), p. 268.
23. See Yi Sang-baek, Hanguk munhwasa yôngu nongo (Seoul: Üryu mun
hwasa, 1984 [reprint of 1947 original]); Han U-gün, "Yômal sônch'o üi pulgyo
chóngch'aek," Seoul tae nonmun chip 6 (1957): 1-80; and Han U-gün, "Sejongjo e
issóso üi taebul chóngch'aek," Chindan hakpo 25-27 (1964): 67-154.
24. Although the p'algwanhoe has conventionally been regarded as a Buddhist
ceremony, perhaps because its name derived from the Buddhist doctrine of Eight Pro
hibitions (p'algwan chaegye), the ceremony actually centered in the worship of the
various spirits of heaven, the mountains, and the rivers. Such content suggests links
with the shamanist tradition.
25. See Hô's Koryó pulgyosa yóngu (Seoul: Ilchogak, 1986), especially chap. 1,
"Koryô sahoe üi pulgyo-chôk kiban." See also Deuchler, The Confucian Transforma
tion of Korea, pp. 29-87.
26. John B. Duncan, "The Late Koryô: A Buddhist Aristocracy?" (paper pre
sented at the annual meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, Washington D.C.,
5 April 1992).
27. Edward W. Wagner, The Literati Purges: Political Conflict in Early Yi Korea
(Cambridge: East Asian Research Center, Harvard University, 1974). The evidence
here appears mostly in terms of official attempts to limit the influence of Buddhism
and the difficulties these attempts encountered. See, for example, pp. 34-35 for rever
sals of anti-Buddhist measures in 1492.
28. See Han U-gün, "Yômal sónch'o üi pulgyo chóngch'aek."
29. The complexity of religious life in early Chosôn times is also noted by
Deuchler, The Confucian Transformation of Korea, p. 175.
30. Ho Hüng-shik, Koryô pulgyosa yôngu, pp. 416-417.
31. Yi Sang-baek, Hanguk munhwasa yôngu nongo, pp. 104-182.
32. Chosenshi, part 4, vol. 4, p. 268.
33. Ibid., p. 282.
34. Ibid., p. 286.
35. Ibid., p. 245.
100 DUNCAN
36. T'aejo shill

37. Michael Ka
Early Yi Dynast
by de Bary and
38. Andong Kw
monk is also no
39. Yi Saek, M
40. Chosenshi,
41. Sông Hyôn,
kosho kankokai
42. Sông Hyôn
43. Chósenshi,
44. Chosenshi,
45. Chosenshi,
46. We cannot
launched by me
Buddhism, for e
confirmation o
inconsistent att
environment of
still widely acc
brother being
Kün," pp. 94-98
Neo-Confuciani
and complex sit
ditioning of phi
47. Ibid., p. 10
48. Yi Song-mu
49. Chosenshi,
50. Chosenshi,
51. Chosenshi,
52. See his disc
tions in Shigu c
53. Ibid., p. 4a.
54. See Hoyt Cleveland Tillman, Utilitarian Confucianism: Ch 'en Liang !s Chal
lenge to Chu Hsi (Cambridge: Harvard East Asia Monographs, 1982), pp. 45-46, for a
concise discussion of the differences between Zhu and Su.
55. Wm. Theodore de Bary, Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy and the Learning of the
Mind-and-He art (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), pp. 15-16.
56. Bol, "This Culture of Ours, " pp. 338-339.
57. See de Bary's discussion of the Yuan debate over the examination system in
Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy, pp. 14—20, 38-60.
58. Chông To-jôn, in his preface to Yi Sung-in's literary collection, states that Yi
Che-hyôn was the first to practice komun in Korea. See Toün chip 1: 2a.
59. See, for example, Chông Ok-ja, "Yômal Chuja sôngnihak üi toip e taehan
shigo," Chindan hakpo 51 (April 1981): 29-54.
60. Yi Che-hyôn, Yôgong p 'aesôl, chônjip 1: 13a-b.
61. See de Bary, Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy, pp. 38-44.
62. Yi Che-hyôn, Yôgong p'aesôl, sübyu 4a.
63. Yi Che-hyôn, Ikchae nango 3: lia.
64. Koryôsa 110: 41b.

65. Cho Dong-il, Hanguk munhak t'ongsa, vol. 1, pp. 340-393.
66. See Yu Ch'ang-gyu, "Koryô muin chônggwôn shidae üi mu
Insôk: Komun chonjung/kyesüng kwa kwallyón hayó," Tonga yông
171-193.
67. See Kim Tang-t'aek, Koryô muin chônggwôn yôngu (Seoul: Saemunsa,
1987), pp. 202-21.
68. Ch'oe Cha, Pohan chip, sô la-2b, in Koryô myônghyôn chip, vol. 2 (Seoul:
Kyóngin munhwasa, 1973).
69. Ch'oe Cha, Pohan chip 1: 9b.
70. See Yi Wón-myóng, "Koryô sóngnihak suyong üi sasang chôk paegyông"
(Ph.D. dissertation, Koryô taehakkyo, 1992), pp. 53-55, for discussion of Ch'oe Cha's
critical attitude toward changgu scholars.
71. Ch'oe Cha, Pohan chip 1: la.
72. See Kim Ku's biography in Koryôsa 106: 12a.
73. Ch'oe Cha, Pohan chip 1: 4a.
74. Ibid., p. 6a.
75. Ibid., p. 10a.
76. Ibid., pp. la-2b.
77. See Koryôsa 120: 14a.
78. Koryôsa 74: 31b.
79. Kwôn Kün, Mogün chip, haengsang 3b-4a.
80. Tillman, Utilitarian Confucianism, p. 45.
81. Yi Saek, Mogün chip 9: 4a-b.
82. Ha Yun, P'oün sônsaeng shi kwôn, sô l:a.
83. Kim Chong-jik, Chômp'iljae munjip 1: 46a-b.
84. Yi Pyông-hyu argues that Kim Chong-jik's interest in literature made him a
transitional figure, with one foot in the belletrist camp and the other in the classicist
(kyônghak) camp: Chosôn chôngi kiho sarimp'a yôngu (Seoul: Ilchogak, 1983), pp.
29-30. Kim Chong-jik may very well have been a transitional figure, but not between
the Han-Tang-style belletrists and the tohak scholars represented by Cho Kwang-jo;
rather he seems to represent a transition from komun to tohak.
85. ChOsenshi, part 4, vol. 4, p. 692.
86. Cho Dong-il, Hanguk munhak t'ongsa, vol. 3, pp. 346-355; quotation from
p. 354.
87. Yang Song-ji, Nulje chip 4: 31a-b.
88. See Martina Deuchler, "Neo-Confucianism: The Impulse for Social Action
in Early Yi Korea," Journal of Korean Studies 2 (1980): 81-82.
89. See Deuchler, "Neo-Confucianism," p. 81, for a summary of Pyôn's political
thought.
90. Chai-sik Chung, "Chông To-jôn: Architect of Yi Dynasty Government and
Ideology," in The Rise of Neo-Confucianism in Korea, ed. de Bary and Haboush, pp.
67-69.
91. Deuchler examines such legislative efforts and their effect on Korean society
at length in The Confucian Transformation of Korea.
92. There is also the possibility of a Merit and Profit tendency in late Koryô
and early Chosôn. Evidence of this can be found in Yi Kok's 1347 lamentation that
"throughout the country from the royal palace in the national capital down to the dis
tricts and counties, the fashion is to give first priority to Merit and Profit [kongni] and
to treat moral suasion as a sideline [ydsa]." Kajông chip 5: lb. Elsewhere, in a discus
102 DUNCAN
sion of state po
Profit ideas re
though we migh
ening the milit
and decay of th
the presence of
scholarship, Kw
teous, and did n
ion." Mogün ch
John Dardess
among reform
Aspects of Pol
Press, 1973), p.
frequent trips t
be no surprise
have yet to fin
with Merit and
influences. This
ion may have b
93. De Bary an
94. De Bary, N
95. See, for ex
yuhak suyong
96. Quoted in
97. See Bol's ar
John W. Chaff
Press, 1989).
98. See, for ex
(Seoul: Ilchisa,
99. De Bary an

Confucianism's Influence on Late Koryŏ and Early Chosŏn Dynasties

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Confucianism in the Late Koryŏ and Early Chosŏn

Author(s): John Duncan

son was supposedly carried out by Neo-Confucian

transition from Tang to Song present a more complicat

The Han-Tang Buddhist-Confucian Tradition

The reasons for the persistence of belletrist scholarship

Buddhism in the Late Koryô and Early Choson

anti-Buddhist activities appear to demarcate a sharp b

Many scholars have explained the early persistence of Budd

a brother in the Buddhist clergy.39 Both Kwôn Kün's

Those historians who do acknowledge the persistence of rel

LINKS BETWEEN BUDDHISM AND HAN-TANG SCHOLARSHIP

We have other evidence that seems to link the survival of Buddhist

early Chosôn may represent a continuation of the old Han-

Certain aspects of Yi Che-hyôn's thought do seem to reflect strong

On the basis of these remarks, Yi Che-hyôn does a

Although Ch'oe Cha still emphasized literary talent, i

When T'aejo first founded the dynasty amid continuous fighting, he re

Although Ch'oe Cha does not appear to have been moun

tice only the

It seems clear that these thinkers' emphasis on the role of literature is

Kim Chong-jik's deprecation of ornate literature and textual exege

Perhaps it will help us gain a better perspective on the tensions in late

sixteenth century, when men like Ki Tae-süng, Yi Hwan

1.John B. Duncan, "The Social Background to the Founding of the Chosón

12. Pak Sông-hwan, "Yugyo," Hanguksa non 2 (1977): 257-261.

Koryó examination system, see Yi Sông-mu, "The Influence of N

36. T'aejo shill

64. Koryôsa 110: 41b.

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