‘Myth’ as a Historical Basis of the Meru Folktales 35

Speranza Muthoni Ndege , Nairobi

‘Myth’ as a Historical Basis of the Meru Folktales

Introduction: Background History of the Ameru

Historical accounts of the origin of the Ameru 1 state that this Bantu speaking
group originated from the Northern part of Africa and not from the Congo
forest as was earlier believed. The Bantu love for livestock keeping, farming,
organized social, political and religious institutions leaves one to wonder
whether this group would have been comfortable living in the rain forest. Be-
sides this, Congo forest is inhabited by the Pygmy species, which means the
Bantu would have interacted or socialized a great deal with them leaving visible
traces of their contact. During my field research not a single informant men-
tioned Congo forest or the Pygmies.
The Ameru trace their origin from the North. According to the informants,
the Ameru have always been agriculturalists. This means they must have orig-
inated from an area where the climate was conducive for farming and livestock
keeping. There is no evidence to refute the possibility that the land along the
Nile valley had been the most appropriate area for them. A. M. M’Imanyara
(1992) states that the Ameru belonged to the Meroitic peoples who lived in the
present Gezira region between the Blue Nile and Atbara. In ancient times this
was known as ‘Island of Meroe’. It had large quantities of iron-ore and plenty
of wood, which was used to smelt iron and cook. It was also sold to Egypt.
Perhaps this explains why the Ameru engage in the blacksmith profession (see
story 1).
D. Nyaga (1997) states that the Meru people could be the descendants of the
black Jews called Felasha, who lived in the northern environs of lake Tana in the
land known as Meroe, which lay between the river Atbara and what is known
today as Blue Nile, in the South of Egypt. The ancient Meroe, as well as other
ancient zones like Nubia and Kush, which were adjacent to Meroe, are today re-
gions of Sudan. The Jews lived in the Elephantine area of the Nile basin and this
was within the influence of the Meroitic people. The Jewish ‘myth’ mentions
that their leader Moses got his wife from among the Cushites (Exodus 2, 15–22)
who, too, lived among the Meroetes. Nyaga cites ex-chief M’Anampiu from
Mikinduri in Tigania as having told him that originally the Meru people were
called Ameroe, and that the name Meru came into full use at Meru, Arusha.

1
Meru is the land occupied by the Meru people. Ameru refers to the people them-
selves, who are referred to as Meru people or the Ameru.
Fabula 43. Band (2002) Heft 1/2
36 Speranza Muthoni Ndege

Ancient Egyptians named the kingdom that lay to the south Cush. The in-
habitants of Meroe referred to Egypt as Misiri. Abyssinia was a word used by
the Greeks to designate the highlands of present-day Ethiopia. The Greeks
used the name Ethiopia generally to refer to the black people along the Nile
valley because it appeared to them as if their faces were burnt. Later the name
Ethiopia replaced Abyssinia while Sudan, which is a name of Arabic origin, re-
placed Cush and Meroe. In the Island of Meroe lived the Cushites, the Ame-
roe, the Axumites, the Nubians, and other groups. Cushitic traits that can be
found among the Ameru are, for example, the age-grade system, drinking
blood from the necks of animals after piercing them with arrows, and circum-
cision of both males and females (M’Imanyara 1992, 50).
Between 1000–1300 A.D., Christianity and Islam spread in the northern and
southern regions but the Meroetes resisted both religions. The Arabs, who
were basically Muslims, crossed the Red Sea and settled in these regions, giv-
ing rise to racialism. This and the religious pressure caused the Meroetes to mi-
grate southwards. The Arabs managed to spread Islam to the areas along the
river Nile, a process that is said to have taken six hundred years. They also in-
troduced slave trade which was targeted towards the non-Muslims, most of
whom were black Africans.

The Bantu migration southwards

The non-Muslim inhabitants of Meroe had no choice but to migrate along with
other ethnic groups such as the Aembu (Mwaniki 1973), Agikuyu, Abaluhyia,
Abagusii, Akamba, Abakuria, Kalenjin (M’Imanyara 1992). These groups
trekked southwards through Sudan to Uganda/ Northwest Kenya, down to
Lake Baringo where they left the Kalenjins and proceeded towards Mt. Elgon.
The Abaluhyia, the Abagusii, and the Abakuria were left in this region as the
rest of the group proceeded towards Tanzania into the Arusha and Mt. Kil-
imanjaro areas. These were the Meru (of Tanzania) and Chagga peoples, re-
spectively. The name Ameroe had been discarded on the way and Meru was in
use. The rest of the group proceeded towards the Coast and settled briefly at
Kilindini (the Ameru word kirindi means people). The people dispersed to dif-
ferent directions once again with some groups trekking southwards to Zambia,
Malawi, Zulu, Zimbabwe and so on. The rest, who consisted of Ameru,
Aembu, Akamba, Agikuyu, and others went northwards leaving some of them
at the coast, who became the present Taita, Taveta, and Giriama. They pro-
ceeded through Mtito-Andei, leaving the Akamba in this area, and further up
into the areas of Machakos and Kitui. They came to the river Tana, crossed and
settled at a place known as Igaironi (some people refer to it as Kigairo [dispers-
al point]) in Tharaka region on the side of Marimanti. At Igaironi, the Ameru,
Aembu and Agikuyu dispersed to their respective places.
In this paper, the term ‘myth’ shall not be used; rather I choose to use ‘his-
torical creative account’. The reason for this preference is that the Ameru nar-
 ‘Myth’ as a Historical Basis of the Meru Folktales 37

rative of origin is neither myth nor history but a mixture of the two. ‘Histori-
cal’ because it happened in the past. ‘Creative’ is deliberately used because this
history has been transmitted orally from one generation to another throughout
the ages – hence there is a possibility of addition or detraction of information –
and ‘account’ because of the narrative aspect.

‘Myth’ as a Historical Basis for the Meru Folktales

“It was so from the beginning,” said Benson M’Mitambo, a 77-year-old in-
formant. “Our great-grand parents used to do it.” These were his responses
during a story-telling session whenever he could not find an appropriate
answer to reasons for persistent Meru customs and traditional beliefs. The
question here is which Meru customs, practices and traditional beliefs have
persisted today? Can they be found in the Meru folktales? Are they reflected in
the ‘historical creative account’ of the origin of the Ameru (which includes
their long trek and settlement in their present area)? If the Meru folktales con-
tain important cultural elements that are consequently reflected in the ‘histori-
cal creative account’, am I justified to infer that the ‘historical creative account’
is the basis for the Meru folktales?
In story 12 the blacksmith profession is criticized because it deprives the
women and children of the comfort of a husband and father who in this par-
triarchal society is the source of security. The ogre’s pretence to provide as-
sistance reflects foreign intruders who are more of opportunists than helpers,
as is the case with Iri who wants to disintegrate the group in historical creative
account 2. On the other hand the blacksmith profession was highly respected
as they made weapons for self-defence from both wild animals and raiders,
represented here by the ogre. To this day blacksmiths produce spears, knives
(nciu), shields (rong’o), jingles for dances (ibere), and hoes (macembe). This
has remained an exclusively male profession. Prevalence of the man over the
ogre is not unusual in Meru society because the man, as the supreme authority
of the nuclear family, is always portrayed as strong and the woman as weak and
helpless. Roles in this patriarchal society were clearly defined and its members
were not expected to deviate from the pattern. These role models have re-
mained unaltered to this day, despite the efforts by certain organizations.
In story 5 the girls are keeping birds off their millet when Hare (Gapuku)
comes to them dancing beautifully. The girls are mesmerized by the dancing
and forget about their millet. This is what Hare has planned in order to enable
the monkeys (maruki) to feed on the millet. Story 2 also mentions that the mil-
let is guarded by a little girl. Millet is an indigenous subsistence crop that has
persisted over the ages. It is a favorite of the birds which have to be kept off by
use of slings and stones until the crop is ready for harvest. For obvious rea-

2
For summaries of stories and historical creative accounts cited in this paper see the
Appendix.
38 Speranza Muthoni Ndege

sons, the tradition of keeping birds off the millet garden has persisted to pres-
ent day. The historical creative account 5 states that among the Ameru who
fled from Mbwaa, there was a madwoman who picked seeds of all kinds in-
cluding millet, tied them together and hid them under her inner clothes. On
reaching their settlement area people were curious to know the reason for the
barge under the woman’s inner clothes and found the seeds. Since that time
these crops have been cultivated. In the historical creative account 4 the nar-
rator says that all types of seeds grown today in Meru including millet were
given to the Ameru on Mt. Sinai just before they fled. Millet is grown in the
warmer southern and southeastern parts of Meru. More than any other sub-
sistence crop, millet flour is very nutritious and is fed to babies, children, sick
persons, nursing mothers and the old people. Initiates are frequently nour-
ished on millet porridge during their seclusion period. In functions such as
marriage ceremonies, millet porridge is served as a delicacy. This porridge is
ground using two stones, a skill that is taught to girls only and which is still
common today. Millet is also used to make the local brew (marua), a favourite
of the old people.
Historical creative account 3 states that as the Ameru trekked along river
Tana on their way to their present settlement, they came across ripe bananas
that were a favorite of the monkeys. They took to eating them, too, as they
were plenty and grew wildly. Bananas became and still are a major subsistence
crop. They are mentioned in story 3 where Hare takes his friend Hyena to a
banana plantation owned by Lion. The ripe bananas are so sweet that Hyena
cannot stop eating, and this greed and lack of self-control leads to his death.
In the introduction above, circumcision is mentioned as having been prac-
ticed by the Cushites as well as the Ameroe. Historical creative account 3
implies that the Ameru have always practiced circumcision. Circumcision also
plays a major role in story 5 where Hare promises Lion some tasty flesh and
tricks the monkeys into believing that they are getting initiated to adulthood.
The monkeys’ question what they should do to get circumcised reveals the ig-
norance of the members of the community when it comes to specific cultural
practices. Certain secrets are told only to the initiates during the period of se-
clusion, and the uninitiated boys and girls have to wait until their time. The
Kiama or council of elders (historical account 2), and the Njuri-Ncheke (his-
torical account 1) have secrets only known to them. It is therefore not surpris-
ing to find the monkeys ignorant of how circumcision is done. During my field
research two of my informants lowered their voices and talked in whispers
while explaining to me how the traditional circumcision of boys was done. If it
were known that they had disclosed such information, they would have to pay
a fine (in form of a goat) to the Mwiriga (clan elders). Others refused to talk
about it because I am a woman. Circumcision of boys is practiced in all sec-
tions of the Meru community. There are two types of circumcision, the tradi-
tional and the modern method. The latter came into being due to formal edu-
cation and Christian influence. This method is prevalent today; parents take
 ‘Myth’ as a Historical Basis of the Meru Folktales 39

their children to hospital where surgery is done under local anesthesia. Tradi-
tional circumcision is carried out by a traditional surgeon and without anes-
thesia. At first, this brought a lot of conflict and friction among those circum-
cised in the hospital and those circumcised according to traditional methods.
The two groups could not talk to each other or mix in communal functions. A
song was composed about those circumcised in hospital:

Hii kiroge, hii kiroge kiarogerwe Chogoria Kiroge

Na kaciu ka mukunjo I kiroge.
(Those that have been circumcised under local anesthesia,
Those that have been circumcised under local anesthesia,
The operation was done at Chogoria using a penknife, yes, under local
anesthesia.)

This was a great insult to the second group, especially the mention of local an-
esthesia, which implied that they were cowards and could not endure pain, and
of the penknife, implying that the operation was small, incomplete and insig-
nificant. One informant told me that the crucial aspect in circumcision is the
education or instruction given to the initiates during seclusion which will en-
able them to control their future behavior as responsible individuals. Accord-
ing to this informant, such instruction is not given to those circumcised in hos-
pital, hence there is no difference in behavior between them and little boys. He
went further to say that this was the reason why today young men were man-
nerless, lacked respect for adults, were rude and disobedient to their parents,
took drugs and strong wine, raped women, stole and so forth. They had dis-
carded the traditional education.
Cunning, craftiness and trickery as employed by Hare are also reflected in
the historical creative accounts 1 and 2 when Koomenjue and the other elders
prove their capability to fulfill the demands of the Nguu ntuune (the words lit-
erally mean red clothes – but perhaps the Ameroe referred to the colour of the
skin of an ethnic group, presumably the Arabs) to buy their release from bond-
age. It is evident that Hare and Koomenjue share similar trickster character-
istics (note that Koome is a Kimeru word for ‘the clever or intelligent one’).
Display of wisdom and use of intelligence were encouraged by these tales, as
such qualities were instrumental in overcoming difficulties, calamities or
crises, be they individual or communal. Foolishness was discouraged, and in
most tales the foolish would get into trouble.
The Ameru as owners of cattle figure in the historical creative account 2,
which tells that they left captivity with their cattle, sheep, goats, and all their
belongings. In story 8 there is reference to a village suffering attacks from
raiders (maitha) who take their livestock. The Ameru were used to these fre-
quent attacks in their original homeland (historical creative accounts 3 and 4),
and this situation continued in their present area of settlement where they were
suffering attacks from the Dorobo, the Maasai, and the Shiftas. In traditional
society these frequent raids led to the establishment of an army of strong
40 Speranza Muthoni Ndege

young warriors who were supposed to defend the community. Historical cre-
ative account 3 states that the Ameru who settled in Tigania, Igembe and other
parts of Meru North drove out the original inhabitants of the area, most of
whom were Maasai. Others intermarried with them, which accounts for places
and people in Tigania region that today are bearing Maasai names.
The wars the Ameru fought while in Meroe, the harsh conditions and suf-
ferings during their bondage under Nguuntune, the long trek to their present
settlement, and the invasions by the Dorobo and Maasai hardened them so
much that they developed a fierceness which is characteristic of them. This is
already evidenced by Koomenjue and the elders who show no sign of fear
when they demand their release from Nguuntune (historical creative accounts 1
and 4) or by Gaita’s voluntary sacrificial offer (account 1). The Ameru were
encouraged to endure pain and not to show any sign of weakness. Thus the girl
whose parents die and who goes to live with her aunt (story 2) endures hunger
and sleeps on the cold floor but does not reveal her identity to anyone. The
Ameru are said to be hot-tempered, harsh and fearless. One informant at-
tributed these traits to their intermarriage with the Maasai who are said to be
hostile, and especially to the Ameru from Tigania and Igembe in Meru North
where this kind of intermarriage was rampant.
As the Ameru settled in their present area, the raiders not only took their
cattle but also captured their women, as one informant told me. The captured
women would sometimes escape and find their way back home. Girls were
cautioned against entertaining or associating with strangers lest they be spies
from the enemy side. The beautiful girl in story 4 who refuses marriage pro-
posals of the young men from her region ends up with an ogre as a bride-
groom. As a result of her disobedience, she not only suffers embarrassment
when upon her return she is faced with the same young men she had refused to
marry but also misses death narrowly. Girls were encouraged to get married to
men from families that were well-known to their parents. Moreover, it was
character that was expected from a future wife or husband, not good looks, as
is illustrated by the Kiswahili proverb “Uzuri wa mwanamke si sura ni tabia”
(A beautiful woman is judged by her character and not by physical looks).
In traditional Meru society, the practice of medicine and divination was a re-
vered institution. It was headed by a Muga (seer or diviner, sometimes known
as a medicine man). He fortold the future and gave advice that protected the in-
terests of both the individual and the community at large. Historical creative
accounts 1, 2, and 5 tell of Gaita’s/ Murorua’s entrails having been used for
divination in a public cause. In story 6 Porcupine and Leopard seek the medi-
cine man’s advice as the best way to solve their problems. There are still people
today who consult persons believed to be endowed with supernatural powers
enabling them to foretell the future or to give special advice.
The naming system is a crucial trait of traditional society. It was believed that
a child would inherit the behaviour of the person after whom she/he was
named. In story 1 an ogre comes to assist the blacksmith’s wife to deliver her
 ‘Myth’ as a Historical Basis of the Meru Folktales 41

baby. The child has got to be named after someone; and in this case the most
appropriate person is the ogre. The same naming system is also mentioned in
historical creative account 3 where Ciangoi, the mother of Chuka, gives birth
to other children and because there are no relatives around, she names her
children after animals. This system of naming children after certain persons is
still in existence today.
In traditional society, communal work was encouraged, both for sociali-
zation of its members as well as for making work lighter. Individualism was
discouraged as leading to a break of tribal customs and resulting in strange so-
cial behaviour. In story 7, Hare refuses to join the others in carrying out a com-
munal project that is of vital importance for the survival of the members of the
community. Hare’s individualistic tendencies are a drawback for a society that
has to protect its members from environmental calamities. The same individ-
ualistic element can be detected in historical account 3 when Ciangoi divorces
herself from the community only to break the treasured customs by commit-
ting incest, changing the naming system and using a foreign method of circum-
cision. The Ameru have continued to discourage individualism as it brings
about selfishness and a carefree attitude, especially in the children.

Conclusion
It is evident that the Meru folktales contain elements that are reflected in the
historical creative account about the origin of the Ameru. These elements are
the stronghold of Meru culture as they comment on the customs, practices and
traditional beliefs. The presence of these cultural elements within the folktales
and similar ones being reflected in the historical creative accounts explains the
reason for their persistence in present Meru society. The Meru folktale can
therefore trace its roots from the historical creative account. This brings us
back to Mitambo’s statement, “It was so from the beginning.”

Bibliography
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Fakhry, Ahmad: The Pyramids. Chicago 1961.
Finnegan, Ruth: Oral Literature in Africa. Oxford 1970.
Jones, B.: Ui wijii Atia (Oh! What Is It that You Know?). Nairobi 1970.
Kabira, Wanjiku Mukabi: The Oral Artist. Nairobi 1983.
Kenyatta, Jomo: Facing Mount Kenya. Nairobi 1938.
Matti, G.N.M.: Sanaa za Maonyesho za Kiafrika za Jadi. Mfano wa Tohara Ya Watharaka
(The African Culture and Traditions: A Case Study of the Tharaka Circumcision
Rite). PhD thesis Moi University, Eldoret, Kenya 1993.
Mbiti, J.S.: Kamba Stories. London 1966.
M’Imanyara, Alfred M.: The Restatement of Bantu Origin and Meru History. Nairobi
1992.
Muriuki, Godfrey: A History of the Kikuyu. Nairobi 1974.
Mwaniki, Henry S.K.: The Living History of Embu and Mbeere. Nairobi 1973.
id.: Embu Historical Texts. Kampala/ Nairobi/ Dar es-Salaam 1974.
42 Speranza Muthoni Ndege

Nyaga, D.: Customs and Traditions of the Meru. Nairobi 1997.

Ochieng’, William Robert: A Pre-colonial History of the Gusii of Western Kenya, c.
A.D. 1500 to 1914. Kampala 1974.

Appendix:
Summaries of oral stories and historical creative accounts
cited in this paper 3
Story 1
A blacksmith went to smith in a faraway land leaving his wife pregnant. While he was
away, his wife gave birth to a baby. The ogre assisted her to deliver. It was the custom for
a woman to be assisted by fellow women. The child was named after the person who de-
livered the child. The wife was sick and weak. Every day, an ogre would come to the
woman’s hut to cook, and when the woman reached out for the food, the ogre would
quickly snatch it from her and say, “Oh! You have refused, I shall eat for you.” The
woman grew very thin but there was nothing she could do, as she was helpless and weak.
One day, a weaverbird came to the homestead in search of food. The woman asked it
to deliver a message to her husband, and Weaverbird agreed in exchange for some millet.
Weaverbird flew and flew and finally arrived at the place the blacksmiths were working.
Weaverbird sat on the closest tree and sang:
Muturi ugutura ii kangara
Mukoku aguciara ii kangara
Arerwa ni kirimarimu ii kangara, ii kangara
(Blacksmith smithing away ii kangara
your wife has given birth ii kangara
She is being assisted by an ogre ii kangara, ii kangara 4 ).
The blacksmiths threw stones at the bird several times to chase it away but the bird al-
ways returned. Finally the blacksmiths listened and understood the message. The hus-
band immediately returned home. When he arrived, the ogre had gone to collect fire-
wood. The wife told him the story, and the blacksmith was furious. He took his spear
and buried its tip in the hot ashes until it was red-hot. Then he hid in the gitara [a semi-
ceiling kind of place where household items and sometimes firewood are kept]. In the
evening, the ogre came home. “Uuuuu! Mother of Namesake let me make some fire, I
cook some food for you. Sniff, sniff, sniff, Mother of Namesake, this house smells man,”
said the ogre. The woman, however, denied. The ogre cooked, snatched the food from
the woman and ate himself. The blacksmith had witnessed the whole scene. He picked
the red-hot spear, jumped down quickly and stabbed the ogre several times. The ogre
died.

Narrator: Samuel Gitandigi, aged 85, retired truck driver; village: Kianjogu, location:
Mitiine, district: Meru Central

3
The oral texts summarized here were recorded by the author since 1999 when she re-
gistered for her doctoral degree in Ghent university. All interviews have been carried
out personally by the author.
4
‘ii kangara’ denotes the sharp sound made by the blacksmith’s tools as they hit
against each other.
 ‘Myth’ as a Historical Basis of the Meru Folktales 43

Story 2
Long, long ago, there was a man, his wife and their little daughter. The father died. When
the mother was about to die, too, she told her daughter to go to her younger sister who
had plenty of food. So after her mother’s death the little girl went to her aunt’s home at
Nthangasi. But the aunt who had never met her niece gave her little food and made her
sleep on the bare floor by the fireside. The little girl was assigned the duty of chasing
birds from the millet garden. Every day, very early in the morning, she would go to
watch over the millet and start to sing:
Nderirwe, nderirwe ni bakua atiri,
Nthii kwa munini uria uri Nthangasi
Uria urugaga na bingi akathiira,
Na mukuru wawe mukuru, mukuru mukujii
Mukuru aba utintethia, nkirira kariine, nkimama kathetune
Oooooo! Ndutu na Nugu bukaria mugunda jwaitha.
(I was told, I was told by the dead ones,
I should go to live with my younger aunt, who lives at Nthangasi,
Who cooks so much food that it overflows from the pot,
And her husband, the old man is a witness,
You old man you cannot come to my rescue as I feed from the fireplace stone, as I sleep
on the bare floor,
Ooooo! Ndutu and Nugu 5 don’t feed on people’s millet.)
The little girl would sing this song from morning to evening. One day, an old man whose
garden was close heard the song and asked her to tell him about it. The little girl refused
to talk but when the old man insisted, she told him the whole story. He asked her to fol-
low him back to her aunt’s home and explained to the aunt about the song the little girl
sang every day. From that time on the child was given enough food and at night she
would sleep on a mat.

Narrator: Ithitu Phyllis, female, aged 67, shopkeeper (sells groceries); village: Kiraro, lo-
cation: Chogoria, district: Meru South

Story 3
6
Long, long ago, Hare and Hyena were friends . Hyena noticed that whenever Hare
went out to look for food, he would return home with plenty of ripe bananas in a
basket. Hyena asked Hare about it and Hare replied that he owned a banana plan-
tation. After having promised to keep the secret, Hyena was taken by Hare to the plan-
tation, but was warned to eat as fast as possible before the sun would reach quarter way
on the sky. They ate and ate and ate the bananas. Hare would eat one banana, then put
another one in his bag. Finally he told Hyena that they should go but Hyena did not
stop eating. The plantation belonged to Lion and Hare was getting uneasy. Hyena,
however, could not be persuaded to leave. Finally, Hare ran off, and Hyena kept eating
and eating. Whenever he was full, he would put his fingers in the mouth and vomit all

5
Ndutu and Nugu are the names of birds.
6
Hare is usually conceived as a female animal in East African tales; in the Meru tales,
however, Hare’s gender is uncertain as the Kimeru language lacks grammatical gender.
44 Speranza Muthoni Ndege

the bananas. Then he would start eating all over again. The sun reached quarter way.
Lion came to check on his plantation. “Ooouuuhhh!” he roared. “So you are the thief
who steals my bananas every day.” Before Hyena could open his mouth, he was held
by the neck and beaten to death.

Narrator: Benard Mbae, male, aged 25, school leaver, does odd jobs to earn money; vil-
lage: Kaguuma, location: Mitiine, district: Meru Central

Story 4

Once upon a time there was a girl who was so beautiful that every young man wanted
her for his wife. But she refused all of them and made rude remarks regarding their physi-
cal appearance. She found fault with every one of them. Her pride spread to faraway
lands, even to the land of the ogres. One ogre decided to try his luck and asked his friend
to accompany him. The two transformed themselves into handsome man. They appeared
in the village at the time of a dance. They danced better than anyone else. Every girl
wanted to dance with them. But their eyes were on the beautiful girl. They made sure
they kept her to themselves and asked her hand in marriage. She agreed.
Her grandmother cautioned her not to get married to any of them because they were
too handsome to be real. However, the girl said that if she didn’t marry any of them, she
would never get married. On the day she was to go to her suitors’ home, her little sister
decided to accompany the girls who were to escort the bride. The beautiful girl forbade
her to come with them but the little girl secretly followed. When she caught up with
them the distance they had covered was already too long to send her back. While they
were crossing a river and the two young men were jumping to the other side, the little girl
saw that their long hair covered a mouth at the back of their head. The little girl under-
stood that they were ogres. She continued to observe them and noticed that whenever a
flying insect would come near one of the young men, he would reach out for it and put it
under his long hair.
They passed seven rivers until they came to the land of the young men. They entered
the hut and were shown where to sit. The young men went out to look for food. The
little girl looked under the bed and saw human skulls. She said that she thought the
young men were ogres but was told to shut up by the bride. Night came. The young men
returned with food. Something made the suitor uncomfortable about the little girl but he
couldn’t determine what it was. The girls were shown where to sleep. One of the young
men walked out leaving the suitor to stay with the girls. He was going to invite other
ogres to come for a feast. In the middle of the night, the young man decided to swallow
the girls. They were all asleep, except the little girl who watched every movement of the
young man. He started to transform himself into an ogre. His feet changed into paws, the
long hair disappeared exposing the mouth at the back of his head. The little girl yawned
loudly and the ogre quickly changed back into a handsome young man. She told him she
was thirsty, but refused the water he brought her, telling him that it tasted frogs, and that
she didn’t drink water from a river unless no frog had ever been there.The young man
didn’t want to wake up the other girls, took a gourd and ran down to the nearest river.
The little girl woke up the other girls, showed them the bones under the bed and
quickly explained what she had seen. They rose up and started running in the direction
of their home. Meanwhile, the young man, now in ogre form, had walked from river to
river. Each time he would sing:
 ‘Myth’ as a Historical Basis of the Meru Folktales 45

Ndatumwa ni kaari ga cia ngataire ruuji ruti Kaura iuii,

Kaura iiuuii,
Kaura gamba nkwigue.
(I have been sent by my little sister to draw water from a river without frogs iiuui,
without frogs iiuuii,
Frog speak, I want to hear your voice.)

‘Croak! Croak!’ the frogs would reply. He went to several rivers. There was not a single
river without frogs. Finally he gave up. He ran home and found the other young man
who had returned with many ogre friends. As the girls were not in the hut they all started
to run in pursuit of them. Meanwhile, the girls were far off, still running. They looked
behind and could see dust at a distance. They understood that the ogres were chasing
after them and ran faster. When they could see their village, the ogres were almost catch-
ing up with them. The girls ran and ran. When they were entering the village; the ogres
were only a few steps behind them. The girls shouted. Their brothers heard them, picked
their spears and knives and killed the ogres.

Narrator: Ithitu Phyllis (see story 2)

Story 5

Narrator: “Gwata rugono” (Catch a story)

Recipient: “Ndagwata” (I catch it)

One day Hare (Gapuku) promised his friend Lion (Simba) some tasty meat. Hare went to
the forest and came to where the monkeys were. He insulted them as ‘uncircumcised
boys’ and pretended that war had been declared against the uncircumcised; and that they
therefore would have to leave the forest. The monkeys asked what they should do to get
circumcised and Hare promised to arrange for everything. Then Hare went to Lion and
told him to hide the next day by the mouth of a certain cave, while Hare would make the
monkeys jump where Lion would be.
The next day, all the monkeys came to be circumcised. Hare instructed them to line up
and jump over a stone one by one. Then Hare started to sing a circumcision song:

Ii mwana wa Kaguna tika ugukua nika ukuritwa ubisi.

Ii mwana wa Kaguna tika ugukua nika ukuritwa ubisi.
Ii mwana wa Kaguna tika ugukua nika ukuritwa ubisi.
Ii mwana wa Kaguna tika ugukua nika ukuritwa ubisi.
(Child of Mother monkey you are not dying you are getting initiated into manhood,
Child of Mother monkey you are not dying you are getting initiated into manhood,
Child of Mother monkey you are not dying you are getting initiated into manhood,
Child of Mother monkey you are not dying you are getting initiated into manhood.)

Hare would jump about singing, shaking his head, screaming, and turning round and
round as each monkey jumped. Meanwhile, Lion hid by the mouth of the cave. A mon-
key would jump; Lion would grab him, break his neck and throw the body inside the
cave. The monkeys were killed one after the other. But there was a small one-eyed mon-
key who was afraid of the circumciser’s knife. He kept on trying to have a glimpse of the
already circumcised monkeys and was shocked to catch sight of Lion’s hairy back. He
46 Speranza Muthoni Ndege

was the last one on the line and when his turn came, he ran off as fast as he could. He was
now alone. He gave birth 7. The monkeys multiplied.
One day, as Hare passed nearby, the monkeys caught him and told him that they were
going to kill him as a punishment for his crime. But Hare promised to take them to a
garden full of millet if they released him. They followed Hare to a garden where girls
were chasing birds away from the millet. He told them to eat as much as they wanted;
when they were satisfied, they should shout ‘nuu’ 8 as a signal to run off. Meanwhile Hare
distracted the girls by dancing for them, with leaves tied on his body. Suddenly, the girls
heard ‘nuu’ and saw the monkeys running off. They understood that Hare had tricked
them but they could not catch him.

Narrator: Benson M’Mitambo, male, aged 77, mason; village: Maceega; location: Cia-
kariga, district: Meru-Tharaka

Story 6
Narrator: “Gwata rugono” (Catch a story)
Recipient: “Ndagwata” (I catch it)

For a long time, Porcupine was living in a hollow of a huge tree that had fallen down.
There she gave birth to several children. One day, she went to get food and left the
children playing outside. Upon her return, the children told her excitedly that they had
played the whole day with some other children who lived at the other side of the tree and
whose mother was Leopard. Meanwhile, on the other side of the tree Leopard heard
about Porcupine and her children. That night neither Porcupine nor Leopard could sleep.
Porcupine was worried about her life and that of her children while Leopard was anxious
to feast on Porcupine’s children the next day.
Very early in the morning Porcupine went to the medicine man and explained the situ-
ation. The medicine man advised her to go back and get the children out of the place as
fast as possible. They should have moved out before the sun touched the middle of the
sky. Just as he was about to dismiss Porcupine, he heard footsteps outside and told Por-
cupine to jump on the gitara [ceiling]. It was Leopard who came to consult the medicine
man about how to avoid Porcupine’s curse when she ate her children. The medicine man
told Leopard to wait until the sun touched the middle of the sky. Leopard ran home fast,
while Porcupine decided to take a shorter route. On her way she found a juicy pumpkin.
She ate and ate, then she remembered her children. She started running once again, but
then she came to an arrowroot garden. She could not resist, and by the time she had
eaten her arrowroot, the sun was three quarters to the middle of the sky. Then she hur-
ried up, but there was a huge sweet potato on her way. She wanted to eat just a little, but
could not stop. By the time she was chewing the last bit, the sun had touched the middle
of the sky. The sun was past the middle of the sky when Porcupine arrived home. Leop-
ard had already eaten up her children.

Narrator: Basil Murungi, aged 45, high school teacher; village: Muringo Baine, location:
Mitiine, district: Meru Central

7
Meru society is patriarchal hence children belong to fathers. Therefore in day-to-day
conversation it is commonly said that men are giving birth which means that they
father.
8
‘Nuu’ is the sound made by monkeys.
 ‘Myth’ as a Historical Basis of the Meru Folktales 47

Story 7
Once upon a time a land was struck by famine. There was no water. The animals decided
to hold a meeting to sort out this problem. All animals met: King Lion, Elephant, Hyena,
Giraffe, Hare, Rhinoceros and all the others. They decided to dig a well. Hare refused to
cooperate. “I shall not dig but I shall still drink the water.” Every day the animals dug,
but Hare would lie on the grass basking in the sun. The animals were very angry with
Hare. When the well was finished, they decided to keep guard over it so that Hare
couldn’t draw any water.
On the first day, they asked Elephant to guard the well. Hare put some honey in a
gourd and came to the well to get some water. He told the Elephant that his own water
was much sweeter than the water from the well. Elephant was curious and asked Hare if
he could taste it. Hare smeared some honey on Elephant’s lips who had never tasted any-
thing so sweet in his life. Hare promised him more if he let himself be tied up. Elephant
agreed, Hare tied his hands and feet together, drank water from the well, and beat Ele-
phant thoroughly. He went away laughing.
The next day, the animals found Elephant all tied up. Now they asked Hyena to keep
watch. Hare came and tricked Hyena the same way he had done to Elephant. Every day a
different animal guarded the well and every time Hare tricked them the same way. Fi-
nally, it was Lion’s turn. Hare again tried his trick, but just as Hare was about to smear
some honey on Lion’s lips, Lion caught him. Hare was allowed to choose a method to be
killed. He asked to be burnt, but when the animals were just about to throw him into the
fire, he slipped from their hands and run away as fast as he could.

Narrator: Benson M’Mitambo (see story 5)

Story 8
There was once a man whose name was M’Muga. He had many cows. One day when he
was herding his cattle he saw a bird’s nest in a tree. As he was hungry he went to take the
eggs. When he was about to remove them from the nest he heard the bird’s voice asking
him to spare the eggs. But the man could not change his mind. He lit a fire and cooked
the eggs. The bird waited until the last egg was cooked, then flew away.
One day, when M’Muga was at home he sent his wife for water. She took a pot and
went to the river, but when she bent, a sweet voice began to sing:

Mwekuru uju wa ngino wa Njirune Aaai! Njirune.

Tanju ucionere Kanyoni aaii Kanyoni,
Kaimbi na ntugi, mikathi aaaii mikathi.
Siri twa siri na M’Muga aaai M’Muga.
(You woman, mother of Njirune,
Come and see a bird, yes, a bird.
All decorated with beads.
Me and M’Muga share a common secret.)

She saw a beautiful bird that was dancing, and this dance was the best she had ever seen.
She forgot everything else while she was watching. As she did not come back, M’Muga
sent a boy called Njirune to check on her. The bird saw the boy and sang a similar song,
this time addressing Njirune. The bird danced until Njirune forgot to pass the message to
his mother. M’Muga sent another child and the same thing happened again. When he had
sent all his other children he decided to follow. The bird saw M’Muga and danced better
48 Speranza Muthoni Ndege

than for the others, addressing M’Muga by his name in the song. The bird knew that
raiders were to attack the village and wanted to divert people’s attention. He danced and
danced. The raiders took all the cows and burnt the huts. The bird waited until the
raiders had driven out the cattle, then flew away. When the people came back to the vil-
lage, all the cattle was gone. Then M’Muga remembered the words in the song and
understood that the bird had taken his revenge.

Narrator: Ithitu Phyllis (see story 2)

Historical creative accounts

Account 1
The Mbwa tradition
The Mbwa tradition is the Meru people’s most popular reminiscence of their past his-
tory. It tells of how their ancestors were conquered by the Nguuntune (Red People) and
taken into captivity, in the direction of the rising sun to Mbwa (Yemen according to oral
tradition). The conditions in Mbwa were intolerable. Three times the Meru approached
the ruler of the Nguuntune and asked him to give them their freedom back. He refused
twice, but the third time, he said he would grant them freedom if they brought him a pair
of shoes made of leather covered by hair on both sides. The Meru leaders resolved the
problem by making him a pair of shoes from a bull’s dewlap (Mukooro). The king, how-
ever, issued a second condition: he wanted a calf whose dung was as white as chalk (ira).
The Meru took a calf and gave it nothing else but water for seven days, and on the eighth
day, they started giving it specially prepared diatomite until its dung became white. But
the king then confronted them with another problem to solve: he dropped a ball into a
deep hole and asked the Meru leaders to remove it without touching it. The Meru leaders
poured water into the hole until the ball came to the surface. The king, however, con-
tinued to set them conditions. He said: “Bring me a spear that touches the sky so that I
may set you free.” At this point, the Meru leaders Koomenjwe and Mugongai realised
that the king did not intend to release them. So they replied they would bring it neither at
night nor during the day.
After consultation between Mugongai, the Meru sacred royalties (Agwe) and Koo-
menjwe, Meru blacksmiths were instructed to work enough iron to provide every man
with a spear and a sword. Then Mugongai asked Koomenjwe for three chaste young men
which he needed for a sacrificial operation so as to seek God’s guidance through an in-
terpretable sign. Three young men, Gaita, Muthetu and Kiuna, volunteered. Gaita was
placed on top of Muthetu whose body served as an operation table. Kiuna was on
standby in case the operation on Gaita failed to yield any divine sign. Mugongai carried
out the operation and a divine sign was identified. They had permission and instructions
to prepare themselves for departure under the leadership of Koomenjwe. After Mugongai
had made a sign on the body of Gaita with his finger, Koomenjwe is said to have received
special divine powers. Gaita had his operated stomach stitched and became conscious
and normal again. From that time he is reported to have been known by three names:
Mororoa, because of having been made use of to wrest divine power, Morara and Kuro-
roa, both because of having been asleep during the operation.
After this operation, secret preparations were made to leave Mbwa. When the day
came, Koomenjwe led the Meru to the shores of Irietuune (Red Sea), where a corridor of
dry land is said to have been created for them to pass, after Koomenjwe had struck the
waters with a rod. The first group to cross to what is believed to be the Abyssinian Red
Sea coast did so at night and were subsequently called Njiru (Blacks). The second group
 ‘Myth’ as a Historical Basis of the Meru Folktales 49

left at dawn and were given the name Ntuune (Reds). The third group is reported to have
crossed the sea after dawn when the sun was bright and were given the name Njeru
(Whites). Mororoa led the entire procession. As the last group of the Meru ancestors left
Mbwa, a couple of Nguuntune, Guna and Riiri, joined them. After all the people had
crossed the sea, Koomenjwe is said to have restored the waters of the Red Sea as they
were before they crossed, using his rod. He is also said to have advised to kill the couple
of Nguuntune because they were of bad omen. Men stoned Guna to death while women
did the same to Riiri.
At the time of crossing the Red Sea, five major age groups took part. These were:
(1) Tangiri, comprising the last two age-grades of men between 66–80 and over 80 years
of age; (2) Mbaine, comprising two age-grades of men between 40–65 years of age;
(3) Nkuthuku, comprising senior military units of the ruling governmental alternations
Kinika; (4) Mukuruma I, comprising young military servicemen of the alternating gov-
ernment Ntiba warriors; (5) Mukuruma II, comprising uncircumcised boys, all less than
26 years of age.
Following a show of power over water, Koomenjwe set out to reorganize the Meru
soon after leaving the coast. Gaita, Muthetu and Kiuna were appointed to military top
echelons, and traditional organisations such as Njuri-Ncheke, Kiama, Ramare and Athi
were reinstated. Njuri-Ncheke was charged with the responsibility of making laws and
Kiama was to execute them. Ramare was charged with the responsibility of leading the
army and Athi kept surveillance over the movement of enemies, under the pretext of
hunting. Thus prepared and organised, the ancestors of the Meru are said to have at-
tempted to return to their original homes, but in vain. The reasons given are that: their
leaders advised against doing so; they feared the Nguuntune to track them down; their
original homelands were inhabited by other people. So they left for the highlands as they
sang:
Kinaikubu gietu
Kiari iriene
Kiari iriene
Kubu na ibere
O mirurine
Kubu na ibere
O mirurine.
(Our band of boisterous heroic ancestors
Was at the sea
Was at the sea
Noisily in rattles
To chlorophora excelsa forest
Noisily in rattles
To chlorophora excelsa forests.)
Summarized from M’Imanyara 1992, 41–44.

Account 2
The coming of the Meru
The Meru say that they once lived in bondage under a people called antu ba nguu ntuune
(Red People). At one time their masters started killing the Meru people’s male children
immediately after birth. A handsome boy was born who was later called Mwithe (the
Hidden one), and also Koomenjwe or Muthurui. His mother kept him hidden by the
50 Speranza Muthoni Ndege

riverside in a basket. Mwithe later became a great prophet. Assisted by another elder
called Kauro-Beechau, he organized a council of wise elders who led the Meru out of
bondage. But before they were set free, they went through five tests.
The first test required them to produce a shoe that had fur on both sides. Koomenjwe
told them to cut the dewlap of a bull, and before it was completely severed, it was
stitched on the side that had been cut. But although they had passed the test, it was not
accepted, and the same happened with all the following ones. The second test was to
provide a steer that produced diatomite. Koomenjwe advised to feed a calf on milk, and
eventually the steer started passing out white dung. The third test consisted in removing
a fruit from a deep pit, without piercing it or having anyone descend to pick it. Koo-
menjwe advised to fill the pit with water until the fruit emerged. The next test required
them to kill all the elders until their blood flowed like run-off during rains. Koomenjwe
advised that the elders be hidden and all old livestock be killed instead. The fifth test was
the most difficult one: the Meru were to forge a spear that could touch both the earth and
the sky. Failing to come up with a solution, Koomenjwe and the elders abandoned the
task. Instead he went to ask their masters to grant them a delay of eight days.
Koomenjwe decided to organize the people for escape. He divided them into four
groups: (1) old people who could not walk fast, together with the older livestock that had
remained; (2) mothers and children; (3) young people and young livestock; (4) the war-
riors, who had to keep the rear. The exodus took place at night. The warriors collected a
big heap of dry dung and animal droppings and set it on fire together with all the houses.
Koomenjwe had gone to explain to the masters that the fire they were seeing was being
used for making the spear which would be ready by noon, the following day. But the fol-
lowing day the Meru had already left.
On their way, the Meru reached a large body of water or lake, which they called
Mbwaa. Here, they suffered a lot before Koomenjwe, now called Muthurui, came up
with a solution. He had carried out divination by examining cows, goats and other exam-
inable animals, but all without getting an answer. Then it dawned on him that the situ-
ation could be saved only by examining a human being. Muthurui begged to be given one
person from each family so that if a person from one family failed to give an answer, the
next one could be examined. Muthurui’s brother offered himself and said: “I am ready to
be sacrificed.” Another person volunteered to serve as his mathinjiro (slaughtering leaves
or altar), and another one to replace the first in case he was not accepted by God. A
fourth person said he would provide milk for washing the entrails which were to be
examined, a fifth one gave a string with which the volunteer had to be stitched, a sixth
one – having conceived the idea that the first person might fear the operation – went to
cut sticks to flog him, if he did so. Then Muthurui operated on his brother 9, got the
answer and acted accordingly. He struck the water with his rod, and it parted, forming a
wide path in the middle along which the people went across. The crossing of the water
was such a landmark in the minds of the people that ever after, they lived to remember
nothing else but that they came from Mbwaa 10.
The crossing lasted all night. One group who got to the other side before sunrise and
saw that the water looked red called it Iria Itune (Red Sea). When all the people had

9
After Muthurui’s brother had been examined he was called Murorua. He did not die;
he only had his intestines mounted and stitched.
10
The profound conviction of the Ameru that they came from Mbwaa concurs with
that of the traditionalists from Kirinyaga who claim that their ancestors came from
Mbwaa, too. For instance, an elder Gitonyi of about 100 years of age, from Ndia-Ki-
mandi village, confirms this tradition.
 ‘Myth’ as a Historical Basis of the Meru Folktales 51

crossed, Muthurui struck the water again and it came into one mass, drowning the army
of the Red People who had followed them. Only one man called Iri and his wife Nkuna
managed to cross and teamed up with the Meru.
The council later on killed Iri because every time the council met to discuss its affairs,
he did all he could to disintegrate it. Then the council, fed up with him, questioned: “Ka
Iri ari murume-o-kiama?” (Is Iri indispensable in the council?) After discussing his fate,
the council went on the rampage: “Mu-mu-mu-mu.” The people pounced upon him,
dropped him on the ground, and trampled upon him until he died. The council of
women also killed his wife. Ever since, when the council decided the fate of a criminal,
before they would go on the rampage and stone him to death, they would sing:

Tigwe murume-o-kiama
Uri Iri
Uu-Uu uri Iri
Tigwe murume-o-kiama
Uri Iri
Uu-Uu, uri Iri.
(You are not indispensable in the council,
You are Iri,
Oh, you are Iri,
You are not indispensable in the council,
You are Iri,
Oh, you are Iri.)

The Meru had no clans before the men mentioned above volunteered for the operation.
The three who offered themselves as sacrifice were given names, their descendants were
named after them, and this is how the clans started. Muthurui’s brother who was oper-
ated on was called Muntu-waita, or Gaita. His descendants were called Antubaita (the
people of the person who sacrificed himself for the good of others). The person who
agreed to be an altar, reducing himself to dust, was called ‘Soil’, and his descendants were
called Amuthetu (the people of the person who was lain upon by Murorua). The third
person, who was ready to be operated on in case the first operation failed, was called
Akiuna, and so were his descendants. Besides these three clans which were highly re-
puted in Meru, others emanating from the responses to the questions that Muthurui had
asked before, were born. These are: Amuga, Agaciu Amukua, Antuanthanju, Antuera and
Abondigi. The crossing of the lake also led the Meru to call the above clans by other
names: Njiru and Ntuune (Black and Red), Nthea and Njeru (Sparkling and White). In
short, the people who crossed Mbwaa are regarded as comprising these four clans. The
clans of Antubaita and Amuthetu are also called Njiru (Black) because they reached the
other side of the water while it was still dark. The clan of Antu-banthanju is also called
Ntuune (Red), because they reached the other side of the water early in the morning,
when it was red in the East. The clans of Njiru and Ntuune are considered as one clan be-
cause they all crossed the water at night. The clan of Akiuna is also called Nthea because
they reached the other side of the water when the sky was glittering with stars.

Summarized from Nyaga 1997, 1–6.

Account 3
Long ago people lived in the Middle East, the Arab land. They ran away because there
was a man who had eyes both at the front and back parts of his body. Whenever he
52 Speranza Muthoni Ndege

turned, people would die. They passed through Muuro wa Mugumo (Suez Canal 11). They
walked on dry land because there was a part that joined Africa to Asia. Some walked to
Ethiopia and then to the Indian Ocean and down the Coast of Somalia. The other group
arrived in Egypt. They came down along the River Nile and to Lake Victoria. Those
others followed the coast of Indian Ocean, the Pwaani in Kiswahili, but the Ameru call it
Mbwaa.They walked along the coast until they arrived at the mouth of river Tana. Up
they walked. There were two types of bananas growing wildly, the edible ones planted
today and the unedible ones. Monkeys used to eat the ripe bananas and the Ameru fed on
them, too. Later they would say that they came along Muuro ja marigu ja Mukingo (the
valley of ripe bananas).
They came to the place where river Tana is joined by Kathiita River. They followed Ka-
thiita River on this side and came to Materi. This is where they all gathered. The Ameru
dressed like the Maasai, with straight hair, long pierced ears and small tight clothes. They
carried clubs just like the Maasai morans. The women, too, used to wear small tight
clothes that covered their bodies up to the waist. The upper part was uncovered.
At Materi there was a man whose name was Chabugi. He had two wives, Ciampandi
who had a boy called Tharaka, and Ciangoi who had a boy called Chuka. Ciangoi quar-
reled with her husband and ran away to the forest with her son. They fed on wild fruits
until Chuka became of age. He was to be initiated. The Ameru used to be circumcised in
the traditional way but there was no man to circumcise Chuka. So Ciangoi circumcised
him herself, but not the Ameru way, she circumcised him the Waswahili way. A hidden
reason for circumcising him was that she wanted him to play the role of a husband be-
cause there was no other man around. She got children. As there were no relatives
around to name her children, she would name them after Chuka’s day’s kill. For
example, Chuka would kill deer; she would name the child Nthia (deer) for a boy and
Cianthia for a girl. These children became the descendants of Chuka. Chuka people are
still circumcised the same way the woman did it. But the Muthambi circumcise in the
traditional Meru way. One of Chuka’s children was named Muembu. He is the father of
the Embu people. They circumcise like the Chuka people. The two are the only ones
whose circumcision is different. The Kirinyaga and the Gikuyu circumcise like the
Ameru because they all came together in one group from Mbwaa. When they came to
Materi, the Gikuyu and Mumbi moved on to the other side of Mt. Kenya. So the Gikuyu
carried the circumcision of Chabugi. The Ameru moved to other areas, engaged in tribal
wars with the Maasai and drove the Maasai out of the land.

Informant: Elisha Mbaabu, aged 72, ex-chief, now a large estate farmer; village: Kiroone,
location: Igoji, district: Meru Central

Account 4
The Ameru came from Mbwaa, which is in the direction of Misiri (Egypt). They arrived
at Iria Itune (Red Sea) on this other side and came to Makindu. In Misiri they were slaves,
we were mistreated, beaten and made to work long hours. Then Murungu (God) told
Musa (Moses) to lead us out to Canaan, and from there to another land. This is the place
we live today.
While in Misiri the Acunku (White People) told them to make shoes or a spear that
pierced the sky. Then when they mistreated us in this manner, we crossed Red Sea and

11
The narrator mentions, however, that Suez Canal was dug later.
 ‘Myth’ as a Historical Basis of the Meru Folktales 53

stayed in Canaan. Gaita was our Seer. He lived for a long time. When Gaita lay down to
have his entrails checked, he lay on Muthetu (soil). There was also Kiuna on standby.
Kaciu gave the knife. There were the Antu ba thanju (people of sticks). He was told he
should be beaten if he dared to get up. The Amukua (Needles) provided the needle for
stiching. Amukua are the ones that stitched Gaita. Then there was Koomenjue. When
they crossed over, some people who crossed in the night were named Njiru. Others
crossed at dawn and were named Ntune. Those who crossed at daytime were named
Njeru.
When we arrived here, we dispersed to different directions. There were people in this
land before us, the ancestors of the family of M’Rubui. We intermarried. The Maasai
were here, too. They waged raids on the Ameru to kill them and take their cattle. The
Ameru chased them out of this land. They moved to Buuri and from there to Ntangi,
from Ntangi to Nanyuki, from Nanyuki to Kurigi, from Kurigi to Nairobi.
The Ameru stayed on this land. Some went to the side of Nkubu where they built a big
hut (gaaru) that could accommodate many young men. Some people moved from Nkubu
to this side of Igembe, others to Imenti and others to Tharaka. They multiplied and cul-
tivated their land. They grew their crops. Musa had given us beans and millet at Mt.
Sinai. Everything was given at that mountain.

Informant: M’Ikiara M’Imanyara, male, aged 79, farmer; village: Muthaara, location:
Tigania, district: Meru North

Account 5

People say the Ameru came from Mbwaa, an island in the sea. They were mistreated by
ruthless masters. They were tested. The king told them to give him a calf that passed
white dung. Koomenjue, their prophet, told the people to feed a calf with ira (diatomite)
for seven days. On the eighth day the calf passed white dung. But the masters refused to
release the Ameru. “Kill your people until blood flows like a river.” Koomenjue asked the
people to slaughter their livestock until blood flowed. The masters thought it was the
blood of the people, but then requested a spear that touched the sky. That night he asked
the people to make a big fire to light their way as they escaped, but he told the masters
they were forging the spear. A sacrifice was to be offered. Gaita volunteered. Muthetu
acted as the sacrificial table while Kiuna was on standby. Gaita’s entrails revealed that all
was well, his stomach was stitched and he was well again. Koomenjue hit the sea with his
rod and the water parted. They crossed in groups. Those who arrived on the other side
the same night were named Njiru (the black ones). Those who arrived at dawn were
named Ntune (the red ones) and those who arrived at daytime were named Njeru (the
white ones).
They settled at Kigairo (the dispersal area) down here in Tharaka. They lived there for
a long time. They didn’t have seeds. But one day, they saw something barging under a
mad woman’s inner clothes. They checked and found millet, cowpeas, greengrams,
maize and many other seeds which they planted.
Some people crossed river Tana and settled in Kamba land. Then one man got four
sons: Mutharaka who is the father of the Tharaka people; Muimenti, the father of the
Imenti people; Muchuka, the father of the Chuka people; Mutigania, the father of the
Tigania people. The sons divided the land among themselves.

Informant: M’Marete (only one name given), aged 70, ex-administrative policeman, now
a farmer; village: Kambi, location: Mitiine, district: Meru Central
54 Speranza Muthoni Ndege

Abstract
Many African communities trace their roots from a ‘myth’ of origin. It is believed that
the present settlements of most African communities are not necessarily their original
habitations. For instance, whereas some scholars claim that the Bantus (including the
Meru community) originate from the Congo forest, others believe that they have trekked
to their present areas from North Africa and dispersed into several directions to the
Southern and Eastern parts of Africa. The Meru ‘myth’ in particular contains certain el-
ements that might be said to have formed part of the Meru customs and traditions and
which are reflected in the folktales. This paper argues that ‘myth’ is the basis for most of
the Meru folktales. The persistence of some practices and beliefs in the Meru culture is
due to their existence right ‘from the beginning’. An attempt has therefore been made to
establish a link between tradition, folktale and ‘myth’. Instead of ‘myth’, this paper uses
the term ‘historical creative account’; however, the paper does not address controversies
regarding the term ‘myth’.

Résumé
Beaucoup de communautés africaines tracent leurs racines à un ‹mythe› d’origine. On
suppose généralement que les habitats actuels de la plupart des peuples africains ne cor-
respondent pas nécessairement à leur région d’origine. Tandis que quelques investiga-
teurs croient que les Bantous (y compris les Merus) proviennent de la forêt congolaise,
d’autres supposent qu’ils sont arrivés, après une longue marche, de l’Afrique du Nord et
se sont dispersés de divers côtés dans les régions sud et est de l’Afrique. Le ‹mythe›
Meru, en particulier, contient certains éléments qui pourraient avoir fait parti des cou-
tumes et des traditions de ce groupe et qui se reflètent dans les contes. L’article cherche à
démontrer que le ‹mythe› est à la base de la plupart des contes Meru. La persistance de
quelques pratiques et croyances de la culture Meru est due à leur existence ‹dès l’origine›.
C’est pourquoi il a été tenté ici d’établir une rapport entre tradition, conte et ‹mythe›. Au
lieu de ‹mythe›, l’article se sert du terme ‹historical creative account› sans pourtant s’en-
gager dans la controverse autour du terme de ‹mythe›.

Zusammenfassung
Viele afrikanische Gemeinschaften führen ihre Wurzeln auf einen Ursprungs-‚Mythos‘
zurück. Es wird angenommen, daß die gegenwärtigen Siedlungsgebiete der meisten
Gruppen nicht notwendig ihre ursprüngliche Heimat waren. Während einige Wissen-
schaftler annehmen, daß die Bantus (und damit die Meru) aus den Wäldern des Kongo
stammen, gehen andere davon an, daß sie in einem Zug aus Nordafrika kamen und sich
in verschiedene Richtungen in die südlichen und östlichen Teile Afrikas zerstreuten. Der
‚Mythos‘ der Meru enthält Elemente, von denen angenommen werden kann, daß sie Teil
der Bräuche und Überlieferungen der Gruppe waren; diese finden sich in Erzählungen
wieder. Nach Auffassung der Autorin bildet der ‚Mythos‘ die Grundlage der meisten
Meru-Erzählungen. Daß sich einige Bräuche und Vorstellungen in der Meru-Kultur hiel-
ten, geht darauf zurück, daß sie ‚von Anbeginn‘ existierten. Es wird daher hier der Ver-
such unternommen, eine Verbindung zwischen Tradition, Erzählung und ‚Mythos‘ her-
zustellen. Anstelle von ‚Mythos‘ wird der Begriff ‘historical creative account’ benutzt;
die Kontroverse um den Begriff ‘Mythos’ wird hier nicht aufgegriffen.