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Folklore, especially the folktale type, is one of the major tools adopted in the socialisation of boy and
girl children. The contemporary times notwithstanding, folktales are still an integrated part of daily
living and have been creatively recrafted into songs, poems, proverbs, and clichés. The pliability of
the folktale gives the narrator, as a proximal agent, the poetic license, to transmit his or her subjective
views to his or her audience, who because they are young, take these views to be true and binding. The
paper analyses the narrative realms, themes and techniques of male and female narrators and how
they, as parents/guardians/teachers, instruct and transmit moral values and communal beliefs to
children. The paper also investigates whether the lessons learnt from folktales affect the ways in which
children relate with the state, institutions of authority, the opposite sex, and the world. The theoretical
framework revolves around Sigmund Freud’s and Jacques Lacan’s theory of the unconscious, and
different strands of folkloristic feminism to critique how patriarchal ideas, values and stereotypes are
Introduction
The term, ‘folklore’ has generated much academic discourse because up to the present there has
been no consensual agreement on what the definition or scope should be. Many scholars have
propounded individual definitions based on subjective or professional biases (See, for example,
Charlotte Burne, 1913; Maria Leach, 1949; Boswell and Reaver, 1962; Bascom 1965; Dan-
Amos, 1971; 2014; and Bronner, 2016). In the volume five of the seventeen volumes of the
groups”, and five years later, in the heat of the arguments and counter-arguments over what
constitutes a folklore (see Welsch 262; Bauman 170; Ben-Amos 10; Claus & Korom 31), he
traditional activities” (145). Bronner (Folklore in Practice, 2016), moving away from the 20th
century definition that invariably includes in its scope terms like tradition, performance,
communication, amongst others, conceptualises a definition that will take particular cognisance
of five challenges, some of which include the presence of popular culture, the digital age, and
the new definition of what tradition is. In the light of these, he defines a folklore that emphasises
folkloric processes and knowledge. To him, then, folklore is “traditional knowledge put into, and
drawing from practice” (10). One gleans from the definitions identified that folklore as a concept
revolves people and their varied experiences in a given society, oral traditions, material culture
beliefs and expectations pertaining to, among others, gender relations and children’s
socialisation. The folklore, then, is a community’s tool kit, so vital to its existence and
sustainability. The type of people we are socialised to become emanated from the particular
folklore we are raised by; social institutions like schools and churches have their foundations laid
on folkloric beliefs and attitudes which are necessary for their contuinity. Generations after
generations, some types of folklore are discarded for new ones, and some aspects are modified to
reflect the changing times. As a society is always in motion and fluidity, so also is its folklore.
However, gender beliefs, attitudes and expectations have generally remained stereotypical
Lopez 350).
a people. It is one of the media through which the collective values of a community or society
are sustained. Men and women generally adopt the different types of folklore for various uses.
For example, proverbs and songs are used by men and women to educate, warn, enlighten, or
Myths, proverbs and folktales are folkloric genres which have distinct characteristics that set
them apart from one another. However, the folktale is the most common folkloric genre usually
adopted as a socialisation tool in the conditioning of children, and a unifying agent in the
propagation of a community’s body of values and social expectations. Folktales are fictional
prose oral narratives created from people’s imaginations and sometimes embellished with
snippets of historical facts. They are generally untrue, but are recognised as being true to life
because they treat themes that are taken from everyday life experiences which the audience can
relate to (see Bascom’s The Forms of Folklore, 1965 4; Fischer’s Socio Psychological Analysis
Scholars like Degh (Folktales and Society, 1989), Bauman (Verbal Art as Performance, 1977),
and Zipes (The Oxford Companion to Fairy Tales, 2000) have studied folktales from the aspects
of their use and importance in traditional societies; their performance-oriented nature; and as a
Generally, folktales are didactic in nature, but, according to Lewis (The Feminists have Done It,
1974), they also encode a community’s set of moral conducts and expectations for both sexes.
They are used to condition the audience, especially children, to the community’s way of life.
Through folktales, children begin to understand and accept the society they live in and their fear
of the unknown gradually recedes to a manageable level. Their entertaining qualities facilitate
easy reception by the audience. Folktales are also shared among a group of adult friends, male or
female. For women, stories are narrated to encourage bonding, console one’s pains in the face of
injustice, strengthen one’s survival instinct, teach and inform, offer therapeutic healing, amongst
other advantages.
The narration of the folktale has gone beyond the traditional scenes of ‘tales by moonlight’, and
the traditional figures of an aged narrator and an audience made of mainly children. In these
contemporary times, the globalisation of the world has taken the realm of entertainment to a high
level, and folklore has played its part. For example, the folktale is narrated in the classroom, in
places of religious worship, in offices, in films, music, and the different types of print and
electronic media. This reflects the fluidity and diversity of culture, people and community, and
folklore plays along, adapting its characteristics and features to the changing mode.
The Folktale and Patriarchal Stereotypes
Patriarchy, that social system in which authority and power is vested in boys and men, giving
“undue advantage over women” (Makama 117) in matters that include among others, religion,
language and knowledge, have remained in existence for centuries because of the adoption of
particular social but creative agents or tools which act to transmit its set of values and biases
through social conditioning or socialisation. As a social system, its continued existence is based
on a superiority/inferiority dichotomy, where one sex is adjudged to be better than the other
In times past, this social system refers to the power of the father as head of the family (Makama
117).Today, the term extends to include the “whole structure of Father ruled society: aristocracy
over serfs, masters over slaves, kings over subjects, racial overlords over colonized people”
(Reuther 1983:61).
The folktale has remained one of the most successful tools in realising the patriarchal agenda.
Ogunpolu (Classification of Yoruba Prose Narrative, 1986) Okpewho (African Oral Literature,
1992) and Uzendoski and Calapucha-Tapuy (The Ecology of the Spoken Word, 2014) have
written extensively on the folktale, from its structure to its functions Few have looked at the
functional aspects of folklore from the angle of its pliability in the hands of the narrator(s),
especially the power it gives one to recreate it to achieve specific purposes. For instance,
Tales, 2014)infer there is a conscious deliberateness on the part of the male narrator to mold a
folktale to assume a particular form in order to establish specific views and biases within the
audience.
Through the narration of folktales, children are socialised into believing certain ‘truths’ about
each sex, and these affect gender relations all through adulthood. It also influences the nature and
type of beliefs, processes, systems, institutions, etc. that are created. The fact that the narrator is
an adult confers authority borne out of experience on him or her and this facilitates the easy
transmission of his or her ideas to the young audience. Socialisation is a process by which a
person is incultrated into a particular body of beliefs, norms and practices of a particular
community. Usually, this process is lifelong and becomes more subtle in nature when one
Socialisation starts from childhood, a means by which a child is gradually brought up to become
a bona fide member of a society through the deliberate use of social agents or tools (see
Maccoby & Martin, Socialization in the Context of the Family, 1983; Connel 191 - 194; and
individual’s willingness or acceptance to be so imposed on; the body of rules and regulations
embedded in different branches of folklore – festivals, songs, dances, poetry, folktales, etc.);
fear, reward, and punishment, and the presence of what could be termed ‘the third eye’, an
‘invisible’ authoritarian figure to act as checks against excesses. The folktale is creatively
The Narrator as the Potter, the Folktale as the Wheel, the Audience as the Clay
The metaphor of the potter, the wheel and the clay refers to the relationship between the narrator
and his or her audience, which can be likened to the one that exists between a potter and clay. In
this relationship, the clay is at the mercy of the potter. The narrator plays an important role in the
sustainability of patriarchy as a social system. S/he operates both the wheel and the clay, and
then applies pressure on the latter, creating desired shapes and sizes. The wheel, in this instance,
the folktale, rolls the clay, in this instance, the minds of the audience, to produce particular
results that reflect the agenda of the narrator. For instance, in narrating a particular folktale, what
moral lesson, what gendered belief, fears, anxieties, resolutions does the narrator wants the
At this juncture, it is important to state that this paper looks specifically at gendered folktales.
Bascom (4) identifies six types of the folktale: human tales, animal tales, trickster tales, dilemma
tales, formulistic tales, and moral tales (fables). These categories of tales are used to teach
positive values to children, but it is the first category – human tales – that are usually adopted to
transmit patriarchal stereotypes about gender to children. Continuous re-telling of the stories at
different times and environments cements into the consciousness of children the body of beliefs
of that particular community, which are basically premised on male and female, and the
The folktale revolves around the key concepts of narrator, performance, audience/listeners, and
structure. It is the narrator that strings these concepts aesthetically together in order for the
folktale to achieve its purposes. The narrator employs the folktale as a tool to inscribe his/her
subjective reality on the consciousness of his/her listeners. S/he does this by performing the tale
through the use of voice, facial expressions, gesticulations, body movements, songs, audience
participation, and deliberate arrangement of the structural components of the tale (the plot,
characterisation, narration technique, language, theme, and more importantly, the structural
patterns of the actions in a given tale). Through the adoption of these processes, the narrator
stimulates and sustains the interest and attention of his/her audience, and is able to deliver his/her
The narrator can also be seen as a social crusader and a teacher. Through his/her personality,
memory, creativity, illocutionary power, adopted aesthetic form and style, and the ability to
adapt to the social context and immediate circumstances to facilitate his/her purpose(s) or
intention(s) for the narration of the story, current happenings in society are condemned or praised
in such a creative way that the audience is able “to recognize, relate to, and adopt” (Furniss 15).
In considering the narration of the folktale to children, and the important role of the narrator as
an entertaining social crusader, there is an interplay of conscious and unconscious motive(s), and
male and female narrator. Freud (On Creativity and the Unconscious, 1958), Lacan (The Four
1965) discuss the realm of the unconscious in human relationships, attributing to it a sense of
untapped power, which sometimes controls the conscious. Applying this to the subject of the
folktale and its narration, one can say that the only motive there is on the part of the narrator
during storytelling sessions is to impart positive moral values on the children in an entertaining
way, so that the children will grow into responsible adults. It is thus these positive moral values
that shape the world, even as the negative ones, which children are aware of through storytelling,
are also contesting for a place in the mind. The moral responsibility of the narrator then can be
seen as an unconscious act mold future generations in the light of there being no ulterior motive
otherwise, that is, no deliberate motive to inculcate children into particular beings. This is
especially the case for the female narrator, in line with her biological and social roles.
But feminist folklorists have argued to the contrary (see Mills, Feminist Theory, 1993;
Jorgensen, Political and Theoretical Feminisms, 2010). The narration of folktales is not as
ordinary as it looks. Much deliberateness is applied by the narrator because patriarchy should be
sustained through the socialisation of the next generation of people. Feminism is a broad-based
philosophical notion or theory that relates to women’s socio-historical conditions. Its theory,
diverse in thought and methodology, revolves around the “woman question” (see Irigaray,
Speculum, 1985; Hum, Feminisms, a Reader, 1992; Freedman, Feminisms, 2001; Keenan, Race,
Gender and Other Differences, 2004; Adichie, We Should All Be Feminists, 2014; Eltahawy,
Headscarves and Hymens, 2015). It specifically addresses the oppression of the female, in
relation to the male, in a patriarchal and often capitalist society. De Caro (Women and Folklore,
1987); Ice (Women, Folklore, Feminism, 1989); Mills (Feminist Theory and the Study of
Folklore, 1993); Kouseleos (Feminist Theory and Folklore, 1999); and Jorgensen (Political and
Theoretical Feminisms, 2010) opine that the fact that the narrators are products of a patriarchal
society means that they will pursue patriarchal interests during the storytelling act. The male
narrator consciously acts out a patriarchal agenda during his narration, while the female narrator,
children, promotes the values of a social system that has undermined her personhood.
The intention of the narrator is to impart his/her subjective world view, philosophy, norms and
values on a generally unsuspecting audience in order that they would uphold the community’s
material and spiritual existence. The narrator achieves this by creatively arranging all the
components that make up the tale into a meaningful whole. S/he skilfully encases the theme in an
intricate weave of plot, characterisation, language, dialogue, songs, etc., to form an admixture of
linear patterns, the “syntagmatic”, (see Greimas 1966:404) as propounded by Vladimir Propp
(Morphology of the Folktale 1966; 1975) and binary oppositional patterns, which Levi Strauss
terms “paradigmatic” (1955:30). This way, the narrator shapes the subjectivity of the audience to
Kituku (East African Folktales, 1977); De Boeck and Honwana (Children and Youth in Africa,
2005); Tucker (Children’s Folklore, 2008); Mtonga (Children’s Games, 2012); Ilias et al
(Children’s Perception of Folktales and Narration, 2010) to mention a few, have contributed to a
vibrant body of work on children folklore, to prove that children are very much engaged in the
creation, application and transmission of folklore. Children learn through imitation of what the
adults do during storytelling sessions. When they are together amongst themselves, they create
their own stories, jokes, riddles, pranks, tongue twisters, songs, rhymes, nicknames and jeers,
amongst others. However, the content of their own folklore generally imitate the gendered
It is important to note that patriarchy has continued to be the longest and all-pervading social
system because of the role and contributions of women. The inferiority ascribed to girl children,
in relation to boy children, has not changed much because women themselves have deeply
internalised this belief and then pass it on to their children. The socialisation and upbringing of
children is one of the major responsibilities of mothers (see Tulviste, 2013; Kovacs, 2010).
African communities reserve this prerogative to the woman because of the important biological
function of reproduction she performs; it is assumed that this function gives her the advantage of
bonding with her child first and more closely than the father, extended family or moral
institutions within the community. In the order of the socialistion of a child, the mother comes
first, followed by the father, members of the extended family, particular girls and women, peer
groups, and lastly, social institutions like the school and the church/mosque.
The important role of mothers to the socialisation of children can be further observed in the
castigation society apportions to women when children do not turn out well, according to the
expectations of the particular society. When a child becomes a social misfit, most often, the
blame is placed on the mother, and not the father, because of the biological bonding she is
A male narrator is interested in one thing when he is telling stories to his young audience: to pass
on the community’s way of life to the children, so that the community, in its spiritual, material
and social entity, will not go into oblivion many years later (Okpewho, 23; Kalu, 50; Finnegan,
65). Under the veneer of light banter, dance, songs, and jokes, a lesson is instilled in the
children’s consciousness.
For the female narrator, she believes what has been inculcated in her: generally, that she is
subservient to the male figures in her life, and that her primary role is to promote the cause of
men at her own detriment. This ‘detriment’ is not seen in a negative light; it is given a positive
mien to mean a life of sacrifice, for the good of her family and the community. This is why
nothing changes much in the socialisation of children during a story telling session. The girl
should be seen, not heard, for she is naturally a caregiver, while boys should be seen and heard
for theirs is to take from the women what is their right: respect, honour, fear, and adoration.
Through the narration of folktales, girls are cautioned to not question the status quo, for those
who did met an untimely end. Through avenues like this, female narrators further re-cement their
victim status, without holding out any hope to their young ones.
Women and men, as narrators of folktales, have the “poetic license” to, while still being faithful
to the major components of the tale, adapt it in such a way that the story presents a more realistic
view of life. Chukwuma describes this freedom to be flexible in storytelling as interplay of habit,
memory and “creative memory” (306). Ahmad describes this act of embellishing a tale while still
retaining most of its stable components as “the dynamic flexibility of the tale”. (17)
The male narrator thus has at his disposal a veritable tool for perpetuating himself. He colours
the folktale with his personality, imposing his religious beliefs, world view, ‘subjective reality
and values’ on it in such a skillful way that the audience’s attention is captivated and their
expectations satisfied (Akporobaro, 24; also see Ahmad, 2002). The female narrator, on the other
hand, does not deviate from the social norms and beliefs pertaining to gender relations. She re-
cements these beliefs and attitudes during her narration of folktales to children, thereby further
perpetuating the dichotomy apportioned to boys and girls. However, this is not always true in all
cases. For example, in the study of Tanzania folktales, Senkoro observed that female narrators
usually change the plot of a story in order to project the female characters in it positively, while
the male narrators do likewise for the male characters in a folktale (Understanding Gender
Through Genre, 1 -2, 2005). Olarinmoye carried out a similar study of Yoruba folktales (The
Images of Women in Yoruba Folktales, 2013), insisting that women are actually portrayed as
Conclusion
While the paper has established that folklore, especially through the narration of folktales, is
used in the socialisation of boy and girl children, to teach moral values and ensure the contunuity
of a community’s way of life, it is also important to note that the narration of folktales to
children is not an exercise to while away time; they involve degrees of spontaneity and
deliberateness; they are used to encode and sustain the laws that govern gender relations.
More importantly, the narrator (female or male, and always an ‘agency’ of patriarchy) occupies a
central place in folklore. The narrator’s worldview, beliefs, and cultural biases are creatively
deployed to embellish the tales. Children are inculcated into a belief system that is based on one
sex being ‘better’ than the other, and they grow up believing, recreating and abetting this belief.
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