Pritchard, S (2012) From Hydroimperialism To Hydrocapitalism

From hydroimperialism to hydrocapitalism: 'French' hydraulics in France, North Africa,
and beyond
Author(s): Sara B. Pritchard
Source: Social Studies of Science, Vol. 42, No. 4, Water Worlds (August 2012), pp. 591-615
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Social Studies of Science
42(4) 591-615
From ©The Author(s)
hy 2012
Reprints and permission: sagepub.
hydrocap co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 1 0. 1 1 77/03063 1 27 1 24430 1 8
hydrauli sss.sagepub.com
(USAGE
North Af
Sara B. Pritchard
Department of Science & Technology Studies, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, USA
Abstract
This article examines hydroimperialìsm and the subsequent emergence of hydrocapitali
19th- and 20th-century France and beyond. As the terms themselves suggest, both fo
'hydropower' illustrate the fundamental connection between water, its management, and co
or neocolonial relations in the modern era. The article develops the concepts of hydroimper
and hydrocapitalism both historically and analytically. It examines some of the historical pro
that fostered and shaped French hydroimperialìsm during the colonial era, with French
Africa serving as the empirical example. It also explores how French political and technical
basically advocated hydroimperialism, often from France to its North African empire, b
from the colonies to the metropole. Obscuring these earlier mobilities and exchanges, F
water specialists in the late 20th century have pushed for the export of their hydraulic ex
'globally'. Finally, although this study of hydroimperialism and hydrocapitalism is based on hist
sources and methods, and their particular forms are thus situated in France, French North A
and parts of the global South, these concepts are analytically flexible. They facilitate his
comparisons while also helping to theorize the mutual constitution of science and techn
environmental management, and power in the modern world.
Keywords
colonialism, France, hydraulic engineering, hydrology, hydropower, North Africa, postcolo
water
Corresponding author:
Sara B. Pritchard, Department of Science & Technology Studies, 301 Rockefeller Hall, Cornell
Ithaca, NY, 14853, USA.
Email: sbp65@cornell.edu
592 Social Studies of Science 42(4)
Scholars in science and technology studies (STS

ecology have recently theorized the relationshi
nature, and the constitution of economic and p
notion of petrocapitalism and Timothy Mitchell
racy suggest how carbon-based fuels both enable
tant processes of the modern world: industrial c
scholars have shown how water and its managem
political power, both materially and symbolicall
texts (Bijker, 2007; Jones, 2010; Mukerji, 200
rejecting the hydraulic determinism of Karl Wi
analyzed how environmental management strate
aims or not - ultimately reshaped social, econom
colonial and postcolonial settings (Hoag and Öhm
governance' (Davis, 2004; see also Agrawal, 2005
Influenced by these literatures, as well as by f
colonial science studies, this article examines h
emergence of hydrocapitalism in 19th- and 20t
terms suggest, both forms of 'hydropower'
between water, its regulation, and colonial or n
This article focuses on how 'French' hydrau
reflected and helped constitute imperialism an
Francophone world.1 It outlines the broad cont
currently undertaking, which will extend my a
examples, and conceptual tools presented here.
Mason Gaffney (1997: 484) has used hydroimp
grab in both colonial and noncolonial settings.2 1 u
ways that water, hydraulic knowledge, and wa
and reproduced unequal power relations predica
whether political or economic in orientation. Hy
colonial relations such as those between France
North Africa, but it also occurred through int
between Paris and the provinces (Pritchard, 20
ward by metropolitan elites (Weber, 1976).3 Me
commodification of nature, specifically of wat
Rajan, 2007) have analyzed and theorized the co
level, while recent political and popular discuss
water specifically. Here I use the term hydrocap
how particular hydraulic knowledge systems an
realized capitalist relations in the late 20th and
managing water helped constitute, reproduce, an
forms of political and economic power in the m
In this article, I develop the concepts of hy
both historically and analytically. First, I exami
fostered and shaped French hydroimperialism
colonialism, using Algeria, Morocco, and Tun
Pritchard 593
together call Fr
complex dynam
linear, unidire
(Wallerstein, 20
France's colonial
practices to Fra
cates and ultima
pole and colony
It is worth not
ries, not actors
advocated hydro
they also promo
metropolitan Fr
the export of th
South. These rec
regimes where
yet also remade
global economy;
of hydrocapital
strating the con
after the suppos
The concepts of
To be sure, this
lyze several of t
after 1830. At t
comparisons whi
environmental m
illuminates, bot
shaped by) the e
shows how the t
plexities and th
resource but also
French hyd
French scientifi
hydrology and
(although it is w
were dynamic a
training, and wo
expanded the si
challenged the r
(Anderson, 2002
science have sho
in the developm
The production and movement of hydraulics

natural knowledge and socioenvironmental ma
upon specific historical dynamics. Colonialism
activities and geographical reach of hydrologist
specialists in related fields were integral to th
Furthermore, as Michael Adas (1989) demonstra
nology to help differentiate 'colonizer' from
Historians such as Michael Osborne (1994) have
ence and scientists were intimately tied to
Osborne's case, acclimatization studies signaled
settlement in places perceived as foreign and ho
mentally.7 Similarly, hydrologie studies and wa
and achieved French colonialism in North Afric
French hydraulic activities in the Maghreb t
French empire there. In Algeria (which the Fre
1830 and 1847, and officially annexed in 1848),
and assessed possible dam sites in the mid- 1840
already built water-powered mills.10 In 1855, a
and intakes, likely in response to an increase o
appears that more extensive discussions of rese
started in the late 1850s, with studies and constr
late 19th century.12 Colonial administrators an
logic analysis and oversaw hydraulic engineering
of French rule. Furthermore, French colonial w
the boundaries between hydrologie 'science'
'Scientific' studies often accompanied or even
irrigation systems, and other technologies.13
French officials pursued these efforts becaus
to colonialism - at least their vision of colonial
trators thought that France's empire in the Ma
water because, as one government study declar
of life in Algeria'.14 However, scarce, irregula
Numerous commentators beginning in the 19t
lamented the overall low precipitation, concent
stantial variations in precipitation, not only w
year. Many streams were seasonal, flowing just
droughts, they might not run for years. French
sentations of the North African hydraulic env
water', which proliferated in both technical and
colonial authors still use the phrase, even on th
The hydrology of the Maghreb did differ sign
northern France, and these disparities seem to
At the same time, French representations of
producing hydraulic knowledge and buildi
Understanding and regulating water therefor
Prìtchard 595
envirotechnical
these depictions
hydroimperiali
tions of the en
(Conte, 1999; D
Some of the ea
quest and contr
territory, subs
troops on the m
more overt her
into at least the
Nineteenth-cen
ary between th
fact quite murk
R'hir wadi (seas
irrigate farms
'executed by me
ing and mutual
ment, and colo
Attempts to se
these connectio
Ministry of Ag
' Service de la C
'colonizing' the
networks. But
French coloniza
simultaneously
tainly not uniq
such institution
between water
Through these
perializing Fren
they did so. As
already indicate
administration
Swearingen, 198
the uncultivate
ernment aimed
supplier of agri
tive difficult. P
in spite of them
Numerous com
sharply limited
region's hydrol
oriented crops
they meant farming in northern and central Fra

perceived deficiencies.23 Anxieties about seasona
for example, pushed French engineers to design
the plentiful rains and floodwaters of wet year
reservoirs, one season of abundant rain might pr
Georges Drouhin, head of the Service de la Colo
1948, the solution was 'to regularize and to dis
'regularizing' and 'disciplining' North Africa's h
cally freighted in a colonial setting and, like th
responsible, they evoked French aims to 'regul
If these large reservoir-dams proved successfu
systems in new ways might help the French to re
Furthermore, tapping the region's supposed a
water to enable this goal recalled Roman effor
French officials perceived the Maghreb and its
Rome, suggesting that the French hoped to rest
other hydraulic infrastructure alluded to this
forged genealogies, not only from Roman hyd
from the Roman Empire to their own. French c
clearly hoped that they would become successful
so admired. Indeed, failing to achieve these agri
hydraulic engineering projects on which they
Rome (Davis, 2007).
Together, French colonialism, representations
lem', and historic connections between water an
flow of specialists in disciplines central to know
French North Africa between the early 19th an
of the Algerian nationalist movement for inde
ernment even mandated that officiais joining th
(' catégorie A9) spend at least one year in the a
ments blurred the borders between water mana
geography of hydraulic experts and specializat
these people and expert communities helped
ground in places like French North Africa, but a
and professionalization of fields like hydrology
From periphery to center during

The movement of technical elites, knowledge, a
North Africa was, however, not a one-way transfe
of French water specialists to the Maghreb during
Some chose to remain in the region for extended
of their careers. Some were French citizens wh
Morocco, or Tunisia after colonization and even
there without 'returning' to France, because North
Pritchard 597
go back to Fran
experiences abr
experts who res
Africa, those w
Even specialist
exposed to the
journals such a
Maghreb, which
Ecole Nationale du Génie Rural made a case for his Assistant Director to attend the 1954
'International Congress of Irrigation and Drainage' 'because of his teaching activities'.
The Congress was held in Algiers that spring and included three weeks of tours featuring
hydraulic engineering projects in North Africa.30 By emphasizing this point, the Director
indicated that knowledge garnered from water management in French North Africa
would and should be incorporated into the formal education and training of an entire
future generation of rural development experts, including those specializing in hydraulic
infrastructure for agriculture.
The Director's comments, like many French colonial writings about water, asserted
that lessons from French North Africa ought to be integrated into management practices
in France. Constructing such a geography of hydraulic expertise involved a two-step
process: framing the metropole as backward and then representing French North Africa
as innovative and modern.31 In other words, they constructed France as a site of limited
knowledge which stood to benefit from experience gained in places such as Algeria,
Morocco, and Tunisia.32 Colonial political and technical elites thus carried out boundary-
work (Gieryn, 1983) in two senses: not only did they delineate specialized improvements
in hydrology and hydraulic engineering, but they also mapped these advanced capabili-
ties onto French North Africa.
Take for example M. Gendrin, an engineer with the Génie Rural based in Colmar, who
represented France as a place of non-expertise when he described current irrigation prac-
tices in the department of the Haut-Rhin as 'backward'. He went on to declare that 'it is
shocking for me to realize' that farmers, agricultural syndicates, and even state officials
'charged with technical regulations and training' still used 'traditional methods'.
Characterizing these methods as 'bad habits', Gendrin bemoaned the state of irrigation
technologies in the Haut-Rhin.33 Other engineers such as Pierre Siben and M. Jung
asserted that visiting projects in French North Africa would 'improve' their knowledge,
implying that it currently suffered from gaps that needed to be filled.34 One leading water
specialist even declared that 'France did not have a great tradition of hydraulic equip-
ment' and that the country would have to look elsewhere for such 'traditions' (quoted in
Maisonneuve, 1992: 116). Such pronouncements suggesting that engineers in France had
inadequate or dated knowledge destabilized discourses of French technical expertise
(Hecht, 1998), constructing a counter-narrative of French non-expertise, or perhaps even
anti-expertise.
Other state elites capitalized on this critique of France and its limited technical capa-
bilities to frame French North Africa as the source of valuable hydraulic knowledge. L.
Gamier, head engineer of the Génie Rural in the department of the Vaucluse, welcomed
the opportunity to see 'important irrigation projects' in 'certain regions of North Africa',
adding that 'it would be very desirable' if more

well.35 Others went beyond simply describing
ranking administrator in France specifically stre
projects in North Africa.36 As another engineer p
Given that irrigation technologies are constantly ch

different solutions that have already been tested so
through the lens of its possible application in our regi
specialists would be very effective, both for our
collectivity.37
This emphasis on dynamic, rapidly evolving knowledge rendered French North Africa
an epicenter of innovation. References to 'experiments' and 'testing' not only strength-
ened the legitimacy of such 'solutions' but also framed the Maghreb as a literal (hydrau-
lic) laboratory (Rabinow, 1989; Wright, 1991).38 Moreover, characterizing technical
elites in North Africa as 'specialists' reinforced their position as water experts. According
to these engineers and their superiors, French North Africa had much to teach those
working in France.
It is not entirely surprising that water specialists in the Maghreb emphasized the
knowledge that was being produced there, as when R. Martin, then Director of the
Service des Irrigations, declared that 'only the Colony has the qualified technicians to
carry out necessary research'.39 Such pronouncements legitimated the work of hydraulic
experts while bolstering their professional status. They also delineated a unique authority
over water management in the colonies, implicitly creating separate spheres for water
specialists in French North Africa and those in France. But these spheres were in reality
far from distinct. In fact, as Gendrin, Siben, and Jung indicated, many technical elites in
France wanted to unite them, in part out of the belief that they needed to learn from what
was taking place in North Africa and to apply these experiences on metropolitan soil.
After all, Gamier underscored the 'useful and profitable lessons' that could be brought
from Algeria to 'irrigation projects in the Vaucluse'.40 Other officials echoed his lan-
guage of utility.41
On the one hand, such statements emphasizing relevance, usefulness, and applicabil-
ity reflected the idea of colony as laboratory, where tests and innovations would benefit
France without, presumably, the risks of experimentation at home (Mintz, 1985; Rabinow,
1989; Wright, 1991). In the process, they reproduced the differentiation and hierarchy of
center/periphery as well as echelons of knowledge, which tended to distinguish 'theory'
from 'practice', and 'pure' from 'applied' knowledge (Kline, 1995). Elites in France thus
co-produced hierarchies of colonialism and technical expertise, both of which were cen-
tral to constructions of French national identity (Hecht, 1998). This representation of
French colonies as a laboratory was especially true in North Africa, which colonial offi-
cials regarded as 'essentially agricultural by nature'.42 Even within the agricultural sci-
ences, French administrators emphasized 'applied' agriculture in the Maghreb.43 On the
other hand, the recognition of which areas were producing valuable hydraulic knowledge
undermined not only the dichotomy of metropole/colony but also its ostensible hierar-
chy. The notion of French North African hydraulic expertise therefore threatened the
Prítchard 599
assumption of F
(Harrison and J
Yet, the idea of
critique. In disc
and colonial hy
ects. Far more t
alone 'indigeno
knowledge do a
'primitive' peop
consequences of
adjudicated by
' indigène ' reg
wadi on which
North Africans
indigenous tech
'indigenous' pra
probably expla
expertise.45
Overall, hydrau
where significa
this perception,
tered the movem
have seen, the
through them,
tained that less
Such flows sug
the supposed ce
edge or decision
Southern Fra
exchanges, albei
hydrology of th
trasted to varyi
larities between
'the problem of
cal middle grou
with both the p
backward (Web
shaping the me
era, which I dis
At the same tim
ated within the
Indochina is pe
the colonial gov
experts capture
tectorates, and
an Ingénieur des Travaux with the Administrat

transferred to Algeria.50 Other technical elite
sometimes holding positions in France between
water specialists illustrate, then, the complex
defined by a dynamic web of relations (rather
metropole to colony) and mobilities (rather tha
Together, this interest in incorporating hyd
North Africa and the circulation of water spe
Maghreb, but also among other parts of the Fr
shifts in practices. A good example is casiers.
d'Aménagement de la Région du Bas-Rhône
ment company in Languedoc-Roussillon that w
under its authority into thousands of 6 casiers '.
term means 'storage compartments' or 'pigeon
the BRL's concession into small zones of devel
needs. The technique appears to have been ado
century before being implemented extensively
France (Biggs, 2005, 2008, 2010). The BRL's
vides an intriguing example of how a particul
subsequently adopted in the metropole, there
between center and periphery. Moreover, 'indi
tered on an elaborate network of dikes and ca
may have shaped the development, use, and m
This example therefore suggests how 'metrop
also shaped by, hydroimperialism.
Postcolonial movements: From former colonies to France
Decolonization and repatriation initiated new dynamics in the production and c

of hydraulic practices, especially between French North Africa and southern F
during colonialism, the postcolonial era witnessed activity in both directions. F
specific individuals, institutions, and practices illustrates some of these moveme
North African colonies and protectorates to France; I address the circulation of
water specialists 'globally' in the next section.
The end of empire meant that an entire colonial administration, including ci
vants overseeing various forms of water management, was politically obsolete. A
the transition, some officials such as Henri Moll stayed on temporarily. Others
specifically under the rubric of 'technical aid' negotiated between France and ne
pendent governments such as that of Algeria.52 Most non-North African officials
worked for the colonial administration, however, wanted to return or, in the case
noirs who had been born in Algeria, to move to France given the heated politic
tion. This led to the repatriation of many French citizens, including 1 million p
between 1962 and 1965 alone (Gildea, 1996: 80). The influx of personnel, e
from Algeria, but from other colonies and protectorates as well, created serious
administrative, and logistical headaches for Parisian bureaucrats.53
Prítchard 60 1
As part of decol
to the rapid, som
in the 1950s. Th
France, placing
been employed.5
tion of personn
1966, a 'significa
civil servants fr
division within
were in the proc
sion was based o
officials workin
General Directo
Adjoints techni
and 29 from Mo
his administratio
Other colonial e
were part public
and 1960s to 'd
Nationale d'Am
Provence et d'Am
including these
(Pritchard, 2011
external periphe
vincial France sa
plishing these o
an extensive irri
valley and Langu
farms and expan
nies carried out
Given these pro
specialists joined
Desfrasne had w
through Decemb
Contemporaries
regional develo
recounted that h
significant shar
of a growing po
postwar modern
experts whose o
Moreover, as th
itself was not s
new river-basin
had gained its i
users and uses within major watersheds suc

basin. Experts who had been involved in hydra
ment projects in the Maghreb began working
certainly not the only factor behind their found
growing environmental concerns (Bess, 2003), a
ing these issues, and an early framing of enviro
At the same time, the state's bureaucracy expan
cialists from French North Africa and elsewher
administration and new regional development
their own.62
Overall, as decolonization prompted an exodus from French North Africa to France,
repatriated hydraulic specialists became involved in the regulation of water in the metro-
pole. One of the long-term legacies of hydroimperialism in France's empire was thus the
remaking of 'metropolitan' institutions, practices, and landscapes.
Hydrocapitalism in the postcolonial age

Decolonization also sparked new configurations of hydraulic practices moving from
France to the postcolony. Technical 'cooperation', fueled by the Cold War, most explic-
itly embodied these continuities between the colonial and supposedly postcolonial eras.
New laws in 1966 and 1968 meant that French men could satisfy their compulsory mili-
tary service by participating in 'technical aid' programs. Some Ministry of Agriculture
officials, including those involved in water management, pursued this option.63 French
administrators were also dispatched to newly independent governments, including those
of former colonies. One leading Ministry of Agriculture administrator explained, for
instance, that some civil servants in certain scientific and technical fields were being
transferred to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs under the auspices of 'technical coopera-
tion'. Indeed, some had been officials in former colonies such as Tunisia and were subse-
quently 'integrated' into the state bureaucracy in France; but after Algeria's independence
in March 1962, they were sent to that country as technical advisors.64 These complex
professional trajectories illuminate not only connections between 'colonial' and 'French'
administrations but also the porous boundaries between colonial and postcolonial govern-
ments and the movement - often movements - among government bureaucracies. At
times, newly independent nations fostered such continuities. In July 1962, Algeria's new
government recruited Algerian technologists (described in French sources as ' Français
musulmans d* Algérie* before independence and ' Algériens musulmans ' after) who had
worked for the French administration, either in Algeria or France, into its own civil
service.65
Since the 1980s, consulting on the development and management of water resources
around the world has become a significant new form of hydroimperialism, what I am
calling hydrocapitalism (on petrocapitalism, see Watts, 2004). French water experts have
been crucial to these efforts, serving as consultants to a range of projects in the late 20th
and early 2 1st centuries.66 Many have been framed in terms of 'sustainable development'
(Goldman, 2001).67 Advocates of hydroelectricity have particularly marshaled growing
concern over climate change to their cause, asserting that it is a clean energy source.
Prítchard 603
Hydraulic engin
havebecome pa
For example,
Languedoc, but
Some of the BR
organizational s
located in Nîme
Madagascar. Th
mer empire. Pr
'BRL Ingénieri
and other inter
of commerce, c
structure and t
involved in wa
reach of their
(CNR) initially
Since the 1980
'qualified multi
'river consultan
The BRL and C
retooled for co
located outside
In recent year
undoubtedly in
began to marke
tional organizat
CNR's website
expertise-talk,
see Hecht, 2002
often literally.
electricity, man
and managing a
a new wave of h
CNR and BRL p
firmly within F
In other words
water managem
1921 in the case
and visual narra
hydraulic know
BRL's networks
aging the Rhôn
ern France', clo
the greater sou
genealogies, inc
institutions essentially expunges earlier and

knowledge-making.
In their publications for the public and pros
include descriptions and images of projects outs
been involved. The number, diversity, and vas
imply that the agencies' hydraulic practices ha
these narratives, the BRL and CNR articulate
mobile (Bocking, 2012) character of their hydra
and rooted in France, especially the Midi; yet, t
beyond this region. These convenient argument
201 1) of their hydraulic expertise are clearly m
The two agencies maintain that this 'elsew
online presence stresses the broad geographic
the large 'BRL à l'International' world map th
BRL's website. Visitors could then hyperlink t
instance, 'Africa and the Indian Ocean'), bring
lists of the BRLI's projects organized alphabet
tration has adopted a similar strategy, its Ingénie
the sales pitch: 'At your service. . . . Imagine a
world.' It too includes a bold headline, ' Exper
map showing all of the nations where the CNR
specific areas of expertise, the CNR lists samp
'competency' in a given area; projects within F
by projects abroad.74
The agencies' own images complicate, howeve
the world'. On the BRL à l'International page,
colored bright blue, and their visual impact is
these zones are situated south of the equator. M
zones on a national scale, if one BRLI project i
nation is colored blue, resulting in a wide, virt
Central and South America through Southern a
virtually all of Africa to Central and Southeast
exaggerates, the geographical reach of the BR
'international' than they actually are. Indeed, t
virtually the entire southern hemisphere.75
Although the CNR and BRL have explicitly w
national terms, the information and images t
have undertaken a disproportionate share of pr
work and export of hydraulic expertise theref
one that maps closely onto the historical geogr
their foreign activities in 'international' term
uneven power structures that not only shaped
contemporary 'development' (Smith, 2008;
Hydrocapitalism has become the successor of
cant political and economic inequalities in the
Pritchard 605
Conclusion
postcolonia
This article has
historical proce
poral paramete
these processes
imperatives of
building wells,
foster an econo
alized these goa
durée perspect
BRL's and CNR'
century built o
in both France
and 'external' h
ernization - wh
in achieving hy
Analyzing Fre
calls attention
stresses the co
example, were
nial enterprise
new agencies in
Casiers appear
southern Franc
Stressing the m
reflects impor
complicates the
the process, ne
problematic bi
Stoler, 1997; M
Yet this empir
metaphors as w
precisely becau
of hydraulic kn
as 'circulation'
They therefore
movement in so
hydrocapitalism
they demonstr
cesses. In other
and politics un
Analytically,
they invite com
hydroimperialism with late colonial or com

approaches to hydrocapitalism in the 20th cent
capture the ways that water management regim
political and economic relations in the modern
positioned to make exceptional contributions t
by exploring the role of hydraulic knowledge
shaping water, opening up the processes of hy
nological change, and thereby exposing not onl
but also the mutual construction of hydraulics
These specific forms of imperialism and capit
tral to human life. Controlling water thus off
Indeed, as the entwined histories of knowing a
North Africa, and the global South demonstrate
have proved their potency in the modern world
are therefore essential for addressing pressing
global inequalities in the 21st century.
Notes
Research for this article was generously funded by Cornell University's Mario Einaudi Ce
for International Studies and Institute for the Social Sciences. I would like to thank three ano
mous reviewers, Sergio Sismondo, Daniel Ahlquist, Maria Fernandez, Durba Ghosh, Sh
Martin, Rachel Prentice, Kathleen Vogel, Marina Welker, Wendy Wolford, and the audie
at the University of Michigan's Science, Technology & Society Program for their though
comments on previous versions of this article. I am also grateful to Samer Alatout and Je
Barnes for their intellectual and organizational support of the four 'Water Worlds' panels at
2009 4S meeting, which resulted in this special issue, all of the panelists and commentat
at those sessions for stimulating conversation, and Wiebe Bijker and Karen Bakker for t
influential scholarship and insightful commentaries. Finally, I thank Connie Hsu Swenson
her editorial assistance.
1. Hydraulic science and engineering are the scientific and technical specialties now primarily
involved in knowing and regulating water. Reflecting fundamental STS insights, I will often
use the phrase 'hydraulic knowledge and management' because it is broader and may include
'non-expert' groups, knowledge systems, and infrastructure.
2. Water diverted from the Owens Valley to southern California is an example of hydroimperial-
ism within a political territory (a US state in this case). Recent discussion of a proposal to
divert water from France's Rhône River to Barcelona exemplifies a contemporary transna-
tional issue, but there are, of course, many others.
3. It is difficult, of course, to disentangle imperialism and colonialism. Following Edward Said
(1994: 9), I use 'imperialism' to describe 'the practice, the theory, and the attitudes of a domi-
nating metropolitan center ruling a distant territory; "colonialism", which is almost always a
consequence of imperialism, is the implanting of settlements on distant territory'. Put another
way, colonialism is always imperialistic, but imperialism is not always colonial. Imperialism
(and hydroimperialism) can therefore reference both domestic and colonial peripheries.
While I explore certain parallels between domestic and colonial peripheries in this article and
Prítchard 607
the larger projec

dynamics of eac
critical.
4. Peter Little (20

as an analytic to
5. 'French North
tions among Alg
perialism worke
was France's 'sp
imagination. I am
6. For example, t
Its civil territor
France, falling
Gildea, 1996: 21).
ogy in its (re)pr
7. Valenčius (200
human body in
assumed and am
8. The mutual co
political power (
ments in terms
9. Ministère des
Conseil G[énéra
le Dept. de la Gu
Commission cha
l'Algérie (6 nove
2358. For more
10. Ministère de
améliorations a
Mostaganem, Re
1914), AN, FIO
11. C. Tondu, B
d'Etat présenté p
3 septembre 190
la partie du cour
(19 décembre 19
12. See numerous
13. On technos
Département d'A
naire (3 août 18
large-scale engi
14. Gouvernem
l'Hydraulique, S
Scientifiques, Se
Observations de
15. 'Le problème de l'eau en Algérie', La Dépêche C

d'Outre-Mer, Aix-en-Provence, France (herea
Géologie et les problèmes de l'Eau en Algérie: R
international, La géologie et les problèmes de
906/2; Le problème de Veau en Algérie (Alger: A
La Documentation française, Les problèmes de l'
L'équipement hydraulique de l'Algérie et de la
Brochet, Le problème de l 'eau dans les hauts plate
lations rurales et des troupeaux (Alger: La Diffu
postcolonial example, see Bensaâd (1999). For other
Africa's environment during the colonial and p
this phrase was also applied to southern France aft
exploring in my current research.
16. Specific challenges included high sedimentation
scholars can also investigate how, why, and whe
North Africa and France as similar or different.
17. Justifying technoscientific intervention, in part

not limited to colonial settings. On industrializati
see Pritchard (2011), especially Chs 1 and 3.
18. Résumé des travaux de sondages exécutés dans
campagne de 1885 à 1886 (Batna: Imprimerie Sol
suggests growing interest in Algeria's agricultural
19. Ministère de l'Agriculture, Direction de l'H
emmagasinées naturellement dans les réservoirs so
20. Le problème de l'eau en Algérie.
21. Habel, Programme d'action personnelle pour l
l'Afrique du Nord par la voie des irrigations: Oppo
Nord au relèvement économique de la France (n.d
22. For parallels with France's domestic periphery, s
23. For a discussion and theorization of enviro
Introduction.
24. Georges Drouhin, 'L'équipement hydraulique d

1948), CAOM, B14593.
25. French 'experts' complained that sediments
expected and floods washed out their infrastructu
26. Habel, Programme d'action personnelle pour l
l'Afrique du Nord.
27. See Law 58-1018 of 29 October 1958, which m
ate attempt to hold onto Algeria. On the French c
Gildea (1996: 20-24); see also M. Debré to Messie
avril 1960), Centre des Archives Contemporaine
19820268, art. 26. Numerous related documents
indicating in part why the government passed La
28. For instance, Henri Moll mentions that his fa
administration, suggesting that his family had be
Pritchard 609
see Henri Moll

74. In other doc
family thus illu
and decolonization.
29. Some colonial administrators asserted that the empire provided crucial professional experi-
ence. These narratives undoubtedly justified French colonialism as well as sending experts
there, particularly during crises such as the Algerian independence movement. For instance,
see Le Ministre de l'Algérie to M. le Ministre de l'Agriculture (10 octobre 1957), CAC,
19820268, art. 73.
30. Inspecteur Général des Eaux et du Génie Rural, Directeur de l'Ecole Nationale du Génie
Rural, Letter to M. le Ministre de l'Agriculture, Direction Générale du Génie Rural et de
l'Hydraulique Agricole, 78, rue de Varenne, Paris, Objet: Deuxième Congrès International
des Irrigations et du Drainage, Participation de M. Carlier, Ingénieur Principal du Génie
Rural, Sous-Directeur de l'Ecole (17 mars 1954), AN, FIO 5891.
31. I am focusing here on cultural representations of where (and by whom) hydraulic knowledge
was being produced, not where (and by whom) that expertise was 'actually' being produced.
32. At times, French officials did create hierarchies of expertise among the three. See La
Documentation française, Les problèmes de l'eau en Afrique du Nord.
33. M. Gendrin, Letter to M. le Ministre de l'Agriculture, Direction Générale du Génie Rural et
de l'Hydraulique Agricole, Bureau de Personnel, à Paris, Objet: Demande d'autorisation de
déplacement au Congrès International d'Alger (12 février 1954), AN, FIO 5891.
34. Pierre Siben, Letter to M. le Directeur Général du Génie Rural et de l'Hydraulique Agricole,
78, Rue de Varenne, Paris, S/ Couvert de M. l'Ingénieur en Chef du Génie Rural à Albi (16
janvier 1954); M. Jung, Letter to M. le Ministre de l'Agriculture, Direction Générale du
Génie Rural et de l'Hydraulique Agricole (Secrétariat de M. le Directeur Général), Paris, s./c.
de M. l'Ingénieur en Chef du Génie Rural à Strasbourg, Objet: Congrès International d'Alger
(26 mars 1954). Both in AN, FIO 5891.
35. L. Gamier, Letter to M. le Ministre de l'Agriculture, Direction Générale du Génie Rural
et de l'Hydraulique Agricole, Bureau de Personnel, Paris, Objet: Congrès International de
l'Irrigation en Algérie, Proposition de mission (29 décembre 1953), AN, FIO 5891.
36. Inspecteur Général des Eaux et du Génie Rural, Directeur de l'Ecole Nationale du Génie
Rural, Letter to M. le Ministre de l'Agriculture (17 mars 1954).
37. L'Ingénieur en Chef du Génie Rural, Service du Génie Rural, Circonscription d'Albi, Départaient
du Tarn, Letter to M. le Directeur Général du Génie Rural et de l'Hydraulique Agricole, Ministère
de l'Agriculture, 78, Rue de Varenne, Paris (16 janvier 1954), AN, FIO 5891.
38. Ministère de l'Agriculture, Commission de l'Hydraulique Agricole, Algérie, Département
d'Alger, Projet de construction d'un barrage sur l'Oued-Chaïr, Expériences sur la qualité des
chaux du Pays, Rapport de l'Inspecteur Général de l'Hydraulique Agricole (19 janvier 1887),
AN, FIO 2361.
39. R. Martin, Les grands barrages et les irrigations en Algérie (Alger: Editions de Chantiers,
1939), 30, CAOM, B 127 16.
40. Gamier, Letter to M. le Ministre de l'Agriculture (29 décembre 1953).
41. M. Gendrin, Letter to M. le Ministre de l'Agriculture, Direction Générale du Génie Rural et
de l'Hydraulique Agricole, Bureau du Personnel, à Paris, Autorisation de déplacement (13
janvier 1954); A. Blanc, Letter to M. Paul Ballot, Ambassade de France à Beyrouth (Liban)
(n.d.). Both in AN, FIO 5891.
6 1 0 Social Studies of Science 42(4)
42. Direction de l'Administration Générale et du Personnel to M. le Secrétaire d'Etat à la
Présidence du Conseil, chargé de la Fonction Publique (n.d.), CAC, 19820268, art. 48. On
cannot, however, take these descriptions at face value. They were prescriptive framin
that helped define and justify French management of North Africa in particular ways wh
simultaneously reinforcing assumptions about 'advanced' societies.
43. Many CAC documents refer to graduates of the Ecole Nationale Supérieure des Scien
Agronomiques appliquées.
44. This controversy is fascinating for many reasons, including that it occurred almost 80 yea
after the French conquest of Algeria. White's notion of a 'middle ground' focuses on the ten
ous hold of colonial rule during the early years of imperialism, which may help explain w
Europeans ceded more cultural and political power to 'natives' then; but in this case, it w
no longer during the early years of French colonialism in North Africa.
45. Gouvernement Général de l'Algérie, Ponts et Chaussées, Inspection Général, Usin
hydraulique de M. Hassini Hassen ben Hadj Mohamed sur l'oued Acif Tessiar, dans
commune de Tizi-Ouzou, Recourse au Conseil d'Etat formé par l'usinier contre u
arrêté préfectoral du 3 septembre 1907 ordonnant la démolition de son barrage, Rappo
de l'Inspecteur Général (11 février 1908), AN, FIO 3124. On European constructions
the indigenous, see Cooper (2007). Future research will examine, among other thing
how the French represented 'native' knowledge and how they constructed 'French' an
' indigène ' knowledge simultaneously. I am particularly interested in the construction and
maintenance of difference, especially when certain practices seemed to share similariti
One example is the earthen dams built by both 'indigenous' communities and the Frenc
military during the early years of colonialism.
46. Blanc, Letter to M. Paul Ballot (n.d.). See also Le Directeur Général du Génie Rural et
l'Hydraulique Agricole, Note pour M. le Ministre, Objet: Deuxième congrès international de
irrigations et du drainage, Alger, avril 1954 (23 novembre 1953); A. Blanc, Note pour M
Ministre, Objet: Deuxième Congrès International des Irrigations et du drainage, Alger, avr
1954 (n.d.). Both in AN, FIO 5891.
47. As I suggest here, it is important to acknowledge how 'metropolitan' practices were sha
by 'colonial' ones, a point that French elites sometimes acknowledged, even highlighted; bu
at other times, they explicitly rejected these connections. At the same time, hydroimperiali
in internal and external peripheries cannot be conflated. The power dynamics of each proce
are crucial.
48. As discussed earlier, one can also examine actors' constructions of similarity and differenc
49. Jean Tourette, 'Le problème de l'eau en Provence, Avec le projet Rigaud, 41 millions
mètres cubes supplémentaires fertiliseraient nos campagnes, (II) Une source de richesses', L
Marseillaise , 20 décembre 1945, in AN FIO 5847.
50. F. du Vignaux to M. l'Administrateur Général des Services du Ministère de la France d'Outr
Mer (28 octobre 1959), CAC, 19820268, art. 72. See also P. Pouvreau to M. le Directe
Général des Etudes et des Affaires Générales (4 octobre 1962), CAC, 19820268, art. 26.
51. Dauthy to M. le Ministre des Finances et des Affaires Economiques (16 décembre 19
CAC, 19820268, art. 48. See also Dauthy, Note pour M. le Ministre (17 juin 1959); Ministè
de l'Agriculture, Personnel de l'Administration Centrale en Fonctions en Algérie (29 m
1959); Dauthy to M. le Premier Ministre (20 août 1959). All in CAC, 19820268, art. 72. T
transfer of colonial officials, including technical elites, to Algeria during the late 1950s an
Pritchard 6 1 1
early 1960s was pa

ence movement.
52. Henri Moll to M. le Directeur Général des Eaux et Forêts (1 septembre 1 963); on the possibi
ity of remaining in Algeria through 'technical aid' programs, see Le Directeur de l'Institut d
Vins et de Consommation Courante to M. le Ministre de l'Agriculture, Direction Générale d
Etudes et des Affaires Economiques (5 juin 1962). Both in CAC, 19820268, art. 74.
53. Contentious issues included ensuring 'equivalencies' between positions in the metropolit
and colonial administrations, how colonial service was counted in pensions, and budg
deficits due to the 'surplus' of staff.
54. This article does not focus on 'integration', but it was far from a smooth process, including
the technical realm. The strict training, hierarchy, and promotion system of the French stat
bureaucracy meant that there was a surplus of most positions during and after decoloni
tion. There were, therefore, fewer openings at lower ranks for recent graduates, while it w
difficult for individuals to be promoted because there were limited vacancies in advanc
positions. On cadres , see Boltanski (1987).
55. Chabanel, Note à l'attention de M. le Contrôleur financier (5 mai 1964), CAC, 198202
art. 41.
56. Jacques Aubert to M. le Ministre de l'Agriculture (13 mars 1966), CAC, 19820268, art. 74
57. Direction Générale de l'Enseignement et de la Vulgarisation to M. le Directeur de
l'Administration Générale et du Personnel (1 mars 1960), CAC, 19820268, art. 25.
58. Le Directeur Général du Génie Rural et de l'Hydraulique Agricole to M. le Directeur
l'Administration Générale et du Personnel (17 février 1959), CAC, 19820268, art. 25. Th
political status of Algeria in early 1959 explains why there are no officials from the Algeri
administration listed here; that would change after March 1962.
59. F. Desfrasne to Ministère de l'Agriculture (13 octobre 1 964), CAC, 19820268, art. 5 1 . Cadr
also moved between the state administration in France and regional development companie
as well as among these companies. For instance, Pommeret had worked for the Compagn
Nationale du Rhône (CNR); later he became BRL president. I discuss the movement from th
colonies to France in more depth below.
60. Gabrielle Bouleau, personal communication. For a discussion regarding the inclusion
regional development company officials (and specifically those of the SCP) in the Agen
de l'eau 's administration, see Ch. Paulac (?) to M. Edgar Pisani (20 octobre 1965), CA
19920075, art. 1.
61. On the legislative history of the Agences de l'eau, see CAC, 19920075, art. 1. The sta
planning commission appears to have considered them since at least 1959.
62. Officials from Indochina seem likely candidates given the extensive water management p
jects undertaken by the French there. See Biggs (2005, 2008, 2010).
63. See Laws 68-458 of 23 May 1968 and 66-483 of 6 July 1966 'portant Statut du pers
nel accomplissant le service national actif dans le service de l'aide technique' described
CAC, 19820268, art. 75. Related documents focus on those who carried out 'technical aid'
Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia.
64. Dauthy to M. le Ministre des Affaires Etrangères (27 novembre 1959), CAC, 19820268, art. 4
65. Jean de Broglie to Messieurs les Ministres et Secrétaires d'Etat (4 juillet 1962), CAC
19820268, art. 74. This example suggests a fascinating continuity between the colonial a
postcolonial governments of Algeria. It is worth noting that the number of North African
working for the French administration (particular

following French attempts to include more North A
change reflected shifting dynamics between France a
1950s, but it was also a pragmatic move: expandin
administration might help France hold onto Alger
bureaucrats who had worked for the French admini
'technical aid' as a process of exporting knowledge f
66. As Gabrielle Hecht notes (2011), framing the Col
US versus USSR, obscures other actors and more c
help explain why water management agencies in Fran
'foreign' work. After undertaking large-scale projec
came under increased scrutiny from local communit
of the Environment during the late 1970s and earl
and the modernization of the Rhine-Rhône liaison, w
tively. In the 1990s, the government's new progra
technical elites some work. Overall, however, the CN
dam-building campaign that occurred in many parts
especially since 1945. In this context, agencies such
where for additional work. See Pritchard (2011), es
67. This discourse has also altered the representat
instance, the CNR now frames its management of t
opment' ( développement durable) even though m
long before the concept existed.
68. The BRL's main website is www.brl.fr/. The CNR's m
BRL and CNR websites last accessed 7 February 20
69. For the global reach of the CNR's activities, see
www.cnr.tm.fr/fr/categorie.aspx?idcategorie=124, e
tm.fr/fr/categorie.aspx?idcategorie=126; a related b
tm.fr/medias_dynamique/ingenierie_fluviale_ok.pdf;
www.cnr.tm.fr/medias_dynamique/T-PlaquetteCNR-
70. www.cnr.tm.fr/medias_dynamique/T-PlaquetteC
8-9. CNR publications do not address potential ten
instance, 'developing' hydroelectricity might unde
7 1 . www.cnr.tm.fr/medias_dynamique/T-PlaquetteCN
http://brli.brl.fr/presentation-35.html. See also http:/
plandesreseauxO 1 .html.
72. www.cnr.tm.fr/medias_dynamique/T-PlaquetteCNR
fr/nos-references-8.html.
73. I last consulted the 'BRL à l'International' world
between that date and this writing, the BRL websit
interactive. However, a static image of the map is s
modified title and subheading, http://brli.brl.fr/im
based on the previous version of the map. For the lis
Ocean, see http://brli.brl.fr/index.php?page=8&pays
Pritchard 6 1 3
74. www.cnr.tm.fr
8-9, 11, 13, 15, 17
75. For the BRLI's
implantations-ll.ht
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Pritchard, S (2012) From Hydroimperialism To Hydrocapitalism

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From hydroimperialism to hydrocapitalism: 'French' hydraulics in France, North Africa,

Scholars in science and technology studies (STS

The production and movement of hydraulics

they meant farming in northern and central Fra

From periphery to center during

adding that 'it would be very desirable' if more

Given that irrigation technologies are constantly ch

an Ingénieur des Travaux with the Administrat

Postcolonial movements: From former colonies to France

Decolonization and repatriation initiated new dynamics in the production and c

users and uses within major watersheds suc

Hydrocapitalism in the postcolonial age

institutions essentially expunges earlier and

hydroimperialism with late colonial or com

the larger projec

4. Peter Little (20

15. 'Le problème de l'eau en Algérie', La Dépêche C

17. Justifying technoscientific intervention, in part

24. Georges Drouhin, 'L'équipement hydraulique d

see Henri Moll

42. Direction de l'Administration Générale et du Personnel to M. le Secrétaire d'Etat à la

early 1960s was pa

working for the French administration (particular

Gaffney M (1997) What price water marketing? Calif

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