International Journal of Intercultural Relations. "/ol. 12, pp. 83 105, 1988 0147-1767:88 $3.(KI ~ .

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I N T E R C U L T U R A L MIGRATION A N D THE D E V E L O P M E N T
OF P E R S O N A L IDENTITY:

The Dilemma Between Identity Maintenance and

Cultural Adaptation

CEES BOEKESTIJN

F r e e University, A m s t e r d a m

ABSTRACT. Intercultural migrants meet unfamiliar behavior, symbols, rules"

and roles, beliefs and values. Several psychological processes in the receiving
group (territoriality, ethnocentrism, reaction to competition, search for a positive
identity, shunning of dissimilarity, search for control, interaction fatigue, pres-
ence o f cultural heterogeneity) tend to result in a reserved attitude towards immi-
grants. Immigrants, susceptible for change, face a tremendous learning task.
Some impeding processes in this task are discussed (social facilitation, learned
helplessness, and cultural fatigue).
Beside the learning o f meanings and skills, migration success depends on the
feeling o f being accepted. A crucial condition for the development o f that feeling
is the forming o f informal, intimate personal relations. It is o f secondary impor-
tance with whom (co-culturals or hosts) these relations are established.
Migrants face the dilemma o f identity maintenance and cultural adaptation.
Choice in this dilemma greatly influences forming personal relations and identity-
development. The presence o f this dilemma in national policies toward migrants
is demonstrated. Special attention is given to Canada's policy towards multi-
culturalism. Some assumptions and roadblocks are discussed.

Intercultural m i g r a t i o n in this paper has a limited m e a n i n g . It only

refers to people who v o l u n t a r i l y leave their c o u n t r y o f origin a n d plan to
settle in a new c o u n t r y with a more or less different culture. It excludes
people such as tourists, students s t u d y i n g a b r o a d , a n d peace corps work-
ers who do not plan to make a living in the new country.
I plan to describe the social psychological situation of such migrants,
the influence i m p i n g i n g o n them drawing from diverse theories a n d data
sources. Special a t t e n t i o n will be paid to their d i l e m m a in developing
p r i m a r y social relations. These relations are supposed to largely deter-

The author would like to thank the Dutch Emigration Service, the Canadian Embassy in
The Hague, and the Multiculturalism Directorate in Ottawa for providing relevant informa-
tion and literature.
Requests for reprints and relevant information and literature should be addressed to Prof.
Dr. C. Boekestijn, Department of Social Psychology, Free University, Dakopbouw, P.O.
Box 7161, 1007 MC Amsterdam, The Netherlands.

83
84 C. Boekestijn

mine migration success, their satisfaction, and the development of their

personal identities. In connection with this some issues in migration poli-
cy will be discussed.

THEORETICAL APPROACHES

Bochner (1982) distinguishes three theoretical orientations in the litera-

ture on interethnic contact namely: (a) the psychoanalytic approach
stressing the venting of displaced aggression and scapegoating to an out-
group; (b) the similarity-attraction approach stressing the relational inhi-
bitions of culturally different people. This approach draws on reinforce-
ment theory (Byrne, 1971) and cognitive balance theories (Heider, 1958;
Newcomb, 1961; Rokeach, 1968); and (c) the social learning approach. In
this orientation, culture is viewed as an all-pervasive matrix of reinforce-
ment schedules (Guthrie, 1975).
Intercultural migration means placement in an unfamiliar cultural con-
text in which old habits and contingencies no longer apply. These experi-
ences have been labeled culture shock (Oberg, 1960), role shock (Byrnes,
1966), and role strain (Guthrie, 1966). They cause great uncertainty,
which will last until the migrant gets acquainted with the new cultural
matrix.
Although these approaches do not exhaust the theoretical orientations
in migration studies they have the advantage of directing attention to
both parties involved. The psychoanalytic approach focuses at the receiv-
ing group, the social learning at the migrants and the similarity-attraction
paradigm at the relational difficulties of both parties.
Sketching the psychology of intercultural migration requires taking
both parties into account. Only in this way can we adequately picture
their interaction process and its consequences. 1 shall give attention to
these three subjects in succession.

PSYCHOLOGY OF THE RECEIVING PARTY, THE

IMMIGRANTS AND THE RELATIONAL DILEMMA

The Receiving Party

Territoriality. Animals and humans occupy a territory, mark its bounda-

ries and defend it against outsiders. This tendency results at least in a
reserved attitude towards intruders. This reservation will grow when the
"guest" is perceived as planning to stay permanently. Scarcity of territory
is correlated with the degree of distance that the owners will demonstrate
towards migrants. An example is provided by the increased hostility dur-
ing the last decades by autochthones towards migrant workers in Western
 Intercultural Migration 85

European Countries, which is also expressed in territorial claims (houses,

streets, neighbourhood, country).
This tendency can be overridden, however, when the receiving group
expects to gain rewards from migrants. This was shown after the second
world-war by Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, where at least some
categories of migrants were welcomed. A special case is Israel where the
land not only has a historical meaning, but also a religious one.

In-out Group Tendencies

Ethnocentrism. Sumner's old adage that "each group nourishes its own
pride and vanity, boasts itself superior, exalts its own divinities and looks
with contempt on outsiders" (1906, p. 13) formulates an important ten-
dency in human groups. It has been qualified and developed in diverse
directions (Le Vine & Campbell, 1972). The psychoanalytically inspired
theory on authoritarianism in which the outgroup functions as a target
for venting displaced aggression has already been mentioned.

Competition. A different approach is chosen by Sherif and Sherif

(1953). In their well-known intergroup studies, interpersonal distance,
negative feelings, and behavior arose in competing groups. This approach
transcends the idea of territoriality and ethnicity and relates outgroup
tendencies to scarcity of material and immaterial goods.

Positive Identity. A more basic approach has been proposed by Tajfel

(1970, 1974). He studied groups in minimal social situations, for exam-
pie, between whom neither scarcity nor competition existed. Even in this
situation people appeared to demonstrate a preferential treatment of their
own group. Taj fel sought to explain this behavior by assuming a need for
positive personal identity. This identity, according to him, is largely de-
rived from one's group identity. Downgrading of another group may
function to augment the own group's identity and consequently the per-
sonal identity of its members.

Shunning o f Dissimilarity. Migrants are deviants who stand out in the

host culture. Differences tend to become salient (Campbell, 1967). Byrne
(1971) contends that similarity is an unconditioned stimulus creating a
positive effect. People perceived as different will not profit from this
presumed basic psychological mechanism and will be met by aloofness or
worse. Heinemann, Pellander, Vogelbush, and Wojtek (1981) mention
many studies in which interaction with deviants was experienced as un-
pleasant and emotionally arousing. They even assume that the perception
of difference from oneself turns the other into a cue that evokes vegeta-
tive arousal and corresponding feelings o f uneasiness (p. 3).
86 C. Boekestijn

Byrne (1971) showed in several experiments, that the proportion of

perceived similar attitudes is linearly related with attraction for another
person. Similarity and dissimilarity function as positive and negative
reinforcers, respectively, and induce corresponding effects.
In this context, special attention must be paid to physical differences
which often give rise to racism. In Canada an increasing number of
"visible minorities" entered the country. This increased the salience of
ethnic differentiation on the basis of color rather than culture or lan-
guage. An increasing number of interracial acts of violence occurred. In
1982 a Race Relations Unit was established within the Multiculturalism
Directorate. A parliamentary committee on visible minorities was created
in 1983. It published its report in 1984 (House of C o m m o n s Canada,
1984).
Some authors assume that these differences by themselves generate
social distance. This would place visible minorities in a permanent un-
comfortable position. They would be treated on the basis of physical
characteristics, neglecting more human aspects of these minorities. As
social characteristics are often associated with social-economic positions
and cultural differences, their position is aggravated (Taft, 1973). Ro-
keach (1961) challenged the view that race must be regarded as an inde-
pendent factor for the development of prejudice. He suggested that per-
sons meeting someone from another race assume that he or she has values
and opinion systems different from their own and that this assumption is
the only psychological factor causing racial prejudice. More recent re-
search questions this strong form of the theory. It is shown that, especial-
ly in more intimate relations, race independently determines interper-
sonal distance (Stein, Hardyek, & Smith, 1965; Triandis & Davis, 1965).

Search o f Control. An assumption of the cognitive and reinforcement

orientations is the need to acquire cognitive clarity in the material and
personal environment in order to obtain predictability of events and rein-
forcements. By discovering causal relations in the biophysical world, by
constructing role-rule relations between categories of humans, and by
accepting belief and value-systems about reality, this predictability and
control is acquired. Because they fulfill this need these role-rule and
cognitive value systems are not affectively neutral but become highly
valued, as the history of mankind amply demonstrates. Unpredictability
produces a reserved attitude towards strangers who are not supposed to
know rules, share beliefs, and act accordingly. The autochthonous group
therefore will be motivated to influence migrants in such a way that they
accept the dominant normative system and their beliefs. Before and dur-
ing this influence process they will try to gain information about invari-
ant characteristics of the newcomers. A way to do so is attributing stable
and internal causes for their manifest behavior. As this attribution pro-
 Intercultural Migration 87

cess is not unbiased it may trigger the development of stereotypes. These

may impede adequate interaction with migrants.
In countries where many immigrants have moved already, previous
experiences with a specific group may influence this attribution process.
An interesting positive example is mentioned by Harney (1983). After the
second world war, Canadian liberators of Holland returned to Canada, a
significant number of them with their Dutch brides. These "war brides"
were cordially received and integrated quickly. Harney mentions that the
reception of the subsequent wave of many Dutch immigrants was posi-
tively influenced by these well-received brides.

Interaction Fatigue. Guthrie (1975) observed that autochthones tend to

evade contact with migrants for another reason. When the newcomer has
limited capacity to express himself or herself smoothly in the new lan-
guage, interaction is troublesome and superficial. Despite the fact that
many demonstrate much helping behavior, the receivers tend to get tired
and may refrain from developing more personal relationships.

Cultural Heterogeneity and Tolerance. Societies differ in the degree

of internal heterogeneity and also in the policy of the national state
towards heterogeneity. (Semi)territorial segregation (South Africa) is at
one extreme and the explicit striving towards multiculturalism at the other
(Canada). In between is the policy of the melting pot as it reigned for a
long time in the USA.
Although I was not able to locate studies one may assume theoretically
that people in culturally heterogeneous countries will have a more toler-
ant attitude towards deviants and that the interaction with them therefore
will be less troublesome than in homogeneous countries. This supposi-
tion is in need of some specification, however, as demonstrated by Ire-
land, India, and many tribal frictions in newly constituted states. It may
only apply to countries that manage to satisfactorily deal with their inter-
nal heterogeneity.
All tendencies mentioned so far are creating a reserved attitude towards
migrants. It would be very one-sided not to mention the very positive
attitude often manifested by individuals and groups towards migrants.
Some studies report that minority members are sometimes welcomed and
treated more leniently when they transgress norms or customs. Dutton
(1971) reports that under certain conditions even reverse discrimination
occurs. Simmel (1923) already pointed at the ambivalence towards "der
Fremde." The differences provoke anxiety and distance but also curiosity
and approach behavior (p. 511). An interesting example of such a wel-
come is reported by Alexander (1969) on Dutch migrants to Dunedin in
New Zealand. Those who had no relatives were welcomed by New Zea-
landers. In many cases this grew into an almost adoptive relationship.
88 C. Boekestijn

This highly facilitated the migrants' adaptation process (p. 94) and result-
ed in cultural assimilation. Nevertheless the general conclusion must be
that a number of psychological processes tend to produce a reserved
attitude towards the migrant.

Immigrants
Susceptibility. Two important observations about immigrants can be
made from the outset. First, contrary to the reserved attitude of the
receiving group, migrants who have decided to settle in a new country are
motivated to at least partially adapt themselves to the different socio-
cultural environment. Secondly, emigration means by definition a strong
reduction o f interpersonal relations, including warm and personal ones,
that were significantly supportive for their beliefs (Festinger, 1954). Both
conditions render the migrant susceptible to change. The new environ-
ment will provide experiences, information, and new relations which will
influence their beliefs, behavior and identity. Newcomb's Bennington
study (1957) already demonstrated these influences on female students,
who only temporarily and in the same country "migrated" to study in a
college of which the culture differed from that at their homes.

Learning. The migrants' situation can be described to a great extent as

lacing a tremendous learning task, because familiar communicative sym-
bols and socio-cultural regulations no longer apply. Special attention
must be given to language differences. Though examples of effective
pantomime communication are known (Collett, 1982, p. 81) one cannot
easily overestimate the language handicap in getting to know the new
social fabric, relating with people, making new friends with whom one
may share experiences, express feelings, and discuss personal concerns.
Though presence in a group speaking another language, is a favourable
condition for learning it, other factors may impede this. Most of these
factors also apply to the learning of the broader socio-cultural system.

Social Facilitation. Zajonc (1965) argues that mere presence of others

increases a person's drive level. Dominant responses will then be facilitat-
ed, subordinate ones will lose strength. Cottrell, Wack, Sekerak, and
Rittle (1968) add the condition that present others exert an evaluative
function. Both conditions are fulfilled when migrants try to use the for-
eign tongue. The new language does not belong to their dominant re-
sponse repertoire and they feel evaluated when using it. One may safely
conclude that these conditions impair a relaxed learning of a very intri-
cate and subtle communication system. For this reason alone migrants
may refrain to try hard. On the other hand their capacities may be very
much underestimated by members of the host culture. Consequences of
both processes are often described in the migration literature.
 Intercultural Migration 89

Learned Helplessness. Although migrants are motivated to adapt to

their new environment they may, especially at the outset, meet conditions
Seligman (1975) refers to as producing reactions of learned helplessness.
The main condition he mentions is the absence of a clear connection
between tried behavior and expected results. Especially those who have
almost no c o m m a n d of the new language may experience loss of control,
which is supposed to easily result in pessimism about future success, a
lower level of effort and the emotional experience of helplessness and
depression. This process may also occur in learning new interaction hab-
its, role requirements, institutional arrangements, etc. Triandis (1976)
points to this learning process which is only completed when one is able
to adequately influence the behavior of the culturally different person.
This requires the understanding of the causes of their behavior and re-
warding them appropriately. Only then can both parties make isomorphic
attributions.

Cultural Fatigue. Guthrie (1975) approaches intercultural relocation as

the relearning of reinforcement contingencies. In this connection he men-
tions a negative learning condition, which also applies to language learn-
ing. Intercultural migrants experience continuous adaptive demands to
such a degree that they overload their usual coping abilities (Taft, 1977).
This absorbs so much energy that it results in what he calls cultural
fatigue. This can be regarded as the parallel of the interaction fatigue on
the side of the receiving party which I mentioned above.
Social psychologists have developed many methods to prepare people
for cultural change. 1 do not enumerate these (Landis & Brislin, 1982-
83). Bochner (1982) stresses the necessity of learning new interaction
skills as a preparation for future interaction and rejects the clinical ap-
proach for the study of migrants. These trainings may lead to anticipato-
ry socialization and help to correctly anticipate a new set of role expecta-
tions. This can prevent role shock and role strain in the new environment
(Allen & Van de Vliert, 1984, p. 13).

DEVELOPMENT OF PERSONAL RELATIONS

Although I could dwell much longer on the migrants' complex learning

tasks, I now draw attention to another factor in the adaptation process,
namely, to become accepted in the new environment.
Migrants who succeeded in mastering the new symbolic and role-rule
systems may still feel in but not of the country. Identification with the
new country seems highly dependent on the development of personal
relations which provide migrants the feeling of being accepted. Besides
the social learning o f skills mentioned before, 1 suppose that social accep-
tance is another crucial factor for migration success. The theme was
90 C. Boekestijn

already highlighted by Park's (1928) and Stonequist's (1937) treatises on

the marginal man, the essence of which seems to be the nonacceptance by
groups with which one is structurally related and whose acceptance one
seeks. A second reason to focus on the development of personal relations
is their impact on the change of the migrants' identities and those of their
children. A third reason is the importance of this aspect for the govern-
ment and the local migration policy.

The Immigrants" Dilemma

Before treating these subjects systematically, I mention a dilemma all
intercultural migrants face and which manifests itself both in identity
development and in migration policy. This dilemma is the inherent ten-
sion between socio-cultural adaptation and the preservation of identity.
The wish to be accepted is counteracted by the wish not to deny cherished
beliefs and values. The strength of the dilemma will be proportional to
the degree of difference between the two cultures and to the salience of
the aspects present in these differences. Gordon (1964) in a study on the
role of ethnicity and religion in the adaptation process in the USA as-
sumed that religious beliefs are salient. He observed that it took much
more time to adapt when the migrants' identities were religiously
defined.

Social Networks and Their Functions

A recent study by Furnham and Bochner (1982) on the adaptation of
foreign students in London shows that they developed two rather separate
social networks. One was composed mainly of Englishmen, the other
mainly of co-culturals. The functions of these networks were different
and reflect the dilemma I mentioned. The former provided the necessary
information how to go about in Great Britain and the London University
system. Members of this network helped the students to learn the symbol-
ic and the socio-cultural systems they had entered. This is called the
instrumental function. The latter network consisted of co-culturals, with
whom more personal and intimate relations were entertained. Here they
discussed their beliefs and values in a situation where many of these were
massively and publicly contradicted. The function of this network can
easily be identified as validating their beliefs by comparing them with
significant others (Festinger, 1954). Furnham and Bochner aptly call this
function cultural rehearsal and expression. One may safely add identity
maintenance. These networks provided different kinds of social support
necessary for adaptation to the new environment. Absence of one of
them may lead to migration failure. Van de Vliert and De Boer (1984)
make a plea for further distinctions in kinds of social support, which can
have different functions in different situations of the person. They distin-
guish between emotional support (feeling to be liked), evaluative support
 Intercultural Migration 91

(feeling to be respected), instrumental support (feeling helped) and pres-

ence support (feeling another's presence). This distinction may be impor-
tant for further analysis of the support conditions in the adaptation
process.
Furnham and Bochner in studying the social network direct attention
to the presence of co-nationals or co-culturals. Availability of co-cultur-
als is an important factor in the migrant's choice of action in the dilem-
ma. It is sometimes even a condition for the decision to emigrate itself.
The large number of Dutchmen emigrating to Canada, Australia, and
New Zealand after the war has been pictured mainly as a relation emigra-
tion (Hofstede, 1964). Some migrants may choose to avoid contacts with
co-nationals in order to assimilate as quickly as possible. They then will
try to develop personal relations with their hosts. In studying migration
literature I only came across one reference in which this tendency was
reported (Alexander, 1969).
In almost all other studies migrants tend to affiliate with co-culturals.
This tendency is sometimes evaluated negatively by the receiving culture.
My impression is that these co-cuiturais contribute tremendously to the
adaptation o f migrants and their possibilities to live with their dilemma.
The negative evaluation usually originates from an ideal that migrants
must fully assimilate with the dominant culture. This subject will be
discussed later. Furnham and Bochner discovered among students two
separate networks of autochthones and of co-culturals with different
functions. In migration it is not uncommon that both functions are exe-
cuted by only one network, namely that of co-culturals. This is very likely
when great cultural differences exist. These may even motivate migrants
to avoid personal relations with persons of the host country. Chimbos
(1982), in a study on Greek migrants to Canada, notes that it is not
uncommon for Greek migrants to disapprove of, or feel threatened by
what they perceive as common practices in Canada, such as early dating,
disrespect for elders and parents, drug use, weak family bonds, and
overall permissiveness (p. 147). Also, Van den Berg-Eldering (1982) in a
study of Moroccan workers in the Netherlands, noticed their reluctance
towards intensive interactions with Dutch men and women (pp. 189-190).
As a last example I mention the experience in intercultural training pro-
grams reported by Paige (1983, p. 120). Some of the trainees showed
reluctance to participate out of fear of becoming Americanized. They felt
the training might threaten their identities.

Personal Relations a n d Migration Success

Many studies support the view that development of personal relations
is a crucial condition for migration success. I found a source of interest-
ing data in the few studies on migration-regret and return-migration
(Bovenkerk, 1974; Thompson, 1978). Fryda (1961) in a study of Dutch
92 C. Boekestijn

emigrants found that women regret migration more (12%) than men
(7%). Those who regret emigration report fewer friendly contacts with
inhabitants of the host culture, report more often that they could not
make themselves understood, and feel more isolated. He concludes that
social adjustment in particular emerges as the background to return,
especially a m o n g wives (p. 361). Surprisingly enough, the role of eco-
nomic disappointment seemed to be almost negligible. This conclusion is
also drawn in a study by Elich and Blauw (1981). They questioned 113
Dutch return migrants about their motives. The majority of these motives
were relational in character; only a very small percentage mentioned an
economic reason. The author of this article did not study return migra-
tion, but the attachment to one's area of residence among 544 workers in
Zeeland, a province in the southwest of the Netherlands (Boekestijn,
1961). O f special interest here are the relations that were found with the
wish to leave the province. The tendency to leave was greater among the
Roman Catholic minority, a m o n g those who did not participate in local
associations, a m o n g those born outside the province, especially when
they were married to a wife born outside the province, and a m o n g those
who judged the Zeelanders less genial than non-Zeelanders. These results
already suggest relational causes for non-attachment. A further analysis
revealed that responses to different questions were scalable by G u t m a n
criteria. The most negative attitude to living in Zeeland was represented
by relational items. I could draw the same conclusion reported by Fryda,
and Elich and Blauw. The wish to leave the province was only slightly
caused by economic motives. Relational factors were of much greater
importance. On the basis of the reported data the conclusion can be
drawn that the development of personal relations is an important factor
for migration success.
In the migration literature there is much discussion whether this is also
the case when the migrant develops personal relations mainly with co-
culturals. Many publications suggest that this is detrimental for a good
adaptation of the migrant (Borrie, 1959). Furnham and Bochner's study
does not seem to support this view. My hypothesis that personal relations
are crucial for success does not exclude relations with co-culturals. Bor-
rie's view underestimates the migrants' dilemma.
Many studies on migration demonstrate that co-culturals execute the
cultural rehearsal function and the instrumental function as well. They
need not necessarily be separated in different networks as Furnham and
Bochner found a m o n g foreign students. I already quoted Chimbos
(1982). Another example is provided by a study of Abu Laban (1980) on
Arab immigrants in Canada. Arab pioneer migrants appeared to have
very close relations. Their c o m m o n culture (language, religion, customs)
welded them into cohesive groups which gave them security and fellow-
ship. A similar statement is made about the Egyptians. A publication by
 Intercultural Migration 93

the Multiculturalism Department of Canada: The Canadian Family Tree,

about the many immigrant groups in Canada (Corpus Information Ser-
vices, 1979) reports that Egyptians affiliate closely and are very interested
in passing their cultural heritage on to their children. They try to main-
tain their own values and identity (p. 70). Finally, I mention a study by
Alexander (1969) on Dutch settlers in Dunedin, New Zealand. This study
amply recognizes the beneficial functions of co-ethnic relations. He de-
scribes their role as "introducing migrants to New Zealand, in providing
them help with problems of language and New Zealand customs and in
general, giving the newcomer at least one familiar reference point in an
otherwise strange society" (p. 92). I chose this study because of Alexan-
der's interest in the various functions these groups may have. He men-
tions: protection against personal disorganization and home sickness and
shield against the new environment. In this context it is worth mentioning
that Alexander not only discusses the functions of the co-cultural group
for the individual migrant. He also gives a lively description of a different
function which can be called an integrative function. In Otago, many
Dutchmen were unwilling to become a member of the Dutch Club. They
perceived it as a Holland-oriented association. In the first years the mem-
bership consisted mainly of very successful and assimilated older Dutch
settlers. When a new chairman explicitly altered the goal of the club to be
the contribution it could make to the New Zealand society, the member-
ship increased rapidly. According to Alexander, this club functioned as a
symbol of the migrants' adjustment and a recognition of their acceptance
in their new country. The ethnic group often functions as a mediating
group that bridges cultural differences and furthers the socio-cultural
integration of newcomers. It is comparable with the function of the
mediating person described in a publication edited by Bochner (1981).
Examples of alternative functions of these co-cultural groups can also be
quoted. Trlin (1967) describes the Dalmations in New Zealand. The
Dalmation Club was not oriented towards New Zealand but to the home-
land; the politics discussed there were Dalmation politics; it symbolized
not the new country but the country of origin. This does not mean that
such a club could not contribute to the Dalmations' adaptation to New
Zealand. I agree fully with the sociologist Zubrzycki (1964), who, in a
study of settlers in Australia, concludes that "a clear insight in the func-
tioning of primary groups within larger ethnic collectivities is crucial for
understanding o f the process of integration to the larger social structure"
(p. 182). He would not object if a psychologist made a variation that a
clear insight can only be gained when we know the psychological func-
tions of primary relations for migrants. This point of view is expressed in
a different formulation by Bochner (1982) who greatly emphasizes learn-
ing and the significance o f social support. He contends that the individu-
al will respond to the relative social support that their setting provides (p.
94 C. Boekestijn

29). From Furnham and Bochner's study it is clear that they highly evalu-
ate identity support.

Second Generation

The dilemma between identity maintenance and assimilation manifests

itself vividly in studies of second generation migrants (Taft & Cahill,
1980). Also in these studies it is apparent that personal relations mediate
in the process o f change. Children playing in their neighborhood and
participating in the national education system make new friends. Those
peers may have great impact. John Fleming, Minister of State of Multi-
cuhuralism in Canada, clearly worded the dilemma experienced by the
married woman with children: "they are expected to be the guardians of
their indigenous culture, the promoters of ethnic loyalty within the fami-
ly. Yet each morning they wave the children off to school knowing that
thcir offspring arc naturally becoming more Canadianized. If these wom-
en do not learn English or French, do not gain an appreciation of Cana-
dian life style, they find themselves, as the years of sacrifice grow, in the
agonizing position of being rewarded with alienation from their husband
and children" (1981, p. 20).
Several studies describe the assimilation process of the second genera-
tion, which is experienced as an identity threat by the first generation.
Barclay (1968), in a study of Lebanese communities in Canada, observed
that children acquire non-Lebanese friends. As the old generation, al-
ready weakened in its allegiance to the past, retreats to the background,
hc predicts that the hold of the tradition will become feeble indeed (p.
155). Abu Laban (1980) also stresses friendships causing change. "Leba-
nese children today go to Canadian schools and mix freely and their
mentality has become typically Canadian." Their parents strenuously
object.to what they regard as dangerous and rough sports. Their children
therefore participate in football secretly (p. 217). I came across a study by
Sweet (1974) however, which is an exception to the general trend that the
second generation assimilates quite rapidly. Studying a Druse community
in Edmonton, she found there a copy of the social and cultural institu-
tions in Lebanon. The strength of the intimate relations in the Druse
community seemed to override the assimilation influences.
Not only informal relations with Canadians gnaw at the old way of life.
Financial opportunities and success may do that also. Barclay (1968)
mentions the temptations of the more prosperous Muslims. They want
their children to read and write Arabic. Due to the lure of finance they
themselves increasingly succumb to middle class Canadian values. Here
again is the dilemma I mentioned before. The ambivalence here is the
loyalty to their culture and the "lure of financial success, wrought by full
 Intercultural Migration 95

compromise with the dominant cultural milieu. It is out of loyalty to kin

and confession that they support a Qur'an school" (p. 82). The general
conclusion can be drawn that informal relationships and reinforcements
tend to trigger the assimilation process. Deep convictions like religious
beliefs are more resistant but they are also subject to change.

DEVELOPMENT OF PERSONAL IDENTITY

I strongly emphasized until now the significance of intimate personal

relations for explaining migration success. It appeared of secondary im-
portance with whom these relationships were developed. This does not
apply for the explanations of cultural and identity change. On the con-
trary. The response to the dilemma is highly dependent on the character
of these relations.
Symbolic interactionism accentuates the mutability of self and the in-
fluence of significant social relationships for self-definition (Zurcher,
1983). This theoretical orientation would predict such changes in pal allel
with social relations. Numerous studies provide supportive data for this
view.
Novakovic (1972), reported by Bochner (1982) in a study of young
Yugoslavs in Australia, found a clear relationship between the composi-
tion of children's peers (all Australian, mixed, all Yugoslav) and their
rejection of the home culture. The rejection increased with age. Obvious-
ly these peers served as important reference persons for defining
themselves.
Chimbos (1980) discussing the retention of Greek ethnic identity in
Canadian immigrants, notices that they tend to have strong friendships in
their own ethnic group. They stress endogamy which they regard as essen-
tial for the preservation of Greek culture and identity. He expects, howev-
er, that attitudes towards ethnic exogamy will become more permissive
with each new generation (p. 148).
In the Canadian publication (Corpus Information Services, 1979), to
which I referred earlier, concern is expressed in the section about Japa-
nese immigrants. Through intermarriage they may disappear as an ethni-
cultural group and consequently lose their Japanese identity (p. 140).
Abu Laban (1980), whom I also quoted earlier, pays explicit attention to
the attitude towards intermarriage among Arabs and the strength of their
cultural identity. Among foreign-born and Canadian-born Arabs this
attitude was highly correlated with ethnic identity. Here also, the Canadi-
an-born ethnic identity appeared much weaker than that among the for-
eign-born (p. 221). Gordon (1978), in a study in the USA, mentioned that
identity is best retained when religious beliefs are involved. In line with
this, Bratt (1983) writing on Americanization and self-definition among
96 C. Boekestijn

Dutch Calvinists, states that they rapidly changed to American language,

customs, and dress. Deeper layers, however, were much less affected.
They might not remain Reformed Hollanders, nor become secular Amer-
icans, but wanted to develop into Reformed Americans (pp. 165-185).
This statement, by the way, warns against the too simple assumption that
ethnic identity for people is the most salient aspect of their complex
identity. For these immigrants religion certainly was more salient.
The history of these Calvinists and the experience of later waves of
orthodox Protestant Dutchmen to Canada, Australia, and New Zealand
also demonstrate that institutions can be strongly supportive of identity
maintenance. By founding their own churches and sometimes their own
schools they resisted cultural assimilation. "Cultural assimilation either
was arrested or proceeded with the utmost caution at the door of the
church" (Smith, 1978). This is in accordance with our thesis about infor-
mal relationships. These institutions generated co-cultural relations
which were at least competitive with those that developed with
autochthones.
In closing this paragraph I refer to an interesting topic, mentioned
by Harncy (1983). He describes Dutch immigrants as readily adapt-
ing to their new environment. He perceives, however, signs of a revived
Dutch ethnicism as part of "the assertion of roots" (p. VII). Ganze-
voort and Boekelman (1983) also signal an urge to redefine ethnic iden-
tity. They place this urge against the background of a supposed North
American mass culture. "Redefining one's ethnic identity has become
a means of establishing distinctiveness in the face of this cultural uni-
formity." It is a defense against anonymity and facelessness. "Ethnicity
and its examination turns the bland ethnic stew of the melting pot into a
chili of spicy diversity" (p. XII). This theme is certainly worth further
exploration.

MIGRANTS' DILEMMA AND MIGRATION POLICY

l am not in a position to treat political questions in this article. What I

do want to demonstrate is that also in migration policies the migrants'
dilemma manifests itself. The simple policy goal that migrants have to
assimilate to the dominant national culture originates from a mono-
cultural ideal. Such a policy tends to violate the right of migrants to
maintain their identity. The alternative policy of the melting pot theoreti-
cally creates opportunities for reciprocal influence processes. In practice,
a majority or even a powerful minority will have a great advantage. More
recently a third ideal gains adherence: the ideal of multiculturalism. In
this view, cultural differences are not regarded as a drawback but pro-
claimed to be an asset (Berry, 1984).
 Intercultural Migration 97

It is clear that the three policies imply a different evaluation of contacts

between migrants and co-culturals. The attitude will be most positive in a
multicultural policy.
It is worthwhile to have a short look at the development of multi-
culturalism as a state policy. The most elaborated formulation I could
find was in Canada. There, after long discussions and spurred by the
Anglo-Saxon and French controversies, a policy was unanimously ac-
cepted in the House of C o m m o n s and officially announced by President
Trudeau, October 8, 1971. The statement ran as follows " . . . there is no
official culture nor does any ethnic group take precedence over the
o t h e r . . . Canadian identity will not be undermined by multiculturalism.
Indeed we believe that cultural pluralism is the very essence of Canadian
identity. Every ethnic group has the right to preserve and develop its own
culture and values within the Canadian context . . . a policy of multi-
culturalism must be a policy for all Canadians" (House of Commons
Canada, 1971 ).
Somewhat similar statements were made, less officially bygencies else-
where. In the USA the American Association of Colleges for teacher
education (College for Teachers, 1973) brought out a statement entitled:
"No one model American." In Australia, a discussion paper on education
in a multicultural Australia appeared in 1979. It expresses the same spirit
as the Canadian announcement, but adds: " . . . sharing with the rest of
the society particular concerns and values which have national signifi-
cance" (Commonwealth Education, 1979, p. 18).
Close reading of these statements immediately reveals the elements of
our dilemma. Migrants are encouraged to preserve their own culture, but
there is a Canadian identity. The preservation of their own culture must
take place in a Canadian context and, with the words of the Australians,
migrants have to share particular concerns and values.
The Canadian declaration further proclaims that the Anglo-Saxon and
French cultures are hierarchically not higher than any other culture. The
authors of the declaration seem to be aware of the fact that this ideal
cannot be realized by a political announcement. I therefore assume that
the sentence that "This policy can only be a success if all Canadians
adhere to it" is especially directed to the two dominant cultural groups. In
the light of the psychological processes I mentioned in the first part of
this paper, it is indeed questionable whether this policy can be easily
realized. Any government wanting to reach that goal must reckon with
the basic human tendencies I discussed there.
Nevertheless, an intriguing question is whether an explicit announce-
ment and its implementations have any effect in changing relations be-
tween dominant and less powerful subgroups. Some observations can be
made:
98 C. Boekestijn

1. Cultural minorities may use this announcement as a basis for their

activities. The pluralistic character of Canadian communities has
already served to soften the culture shock of minorities. They now
have a document as a legal basis against downgrading practices.
They may experience and use this to raise their self-consciousness.
I found clear evidence for it in a publication presented to the
3rd Conference on Multiculturalism (Minister of State, 1976). In
briefs on multiculturalism, eleven cultural minorities formulat-
ed their plans for the next five years. It is both obvious and in-
teresting to read that they all enthusiastically endorse multicul-
turalism and that they derive claims for their groups from this policy
statement.
2. It is clear that members of the minority groups, Canadian politi-
cians and educators are thoroughly aware of the gap between the
ideal and reality. No wonder that this is clearly expressed in discus-
sions about education, because there one is immediately faced with
the question of what consequences must be drawn in the classroom
where the dominant cultures used to prevail. Mavis Burke, coordina-
tor of the Ontario Ministry of Education's multicultural education
program in a feature address at the National Conference on Multi-
cultural Education 1981, expressed this gap in the very title of her
address "Rhetoric and Reality in Multicultural Education," (Burke,
1981). She set the tone of modesty by reminding her audience that
neither Canada nor Australia has been able to come to terms with
their original peoples. She even doubted whether the concept of
multiculturalism ever intended to include them. The obvious diffi-
culties to implement the policy in the school express themselves in a
declaration of an urban schoolboard, she quoted. It was formulated
after much soul searching and school consultation. It ran
" . . . (multi)culture. It follows therefore, that schools would func-
tion as agents which assist children in developing and perceiving
themselves as Canadians with a cultural identity that is alive and
looks with respect both backward from parents and homeland and
forward to the role that their culture can play in discovering a Cana-
dian identity in cultural diversity itself" (Board of Education, 1976,
p. 25). Burke dryly remarked that the teachers' response to this
declaration was that it still left them wondering what to do on
Monday morning! (p. 24). She herself is also plagued however, by
the enormous difficulty how to act in school practice. Her speech
ends with a plea for practicality uttered by David Bratt "Abandon
the rhetoric, reconcile the internal c o n t r a d i c t i o n s in your
position . . . provide us with a definition and a platform for multi-
culturalism which is candid, lucid, coherent and realistic." There
seems to lie a long way ahead . . . .
 Intercultural Migration 99

3. Multicuituralism does not do away with the actual dominance of the

Anglo-Saxon and French majorities (Gordon, 1978). Even if one
would succeed in creating equal opportunities for all, this would not
mean equal outcomes due to cultural and institutional arrange-
ments. This is the main theme of reports on multiculturalism. A
report for the House of C o m m o n s Canada (1984) bears the title
"Equality now!" It states that the Canadian society in reality is a
vertical mosaic with some pieces raised above the others. The special
committee makes a plea for removing all roadblocks preventing full
participation of all citizens, to do away with all racial discriminatory
mechanisms. Clearly the relation between mainstream and minor-
ities is problematic (see also Sue, 1983).
4. An intriguing problem is what limits must and can be set in such a
policy. Must all minority languages be taught at school? Has a
minority member the right to speak his or her native language in
court? Must the mass media exactly reflect the cultural mosaic?
What are the consequences here of the "Canadian identity" and the
"Canadian context" of the announcement?
5. Any nation is in need of some sort o f constitution and legal system
that regulates social life. It is unrealistic to hope that all minority
differences can be honored in a huge umbrella compromise. Here
antagonisms cannot be avoided. To be sure and realistic this can
neither be realized in countries with a relatively homogeneous cul-
ture! Also foreign policy may meet with conflicting points of view. I
found an example in the briefs on multiculturalism already quoted
(Minister of State, 1976). In the brief of the Baits one reads "the
primary motivation of the Baltic Federation and indeed pervading
the activities of most of the Baltic cultural and social organization,
is that the Baltic states are occupied by a foreign power." They state
the primary goal of the federation as "the survival as a recognizable
ethnic entity of their communities in the West and in their occupied
homeland." The brief continues "Canada . . . does not recognize
the illegal occupation of the Baltic states by the Soviet Union. The
Balts are therefore in a unique position" (pp. 3-4). The migrants'
dilemma here appears clearly as a consequence of a political choice.
The situation of the South Molukkans in the Netherlands is of the
same kind.
6. Unanimous acceptance in the House of C o m m o n s does not warrant
acceptance by the public in Canada. Fleming, Minister of State for
Multiculturalism, in a m a j o r address to the National Conference on
multicultural education in 1981 mentioned data from a large scale
survey by Berry, Kalin, and Taylor (1977). It showed that 80% of the
sample did not know the multicultural policy of the federal govern-
ment. O f those who did not know the policy, 72% had not even
I00 C. BoekestQn

heard about it. Therefore he made a plea for a better communica-

tion of the policy, for more attention in the media and for discussing
it in Canadian educational institutions. Canada is ahead of other
countries but is certainly still in the beginning. The policy is not yet
what the announcement wishes, for example, a policy for all
Canadians.
7. Little attention is given to the evident assimilation of almost all
cultural minorities to the mainstream cultures. As I documented,
this is clearly the case in second and higher generations. Deeper
layers of identity are most resistant but this seems to require solid
institutional support. If this is not the case one may wonder with
Cassidy (1983) whether the multiculturalism ideal will not be a tem-
porary one, which is no longer necessary as time moves on. My
position is that this depends on the strength of the deep layers and
their institutional support. It certainly is a premature expectation
that in some generations countries will be homogeneous and the
world will be a global village.

In closing I will mention a recent campaign in the Netherlands, a country

where multiculturalism is also encouraged. A non-commercial advertise-
ment agency campaigned in the media in 1984 for a better understanding
of culturally different groups such as Moroccans and Turks. In the mes-
sages they used a core slogan: It is nice that we are not all alike. A picture
was presented of a youngster and an explanation was given for an uncom-
mon behavior, namely, Fatima likes animals but will never let a dog enter
the house. In this campaign the central appeal was that differences be
valued, a theme also explicitly present in the Canadian announcement.
Bruynincx and Van der Kley (1984) reasoned, in accordance with what
1 stated in the first part of the paper, that this appeal was not likely to
obtain optimal success. They did a study in which they introduced mes-
sages with different introductions, one in which differences and one in
which similarities were emphasized, one without an introduction and a
control condition. They asked high school children, 14-16 years old, to
write down all thoughts that came up in reading the messages. They
found that emphasis on similarities produced more positive and less nega-
tive thoughts in comparison with the condition where differences were
emphasized. It is possible that the label the Canadian policy bears, the
label of multiculturalism which stresses differences, is not the most effec-
tive one to positively influence the Canadian citizenry.

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ABSTRACT TRANSLATIONS
Les migrants interculturels sont co~ro.t6s ~ des comportements
aux~uels ils ne sont [ms pr~par~ alnsi qu'~ diesvaleurs, ~ s
r~les, des cro~ances, des symboles qui ne leur sont Ills
familier~
Une attitude r~serv6e ~ I' 4gard des immigrants est souvent le
r4sultat de processus psyahologiqLm8 au sein de la oommunaut~
h~tesse. Tels sont le sentiment possessif par rap[x)rt au
territoire, I' ethno~ntrisme, la r4action ~ la ~oncurrenoe, la
recher~e d'une ide~it~ positive, la m4fiance ~ I' ~jard de
ui est different, le hesoin d' exercer contrA1e, la r~pugnance
~Ir des contacts, l'exlstencm d' une h4t4rog~n~it~ culture/le.
 In tercultural Migration 105

Un redoutahle ap[xentissage attend les immigrants, d' ailleurs

dlslms4s ~ faire face ~ des ~hax3ement~ Oet article trait
plusleurs 4/4ments susceptlhles de freirmr cet apprentissage:
facilitation sociale, maladresse acquise et indiff4xence culturelle.

Outre i' apprentlssage d' IcMes et d' aptitudes, c' est le sentiment
d' awolr 4t4 accept4 gui garantit le sucres des migrations. Pour
que ce sentiment se 4k~veloppe dhez i' Immigrant, il est essentiel
que des rapports amicaus et personnels s'~Pah!issent; peu
importe, d'ailleurs, si l'on a ~ s rapports avec des personnes de
son propre groupe ethnique ou bien avec des citoyens du pays
h6te.

Les migrants se trou~ent places devant le dilemme du maintien de

leur identlt6 culturelle et de l'adaptation ~ la culture
ambiante. Selon le d~oix qu' ils feront, Lls auront plus ou moins
de peine h 4tablir des relations personnelles et h 4~velopper une
nouvelle identit6.

0st article montre gue ce dilemme joue un r~le dens la p~lit/que

des Etats ~ l'4gard des migrants. ~ place s~clale est
accord6e au progremme de multiculturalisme adopt4 ~ar le
gouverrmment canadlen. Un effort est falt pour appr6cier
certains des pr6su;~pos6s et des obstacles. (author-st~lied
abstract)

Igterculturales emigrantes encuentran modes de comportamiento;

simbolos, reglas, roles, creencias y valcres que les son no
fanil tares.

Vaxio6 [xocesos psluul6gicos en el grupo receptor

(terretorialidad etnocentrlca) reacci6n ante la csm~encia,
bdsqueda de una identided positiva, retracci6n ante las
diaimilitudes, ~mgceda de control, interacci6n fatigante
presencia de heterogeneidad cultural tienden cumo resultado a una
reservada actitud hacia los immlgrantes.

Immigrantes, suceptibles [Dr el umN~io, enfrentan una tremende

t a r e a de a p r e n d i z a j e .

Algunos procesos que impiden esta tarea son debar/des

(facilidades sociales, forzoso aprendlzaja, fatiga cultural).
Accesoriamente al ai~endizaje de los contenidos y talentos, el
~xlto de los imm/grantes depende en el sentimiento de - de s e t
aceptado. Una crucial oondici6n para el desarrello de e s t e
sentlmiento es la formaci6n de relaciones persoles (ntlmas o
inf ormeles.

Ks de impsrten~la secunderia con qulen (co-culturales o nativos

del pals) estas relacicres se estahlece~ ~mmigrankes enfrentan
el problema del mantenlmiento de la Identldad y la adaptaci6n
cultural. Lo dellcedo de este gran dilema es gue la influencia
de las relaciones persormles y el desarollo de la I~o~a
identided. La presencla de este dilema en materla de polita
In~ernacional relacionada con loe immigrantes e s ~ demoetrac]a.
Especil atenclon en la Polit/ua Caradiense, se esta dencb con
relacion al multlculturalJ~no. Algunas suposlclones y
deliremnlentos de trabajo est~n slencbdlscutlcbs. (author-
suppl led abstract)