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, t t It lit II/', UISO/', I:dun d II II I tl' If d 'Ill Wl '

II I.' Il.d t.' 'esch i ·hL ~ Stl11itt leLl ropJ.s III I" Modern
I 1<.'1":1:cgeben van
I.•..• Agrarismus in Ostmitteleuropa 1880 bis 1960
\ ('I I \('1 I ell ·cke, eh ristoph Boyer, Uwe M Li lIer,
I· .I'HI or Nell/,. 'nadcl und Philipp Ther Herausgegeben van
Helga Schultz und Angela Harre

2010

I 1:1rr:lssow il /'.V orl:1g . Wiesbaden Harrassowitz Verlag· Wiesbaden


IIII 11111'11'1/1 dll' 1{I,ill' '·>I,'I':IIIId'Uri '1' SlLIJiell I.UI' Wil'tschaf'ts- und Sozialgeselliehtc
I 1111111,
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•.. /01 I. d '1"/1 Hii Ildc 1-16 i III Berliner Wissenschaftsverlag erschienen
IIHI

11111I Id,II'"dlhildlllll;: Skulptllren an der Fassade der Landesbank in Prag


I I I 111.11~11,lIdl 11,,'I'. Helga Schultz
Einleitung: Proteus Agrarismus .

Angela Harre
Demokratische Alternativen und autoritare Verfuhrungen.
Der ostmitteleuropaische Agrarismus im Wechselspiel zwischen Ideologie
und Politik .
Roman Holee
Agrardemokratie als Versuch eines Dritten Weges
mitteleuropaischer Transformation....................................................................... II
Michael Hughes
Misunderstanding the Russian Peasantry. Anti-capitalist Revolution
I 'II I II I III Ildlll III Ii '"11 .It·" I)cutschen Nationalbibliorhek
1'1 'I II III rI
I" II I Illld,J I. II lid, vcrzeich net diese Publ ikarion in del' Dcutschen
t
or Third Rome? Interactions between agrarianism, Slavophilism
1111111 dl."dllli I till .I, LltlllI'r1l..' hibliografische Daten sind im Internet and the Russian narodniki ,.
III 11'"1 d,d .. 1 1111,1. ,dlllllll,IL

111111"1'
'1'/'" "II", "'.11"'" puhlished by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek
1/11 III lit HI,. N'lilt Itl.tlllildiothck lists this publication in the Deutsche
, I II I"" .1/,iI"" '1'.,.11 ".: deLl i led bibliographic data are available in the internet
Ernst Bruekmilller
II It!! I' .I,d'tl Idl,ll.:.
BaLierliche Mobilisierung und nationale Frage in der Habsburgermonarchi '.
ZLirGenese und Struktur von politischen Organisationen der Bauern ". /I
1111111"'.11" "1,'11 '1.1I1il Verlagsprogramm find en Sie unter Miroslav Hroeh
II1111/ / IV IV IV.I, ,!I'I':ISSUW itz-verlag.de
Ballei'll LindAgrarfrage in den nationalen Bewegungen Mitteleuropas
III ( )11' 111.111,Issuwil/. GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden 2010 VOl'dem Ersten Weltkrieg..................................................................................... H/
II 1', W"I II i'; IIs,,1,I il'I~1ieh aller sei ner Tei Ie ist 11 rhebelTeehtlieh gesehLitzr.
11.11 "1' "IIIIII~ .1lJ1~l'rhalb del' cngcn Grcnzen dcs UrhcbclTeehtsgeset/.cs iSl nhne
II IIIIIIIIIIIII~ dl's Vl'l'h~es lIn/.L1Lissig Lind strafbar. Das "ilt insbesondere
IIII II 11,·".dl!gllll~l'II j~,kr Art, Ob'crset/.L1ngcn, Mikn~vcrfilmLingen Lind
11111111'1',III"p('I\'II\'I'1IIII~ 11Il'lckll'lllllSehe Systellle. Zs()rnh"r Body
III .11111111 ,lid .JiII·IIIII~shcsl:indigcm Papier. n 'ai'll OIlsSonderl'all des mitteleuropaischen Agrarisl11us
1)111111111111 V('l'.lrl)l'illllll~: Ilulwl'l:X Cu., Ciilling 'n
ill d '1' Zwischenkriegszeit..................................................................................... I ()
1'11111,.1'" ('\'1111.111\'
I I"~ I IHili (,';')(,
l'dl~J '/IH \ ,I'll 0(,.1' ~
1111)dlill M11'I • 11'11
'1'111'
,'ll' 1I11111hri' or /\ 'rarian Polilical ucccss in Early Twentieth
( '1111111I ':II~I·(' '1111';11
I ':urope. 1\ Structured Comparison of Stjepan Radic,
111(lIdliSv '111:1, /\lexander Stambolijski and Ion Mihalache............................... 121
I 11'11' 1IIIIId 'in' 1I11~dlill Villi d'l' VolkswagcllStilhln' ( ·11 I'd '1'1'11 l'llll II
Wllltl/illli'I'/, Mydr'/,ccki
" gl'llri~lIlus in OstmiUclcul\lpl1 I XXO 1960" hel'vol', c1asdi' I"or~ 'hllill ri~lll·lll\ III
W iliV 'Illy Witns (1874-1945) - a Polish Cincinnatus 135 WII'I, 'hlll'ts- unci Sozialgeschichtc Ostmitteleuropas am Lehrstulll I'llI' V I'j 1 kllllllill
IIHIl'II.''/,.Ii1llicki 1':lIrllpllisl,;hc Wirtsehafts- und Sozialgesehichte der Europa-Univcrsil II V I(llillli
I h'r I'olnis 'he Agrarismus im Spannungsfeld zwischen Selbstbehauptung ili 1"I'llIIkl'u rt an der Oder von 2007 bis 2010 bearbeitete. Wir blick 'II ~,lll'llvi 11(1
IIIHI kOllllllunislischer Herausforderung 1931 bis 1949 149 H 'It \11' Jahre mit dynamisehen Diskussionen, harter Arbeit unci vi'lIltlli! I' !lulll
(,illl 'I' Unlersti.itzung. Unser Dank gilt in erster Linie dem Johann ottl'ri 'd 11111111
NI)'l'I, "vIIi" liors 'hungsrat, seinem Vorsitzenden Dr. Andreas Lawaty und seinCl1l (I ,1'11111
I iii 1"1111'(11'1''IIS:1111
Parties during the Socialist Transfonnation 163
1'I111r'rDr. Norbert Kersken. Ohne ihre Unterstiitzung ware die Konlcr 'II/', "WI II
di' Moderne", die wir gemeinsam im April 2009 in Frankfurt an c1'r 01111' 1'1
[lnslaltcten und die zur Grundlage dieses Sammelbandes wurde, nieht in ihl'ur 1"( III
ullll Qualitat moglich gewesen. Bedanken moehten wir uns aueh b'i 1111 \111'11
Ildlll 1111 I'lIrlnl.:rprojekten in Stockholm (Prof. Dr. Anu-Mai K511) und Leipzig (Ik I litllill/il
1'11111111111
1'1'11.';,,11
I'arty and Rural Co-operatives in Hungary 1886-1922 179 MOiler) rur die fruehtbare Zusammenarbeit bei Konferenzen und Publikalioll 'II,
I 11111
I 11111111111
1\'1:'11'
Petrov FUr die Herstellung des Bandes war wiederum die grUndliche unci sil 'hklllill II
( " 111I111i
II III dvr Tradition? Genossenschaften und bauerliche Mentalitaten /\rbcit von Frau Kathrin Goritz wesentlich. Bei den Korrekturarbeiten Will' 11I 1111
111111111'11111'11 195 Schaefers, Emily Stephens und Carly Deering hilfreieh. Sehliel3lieh lIillll II W I
Ilcrrn Gheorge Voican und Frau Valentina Iancu von VISART/\ IIIHI 1111
Nationalgalerie in Bukarest fur die freundliche Bereitstellung der Abbildllnl II,

111111111111'11
1111'rVIII\'111
<h:1'I:rde" - Bauerndarstellungen bei Tolstoi, Zola und Reymont ... 211

\ III II ( IIII',tll/l11
1\111111'
1IIIlII' ';lsCints in Romania (1870-1948) 223

1"dlllll't1K"hi'llIllcl.lifi Sousa
1>1' Wi 'Iler Gri"lne Internationale - eine mitteleuropaische Transfergeschichte? .. 243

,IIIiI 'pll I •. I.ovc


1,111
' /\gmrianism in Brazil.
I' Hll.'k IllId hayanov in the 1970s and 1980s 257

I 'Xlliitl 'I' NOIZClllldcl


1)1, lIulorilllr-lilschistischen Diktaturen SUdeuropas:
1IIIIi 'II, I'orlu ·;11und Spanicn in der Zwischenkriegszeit.. 275
'I'll \ '0 'I tll' till 1 01 !,rari'w Political Su "'ss
I

in Earl T 'Illidlt (' 'Illury East-Ccntral I'~urop .


Structured 'omparison ofStjepan Radi6, Antonin ,1y '''III~
Alexander Stambolijski and Ion Mihalachc

Ih ','C Studie untersucht


die Ressourcen, die agraristischen Politikcrn biill','lil'lli'l
'I) 'Iammung ermi:iglichten, in Ftihrungspositionen aufzusteigen und ihr' 1)111'1 'il'll
11111' nationalpolitischer Ebene zu etablieren. Okonomisches wie auch klllllll' 111I1
I Ipilal scheinen dabei eine untergeordnete Rolle gespielt zu haben; von 'I. 'nil' tll"
lI'd 'utung war dagegen soziales Kapital. Jeder der hier behandelten Polilikl"
(t'II 'pan Radi6, Antonin Svehla, Wincenty Witos, Alexander Stambolijski 1I11d11111
1\111I:daehe)nutzte gesellsehaftliche Netzwerke sowie inklusive politische SII'II 'I i'll
111111 E.eichnete sich durch den Aufbau einer massiven Parteibasis aur lok:d 'I' 1"lwllI
1111"die ihm tiber Jahrzehnte hinweg eine feste politische Basis si 'hcl'l .. I) I
1,II"ktiviUit ihrer Politik auf national politi scher Ebene wird anhand E,W 'i 'I III
1IIIIllungen untersucht: die Fahigkeiten (und Mi:iglichkeiten) del' Erobcl'ling \)11 I I~

1'1'rungspositionen und del' Durchsetzung inhaltlicher Ziele. Es zeichn 'I si 'Ii III
IIli, s nicht del' Anteil der landlichen Schichten an der Gesamtbevi:ilkel'un - 'III, -111'1
,h'lId HiI' politischen Erfolg dieser Bauernpolitiker war und auch nicht illr 1;11l1l1I.
III's' W~ihlerschichten zu mobilisieren, sondern ihre Geschicklichkeit inl UIIII'IIII
11111regnerischen politischen Akteuren, die Konfigurationen des politis 'h 'II 1'\'ld\'
(1IIIlIpts~ichlich die Widerstandsmacht konservativer Eliten und I nstitutioll 'II) IIl1d d I'
1I'IIIschaftliche Leistungskraft der Bauern in den vier behandelten Uinderll.

(),I' or the main features of the political history of East-Central Lurop' ill Ihi' I III
,h
Illilrorthe 20 century was the rise ora 'rarian parties, Taking into II' '\HIIII 111'11Iii
pillpmlion or peasanls ill Ill, ov '1'lIli popliiaiion or the region on' 'oldd 111'/11\'I1111
Ihis was an inescilp:lhl'! pr\H II11'101'111,prm'css oI'polilical d '1'110'1'1I1 i'/,II1ioll, IIIIW
I' \'1', il was nol a silllpl' \ 111111011 1'IIIIIIIlilfi h HI lilli' 'xp 'ri 'II" 1111(11(11011' 1I0w iii
1'\ '1'1" 'Iiv ,I al II 11IIIioil II polllill Ii ,I (h. 11'/ II 'ill'l, (ioliwiIE, 'I' hilS IIIlI 'd. "1111
1111111111'1'01' Iii ':IV 'ra '(; peasallilo his or lit:r houschold alld prol"sSi(ln did 1101 11111\\ 11111'1111111.1111'1' Iii' d 11111i Ii l)jIllIlllIlI rul' lilld Iii, 'r'ulil)1I1)l'lllIld 'III 11111,1111,
IIII 10111III,' 'lIl:es I'rom duties, which led to an inferior educatiOl1 IIl1d ill.'IIIII1'1 'III 11111111 II 1',III(llIlIlIy losl 111 Inlill 'II<':Che uscd 10 have in his villlli'" I'~ lIull I'
'~p 'I i '1I'e or lhc world (outside their village), and meant lhat ev 'II Ii11'I11'I who 1I11l1h"1,Ii'd III a young age and his father subsequently marri 'd :I widow w Iii 1\\1\
<I'v 'Iop'd "quisite leadership qualities in their home districts, ollcn 'oilid 1101I 'wh I hlldll'll ol'li 'I' own. The young Alexander thus had to grow up in a dil'li '1111Ihlll II II
Iii, polilical-organisationallevel essential for successfully running a polili 'III plilly 111\ Iilllill 'nl. He attended primary school in Siavovitsa, bul when his pill' 'nl op
,'II 'OilqXlssi IIg the whole nation state" (Gollwitzer 1977, 21). Thes' hllrt! '1111 1111I,d liis inlentions to continue his education, he decided to run away. 'l'h 'I' ul1 rill
Indl 'III 'd p 'rhaps that, in their aim of becoming effective in national polili 'S, Iii ' Iliid 10 ,'lIpport himself; in running away he had abandoned any acces' h' mi ,iii 1111I
P 'asall( masses would first have to accept the political leadership or cilh 'I' 11111<1 Iliid III tli . economic and/or social capital accumulated by his father. A Ii 'I' 'Olilpli·1
owners or urbanized intellectuals. It is interesting, however, to notc thai, ,lIllilHli Ii I1I1 ," 'ol1dary studies at the State Vinicultural Institute in Plevcn, 1\1 'Xllllt!III
Ih' la'l of leadership resources marred the peasant political movement throu ,hOld '11I1I11\llijski became a teacher in Vetren. He married Milena Daskalova 111,1" ill Iii,
ils his(my, lhe most important agrarian parties in the region were led to politi 'al su ' 11111111 'I' ;11' 1900. She was a fellow teacher, older than Alexander, but sh ' po,,' ·d
<.:esscs by representatives of peasant extraction: Stjepan Radic, Antonin vehlll, II dowry which enabled him to travel to Germany and enrol in thc 1,'lIl'lIlly 1111
Winc 'nly Witos, Alexander Stambolijski and Ion Mihalache. , IOllomy in Halle. Although he could not complete his studies due to Illh '1'('11111
Tli ' political performance of these peasant leaders exemplifies historical agcn ' "llIllIholijski used his stay in Halle to read extensively (Marx, B 'rl1sl 'ill, r-,IIIII
slrug ,I ing with unfavourable social and pol itical structures. This paper thcrefor' I \VIIin etc.), thus consolidating the cultural capital that he had alrcady (I ' '111111111111 Ii
begins with a biographical appraisal of four peasant leaders on the assumption thai III nul 'aria reading translations of major Western contributions 10 IIIl' Iii 1111
this wi II aid our understanding of their resources, as well as the limits of their po- 1'1'11'CS, like Darwin's Descent of Man and Lewis Henry Morgan's AIlt'l(/1I1 , 'III It /I
litical success. This close examination of their life stories is consistent with rec nl I{ 'Iuming to Bulgaria in February 1902 and recovered frail I III III11
lrends in historical studies analysing characters of historical importance. (Lassi) I 'x:lndcr Stambolijski engaged in politics, joining the Bulgarian A ITIIl'ilil1NIIIIIIIIIII
2008, 19). Furthermore, the biographical inquiry will be structured in order to revcClI IllIion (BANU). BANU had been founded in 1899, but after a campai '(11)1' 111111111
lhe way the peasant leaders combined different forms of capital (economic, cultural, d 'l11(lnstrations in 1900 and a breakthrough in the 1901 elections, the plII'1 II II II1III
social, symbolic etc.) in order to achieve political success. Theoretical insights to ill' 'Iine, abandoned by a large number of its early leaders and exposed II) \! II 11111
thiS study from the contributions of Pierre Bourdieu will be used rather loosely, lIoslilt: pressures from the authorities. The party won no seats in thc 1<)(),1 1'111111
larg~ly because Bourdieu, in his analyses, favours the mechanisms of the repro- III 'nl'lry elections. As his teacher from Pleven, Ianko Zabunov, who lill(l h '\'11
ductIOn of social hierarchies, while this study focuses closely on agency, i. e. on thc Illslrumcntal in attracting him to BANU, stepped down from party I 'lIckl' hip,
capacily of individuals to perform above the average in the social fields in which ,'Illmbolijski, together with two other young teachers, Alexander Dimill'O\! Iliid
they compete. However, in the final section 1 will also examine to what extent thc Mllrko Turlakov, rallied around party chairman Dimitlir Dragiev, who Icd Ih' ,l'Ioli
ultimal<; suceess or failure of these peasant leaders in national politics was deter- 10 I' 'slore the party organization from the provincial headquarters in tara Zli/'Ol I,
mined by larger historical forces. 'I'li ' lour years of serving under Dragiev were crucial for both the political 'UI" 'I I Ii
I 'xancler Stambolijski, and for the political revival of BANU. tamholil iI
Ill' Illired significant social capital through his activity at the party n 'W,'pIlJl 'I
I,I'I/I/ede/sko Zname - he became editorial assistant in 1903 and main edil()l' ill I'Hl(
Four biogr'lphies of peasant leaders on the road to political leadership Ihraugh his theoretical contributions to the party ideology, and also 1111'0111'11
'lllllpaigning from village to village. For example, in April 1910 Slulllholl II
For this study, four peasant leaders will be allalysed. They have been chosen be- d 'I ivercd speeches at eighteen political meetings, until he becamc 100 Ii'llllil III
cause lhey ei ther founded the agrarian political party in their country or attained thc '()nlinue (Bell 1977,75). Elected as a member of the Standing Commille' i1nd 1'1
leadership in an initial p~ase of their history. All four men (Alexander Stambolijski, pr 'sidenl or the BANU at the congress in Varna in November 1904, Slill)lhlllil iI\
. ~Jepall Radi', Antonin Svehla, Ion Mihalache) began their political careers before \VIISable to consolidate his influence both in the higher echelon or 13I\NLJ IIlId III
World War I, and continued their endeavours after 1918, gaining mass political influencc. Iii, I 'Vl:1or local party organisations.
. A I 'xilnd 'I' Stambolijski (1879-1923) was born in the village Slavovitsa, in thc Cirudually the status of BAND grew and it became a national party, pl'OIllpl III
d Islncl or PUl'.arcizhik in central Bulgaria (For StarlJbolijski: Bell 1977). H is father Illo\! 's It)r rcstructuring. As party chairman, DimitUr Dragicv resist'd d '1111111 I iii
SloimCII , 1;lIl1bolijski was a well-to-do peasant who own cI abOll1 1\'11h' 'lares or I!lO\! . h 'aclquarters from the isolated province of Stara Zagora. lamh(llijsl i Pi '\ (,11
1:ll1d alld a hOllse wilh Ihrcc rooms. This was mol' Ihllll Iii \ lVI" 11'1' Illd '<Iriilll Iiii' 1'11(1'rship change, however, and influenced the 1907 BI\N 'O!l);I"SS Iii oil' II
III 11111III 111111111111\ 1111III\'PIII\ 111'111.1111111
1 III "'11111 IIld II 111111111111111'
1111 I1II 111111' 11111 Ii III III'III~ I I 111111111I111111111111111 1(1'I. (\11111111
I 1IIIIIId II ,'tjllllill I 1It11t
I 11111111111" 111111I villi' 'Ii 'd 'I I 11111lI11d1111IHld .10 II' l(ulIl·d III 11111 111111I'll 11111lit) 1111,1\111''S 1111(1 hlllli ,l1ll1ll1holil J, 00 II 'WSpilp '" IIli '\' (l'lIll1ll1l/h IIIHH
III Ol't! '1'10 lIvoid lIulhorilariuli I lid 'II 'I'" III Ihe new SIIIIl(\illl ('IlIlIIIlIIIi'I, I 111111 II) I I, hI.' I' ':d pas 'ioll WII,' Ih' political reprcscntalion or th' ('nwti III P' I 1111 \11
"10 ill 'Iud'd older leaders like Dra 'i 'v ;IIKI Tsanko 'I'serkovsl i, ,'llIldHli I II Hid llil. I1pllIlOlI, he clashed with the elder nationalist politieallc:ld 'I' Allt' Stlll\ 'vlt'" 11111
II,' :dli's '()uld command a clear majority on almOSl all iSSII", ,'11111111\111,1 IIll1di" Il'i 'd. without success, to take the lead ofthc so-callee! 1Ii/(Idl (YOIII'/ Ml'",
,hllrp'lIed BANU's political profile, insisting on its "dilTer'lll polilivlIl II 111111' II I'l1lilklil label in opposition to the stari, i. e. the Old Men), .Whil' s 'I'villl III
ill 'olllparison to all parties" and adopting a strong anli-milillirisli" pOI 111111, 1111\,1111Or the Executive Committee of the United Croat OppOSIl.ron, h' W<I,'1I1111hh'
,'lal1lbolijski's political stature increased due to powerful speeches in I'lIrlilllll 'II IllId 111\ 1111 Vill ., his partners to combine nationalism and Peasanlism and so. wilh Ih I
III various assemblies, articles in Zemledelsko Zname, and, mosl visibl • Iii,' I 11111 IIPIIIll1 or his brother Antun and of a small number of associales, tj :P:l1I I{II(,II'
I 'n 'e lo Tsar Ferdinand I (1886-1918) against war and mililari, m (whi'h ,'III 111111 111111/ 'd the Croat People's Peasant Party (HSS) in December 1904. Inveslln . h'll II
illlprisoned from 1915 to 1918) made him a symbolic figure for BAN a'ljvisl~- md III \'1 '1I1in " consolidating and organising the grass-roots of the party, Ra Ii' 11'11,II Id
IIlembers. At the same time, the hardships of war and Bulgaria's d·r'l1l ill 111 1111111 lown 1.0 lown in order to select party commissioners and to build up I' 'I'HOIHII
S 'wnd Balkan War and in World War 1 convinced many people, cvcn Ihus' Ill\) III1II(Is with village leaders. The lasting loyalty of this group of village or ·anislli ill II
l
hlld supported the nationalist drive for war, that Stambolijski had been ri 'hi all [I III' I 'lid 'rs proved to be a valuable political asset for both the HSS and 1'01' 1{lIdil
ill his antiwar opposition. At the end of World War I, BANU joined a Nali '111111 I'l'l sOII:dly, even in times of difficulties, for example, when Radie was arr 'sl '\I III
Union Government in November 1918 and, after winning a majority ill Ill' \Vh 'II Ihc party organisations faced the hostile actions of the Hungartan or Y 1I '0, III
parliamentary elections in August 1919, formed a new coalition governmcnl \ill, 1I1111i0ritics,
Siambolijski becoming prime minister. Confrontations with the opposition and 110W Up until World War I the party slowly grew until it develop~d int.o allIIn l
'Iections in March 1920 and April 1923 allowed BANU to strengthen its posi ~Il, ol'gilnisalion which provided a political voice for the peasants otherWise des I IS d I Y
I nlh in parliament and in government. Combining his already significant auth( lIily Ih' urban elites. In fact, although the founders of the HSS had been Ino,lly
illside the party with power as prime minister, Stambolijski resisted the ehallel Irs 1111'Ilcct.uals, Radie took great care to change the composition of the parly I 'ad 1'0hip
ill' Dragiev (1919) and Turlakov (1922) inside BANU and replaced a signifilill hy 'o-opting peasants into the Main Committee, Thi~ action also stren .'t.11-n 'd hi
!lllmber of older agrarian leaders with radical youngsters. Yet, with his increa - III' p'rsonal authority in the party. With time, and espeCially after 1918, hiS (lulll(lIll\
power came the radicalisation of the agrarian government, and consequenlly, llie I "ame so overwhelming, that some of the co-founders of the party ac 'us 'd hllil tI
Impossibility to eliminate it by parliamentary means. In June 1923, a determ I~d h ,jllg a dictator figure inside the party (Biondich 2000, 211). After World III 1
I'ullort of the old elites launched an ultimately successful coup. Stambolijski 1\iIS dlle t.o the land reform and the introduction of universal suffrage, the P 'aslllIl 1'111\
I Ik 'II prisoner and suffered an atrociously agonising death in Slavovitsa. h 'eame the most important political force in Croatia. Radie was instrum 'lilitl Ii I Iii
Sljcpan Radie (1871-1928) was the ninth of eleven children born to a I II I' ,'lIeccSS, his charisma and volcanic speeches being most effective in IHol 1111"I'
P '1lS:lnt family from the village Trebmjevo Desno, not far from the provincial It 1m V(lters. Yet, while his opposition to the unconditional integration or Crolilill 1/1/11
or Sisak (For Radie: Biondich 2000). He was able to attend elementary school il lis Yugoslavia strengthened the hegemonic position of the Peasant Party in ('I'Plllilil
"lIlive village, but his illiterate parents were unable to afford to pay for hin 110 politics, it, at the same time, limited its capacity to conquer power 111 lhc 11 'I, ,\IIt'
',\lllillue his studies any further. At the age of 12, he therefore ran away from ho IIC, A Ikr fruitless attempts to win external support for a re-negotiation of the YU! 0 III
~(ling to stay with his elder brother Antun, who attended high school in Zag Itb, s >ll.Iement, and numerous periods spent in prison, Radie abandoned Repuhli 'Illd III
, 'Iru .gling with considerable hardships, the young Stjepan managed to complete ~is ill 1925, accepted the so-called Vidovdan Constitution and decided Ihlll I L'~
" , 'ondary studies in Zagreb and Karlovac, and then enrolled at the Faculty of I ~v deput.ies should join the Parliament in Belgrade. This compromise allowed I~I' 1,1,','
III j,agreb University. It was at this time that he became involved in nation: .1'1 10 bccome a junior partner in a coalition government lead by the (mostly S '/'1)1/11)
Politics against the Hungarian authorities ruling Croatia, he was conseque Illy Ibdical Party, and Radie served as minister of education for around liv' month 1
'( \I,e!'mned to prison and also expelled from Zagreb University. He then enrolle lal Ilowever, the Radicals were still able to block all attempts to introduce a ta I' '1\lIllI
'liarles University in Prague, where he was again expelled, so he travelled to P; I~, 10 curb corruption and to prepare constitutional reform. Therefore, R"di . d' 'id 'd 10
hel;e, in June 1899, he obtained a bachelor's degree in political science I! Ilil 'nd the coalition and move into Opposition, trying at the same lime In [)(1I1l!" Iii
I" . /;'('o/e Libre des Sciences Politiques. He read widely, from John Stuart Mil .10 lion-Croat political forces enabling him to gain a majorily in Ih' WllOll' 01
~ IIsllryk and the Russian populists, and the cultural capital acquir'd durin' I's V" 'oslavia. Stron '-arm electoral tactics of the Radical 'overnm 'nl ill 11011111,
(\lllh was one of his main assets in his further career. He waS:l prolili' wril 'I' I~I S'rbin and Mil' '\Iollill 1'1''v 'nl d Radie from achievin a br '~II<-Ihl'ollt'h ill 1111
I
:' 'Clio,"s or,s 'pi '11l~l.:r 1927, and political tensions increasl.:d, iL:lldill' In Ih' shoot- slovakia 1.0 form Iii' I~ 'pllhli '[\11 PlIl'ly, which became a 'I'U ·illl pll1'1II 'I' 1\)1' IllY
1111'0' RlI~II' ,Ind lour other HSS deputies in the Belgrade Parliaml.:llt by the coalition government, ill spite or the 1~ld that its own share or vol's IInd 11I11I1(1~d
MOIlI '11 • '!'Ill deputy PUJ1lsa Racic. Radic was seriously wounded and died six weeks never exceeded 15 percent. Svehla's capacity to forge various polili ';d '0111111(111
IIII'I" Oil 1\ ugust 8, 1928. and compromises strengthened his pivotal position within the political S' 'n " ,'v iii I
, 1\1,IIOllillSvchla (1873-1933) was the son of the mayor of Hostivaf, near Prague himself became first vice premier and minister of the interior (1918-1921 ), IInd 11i~'11
(1',01', vehla: Miller 1999). Although his family was affluent, and in contrast to two prime minister from 1922 to 1926 and then again from 1926 lII~til his resi, '11<11 i\)l1dill
01 IiIS .brothers, who became a medical doctor and a lawyer, young Antonin dropped to illness in 1929. Svehla used his power to achieve his natIOnal politi 'al llid
011101 school at the age of 14 and began to work on the family farm. He ac- land reform, economic and political stabilization of the new l,echoslo,vlIlllI,
:ompanled hiS fath~r to Sokol meetings, and later to political meetings. (Svehla's protectionist tariffs for agrarian products - and to consolidate the CConOl1l1C,l\lld
1;lIher was vice chairman of the Association of Czech Agriculturalists from 1896 to political influence of the Republican Party, seCUring thus th~ hegemony 01 ,Ilill
his death in 1900.) Th.is allowed him to acquire significant social capital, which Republicans up until the demise of Czechoslovakia at the end ot the mterw<lr p 'l'IOd,
proved valuable after hIS father's death, when he began his own political career. In He was so successful, that even when he became ill and was,unable to lead Ih ' pllil
I l)() I young Antonin was co-opted onto the board of the Printing Co-operative of the any more, the Executive Committee still chose to re-elect hll11 as party Chtlll'lllllll II
sso 'Iatlon of Czech Agriculturalists, and one year later onto the Executive May 1929 he kept this position until his death in 1933 (Miller 1999,. I IS,)' ,
('()Il1l)liUee of Association of Czech Agriculturalists. Svehla invested heavily in Ion Mihalache (1882-1963) was born into a poor peasant famdy trom ,01' ,II
d\'v '101 IIlg the cooperative organisations representing the various economic interests Badii, a small village in the Arge~ County, Wallaehia (For Mihalache: tan ,I( 1)<)),
",' Ih' Czech farmers, and became especially famous for his role in leading the He attended the elementary school in neighbouring Topo10vel1\, and then, Willi llil'
( \'Illnil Unl,on ~f Sugar Beet Growers (CUSB~) in its struggle against the sugar help of his school teacher, obtained a scholarship to continue his studies, Milillllll'hil
pi II ' 'ssors tor higher ~nces. At the same time, Svehla displayed strategic foresight finally graduated from the Pedagogical School in Camp~lun~ Muscel, and 1 "11111
hy lI<!vocatlllg the unification of the peasant parties from Bohemia, Moravia and an elementary school teacher, first in the village Lude~tI (Dambovlta coulIl ~ llld
IIslri:ln Silesia and in 1905 persuaded the party to adopt a policy amendment to then in Topoloveni. He did not attend university, but read extensively and a 'qllll' \11II
:lllpp~)rt universal suffrage. This allowed the agrarians to become the most important good capacity to synthesise materials and express his opinions regardin • ,ViIIillil
pol." Il.:al power III Bohemia, and thus able to send a large number of deputies to the social issues. After completing military service, Mihalache marrted 'Nieldllll, llil
Nl'/('!I,\'/:at an~ .to the Bohemian Diet. At the same time, Svehla gradually strength- adoptive daughter of priest Dumitrachescu of Dobre~ti, wh? brough~ a hlilldl,lllllll
'I) 'd 1~ls posI~lon .m the party leadership, networking and colonising boards and dowry as well as the support of an extensive network of relatIves and fellow pi Il' I
'o,mmlttee,s With hIS political allies, founding and controlling the party daily Venkov who were very influential in tbe counties Arge~ and Muscel ($eicaru 20()(), ! In
( o/lnflyslde), as well as many professional associations and cooperatives that were 221). In this phase, Mihalache was active at teachers' conferences; he d '1Iv\'1\ II
'lose to the party, especially the youth organization Dorost (Young Generation). His speeches on various topics and contributed articles to Revista lnv~(6t{)"I!IiI' ( IY/I
posilion became so strong, that even though he was absent due to illness he was still Journal of School Teachers); he founded the regional teacher aSSOClat1011/11/11,1'/'1'/11/
'I, 'led party chairman. He held this title from 1909 until his death in 1933, Svehla and embarked on the establishment and administration of popular banks IInd ('(I
'oilibincd strategic vision with remarkable qualities as a political administrator, operatives. In doing so, he enhanced his reputation amon,g fellow school I 'II 'h,\'1 ,
wohiL:m-solverand master ofbackroom bargaining (Miller 1999, 188f.), He devel- won the support of Education minister Spiru Haret, and gamed the presld 'n' III IIIi
op'd an Inclusive strategy, both at the level of party leadership and at the grass- General Association of School Teachers in Romania (Adaniloaie 2007, .0 ) \ \)
I'()ols, where he consolidated the network of party-affiliated organisations, paItieu- Outraged by the insensitivity of the political system towards the probl 'nl~ 01 IIIi
Ilirly by laking over control of the Co-operative Union and by creating the Agrarian peasants, and especially by the repression of the peasant revolt of 190~',Millid I\'IIl
1IIIIIk( 19,1I), the Domovina (Central Home of Cottagers and Small Farmers - 1919), advocated the formation of a peasant party. However, the SOCial and politi 'Id 11 1\'111
1111(1 Ih' I,echoslovak UnIOn for the Interests of Rural Women (1918' Miller 1999 or Romania was particularly unfavourable for such a project, and M ih~dll 'h: III It,d
\~ D,()1,214-215). ' , both in his attempts to attI'act political actors with more resources, Iii ' hi 1(1111111
I\lllioll 'h he had profiled himself inside the agrarian movement as the leader or Nicolae [orga, and also in his own bid in running as a candidat.e lor PlIl'lilllll\ln! II
Iii, so- 'HII 'd Jnoderates, Svehla avoided completely crushing or alienating the so- 1\) 14.
\'Iill d 'Ol)sl.:rv;IIIVl.:S,IInd providcd them with a significant shur or posiliolls within World War 1 prodll 'cd in Romania, like in almost all 'ounlri's involv \d. II
Iii, plll'l I 'lid 'rship,:ls well:ls in olher institution and ol'lk \11, 11\1111)IX" vehlll I'lidi ';lIizatioll \II' III(HI<' (\1'1I1'1 'd Ip Ii ,hI. While most peasanls w 'I" UdlBllllnl Ihlll II llil
hl(lIll hi hll Ih'l' Iii, Illl'lil'ilill IIIOV'III 'Ills IhBIl Iii, VIII'iOI I 111111111I I 111('Z' 'lioo lid or Ihe Will' IIII'Y , 1,"ld 111I1('Ilk wilholll a signili 'UIII 1111111 I' '1\)1'111,Mill ill( III
Mihllill 'h ' 1:lil'd ill Il 1111111111111
10111111' Ihe party to II '111111
'Ill ill III "111'111Willi
Illd 1II1II 0111'10111' 'I'. 11'(1I11 P '[I~IIIi101' illl 'II' 'Ilial ba 'k 'Hltllill 111111111I11'11
tlilit Il1v
I ill' 'arol II, so he I' '~I 'II 't! ill Novcmber 19 7 and asl 't! lutill M 111111 11,111'11111
pitlill 'Id ,y,'IVIII 111.'01I11t!to h' I'adi 'ally 1'l:I(lI'Il1l:d,and thai p'lI 1111 1I0ilid II "d 10
1 "I)I)1e party chairman. During the next decadc, hc sl:con.d 'd MII~lill 1~1I1t11\) II
II 1 ' I voi" ill 1'111111" i{oillanian politics. I\llcl' a hliled allcmpl 10 pl:l'suac!c tl1' 1
wh 'n he was arrested and convicted by the communists. lie dl 'd In PI'I~(\1l1111 )(1 \,
poplil II' "11,'1'1I1I\l'xalldl'u Avel'escu to make the cause of the pcasants his own,
MIIIIIIII 'II' 1()Lllld'd a peasant pal'ty in December 1918. The network of school-
11'11'11 'I'S lIavill I()ught Ihc war was extremely helpful in politically mobilizing the
I

II' 1.'llIlls. all I In bulldmg up party organizations in most of the Old Kingdom. The
II 'IV VOtli1 sys,tem, based on universal male suffrage, allowed the Peasant Party t
I

What clo these four biographies tell us about the resources used by pcasanl I 'al~ '1\
iI'COlll' OIlC of the slgl1lficant political actors in Romania, and in 1919 Mihalachc
on the road to political leadership? I would argue that among the variouS typcs.ol 1"
10) '111'I' with a significant group of peasant leaders was elected to parliament.
sources, social capital, understood as "the aggregate of the actual ~r potcntla I I"
N 'v 'I'thl:less, the political spectrum was so scattered, that it needed a coalition or
sources which are linked to possession of a durable network ot morc or I'H,
liv: pllrlics to ,build up a new government. However, when Mihalache prepared a
institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition" (Bourdi \1
111(11 'al land ref-orm, Kmg Ferdmand I replaced the coalition government with a more
1983, \9\), was the most impoltant. Among the four political leaders only v'hltl
l'OIlS 'rvativc one led by general Averescu.
inherited sianificant social capital from his father. All of the others had to slull
ner this experience, Mihalache resumed his efforts to build up the Peasant
practically from scratch, and Svehla also had to work hard to build ~p his own n, 'I
1'111 ,lie dcveloped an inclusive strategy at two levels, firstly attracting towards the l1
work of political associates and allies. The forms and sources of thiS accumulallO
pili 1 ,vi~l'ious individuals with intellectual and political capacities, and secondly
differed massively. Before taking over party leadership, school teacher nctwol'k:
III f 0111111,11' mcrgers with other political forces to enable the extension of the party
were important for Mihalache and Stambolijski, t~e nationahst movement for 1~lId~\':
1111111 'I 11110Ihe terntones which had joined the Romanian state in 1918. The
the cooperative movement was imperative for Svehla and to a lesser e~t 'lit 1',11
I Ill'\\' 'd pillitical hegemony of the Liberal Party in the 1920s persuaded him that the
Mihalache and Stambolijski, while newspaper publi~hing was paramount lor H Idil
1'111 11I1I'lirly, pcrceived as leftist and almost communist, had a meagre chance to
and Stambolijski and secondary for Mihalache and Svehla. Also, the mvcslllll',"1 III
11111po'" 'I' alone and needed to combine forces more moderate anti-Liberal parties.
building grassroots organisations and bonds with local pe~sant leaders paid polill III
~IIII II IcllL: Iherefore abandoned the class character of the Peasant Party and
dividends for long periods of time. The advocacy of radical Ideas - be th' , Itl 1111
IId,VllCII1 'd II merge~' with the Romanian National Party (from Transylvania), even if
form of setting the goal of a peasant state (Stambolijski, Mihalache), ar 'i~IIl" III1
1111.'Ill,'11111aeceptmg Transylvanian leader Iuliu Maniu as party chairman and
universal suffrage to empower peasants (Svehla, Radic, Mihalache), 0PI nS1111\ III
h ','(lillll) , only one of the four vice-presidents of the new National Peasant Party.
(Stambolijski), demanding/implementing land reform (Radic, Mihalachc, :'v 'ItllI),
Mlllilia 'he managed to negotiate a balanced and mutually convenient settlement· he
opposing national oppression (Radic) or defending the c~ncrete eco~omlc \1)1."" II
, "III' 'd I()r the peasantist part of the new patty both influential positions (Vtrgil
of farmers (Svehla, Mihalache) - also helped in sharpemng the polItical prol Ii ' III
MII~I~'aru became gen.eral secretary) and a significant role in determining party
these peasant leaders and in turning them into powerful political ~ymbols. ,
poll 'I 'S; and he established an especially close bond with Maniu with whom he
Cultural capital was a significant supplement, accumulated either through 101'111 II
l'(\~I.'isll:nlly consulted in order to appease frictions and to foster' party cohesion.
cducation or through extensive private reading. For all of these peasant hit! HI,
M dwlll 'hl: served as Agriculture and then Interior minister in the National Peasant
excepting Svehla, this was their path towards upwards social mobility. The slrUI\l',1\
1',llV'rnlllcnts or 1928-1931 and 1932-1933, but most of the reforms that he initiated
10 succeed in school under quite difficult conditions (scarce material rcsOL~r' " ",0 I
\ 'I" Ihwartcd by the Great Depression, and by the political manoeuvres of King l
significant pre-school exposure to written culture, lack of parental support tor 1{lIdll
( '11'01 II ( I<)30-1940). In November 1933, after the resignation of Maniu and a short 1
and Stambolijski) was also a test of tenacity and e~durance, a.nd thus (I .1111',10
11111'lltaslrophic presidency of Alexandru Vaida-Voievod, Mihalache was elected
apprenticeship for political leadership. At the same time, ~?cusll1g on a 'hi' 111/
pili 1 'llairman. Hc took over a party which had been forced into Opposition and
cultural excellence was a mixed blessing. In the case of Radlc, It strengt.h 'II 'd 1:''11
pllll\lI'(! by 1~lilurcs in government, by divisions, by internal rivalries and by
'entrism, contributed to the autocratic style ofleadership, and often mad: I' '11111011
l'OI'lIlpllOII. Mlhalache implemented inclusive strategies, he brought back dissident
with other political colleagues more difficult. Lacking any e,ducationat a 'III 'v '111\lIt
1',llltlp" ilild llllracled young intellectuals; he revived the party's pcasantist ideo-
'olild bc a source of embarrassment, as in the case of Svchla, but n(ll II Illl'llll
10git'1I1IlHllldal ions, r'shu rIlcd numcrous county organizations, and mana 'cd to turn
political handicap. Svehla's lack of education was apparent in his r,'latiol1,' \ ItII
Ill' Niltiolllli P 'ilsaill Party int.o an incrcasingly cohercnt OI')'lIlli:llllioli \ IIi 'h bond 'd
oth 'I' politicians. For example, when considering the posslbdlty that, V 'hili, hOlild
Willi 1111'/'\ ... 'Iillll~ or tll ' so 'i 'I alld was well pr'par 'Ii III 1\' 111111' 1"'\\ \'1 Ilow 'V 'I',
III 'I' 'I,d 1111111111 Pf\" d III 01' (' ,v1l1lidllllld ill, 'l'011l11sMasar k 1'111'Ii "Ill" 111." Il \ \lIld IId"I' fllifil,'1 'I 11)1 1')1(, 111111 Jl)•.() Il) l), 11I11i1II' Ie, Il'll'd (ilILI 10 Iilill III
II I 110 1111)1111''S or ,'Il 'illll,,1 II ' ,1111(1is not representative cnolll'lI, II' would Illlv' 1(1111111)' Ill'di 'ally ill' Ip 1'1111'd, Ilis capacity to build I,vorl ill' ,"llIlioll' W Iii IIIiiI I
10 h, on) ood 1 'I'llIS wilh Il 'III'. who would look after representation and lor'i II I'llIill 'illlls and to lor 'C ClImprolllises allowed vehla's inl1uen" 10 'x' - d h 1111
\'\1\11111 i 'S, II' will I 'arn a lilll. h'ench" (Zeman 1997, 96), As a defence towards 1111'\.1 - '(01'111power of his own party, He was therefore able to fullil a lillO, I 1111111/
'," 'II IInllatl 'rin' assessmenl,' ,'vehla developed a rather cynical attitude towards 1'11111'III1 IImbitions: establishing and consolidating the Czecho 'Iovak slul '; 1'11'1I111111
\ Iilillr, :Ind education. Whell 1 '"ring that a composer wanted to compose an opera 111111111, tarin's and prices favourable to the peasants, his creation or a 11,twolk 01
011 Ill, .I:'lI1osik theme - a Sio .1 Robin Hood - Svehla replied bluntly: "They should IIIYldists who infiltrated most institutions of the new republic being re 'ard'<I II, Iii'
':\) 10 hell with their robber,' Ind compose an opera about policemen instead!" 1110,t illlporlant of these,
(I'. '1111111 1997,96), Mihalach' hid also to face the snobbery of the Bucharest elites, SI:llnbolijski managed to make BANU the dominant political power ill 131111' I111
11I1l!I' 'ucted by using German II lhorisms in some of his speeches in order to impress tll"r World War LIt was part ofa coalition government 1918-1919, then I ' '(linill
Ille lIudience (Stan 1999,85), IIIL' dominant partner of a political coalition 1919-1920, and finally sol' pull III
1
I,: 'onomic capital was al. t secondary in the rise of these men to political pow '1' 1920-1923, Personally, Stambolijski was an MP 1907-1911, and 19 U 1 1'1.
I,'lid 'rship, Among them, only ,~'vehla was really affluent, but even he had to devote M inistcr of Public Domains in the Todorov coalition government 191 ~ 1I) III, IllIti
, O~)l ' of his energies to securi II)' the prosperity of his farm, Radie, Stambolijski and III 'n prime minister for almost four years, 1919-1923, He succe d'd ill illll'll'
~11~:lllIche started with almosl 110 economic resources of their own, but managed to III '1Iling several internal reforms and peasantist policies, but ultimately liillL\d II Iii
1\,III '\Ie material security ber)f , entering active politics, through their earnings a 11(1'l11pt to establish a model peasant state,
H II( ollcachers (Stambolijski, M ihalache) or as journalists (Radic), and through the M ihalache was able to bring his party to power for three months in I,) I') III '1111
dllIYI iI's 01' their wives, Later ill their careers, earnings from politics allowed all of pllI'l 01' a five party coalition, and then again in 1928-1931 and 1932- I I) \ \, 11111 IIIiI
III III III significantly improve 1I1 ,if material status, Nevertheless, none of them was a 111'1'1'having merged with the Romanian National Party from '1'1'1111 V"11111t1
IIII1111• 'I', For all of them, ach i 'ving their political goals was more important by far I' 'rsonally he was an MP 1919-1937, Minister of Agriculture 1919-1 no IIld I IjIH
I~IIIII Illlllssing personal fortun " This can be best illustrated in the case of Svehla, 11)30, and Minister of Interior 1930-1931 and 1932-1933, He was Il'V 'I 1111111
,,\ 'II III dcveloped a system (),. rewarding his political associates with positions IIlinister, nor did he succeed as party chairman in leading his party ba'i 101111\\11 II
/i ~\: IV, ill' I~lem to enric~ them~ -I \les; he ~tim~lated, and c~ndoned corru~tion in prac- 11)j3-1937, He could not prevent the establishment of totalitarianism alld tli·d II1I
, • ,flld even legItImIzed thiS system III dISCUSSIons wIth otber polItIcians, When ,'olllmunist prison, In 1928-1931 he was able to fulfil some of his politi' II 1'1111\1
, II"IS 'I< Ud·
I-rill rza I c ha IIenged I 1111for
' . "robbery and exploitation"
toleratIng espe- slI'li as the land law of 1929 and the law for rural mortgages and agriculllll' II I'll dll,
\'11111 III the Land Office, Svehla replied that "with his honesty, he would ~ot get hili most of them were ruined by the Depression and by his party',' politi' tI II
III.' wll 'rc" (MIller 1999, 161 ~ 12 f, j II, 122 f), However, nobody could accuse cOllsistencies,
11111),' ., bl' Radie was the least successfuL He managed to make the HSS the dOlllill 1111
, () appropnatIng pu IC mt IICy for bimself, and even after he had spent 10 year
IS t~l ' most powerful statesma, in the counh)', his amassed fortune was rather mod- political party in Croatia, but his insistence on nationalist objectives pi'll I·d

',', III 'omparison with other C/, 'ehoslovak politicians (Miller 1999,247, note 63), d 'Irimental to achieving the political intentions which were closer to th inl '1", I 01
III' Croatian peasants, The HSS was mostly, therefore, in opposition, and joill -dllil
I',ovcrnment for only one and a half years 1925-1927 as junior partner ill 'oillillllli
Ass I'\singeffectiveness in national politics 'llY 'rnments with the Serb Radicals, Personally Radic had been a d 'pili II 11'\
I()()X, but he did not exercise the mandate between 1920-1925, For a I''W dll 11
'''WI) 'I'iteria are decisive when i1ssessing the perfonnance of political leaders' their () 'Iober 1918 he was head of the agrarian section of the National 'Olllll'i1 \11
L'II,PO'i ( to conquer and mainlai II power, and their ability to fulfil the political' goals ,'Iovencs, Croats and Serbs, and for five months 1925-1926 Ministcr of lidll '\1\111
01 Ih, 'il' pnrties and/or constitu "licies. By both these criteria, the most successful of II' was not particularly effective in these offices, or, as stated by I ioncli -Il. "11(11\1'\11
Ih~' I\)111'agrarian political lead 'I'S was Svehla, followed in order by Stambolijski 1{lIdi"'s stated aims in government were achieved" (Biondich 2000, 2(9),
Mlllni 1'lic and Radic. '
" ·lila succeeded in keepin ' lIis party in power - as part of coalition governmenls
tllll ),'1 'ontinuously from 19 I H 10 the end of his life, and in fact unlillh demise of
1111'I II' ('z·choslovakia. Per,'(}fllllly, Svehla was a deplIl 111'1'1'II)()H. chllirman or
Iii· I toil 'miilll I)i 'I I C) II 191, i " premier and minisl I' ,,1'1111'1111i.dlll Jl)l R I C) I,
illslitutions, inllu 'II' 'd ,11\11111' 11111 lh-: chances or Sli 'e 'ss or 1I • I'llI'i1I II p IlIi' III

Ilational politics. .'


Yet there was also another ractor. The existing data rclleclin) th' . 'OII\)Il1ll' Ilid
W" II W'I" Ihe oeterminants of these very different political petformances? The
social ~onditions of the peasantry - which, even if only available 1'01' Ih' '111:1 II) lOt.
o 'i\)logi 'al wei ·ht or the peasantry in the total population certainly was not a posi-
arc relevant also for 1920s - reveal the same ranking as that oullllleo pI' 'VIOll: I 101
liv' d 't 'rlllinanL The peasantry made up about three quarters of the population in
the relative political performance of Svehla, Stambolijski, Mihalache alld 1~lIdl/~,
1lllIgul'ia, Romania and Y lIgoslavia, and only about one third in Czechoslovakia.
'1' ' '1"lc\1'c, ir this share could have been converted into political effectiveness, the
"i 'rill' ,,,y or political performance would have been completely different from what
il 11'llIlilly was.
Per capita productivity Illiteracy IlIrulll
'l'he capacity to mobilize peasants in elections was impOltant in turning the
in agriculture (percent mOl't;1ij I
1I '1'III'ian parties into significant political actors, but it was not enough either to bring
(European average > 10 years) (per IholislIlid
I" 'S ' parties to power or help the peasant leaders fulfil their political goals. FUlther,
= 100) birtlls)
j I' w . were to rank the leaders according to their campaigning capacities, Radi6 and
,'llIlllbolijski would share first place, Mihalache would be a close second, and Svehla
lVollld Irail behind.
II 'lln be argued rather that ability in political manoeuvring made the difference.
I h'l'\ I'" 'vidence is stronger, especially if we take into consideration the relative
I 111111 ill 'ss or Radi6 and Mihalache in dealing with non-agrarian political actors and
III ,1'1" 'Iiveness of Svehla in negotiating with various political partners and in
11I111dlll' both occasional coalitions and long-term political partnerships. One can
III 0 Ill' 'IiC that Stambolijski, although having claimed that the BANU should not
11111'" Iiny coalition with the established patties, proved to be an accomplished
I Ivl i 'ian, both in negotiating ational and Progressive Liberal Party participation in
I 11/\ N U-Ied government in 1919-1920, and in playing political hardball by
illvalioating 13 opposition deputies in order to change a relative majority into an
IIhsolute majority after the parliamentary elections of March 1920. Yet it is rather Source: Hauner \985,76-77.
dil'li 'ultto argue that the very real discrepancies in the ability of the four leaders to
Illunoellvre in their relations with non-agrarian political actors explains the whole If we consider that the Bulgarian productivity index is depressed due to III' d\\I'IIIH'
dilr'rence in their political performance at national level. The difficulty becomes in world agricultural prices compared to 1930-1931, the correlation i . ev 'II sll'( \ill II
ohviolls i r we examine why three of the four political leaders under scrutiny In other words, the economic and social weakness of the Romanian and Y 1I1will
IIl1illlalely failed in fulfilling their political goals. peasants undetmined their chances of political success; and, conversely, th: I:,I III\'
Radic and Mihalache were forced into opposition, and Stambolijski was over- strength of the Czechoslovak peasants helped the political ~erformal1(;' 01 ,~'('IHI
111I'own by a coup. The configuration of the political forces which opposed them slovak agrarians, especially those from Bohemia and MoraVIa, because '~)lldIIIOIl,r III
,'hllWS sioni licant similarities: the hostility of the old administrative, political and Slovakia and Sub-Carpathian Ukraine were closer to southeastern huropl' lit •
IWCill1IIl'ban clites was supported decisively by the crown and the military. On the existence of a large number of affluent and market-oriented 1~1I:11l'I'S pro Id'il
'Ollll'lIl'y, ' vehla's success was favoured by the fact that interwar Czechoslovakia political weight to Svehla's Republican Party and supported hll1l In hiS :01' II11'\lI II I I
\\IllS II ncw state, without entrenched political or military structures. Furthermore, oriented policies towards non-agrarian political actors. Also, thc 'XISI'lll' oj II
,'v '11111 look over the interior ministry immediately after the creation of the Czecho- significant urban market inside the borders of the zechoslov;lk sllll' 1I11\l\I,d
IlIovllk sl;lt', and inliltrated the police with his own men; subsequently, in most protectionist policies to be adopted, shielding the peasants rrom tll' 'OilS 'qu '11(" 1111
I OV\:l'Il1l1'IllS, Ih' Republicans controlled the interior ministry and often also the d 'elining global a orllrian prices in the late 1920s and lirst h;ll I' ~lr III' Il) WI, lit'
d\'I~'II" Illillisiry. W' might conclude that the configuration oflh' polili ';11 lield, and 1~()I1l;lnian Siltilitillil 'x 'lIlplili 'S the opposite situalion: RIlIll;11'11I11p 'n, 1111 , II
, pTilll1 III' I' 'Ialiv' siren 'lh/weaknesses or entren "'d ('Oil, ('I Iii ' 'lit's and prodll ,ti'" IIIHI 1t\'11 i1v d 'P 'I\d '111 on th' sal' or 'raills, W'I" 'xpo,' 'd 1\) Ih\, '\'11'
Iliid 111111111111 IIIIIIP III \ 111111111111111 1IIIII'f li1d It lid 111 III I I III 1111''III\,
,1i'IIII 111111
1II\IIt 11111II' III Ii' II II!, 10 IIPIHIII III '\'11 ,I 111' polllh'lIl 1111111\\1111,01' III'
NIIII 111111'\'111111 1'111
III \'lIl1i'llI, iOll, Iii' 1111111 si, \)1' Iii' d'l '1'I11il111111sor the n:laliv' 'l'I'celiv'lI 's,' III
II 11011II politi '" I' 'v 'Ills wlllil Illi ,iii b' ealkd 'Ihe n.:venge of economic and socilll
/111111'1111'',", II 'sid 's Iii ' P 'rsollal qual ities and styles or the four political leaders, 1I11t1
I P '\'illil Iii 'ir abililies 10 manoeuvre in their relations with non-agrarian polili 'III
111'llltS,Iii' '\ltlli 'liralion or the political field and the relative economic 11I1dsO'illl
,'II' '1Il'lh/w 'akn 'ss 'S or the peasantry weighed heavily in determining the polili 'al
1ll'l'lhrlllllli ' , or II ·rarian parties and oftheir leaders.

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