Kauffman1980 African Rhythm

African Rhythm: A Reassessment
Author(s): Robert Kauffman

Source: Ethnomusicology, Vol. 24, No. 3 (Sep., 1980), pp. 393-415
Published by: University of Illinois Press on behalf of Society for Ethnomusicology
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AFRICAN RHYTHM: A REASSESSMENT
Robert Kauffman
Rhythm is probably one of the most profound yet misunderstood as-

pects music makingin Africa. Popularviews on Africaas a "con-
of
tinent of pulsating rhythms" have led some scholars to emphasize that
pitch and timbre are also vital to an understanding of African music mak-
ing. Rhythm, nevertheless, presents a unique challenge to musicologists.
Leopold Senghor, the president and "poet laureate" of the Republic of
Senegal, frequently refers to the significance of rhythm in all of African
creative expressions. If rhythm is, indeed, the "driving force" in Africa
that Senghor claims it to be then those of us involved in music and dance,
the most concrete expressions of rhythm, should provide more extensive
studies in the philosophical and practical aspects of the temporal nature of
African music making.
The difficulties of dealing with rhythm are immense. Pitch is some-
how easier to analyze than rhythm. Freezing pitch relationships in a tran-
scription for the purpose of analysis and comparison is seemingly less
difficult than temporal relationships. A tuning system can often be de-
duced by studying the pitch possibilities of a musical instrument. Inter-
vals can be measured. Furthermore, many musics, including Western Art
Music, are pitch dominated with the rhythmic aspect being rather simplis-
tic. In India where pitch and rhythm are often emphasized in different
sections of a performance, and where rhythm is often very complex, there
is at least a theoretical or systematic means of assessing the rhythmic
nature of music.
In Africa there are no highly verbalized or systematic means of de-
termining the nature of rhythm. Furthermore, the nature of music making
varies considerably in the different areas of Africa, to the extent that
many people would prefer to speak about the music of only one country
or one particular grouping within a country.
Perhaps, then, it would be better to leave the subject of African
rhythm to the generalized theories that periodically emerge and to con-
centrate instead upon the nature of music making, including rhythm, of
particular peoples within the continent of Africa. However, to those of us
who teach courses on African music within one University term, similari-
ties in music making, including rhythm, emerge as we quickly move from
393
394 ETHNOMUSICOLOGY, SEPTEMBER 1980
one sectionof Africato another.Theunityof Africanmusicmakingalso

becomesapparentwhenwe dealwithAfricaninfluencesuponBlackmu-
sic in the Americas.Theemergenceof variousPanAfricanviews,implicit
in the writingsof Senghorandothers,also gives impetusto the needto
look at some aspectsof PanAfricanmusicmaking.
CURRENTTHEORIESOF AFRICANRHYTHM
Syncopationand Hornbostel'sTheoryof Rhythm. One of the most

commonlyheldviewson Africanrhythmis thatit is syncopated."Synco-
pation"impliesa deviationfromthe normof regularly spacedaccentsor
beats. Therefore,syncopatedrhythmswill oftenbut not alwaysbe un-
evenly spacedrhythmicconfigurations. If evenlyspacedbeatsaresome-
how musicallynormal,thenmuchAfricanmusicis, indeed,syncopated.
However, if an unevenlyspacedrecurringpatternbecomesnormative,
then are evenly spacedcrossbeatssyncopated?In Examplela the last
three notes can be consideredas syncopated,sincethey area deviation
fromthe normestablishedby the firstfournotes.However,in Example
lb the deviationhasbecomethenorm(unlessoneethnocentrically insists
upon maintaining a 4/4 meter).Therefore,Examplelb cannotbe called
syncopated,andmostAfricanmusiccannotbe consideredas syncopated,
if it is allowedto determineits ownnormsanddeviations,ratherthanto
have externalones imposeduponit.
Example la Example lb
Closely related to syncopation as an explanation of African rhythm is

Hornbostel's theory that the strong beats in African music occur when the
hand of a player is raised rather than when the sound occurs (1928:52-53):
African rhythm is ultimately founded on drumming. Drumming can be replaced
by hand-clapping or by the xylophone; what really matters is the act of beating;
and only from this point can African rhythms be understood. Each single beating
movement is again twofold: the muscles are strained and released, the hand is
lifted and dropped. Only the second phase is stressed acoustically; but the first
inaudible one has the motor accent, as it were, which consists in the straining of
the muscles. This implies an essential contrast between our rhythmic conception
and the African's; we proceed from hearing, they from motion; we separate the
two phases by a bar-line, and commence the metrical unity, the bar, with the
acoustically stressed time-unit; to them, the beginning of the movement, the
arsis, is at the same time the beginning of the rhythmical figure; up-beats are
KAUFFMAN: AFRICAN RHYTHM 395
unknown to them. To us, the simple succession of beats 7, appears as

7o• to under-
syncopated, because we only attend to its acoustic aspect. In order
stand African rhythms as they really are, therefore, we must thoroughly change
our attitude; and in order to write them down adequately we must place the
bar-line before the rest of the up-beat . . the elementary form of African 3/4
rhythm is not I but I
A. M. Jones (1959:6) does not agree with Hornbostel's ideas, and the
theory is probably difficult to prove. Furthermore, it appears to be logi-
cally exaggerated. Even though tactility is a major factor in African music
making (Kauffman 1969; Blacking 1961), the tactile feeling never occurs
separately from the actual sound. In Hornbostel's theory, however, the
accent would be felt at a time when no sound occurred, which seems to
stretch the tactility argument to absurd proportions. Nevertheless, some
aspects of Hornbostel's theory should not be dismissed too readily. John
Blacking (1955) discusses the theory in relationship to his own experi-
ences in Africa and finds that it is not necessarily wrong in its entirety. He
suggests that Hornbostel's ideas are directed not so much toward a pro-
cedure as towards attitudes in relationship to movements and the produc-
tion of musical sounds-that where Africans "think of the sounds as a
bi-product of rhythmical movement ... Westerners pay more attention
to the sounds than to the movement which causes them" (Blacking 1955:
15). Blacking also gives some specific examples of the validity of Horn-
bostel's insights. In African-influenced dances the downward movements
are directed more towards unaccented beats than towards accented ones.
He further notes that choir directors sometimes place the downward
movements in their conducting patterns upon the unaccented beats when
leading European music.
I have found that short notes are often accented more than long notes
in African drumming. One common Shona drumming pattern places a
strong accent on the short note (Example 2a). When Western students
first learn this pattern they often place the accent on the long note (Ex-
ample 2b).
These illustrations probably indicate that Western accentuation prac-
tices are different from those used in Africa, and thus they lend some
validity to Hornbostel's theory, although one must guard against applying
it too literally. Furthermore, it is probably inadequate to explain more
detailed aspects of African rhythm.
Example 2a Example 2b
396 ETHNOMUSICOLOGY,SEPTEMBER1980
The Theory of a Common Fast Beat. One of the more widely ac-
cepted theories of African rhythm is that multi-rhythms can be reconciled
by relating them to a common fast beat. Richard Waterman (1952:211-12)
refers to such rhythm as: "structured along a theoretical framework of
beats regularly spaced in time and of cooperation in terms of overt or
inhibited motor behavior with the pulses of the metric pattern whether or
not the beats are expressed in actual melodic or percussion tones."
Waterman believes that these beats provide a "metronome sense" that
operates behind the music. Mantle Hood (1971:114) has suggested calling
the fastest regularly recurring event the "density referent," which can be
used to study and understand temporal elements that would be rendered
ambiguous by reference to more subjective concepts of beat. For ex-
ample, a beat of MM60 can also be perceived as two beats at 120. Density
referent, being faster than beat, is not subject to such ambiguities.
To illustrate how the concept of density referent can reconcile the
different parts in a multi-rhythmic ensemble, James Koetting describes
the approach that drummer Robert Ayitee uses in teaching the Adowa
rhythm of the Ghanaian Ashanti people (1967):
The following are two donno (hour-glass drums) parts extracted from the seven-
piece ensemble:
DONNO 1
7 7 7'7 7 72'
DONNO 27
7 77 7 77 7 7
RATTLE 77
The learning process for us is first to find the "beat" and then fit our part in. But
to Ayitee the two drums related only to each other. If the drummers were having
trouble learning the part it would never occur to Ayitee to bring in the rattle as an
aid for the simple reason that for him the rattle was of no help in learning the
relationship of two donno parts. This leaves nothing for the drummer to "hang
on to" except the density referent revealed in the combination of the two drum
parts.
Density referent is useful as an analytical tool, but is it in any way an

organizing factor for the performing musicians? In the preceding illustra-
tion Ayitee did not ask his students to count out eight fast pulses. Instead
he wanted them to respond to the gestalt of the two drum parts. This
would seem to suggest that density referent is only one level of a larger
metrical organization. A performer of the pattern ,, must be aware of
the density referent P in order to avoid the errors ?3 or , but he
,1
will ultimately respond to the larger gestalt of each beat or of the entire
measure. Thus, it would also seem that African musicians respond to
some type of metrical organization, which may include various combina-

tions of the density referent. Perhaps the fast beat theory is valid, but it
does not go far enough to explain complete rhythmic patterns or relation-
ships between rhythmic parts.
Jones and the "Standard Pattern." A. M. Jones has probably provided

more detailed studies of African musical style than any other scholar.
While one may object to his generalizations and dogmatic statements, he
has contributed much to our understanding of African music, particularly
its rhythm. His apparatus for writing down drum rhythms has made it
possible to observe objectively what each drum in a complex ensemble is
doing. Unfortunately, Jones seems to be more concerned with means of
transcribing African rhythms than he is with understanding the oral nature
of the rhythmic relationships. However, his transcription method of
staggered bar lines does indicate the variable accentuation patterns that
can operate within one part as well as between the various musical lines.
Perhaps an even more significant contribution is Jones's identifica-
tion of an ubiquitous rhythmic pattern (Example 3), which he calls the
"African signature tune," or "standard pattern" (King 1960). Perhaps the
latter label is preferable, and in showing how it operates in Yoruba music,
King gives the term "Standard Pattern" a rightful place in African musi-
cal studies. This pattern is dramatically displayed in the first item on the
record Musiques Dahomeenes (OCORA 17), tapped out constantly on a
gourd.
Example3
StandardPattern
This common rhythmic pattern can be viewed as an accentual group-

ing of the earlier described density referent. In other words, the eighth-
note in the transcription can be identified as the density referent, making
the entire sequence a 12-pulse pattern. But surely, not all African music is
based upon this one pattern. Are other rhythmic sequences also fre-
quently employed in African music?
African Hemiola Style. Rose Brandel (1969) coined the phrase "African
hemiola style" to characterize the use of both duple and triple rhythms
either simultaneously or in close proximity. She distinguishes between
vertical hemiola (the way the term is often used in Western music) where
triple rhythms are sounding against duple accentuation or vice versa, and
horizontal hemiola where the "conductor's beat" frequently changes
from duple to triple.l In horizontal hemiola Brandel notes that sometimes
the change in conductor's beat occurs in a short time span, as in a regular
change from 6/8 to 3/4 or in frequent changes in meter: 5/8, 7/8, 8/8; at
other times the hemiola will be wide-spaced and sectional with several
measures being in 3/4 and another section being in 6/8 or other configura-
tions.
In contrast to other theories that can explain only a portion of African
rhythmic complexities, Brandel's theory has the potentiality of explaining
a wide range of rhythmic factors. The vertical-horizontal distinction, for
example, opens up the possibility of dealing with polyrhythmic relation-
ships as well as with individual patterning. Her focus upon the duple-
triple changes points to a factor that is probably central to all African
rhythm, and it could also be used in many other areas of the world's
music, including the additive rhythms of Eastern Europe and the Middle
East, as well as the divisive rhythms of the West. The weakness of her
theory is probably due to her lack of experience in African music as well
as her overriding concern to reduce African music to Western notation.
We noted earlier that A. M. Jones also seems to be overly concerned with
notational procedures. Both scholars seem compelled to use frequent bar
lines and to place Western time signatures after every bar that changes
accentuation. It also appears that Brandel is at least somewhat influenced
in her views on African music by the rhythmic practice of such early
20th-century composers as Stravinsky. This factor leads her to notate
African rhythm in rather complex unnatural scoring. This notational
complexity along with her particular writing style tends to obscure the
naturalness of African rhythms. Her exclusive reliance upon recordings
rather than field experience for her work is also a cause for skepticism.
The sounds perceived on a recording may be different from the sounds
produced or perceived by those involved in an actual performance situa-
tion. When more than one drum is used in an ensemble, how can a
recording indicate what each drummer is playing? Even though Brandel's
theory has potentialities for a total explanation of the gestalt of African
rhythm, its realization seems to be inadequate.
Rhythm in West African Drumming Ensembles. West African drum-

ming ensembles probably provide the best illustrations of African rhyth-
mic practice. Not only are the ensembles often large with many multi-
linear parts,2 but the many lines can often be distinguished rather easily
by the varied timbres of the different idiophonic instruments and drums.
Particularly clear in these ensembles is the sound of one of the several bell
type instruments that provides a steady orienting rhythmic pattern. In
recent years these ensembles have generated a number of descriptive and

analytical studies.3 A leading scholar for this type of music as well as for
all of African music has been Kwabena Nketia whose recent book, The
Music of Africa, sets forth most clearly his views on African rhythm.
Nketia makes a distinction between vocal and instrumental rhythm, pro-
viding separate chapters on each. He indicates that instrumental rhythms
can either be abstract or syllabic, the latter being based upon song
rhythm. His general discussion of abstract rhythms is clearer than Bran-
del's and he clarifies some of her ambiguities by indicating that additive
linear rhythms can be either duple, triple, or in hemiola patterning. He
also indicates that divisive as well as additive rhythms are common in
African music.
Nketia recognizes the density referent as a subjective metronomic
basis realized in terms of a time line played by an idiophone or clapped.
This identification of a time line is perhaps one of the most significant
contributions of Nketia to understanding of African rhythm. He describes
time line as a rhythmic patterning in either divisive or additive rhythm,
which serves as a means of sustaining the rhythmic motion (1974:132).
In his discussion of multilinear rhythms his identification of spacing
also seems to be significant: "The crucial point in polyrhythmic pro-
cedures, therefore, is the spacing or the placement of rhythmic patterns
that are related to one another at different points in time so as to produce
the anticipated integrated structure" (1974:136). Nketia probably could
provide a definitive study on rhythm, but his references to rhythm in all of
his writings are always part of a larger study and must, therefore, be
rather brief.
Another significant contribution has been made by Roderic Knight
(1974) who carefully describes both the socio-cultural and musical basis of
Mandinka drumming. Knight refers to the timbre as well as to the rhythm
of the various Mandinka drum parts and calls these parts timbral pat-
terns. This emphasis upon timbre determined by the nature of the drum
strokes is a major insight. In one case he shows how two drum parts have
identical rhythms, but the timbral patterns of each part are different.
Thus, each part really becomes a different pattern, with yet a third pattern
being created as a resultant combination of the two parts. Example 4
demonstrates different timbral patterns that are rhythmically identical.
Drum strokes of drum one kun , da ba da.kun dim ba . da kun dim. ba da
Drum strokes of drum two da da ba din, din kun da . da ba din . din kun
Example 4
Mandinka Drumming Syllables
The combination of ideas from all of these studies probably brings us

close to an adequate understanding of African rhythm. The existence of a
density referent, some type of patterning based on the density referent,
and cross rhythms seem to be either explicit or implied in most of the
studies examined. Hemiola, the existence of a time line, and timbral
patterning were mentioned in one or occasionally two of the studies.
None of those views, however, is broad enough to incorporate the philo-
sophical statements of Senghor or to give a theoretical or methodological
basis for assessing African rhythm in terms that make comparison possi-
ble between African societies and ultimately with societies outside of
Africa. The remainder of the present study will be directed towards pro-
viding this type of theoretical basis.
A MACRO- AND MICRO-PERSPECTIVE ON AFRICAN RHYTHM
An adequate understanding of the temporal nature of music making

in any music found throughout the world should at least take into con-
sideration the total time span in which music occurs. The first edition of
the Harvard Dictionary of Music included this view within the realm of
rhythm when it was stated that "Rhythm is everything pertaining to the
temporal quality (duration) of the musical sound" (Apel 1944:640). Such
an approach to rhythm seems to include musical form as well as the more
conventional understanding of rhythm. In African music there is some
justification for noting the relationship between formal structure and
smaller temporal units. The call and response pattern can be considered a
formal extension of the hocket technique. Nketia (1962:48), in describing
the style of flute and trumpet ensembles, illustrates the hocket technique
as an alternation of brief phrases rather than of single tones. In Shona
vocal music the alternation between the leader and the group is often in
short phrases similar to those described by Nketia. At other times the
phrases are longer, in which case they contribute to an assessment of the
overall form of the music. Thus we can see that the formal structure of
call and response can have some relationship to the more minute rhythmic
relationship of parts.
An all encompassing view of rhythm includes the possibility of look-
ing the influence of a culture's time sense upon all aspects of its musical
at
time. For example, the Indian time sense that allows a raga to be devel-
oped for several hours would generally be intolerable in a Western con-
cert setting. The Javanese time sense that predetermines the length of a
piece of music to a precise second would probably not be found in Africa.
Furthermore, the nature of the physical movements that accompany mu-
sic (dance or instrumental technique), language rhythm, and the social

structures of a society are probably very time determining. Senghor's
general views on rhythm in Africa as it effects all of the creative expres-
sions can also be looked at in terms of an African sense of time.
Perhaps a study of a culture's time sense and its formal structure
could be called macrorhythm, with microrhythm being the perceptual
present (what one can feel in one moment) such as meter, rhythmic con-
figurations, and the relationship of parts.
Macrorhythm. The first part of this macrorhythmic view of African mu-

sic, the nature of time sense, is a complex and subjective topic. The
present study can only deal with aspects of it as examples of possibilities
for further study.
Perhaps the best place to begin such a study is with the views of
Leopold Senghor who has made rhythm one of the prime facets of his
views on African aesthetics. Senghor speaks both generally and speci-
fically about rhythm. On the general level he refers to rhythm (1956:33) as
being:
vibrant shock, the power which, through our senses, lays hold of the very roots
of our being. It expresses itself by the most material,the most sensualmeans:
lines, colors, volume, in architecture, sculpture and painting; stresses in poetry
and in music, movementsin the dance. But, havingdone this, it channelsall that
is concrete into intellectualspirit.For the African-Negrorhythmilluminatesthe
spirit so that it becomes embodiedin sensuality.
More specifically Senghor describes the rhythmic aspects of African

literature: alternation between stressed and unstressed syllables, figures
of speech based upon repetition, and "recitation in prose" being more
markedly rhythmic and thus more poetic than is ordinary prose. He also
briefly describes how "percussion" instruments provide a polyrhythmic
beat to recited poetry and how rhythm is provided by audience clapping
as well as by the steps and gestures of narrators and tambourine players.
Senghor's comments upon rhythm are, perhaps, as significant for
their emphasis as for their content. If rhythm is one of the major tenets of
his views on African aesthetics, then this fact, in itself, is significant.
However, we can also examine the content of his views on rhythm in
more detail.
Senghor's discussion on language rhythm appears to be particularly
significant. His comments on "recitation in prose" have special musical
relevance. Short prose phrases assume a particular rhythm when repeated
by a group in the call and response structure. Less repetition and, thus,
freer rhythm is characteristic of the leader's part of the structure. This
contrast between repetition and improvisation provides a unique cross-
rhythmic relationship in the call and response structure. Speech is proba-

bly one of the major determinants of all African music making, and further
studies of the rhythmic influence of speech upon music would certainly
enhance our understanding of the African time sense.
Senghor and other writers frequently mention the polyrhythmic as-
pects of African music making. The ease with which more than one
rhythm is performed simultaneously can lead to a consideration of the
possibility of multichronometry being a part of the African time sense.
The mono-chronometry of Western music is apparent in the concept
of a conductor's beat to which all rhythmic parts may be oriented. Mono-
chronometry is not necessarily a universal principle of music making.
Alan Merriam (1951:374) cites an example in which the song beat and the
drum beat in a Flathead Indian song are based upon two different tempi.
The song proceeds at MM 120, while the drum plays at MM 125. Such
bi-chronometry is seldom used in Western music, nor does it operate in
African music in that precise way. But we do know that multi-rhythms are
an integral part of African music, and while these multi-rhythms may be
related to each other and possibly to a single pattern, there is an ease with
which multiple rhythms are played in Africa that seems to suggest some
type of multiple time sense. Klaus Waschsmann (Unpublished Manu-
script) has suggested that part of this facility with multiple rhythms could
result from the early rhythmic training given to a small child when it is
held on its mother's back. The feeling for the rhythm of walking in rela-
tionship to the movement of the arms would be one strong type of rhyth-
mic training. The dancing of the mother would be an even more complex
rhythmic training resulting from the multi-rhythmic movement of all parts
of the body. Even though we do not know the full extent of African
multi-chronometry we can at least postulate it as an important aspect of
the African time sense.
Senghor mentions the rhythm of steps and gestures of narrators and
musicians. The rhythm of physical movement thus becomes another ma-
jor determinant of the African time sense. The most obvious physical
aspect of African music making is dance where the different parts of the
human body respond to different lines of the musical performance. The
multi-movement possibilities of the body obviously determine a multi-
rhythmic musical texture. The physical behavior appropriate to the play-
ing of musical instruments is also rhythmically determinative. The inter-
locking of hands common to the instrumental technique of a number of
African instruments, including mbira, kora, drums, and xylophones,
would seem to indicate that the physiology of playing different instru-
ments is often very similar. Thus physical movement, whether of dance or
of instrumental technique seems also to be determinative of African time
sense.
The important social determinants of African music making would

also appear to have rhythmic influence. Foremost among these are the
various social events of which music is a part. Work songs, an important
part of African music making, certainly have built-in rhythms that deter-
mine the basic rhythm of the songs. Even ritual or recreational events
have appropriate time structures to which music must conform. Social
relationships between the various participants in a musical performance
have at least an indirect bearing upon rhythmic relationships. Most mu-
sical events have some specialist performers who temporally relate to the
non-specialist participants. The opportunity for performance that must be
given to all participants can at least determine musical forms if not precise
rhythmic relationships.
Musical Form. In its larger dimensions time is divided into segments

that display patterning much in the same way as is found at the micro-
rhythmic level. These longer patterns determine the formal structure of
music at the macrorhythmic level.
The most ubiquitous musical form found in Africa is the call and
response pattern. The responsorial procedure is found in almost every
African society. It represents an omnipresent duality, whether between
two interlocking parts in instrumental music or between a voice and an
instrument in solo music. But a mere duality can be an antiphonal rela-
tionship of equal parts, whereas the responsorial structure is a relation-
ship of one to several. Thus, in vocal music, the unequal relationship
between the call and response parts can often determine the formal struc-
ture of the music. A wide range of possible relationships between the
leader and group is possible. For instance, in Shona society one can find a
leader-dominated relationship, a group-dominated relationship, an alter-
nating relationship, a simultaneous relationship, and some combinations
of these relationships. Example 5 shows transcriptions of four songs that
illustrate this variety of relationships. There is some evidence to suggest
that the distinctions between these various Shona responsorial types may
reflect the social distinctions for which the various responsorial types are
appropriate. For instance, a leader-dominated structure is used in story
songs where the emphasis is upon the story-teller. The group-dominated
structures are used at ceremonial occasions for chiefs with the emphasis
being upon group solidarity. This social dimension is mentioned to illus-
trate the importance of assessing cultural factors that can give rise to
musical structures.
Closely related to the responsorial forms are the ostinato structures
so commonly used in African instrumental music. The ostinato and re-
lated forms have never been a major part of Western formal structures,
-210 Fine
Chi-di di za-no i-te-ri-pi za-n

ndo-
D.C.
ILL
aI - I -
P-Fit - -u ao-sde
n%
-c u-ku-ya
u--n za-no a-ne za-none
n
_--a-f-
Example5a
Leader-dominatedRelationship
Shona GrindingSong
wo ye -wa-na wo re re s-wa-
Wa-a - e
41 wa fa li. ha to-i 1-ku-se-nde-re wa-ta
Fine
e -wa-fa
: i - ye -
Example5b
Group-dominatedRelationship
Shona FuneralSong for a Chief
h-252
Wo hie-re re-re - re
arv~enyjama ye-ku-go cha
W hie-re - re-re
S Wo hie-re re-re - I
nyama ye-k-go - cha
Y•ave Ka-ndama-pfu-mo .
? f?
Example5c
AlternatingRelationship
Shona Praise Song for a Chief
360
,
J Pa-mu-tu-nhu mu-sii-t'e-je-?r P'-no s a-rz-pa chi-m'e-r'a mu-ngu-mi-ra
He ha He
I
rLI!r
,
Example5d
SimultaneousRelationship
Shona ThreshingSong
since the emphasis in the West seems to be more upon development of

themes and the adding of new ideas rather than upon repetition. In Africa,
by contrast, there is more of an emphasis upon repeating patterns and
accumulating new material (variation or improvisation) in relationship to
the initial patterns. Thus, ostinato forms provide the structure needed for
the variation and improvisational process of instrumental music.
In addition to these shorter forms, a number of longer forms are also
found in Africa. The strophic form, often involving at least two responsor-
ial types is found quite frequently. Example 6 illustrates a Shona strophic
form with a simultaneous responsorial relationship always occurring in
the refrain. Ternary forms and through-composed music can also be
found in Africa. Perhaps the longest forms are the dance suites, such as
those performed by the large xylophone and dance ensembles of the
Chopi people in Mogambique. In this music a complete performance will
?o252
ID
ITO iye iye iye Go-ma-na ri-si-na m-ndIaIT liye iye iye Hi - 0a hi-ya
"lou-
r r
ye iye ri-si-na u-n~da lyie iye iye iye Se-re-ni-ka

-
lyeiye Hi -•-e
ya hi-ya
Go-ma-ra
11ii r r r
,
Refrain:
Da-i-nda-ka zi-Wa ku-ti na - ra nai - bva ku-ho - ndo

e -o-
ku-ra-k"-ne
-*
I,go.- --y , ;.- ye.
ngo-ma i-chi-vi-ra i-ye Te i - Te
A A
? -, u ut.,v
Example 6
Shona Threshing Song
comprise several prescribedmovements, beginningwith an instrumental

prelude, and including a variety of dance routines.
Formally, African music may not be as complex as in some other
areas of the world; but a wide variety of forms, dominatedby the anti-
phonal call and response patternsof vocal musicand the ostinatopatterns
of instrumentalmusic, can be found.
Microrhythmor the PerceptualPresent. The microrhythmicaspect of

African music is the most commonly understood concept of African
rhythm, and it is this aspect that has given rise to the theoriesand studies
cited in the earlierpart of this presentation.The ideas presentednow are
based upon aspects of these previous studies in relationshipto my own
experience in Shona music.
1. Density Referent-It seems almost undebatablethat most African
rhythms can be related to a fast regularpulse. Density referentseems to
be the term that is increasinglyused to identify these fast pulses, and
there seems to be no reason to choose anothertermat this point. Musical
scholars are probably more aware of the density referentthan are per-
formers of the music, but the absoluteaccuracyof rhythmicrelationships
in performance seems to attest to at least an unconscious measuringof
fast, evenly-spaced units.
2. Meter-It appearsthat any music which uses a measuredrhythm
is based upon some type of regularpatterningof rhythmicevents. In
Western music we call this patterningmeter. David Shrader4has sug-
gested that meter could be divided into the five following categories:
regularmetrical, irregularmetrical,multi-metrical(two or more simultan-
eous meters that can be related to a common rhythmicreferent),cross-
metrical (two or more simultaneousmeters that cannot be related to a
common referent, such as eight againstnine), and non-metrical.Shrader
furthersuggests thatall of these meterscan be analyzedin termsof varying
combinations of two's and three's. Thoughone may quibblewith some of
the labelling, this approachto meterseems broadenoughto accommodate
the types of rhythmicpatterningfound in African music.
What is meter in Africanmusic? First of all, we mightsay that it is a
groupingof the density referentinto accentualpatterns.We noted earlier
that A. M. Jones has found a Pan-African"standardpattern." It can be
described as an accentualgroupingof the density referentin the 12-pulse
cycle. But is this a rhythmicor a metricalpattern?Accentual grouping
may not be the only aspect of meterin Africanmusicor any music. Meter
must, secondly, provide the determinative and organizing basis for
rhythmic configurations.In Western music six eighth notes will be per-
formed differently in 6/8 time and 3/4 time. Likewise in Shona music,
I,
I~~ t\
-
sI~f *-
' - -
Example7a
Shona Praise Song for a Chief
Western MetricalOrganization
AV _
.. , , •e. . i 'or
! . J i
• I
- , -.. ?
Example7b
Shona MetricalOrganization
there are two different ways to perform the rhythm shown in Example 7.
A Western musician would normally notate this pattern in 4/4. However,
when a Shona musician adds a drum beat to the song as shown in Ex-
ample 7b, the rhythm clearly displays a 3+3+2 organization. In actual
performance the drum is not used, since work songs such as this are
usually not accompanied by any instruments. Nevertheless, Shona musi-
cians insist that the singers must feel the implied rhythmic structure of the
drum pattern in order to sing the part correctly. Shona musicians here use
the more dynamic tactile term, "feeling," to express what Western musi-
cians more abstractly call "meter." Thus, it would seem that meter in
African music involves both patterning plus the determinative and organi-
zing basis of the rhythm.
In addition to the "standard pattern" identified by Jones, other
common patterns are found in African music. Some of these are illus-
trated in Table 1. It is not clear at this time how many of these are
Pan-African, but many are found in more than one area. Due to the cyclic
nature of these patterns, the starting point of each pattern is arbitrary.
Patterns 1 and 2 are similar to divisive meters in Western music; all the
others are additive. However, in terms of the total number of pulses all
the patterns could potentially be divisive: their lengths (8, 9, 12, and 16)
can all be divided evenly. By contrast additive rhythms in Eastern Europe
1 2+2+2+2-8 x x' x x: I
2 x
3+3+3+3-12
_
Ix x x
3 3+3+2-8 x x -x
L (2+2+2)+(3+3)-12 x x x x
_x
5 Standard Pattern (2+3)+(2+2+3)-12 x x I x x x
6 (2+2+2+3)+(2+2+3)-16 x x x x x x
7 2+*22+3 -9 x x x x
8 x x x Ixx I I
Ix[
3+3+"+2+4-16
Table 1
CommonAfricanMetricalPatterns
are often cast in lengths that can only be derivedby addition:5, 7, 11, or
13. Thus, African "additiveness" in contrast to some non-Africanaddi-
tive structures is determinedexclusively by internalorganizationrather
than by total length. This could be one of the reasons that African
rhythms are so often considered syncopated. In other words, there is a
temptationto view the Africanadditivenessin relationshipto the Western
divisiveness. The alignmentof the rhythmsin Table I shows the relation-
ship between some of the patterns. Thus a nine-pulse pattern can be
considered as one part of a longer 16-pulsepattern.
3. Basic Patterns-In Shona music one drummerwithin a drum-
dance ensemble is assigned a basic pattern,and his role is to outline the
basic rhythmicfeeling of the particulardance:this appearsto be the same
role assigned to the bell player in many West Africanensembles. Nketia
calls this genre-identifyingpatternthe time line. A very delicate but im-
portant distinction can be made between this basic patternor time line
and meter. Table 2 shows differentbasic patternsrecognizedby Shona
musicians, but all based on the same meter. This distinction between
basic pattern and meter seems to be no differentthan in Westernmusic
where minuet, waltz, and bolero are all in 3/4 meter, yet each has distinc-
tive rhythmic/accentualcharacteristics.
4. Cross patterns-After the basic patternhas been soundedandthe
dance form has thus been identified, in Shona music a second drummer
comes in with a cross pattern.This appearsto be an essential, but highly
flexible role. It can be performedby a second drumin a two-drumgroup,
by woodblocks, by handclapping,or it can be the combinedfunctionof
any or all of the instruments.A performanceof Shona music can never
exist with only the basic patternpresent, but it can occur in simpleformif
Hi
Threshing
Song
H xx
Lo x x x x x x x
3 3 2 3 3 2
Hunting
Song Hi x x xE i
Lo xx x x x
3 3 2 3 2
Grinding Hi x x
SongO1
Table 2
Shona Basic Patterns
That Share the Same Meter
some type of cross-pattern is set up against the basic pattern. A good

performance, however, must have potentialities for a variety of cross-
patterns in addition to improvisation. Sometimes the cross-pattern will be
based on a meter that contrasts with that of the basic pattern. At other
times it will merely be contrastive rhythmic configurations of the same
metrical feeling. In terms of successivity, cross-patterns are more vari-
able than are basic patterns. Cross-patterns are allowed to change
throughout the course of a piece, but they are more fixed than the impro-
visatory patterns.
The Shona also recognize a special type of cross-pattern, called a
"beat" and played by gourd rattle, woodblocks, or by handclapping. In
contrast to Western music, however, the Shona beat is not rhythmically
regulative. It can occur between the events of the basic pattern, in which
case it could be considered a cross beat. At other times it follows the
rhythm of the basic pattern, in which case it is supportive of the main
rhythm and adds a buzz to the timbre. When it functions in cross-relation-
ship to the basic pattern, it introduces a strong element of tension into the
rhythmic structure, causing the improvised and dancing responses to be
performed with vitality and intensity.
Toke I x x x x x x
Toke II x x x x x
Rattle I x x x x
Rattle II D D U D D D U D
GongoI LI H H L _ L H H
Gongo I H L H L H H
Gongo I IL L L L L L L L
Gongo IV IL L H L L L H
Sogo 0 D 0 10 D 0
_
...
Kaganu xx xx x x Ix x
_
Asiwui D 0 0 0 1 ID 0 0 D
Example 8
The Ewe Dance, Sohu
Rattle II: D is down, U is up
Gongo: L is low, H is high
Drums: D is damped, O is open
In West Africa cross rhythmsinvolve many more instrumentsthan

in Shona music. In addition to a variety of drums and rattles, several
double-pitched bells add a distinct pitch aspect to the cross rhythmic
mosaic. Example 8 shows the mosaic producedin Sohu, an Ewe dance
from Ghana. Example 9 is an abbreviatedscore of the Sohu dance that
clearly illustratessome of the principlesof cross rhythm.The time line of
this piece is shown in Line A; it is based upon the metricalpatternNo. 3
in Table 1. Line B is a cross-rhythmicvariantof Line A. Line C is an
evenly spaced rattlepart that crosses both Lines A and B. Lines D and E
are based on the same rhythmicstructureas Line C. Line A is always
sounded alone at the beginning of a performanceand is considered
rhythmicallyregulative.If syncopationoccurs, we would have to say that
the evenly-spaced rattle parts are syncopated in relationshipto Line A,
and this is quite differentfromthe commonunderstandingof syncopation.
A x x x
B x x x
C x Ix
D x-x x x
E xx x x
Example9
AbbreviatedScore of Sohu
The cross rhythmicaspect of Africanrhythmis one of its key ingre-

dients. Patterns in isolation can be simple, but they take on a special
quality when they occur in cross-rhythmicrelationshipto each other.This
polychronomic aspect of African music has led to much ambiguityin
terminology. Is African rhythmpolymetric, or is it only polyrhythmic?
Taken as an isolated case, an argumentcould be madefor the polymetric
natureof Example9. Line A could be 3+3+2, Line B 2+3+3, Lines C, D,
and E in 4/4 time. However, in view of the earlierdiscussionon meterand
a basic pattern,it would seem moreappropriateto considerit monometric
in the sense that Line A is rhythmicallyregulativeand the other lines are
in polyrhythmic relationshipto Line A. Perhapsrhythmand meter are
used too interchangeablyin Westernparlanceto allow us to distinguish
precisely between polymeterand polyrhythmin Africanmusic. However,
the polychronomicaspects of Africanrhythmare clear, regardlessof the
specific terminologyone might use.
Cross-patternsmay not always be explicitly stated. GerhardKubik
(1962) very cogently suggests the possibility of inherentrhythmswhich
emerge as a part of a psycho-acoustic gestalt. These rhythms are particu-
larly apparent when large intervals are played at a rapid tempo. The ear
tends to group those pitches that are in a similar pitch range, and conse-
quently, some cross-rhythms may emerge that are perceived differently
than they are performed. Kubik, therefore, distinguishes between the
motor image and the acoustic image, indicating that the motor image
(which could also be dance) can stand in an effective cross-rhythmic
relationship with the acoustic image.
Thus, cross-rhythm becomes one of the most complex and perhaps
important aspects of African rhythmic practice.
5. Improvisation-The final ingredient in African rhythmic relation-

ships is the role of improvisation, which is usually assigned to the largest
and most important drum in an ensemble. The constraints on the impro-
vising role are much less than on the other parts, and thus it is more
difficult to analyze. However, some aspects of improvisation found in
drumming ensembles can be distinguished. First of all, the improvising
drummer can combine different patterns much more freely than can the
other performers. He can quickly move from one pattern to another, and
thus uniquely combine his repertoire of patterns. He can also replace
regular accents with variable accents that keep changing against the regu-
larity of the other instruments. The drummer can also play in free rhythm,
and in doing so, he often bases his rhythms upon language texts.
SIGNIFICANCEFOR FUTURE STUDIES OF RHYTHM
The preceding approach to African rhythm appears to be broad

enough to accommodate philosophical views on African creativity and yet
sufficiently precise to explain minute details of rhythmic patterning and
relationships. Rhythm is viewed here as a process of relationships as well
as a product of music making. This broad approach makes it possible to
study contemporary styles as a continuation of the traditional process of
rhythmic relationships. Recent studies (Kauffman 1972) have shown that
African urban styles often make use of Western musical products, such as
instruments, melodies, harmonic structures, and rhythmic patterns, and
yet retain the traditional multi-rhythmic processes of music making. A
rhythmic approach that looks only at microrhythmic patterning may fail
to notice or take account of the processes, and thus may do African music
and African peoples a great disservice. When we are aware of the many
dimensions of a cultural time sense, of musical forms, of rhythmic pat-
terning, and of rhythmic relationships, more possibilities of understanding
become available.
All of the many facets of the present study merit further attention,
but perhaps some should especially be noted. At the macrorhythmic level
the rhythmic aspects of language have scarcely been touched. The tonal
aspects of language have often been noted, but what part does lingual
rhythm play? Dance rhythm is also important in Africa, where the multi-
rhythmic bodily movements are so musically determinative. The nature of
multichronometry is another fascinating study of which we know very
little.
At the microrhythmic level the identification of a density referent
seems to be essential to assessing isolated patterns as well as multilineal
relationships. Are metrical considerations worthy of further study as a

means of assessing the deeper levels of rhythmic patterning? The present
study seems to indicate that they are. The metrical aspects might also be
very highly significant for comparative rhythmic studies, particularly in
regard to similarities and differences with Western European, Eastern
European, and Indian rhythmic structures. Are the metrical patterns
shown in Table 1 the most common ones found in Africa, or are there
others?
Finally, can the nature of multipart relationships be more precisely
determined? Do certain individual patterns generate a specific type of
crossrhythmic relationship or is any cross pattern acceptable? The "mul-
tipartness" of African rhythm appears to be one of the clues to its identity
just as the variety in harmonic relationships is one of the hallmarks of
Western Art music. We have a multiplicitiy of studies on Western har-
mony. We could certainly benefit from more definitive studies on African
rhythm.
NOTES
1. Since vertical and horizontal are visual/spatial terms, perhaps simultaneous and
successive could more appropriately be used to describe the two different types of hemiola.
2. Fela Sowande (1966) has, for example, found 24 different hierarchically arranged
rhythmic parts in a Yoruba ensemble.
3. See Koetting (1970) and Ladzekpo and Pantaleoni (1970) for examples of such
studies.
4. Oral Communication, October, 1971.
REFERENCES CITED
Apel, Willi, ed.

1944 Harvard Dictionary of Music. Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press.
Blacking, John
1955 "Some Notes on a Theory of African Rhythm Advanced by Erich Von Horn-
bostel," African Music 1(2):12-20.
1961 "Patterns of Nsenga Kalimba Music," African Music 2(4):26-43.
Brandel, Rose
1969 "Africa," Harvard Dictionary of Music. 2 ed. Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press.
p. 17-24.
Hood, Mantle
1971 The Ethnomusicologist. New York: McGraw Hill.
Hornbostel, Erich M. V.
1928 "African Negro Music," Africa 1(1):30-62.
Jones, A. M.
1959 Studies in African Music. New York: Oxford Univ. Press.
Kauffman, Robert
1969 "Some Aspects of Aesthetics in the Shona Music of Rhodesia," Ethnomusicology
13(3):507-11.
1972 "Shona Urban Music and the Problem of Acculturation," Yearbook of the Interna-
tional Folk Music Council 4:47-56.
King, Anthony
1960 "Employments of the 'Standard Pattern' in Yoruba Music," African Music 2(3):
51-54.
Knight, Roderic
1974 "Mandinka Drumming," African Arts 7(4):24-35.
Koetting, James
1967 Paper read in ethnomusicology seminar, U.C.L.A. Oct. 13.
1970 "Analysis and Notation of West African Drum Ensemble Music," Selected Re-
ports 1(3):115-46.
Kubik, Gerhard
1962 "The Phenomenon of Inherent Rhythms in East and Central African Instrumental
Music," African Music 3(1):33-42.
Ladzekpo, S. Kobla and Hewitt Pantaleoni
1970 "Takada Drumming," African Music 4(4):6-31.
Merriam, Alan
1951 "Flathead Indian Instruments and Their Music," Musical Quarterly 37(3):368-75.
Nketia, J. H. Kwabena
1962 "The Hocket-Technique in African Music," Journal of the International Folk
Music Council 14:44-52.
1974 The Music of Africa. New York: Norton
Senghor, Leopold
1956 "African-Negro Aesthetics," Diogenes 16:23-38.
Sowande, Fela
1966 "Nigerian Music and Musicians: Then and Now," Composer 19:25-34.
Wachsmann, Klaus
Unpublished Manuscript. "Creativity, Aesthetics, and Psychology of Content of Music in
Africa."
Waterman, Richard A.
1952 "African Influence on the Music of the Americas," Acculturation in the Americas
(Proceedings of the Twenty-Ninth International Congress of the Americanists).
Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.

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African Rhythm: A Reassessment

Author(s): Robert Kauffman

Rhythm is probably one of the most profound yet misunderstood as-

one sectionof Africato another.Theunityof Africanmusicmakingalso

Syncopationand Hornbostel'sTheoryof Rhythm. One of the most

Closely related to syncopation as an explanation of African rhythm is

unknown to them. To us, the simple succession of beats 7, appears as

Density referent is useful as an analytical tool, but is it in any way an

some type of metrical organization, which may include various combina-

Jones and the "Standard Pattern." A. M. Jones has probably provided

This common rhythmic pattern can be viewed as an accentual group-

Rhythm in West African Drumming Ensembles. West African drum-

recent years these ensembles have generated a number of descriptive and

Drum strokes of drum one kun , da ba da.kun dim ba . da kun dim. ba da

The combination of ideas from all of these studies probably brings us

A MACRO- AND MICRO-PERSPECTIVE ON AFRICAN RHYTHM

An adequate understanding of the temporal nature of music making

sic (dance or instrumental technique), language rhythm, and the social

Macrorhythm. The first part of this macrorhythmic view of African mu-

More specifically Senghor describes the rhythmic aspects of African

rhythmic relationship in the call and response structure. Speech is proba-

The important social determinants of African music making would

Musical Form. In its larger dimensions time is divided into segments

Chi-di di za-no i-te-ri-pi za-n

since the emphasis in the West seems to be more upon development of

ye iye ri-si-na u-n~da lyie iye iye iye Se-re-ni-ka

Da-i-nda-ka zi-Wa ku-ti na - ra nai - bva ku-ho - ndo

ngo-ma i-chi-vi-ra i-ye Te i - Te

comprise several prescribedmovements, beginningwith an instrumental

Microrhythmor the PerceptualPresent. The microrhythmicaspect of

some type of cross-pattern is set up against the basic pattern. A good

In West Africa cross rhythmsinvolve many more instrumentsthan

The cross rhythmicaspect of Africanrhythmis one of its key ingre-

5. Improvisation-The final ingredient in African rhythmic relation-

SIGNIFICANCEFOR FUTURE STUDIES OF RHYTHM

The preceding approach to African rhythm appears to be broad

relationships. Are metrical considerations worthy of further study as a

Apel, Willi, ed.

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