Sie sind auf Seite 1von 14

MUSLIM WOMEN IN DISCOURSE

Pereira, Fernanda1

Project Description (Problem Statement):

This research, from the theoretical perspective of the French discourse analysis,
aims to understand the identification processes of the subjects, Muslim women, living
in the city of Foz do Iguaçu – Brazil, studying the discourses produced by/about these
women. Based on opened interviews conducted with women from the Muslim
community, we intend to investigate how the identification processes of these subjects
occur in relation to the discourses that interpellate them. What do they think about
themselves? What does religion say about them? What do non-Muslim Brazilian
women think about them? How do these women relate to religion? In a moment of
racial, religious and political intolerance towards the other, with Muslim communities
pointed as a synonym of terrorism and violence, in different countries, this work seeks
to make visible the sayings of these women, exposing the discursive processes that
allow historical meanings produced about them. We also aim to understand what
supports these discourses and the forms of inscription of the subjects in the discursive
formations2.
In this sense, the discourse analysis could allow a different view of these
questions, insofar as it seeks to understand the discourse in its relation to the real 3 of
the language, the real of the subject, the real of history and also the real of the body
(ORLANDI, 2004 and FERREIRA, 2011). A discursive approach to this corpus would
be interesting, since religions constitute Ideological State Apparatuses (ISAs), which
according to Pêcheux (1996), would not be the realization of ideology in general, but

1 Linguistics PhD student at UNICAMP – State University of Campinas. Academic Supervisor: Mónica
Graciela Zoppi-Fontana, PhD. Email: fpereir@gmail.com.
2 Discourse formation is defined as something that, in a given ideological formation, from a given

position, in a given conjuncture determined by the state of the class struggle, determines what can and
should be said. This means that words, expressions, propositions, etc. receive their senses according
to the discursive formation in which they were produced. (PÊCHEUX et al., 2012, p.308).
3 Pêcheux et al. (2012) understands language as a body of interdicts, a system of rules crossed by

failures, capable of transparency and opacity at the same time. The subject divided between the
ideological subjection and the ruptures produced by the action of the unconscious. And history as
ultimately driven by class struggle. In this same line, Orlandi (2004) and Ferreira (2011) theorize a “real”
of the body, constructed by discourse, crossed by ideology, and that materializes what speaks and also
what lacks in the subject.
complex structures in which the ideological struggle of classes happens constantly,
and the means in which the domination of one of those classes takes place. Religions,
as medieval ISAs, have been constructed throughout history, resuming prehistoric
memories, reproducing discourses (sometimes misogynous) about woman, her body
and her social place. And from which the discursiveness of the modern sciences, such
as Medicine, have been constituted and continue to produce effects in contemporary
discursive practices about the woman and her body, constituting the subjects.

Research Questions

Our objectives with this corpus are: understanding how a discourse about
Muslim women is formulated, constituted in the region of Foz do Iguaçu, and also how
this discourse circulates in this area; analyzing how the discourse-other appear in the
formulation and constitution of these sayings about the Muslim women; based on the
discursive materiality, reflecting how a discourse about woman appears in the sacred
texts of the Islam; analyzing how the oppositions/ relations between "freedom x prison",
"protection and rights" and "culture x religion" are materialized in this discourse;
reflecting on the maladjustment between the "ideal of a Muslim woman" and “the real
of the female subjects” constituted out of heterogeneities; understanding how the
identification processes of these Muslim female subjects occur in a space of
overexposure and exploitation of the female body, such as the Brazilian society.
For the French discourse analysis, ideology acts by shaping the subjects' will,
through discourse or by force (physical sanctions/prohibitions), through the ISAs. The
ideological interpellation is a call of the ideology, inviting the subjects to share what is
socially placed, a set of discursiveness that precedes them. In this way, the subject
(woman or man), at birth, is called to agree with a complex discursiveness that defines
what is to be "woman", for example, and what constitutes it. This ideology, in spite of
determining the subject, is not perceived, it is effaced, obliterated by the effect of the
forgettings (PÊCHEUX, 1982), leaving the subjects unmindful to its action. Therefore,
becoming a woman is to be crossed by a complex of historically constructed discursive
formations, which includes: prehistoric discourses on femininity (VALLET, 2011);
fantastical and mythical explanations about an unknown, mysterious, and therefore
dangerous and malignant female body within medieval religious discourses that
echoed in scientific, psychiatric, and medical practices (DEL PRIORE, 2009); patterns
of femininity constituted throughout the 19th century which defined docility, submission,
passivity, modesty, maternal love as innate characteristics of the feminine (KEHL,
2016); all this from a masculine perspective, controlling and restricting the woman's
body to the private and familiar space. In addition, we are interpellated by feminist
discourses, seeking to regain control over the female body, breaking up with
misogynistic discourses produced and resumed throughout history.

Theoretical and methodological questions to be discussed:

In “The Subjective-Form of discourse”, Pêcheux discusses the question of the


complex effect of discursive formations in the subject-form. According to him, "the
subject was constituted by this 'forgetting' of what determines him” and the
“interpellation of the individual as subject of his discourse is achieved by the
identification (of the subject) with the discursive formation that dominates him"
(PÊCHEUX, 1982, p. 114). The author lists three different modalities of identification
(identification, counteridentification, and disidentification), which he will later
deconstruct due to the influence of the psychoanalytic theory.
In this way, by making a relation between Pêcheux’s deconstruction above
and the concepts of “superidentification” presented by Žižek (BECK & ESTEVES,
2012), plus the concept of heterogeneities discussed by Authier-Revuz (2015), we
intend to investigate:
a) If those processes could occur inside the subject, in the three modalities, always as
an attempt to identify with the Subject of the Ideology, alternating moments of
counteridentification and superidentification, due to areas opened in the field of the
dominant ideology, but never actually escaping from it.
b) And still, could those opening of areas be conceived through the heterogeneities
that constitute the subjects?
Empirical material, Preliminary results and Questions to be Discussed4

In order to have an idea of how those identification processes, as described


by Pêcheux (1982), could appear in the linguistic materiality, we did a test interview
with a Lebanese, 40 years old Muslim woman, who has lived in Foz do Iguaçu for 20
years. It was an opened interview and it started with the question: In your opinion, what
is to be a Muslim woman in Brazil? For purposes of analysis, we have selected 13
discursive sequences (DS) for a brief analysis.
In “The Subjective-form of Discourse in the Subjective Appropriation of Scientific
Knowledges and Political Practice”, Pêcheux (1982) discusses the identification
processes, based on the elements of the interdiscourse (pre-constructed and
articulations or transverse discourse), which are rewritten in the discourse of the
subject itself. According to the author, these elements of the interdiscourse impose and
dissimulate the subjection, behind the appearances of autonomy, "through the
discursive structure of the subject-form" (p.114). Thus, the subject-form dissimulates
the fact that the subject is subjected to a discursive formation and produces the illusion
that it is he/she who makes the choices, leading him/her to believe that they are the
origin of the discourse and "forgetting" the dominant ideology. The effects of the
subject-form may be seen in the discursive sequence below:

DS1: When I got engaged I didn’t wear the scarf, even if it was mandatory. [...]
But, after a while I got used to it. I started using it always, always, with love,
you know. I want to wear it, it is a part of me.

When questioned about the practice of using the hijab, the subject-form masks
the ideological interpellation by acting on the subject. While she produces “I”, “I got
used”, “I started using”, “I want to wear it”, “me”, the woman has the illusion that she
was the one who chose to use the scarf, ignoring the processes of identification
through which she has passed.
From the studies of Paul Henry, Pêcheux explains that this interpellation goes
through an unfolding between the subject of enunciation (the one who has the illusion
of being the center of meaning itself) and a universal subject (of the Ideology).
However, this unfolding takes on different modalities, according to Pêcheux. In the first

4
In this topic, we will present the analysis of a test interview, articulated with the French discourse
analysis theory, posing possible questions for discussion. The interview and the references used were
translated from Portuguese.
modality (freely consented to) there would be a superimposition between the two
subjects, in the form of a free consent, in which the subject of enunciation fully agrees
with the universal subject. This is what Pêcheux called the “discourse of the ‘good
subject '" (PÊCHEUX, 1982, p.157). In the discursive sequence from the interview
analyzed below, the Muslim woman identifies herself as a "good subject”:

DS2: When I got engaged I did not wear a scarf, even if it was mandatory.
My mother, well, you know, it's a mandatory, according to the religion, my
mother had to teach me that, but she also did not like it very much for a young
girl…you know, the girl has to wear a scarf when she is nine years old,
when she reaches puberty. But my mother never forced me. My sister used
it since she was 12, I think. So when I arrived here in Brazil, I started
wearing a scarf. Look, you have to like it! You have to believe you like it,
even now, during fasting, if you are going to be hungry, you are desperate,
you will not be able to do it, so you have to believe it in your head. [...] I also
did not really believe in the scarf at the time, because everyone wants to show
their hair, everyone, you know? Sometimes if you're upset, you're wearing a
scarf, you're wearing loose clothes, you see girls wearing ... you want to be
like them too. Everyone thinks like that, right, I'm going to look more beautiful!
But then, I got used to it. I began to use it always, always, with love, you
know. I want to wear it always, it’s a part of me.

That is, the process of identification through which the woman symbolizes the
veil as part of her body does not occur immediately, but throughout the woman's life,
from a young age, passing through her mother’s influence, reinforcing itself with the
marriage, intepellating her to assume the position of Muslim woman, until she
recognizes the hijab as a part of herself, as a symbol of the religion with which she
identifies herself.
In “The French Political Winter: Beginning of a Retification (1978)”, Pêcheux will
reformulate the processes of subjectivation under the influence of the theory of the
unconscious. Beck e Esteves (2012) propose a study to think these modalities of
identification, relating the texts of Pêcheux with Freud and Žižek. The authors
demonstrate that Ideological Formations (“a complex set of attitudes and
representations that are neither 'individual' nor 'universal' but relate more or less
directly to conflicting class positions (PÊCHEUX e FUCHS, 1993, p.166)”) are
embodied by ritual practices proper to the Ideological Apparatuses of the State (ISAs),
which function through a duplicate mirror structure (reduplication). That is,
interpellation (subject submission to the Subject of the Ideology) and mutual
recognition (between the subjects and the Subject, between the subjects themselves,
and the subject itself).
Thinking5 of the Islamic religion, as an Ideological Apparatus of the State, in
which Allah, through prophet Mohamed and his teachings, would take the place of the
Absolute Subject, and the Muslims (subjects) are interpellated to live according to
the sacret texts. As in Judaism and Christianity, there is a structure (Imams, Ayatollahs,
Sheikhs, etc.) that discusses the interpretation of those sacred texts, source of
consultation for the subjects who identify with Islam.
Nevertheless, from the rectification of Pêcheux (1982), Beck and Esteves
(2012) understand this first modality as a non-perfect approximation, going towards
the limit, where subjects do not reach totally the Subject of Ideology, but mirror it. That
is, the subject does not like to wear the scarf, however, she "has to believe she likes
it" or "will gradually enjoy it," tending to the limit of approaching the discourse, in which
the use of the scarf is mandatory.
In the second modality (refusal, counteridentification), described by Pêcheux
(1982, p.157), there is a revolt (distantiation, doubt, interrogation, challenge, revolt) of
the subject of enunciation against the universal subject, which the author calls
"discourse of the ‘bad subject '”, and which materializes “a struggle against ideological
evidence, on the ground of this evidence”. That is, the subject would no longer identify
him/herself with the dominant ideology, but at the same time, he/she cannot break out
of it. Beck and Esteves (2012, p.149) describe this second modality of Pêcheux, from
the distancing (or false identification) proposed by Žižek, which would not represent a
complete disagreement, "but a slight discursive displacement in relation to the
discourse reproduced in the memory of the dominant discursive formation", not even
breaking with the Subject of Ideology, but opening non-dominant spaces within this
discursive formation, imbricated to others.
In this sense, could we think of Muslim women (born in families of Islamic faith)
who do not practice or just do not adhere to the practice of wearing the hijab within this
second modality? Or, if these non-dominant spaces within the discursive formation of
Islam would allow the identification of these women with other discourses, such as the
feminist discursive formation complex, for example? In the interview analyzed, there
are discursive sequences that seem to materialize this non-dominant region that opens
to the subject, in the space of Ideology:

5 From the examples of Althusser and Freud, presented in the work of Beck and Esteves (2012).
DS3: But my daughter is still too young, I will not let her marry at this age.
She will have to finish her studies, at least finish College before getting
married, and she will have to continue studying after it. Otherwise, I
won’t let her marry.

While talking about the Arab culture of getting married very early and having
many children, the interviewee materializes this counteridentification when talking
about her daughter. She does not want her to get married early and wants her to study.
However, the interviewee does not revolt completely against the Subject, because she
still wants her daughter to marry. The possibility of not getting married, not even
appears, it is erased from the speech. In the discursive sequence below, still discussing
about the same theme, this counteridentification materializes in the following way:

DS4: Just because my mother wants, I have to have more kids? Stay
home? I wanted... to... study, take care of my life, right away, right
away. But then I got pregnant using a IUD...

Access to public life, the possibility to study, to be independent, to revolt against


the Subject of Ideology, ideology in which the position of women is resumed to
motherhood, to the family environment. We might also think that this revolt against the
Subject occurs by the heterogeneous constitution of this whole complex of discursive
formations, which despite having one dominant (religious), maintains an interdiscursive
relationship with its exterior. In this way, the female subjects are constituted from this
ideal of femininity and the contradictions generated from it. The subject recognizes
itself in this place and is recognized by it, that is, it is expected that women are what
this discourse determines that they are, that women occupy in the social structure the
place that is determined to them. However, the counteridentification would allow the
production of discursive sequences such as:

DS5: So, the woman has to establish limits, she has to look for her legal rights,
you see?

When talking about the right to work, study, divorce, sexual life, the discourse
materializes a discourse formation in which women can seek their economic and
sexual independence, distancing themselves from the role of a mother restricted to
their homes, being able to fight for their rights. At this point, the Muslim woman is no
longer the queen of the house, the jewel that needs to be protected and hidden all the
time6, and becomes the one that fights for her rights, for her circulation in public places,
even if still protected by the hijab, putting this subject still within the ground of the
dominant Ideology. Within this modality, could we include Muslim women, who present
a different discourse, not identifying themselves with the practice of using the veil? The
analyzed material presents structures that resemble the examples used by Pêcheux
(2014, p.217), to show the operation of counteridentification. An example would be the
construction "The Islam says ...", "The husband says ...", "Religion says ...", in the
discursive sequence below:

DS6: Sometimes the husband, the religion says: if you have a female
doctor, that's fine, but if you need you can go to a male doctor. He does not
have strong rules, do you understand? [...] Sometimes, Islam says that a man
knows his job more than a woman, you see…

It is not the interviewee who says it, but the husband, the religion, producing a
distancing effect. Another similar structure found in the analyzes is "let’s not forget" as
in the discursive sequence below:

DS7: But, I said, let me warn him. Then I said, "I'm going to the mall." And he
says, "Alright!". You know, if he's going to say, "You're not leaving," we'll fight
then, understand? Religion leaves the reason with the woman, understand?
[...] But, let’s not forget that she has to ask for permission (to leave
home)."

In the sense that we cannot forget that the Subject says that she has to ask
permission for the husband, nevertheless, if he does not let me leave, we will fight.
And the sequence "Religion leaves the reason with the woman" situating her still within
the ground of the ideology.
The third modality (disidentification), which would be constituted through a
working, transformation-displacement of the subject-form (PÊCHEUX, 1982, p.159), is
also deconstructed by Pêcheux in 1978, through the influence of psychoanalytic
theory. However, in the study proposed by Beck and Esteves (2012), this form of
"disidentification" could be thought from the concept of ideological superidentification,
brought by Slavoj Žižek7. According to them, this modality of identification would
approach so closely to the Subject of Ideology, which would be able to expose in an
excessive way, what one wants to deny in an ideology.

6 As stated by the interviewee “To Islam women are considered like a very expensive jewel. If you have
a jewel, will not you hide it in a place where no one will see it? So, for Islam, women are like that. Islam,
the religion values women very much.”
7 Quoted by Beck and Esteves (2012).
Based on the examples brought by the authors, from Žižek, we may think that
in the case of Islam the effect of this ideological superidentification would materialize
in the discourses produced in the countries that adopt Sharia8 (Islamic law), for
example, as a law, expanding religious control to all spheres of society (legislative,
legal and penal). The idea of using the sacred texts as law for the political, economic
and social relations of present life would be to live as close as possible to the example
of life left by prophet Mohamed and the teachings of Allah revealed to him. That is, the
Sharia would be an ideal to be followed, and the highest level of that identification.
Thus, this superidentification would lead to the condition of women, within religion, to
the extreme, a jewel completely rare, only to be exhibited and to serve the husband,
allowing the existence in those countries of religious police, who control and restrict
female bodies. Or, extreme conditions of circulation of women in countries like Saudi
Arabia, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran, for example.
But, this superidentification, produces an effect of disidentification, which can
be seen in the interviewee discourse, when she was questioned about the condition of
women in extreme Muslim regimes:

DS8: [...] but, this thing they have in Afghanistan, Pakistan, this is their
culture. This is their culture for not letting women study... we (Muslins) let
women study, if she wants she always can study, but sometimes girls don’t
want to. They don’t let them study, it is forbidden for women to appear in
public, to be a part of social life. Nothing! It seems women are like trash,
only a machine to give birth to children, and that’s it [...] For example, in
Saudi Arabia women cannot drive. But they have many things wrong, their
view is wrong so we cannot compare other Muslim countries with
Afghanistan, Pakistan or Saudi Arabia, for example. They are giving a
distorted view of women and the life of women.

There is a distance between the religious discourse and the practices adopted
in relation to women in countries such as Afghanistan, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia,
which recognize Sharia as law. However, what these countries try to do is to follow the
teachings of the prophet in the most faithful way possible. That is, this super
approximation produces, in fact, an effect of detachment, and it is rejected by the
subjects who identify with the Ideology of Islam. Taking this idea to the limit, ISIS9
would be the example of this superidentification, as it interprets literally the sacred

8 All possible norms that constitute the Islamic law are in the text of the Qur'an (revelations made by
God through the archangel Gabriel to Mohamed) and in the Sunnahs (teachings, practices and sayings
of prophet Mohamed), for Muslims Sharia has a divine origin and is a model of conduct to be followed.
(NASSER, 2012).
9 The Islamic State of Iraq and Siria, also known as ISIS, is a Salafi jihadist militant group that follows

a fundamentalist, Salafi doctrine of Sunni Islam. Available at: https://goo.gl/w1vtk7.


texts, without admitting modifications, adaptations, disregarding their conditions of
production, and not recognizing the other subjects interpellated by the complex of
Islamic religious discursive formations10.
Thus, one could think that the processes of subjectivation occur in the three
modalities in the subject, in the form of an attempt of identification always tending to
the limits of the Subject of the Ideology, alternated to moments of counteridentification
and superidentification, through the open spaces in the field of dominant ideology,
without escaping from it? And yet, could the opening of these spaces be conceived
through heterogeneities that constitute these subjects? We ask ourselves.
Based on the discourse produced by the interviewee, it is also possible to think
about the imaginary over Brazilian women, non-Muslim, within these conditions of
production. This imaginary, built socially throughout history, composes what the
French discourse analysis calls imaginary formations11, or places attributed to women
(to the subjects) represented by the discursive processes in which they were put into
play: the mother, the virgin, the Muslim woman, the Brazilian woman, the prostitute,
the feminist. These imaginary formations include not only the image that is made of
the woman, but also the image that the woman makes of herself, determining what is
expected, within each of these positions.

DS9: I told you in the beginning, when I did not like the scarf I was thinner, I
mean, prettier, younger, then I thought I was so ugly because I did not like it.
I thought the other (Brazilian non-Muslim women) are more beautiful than
I ... I did not like to use it. [...]

In the interviewee imaginary, the Brazilian women, "the others", are more
beautiful than the Muslims women, because they can show their beauty, they can show
their hair/bodies to the other's gaze. From this materiality, we could question how
Muslim women constitute themselves, in the border between a society of
overexposure, exploitation (commercial and sexual) and eroticization of the female

10 As all the other religions, Islam is also divided into other divided into other branches/schools such as
the Sunnis, the Shiites, the Druze, the Alawites, the Sufis, among others. Available at:
https://goo.gl/BSZR6M.
11 “these places are represented in the discursive processes in which they are put into play. However,

it would be naive to suppose that the place as a bundle of objective traits functions as such within the
discursive process; it is there represented, that is, present but transformed; in other words, what works
in the discursive processes is a series of imaginary formations which designate the place that A
and B attribute each one, to themselves and to each other, the image they make of their own place
and the place of the other (PÊCHEUX, 1993, p. 82, emphasis added).”
body, such as ours in Brazil, and a religious formation that precisely preaches the non-
exposure of this body?

SD10: The Brazilian woman works a lot, since 10 years, everybody works
... my college friends, all the girls work, 17, 18, everybody works, I do not
even know when ... [...] So, we think that the woman who does not wear a
scarf is very free, you know (irony), maybe she's leaving at 6 am to work,
until 6 at night, to study, then she will cook at home, everything, poor
woman in everything, but she needs to get dressed up because of her
job. People think, "Oh, she only has time to get her hair done, putting
makeup on." But this is a very wrong, very wrong view. So people who say
this are dissatisfied with life and with themselves. Islam does not allow you to
say things like that about other people’s lives.

In addition, SD10 above materializes the image that the Brazilian woman works
a lot, in contrast to the Lebanese woman. Brazilian women, besides working all day,
studying at night, and doing housework at home, still need to be pretty "fixing hair,
putting on makeup", for socializing in the public space "because of the job." However,
the interviewee's speech also presents the custom of Arab families that women have
to do everything at home:

SD11: [...] then the tradition in the Arab houses is that the woman has to
do everything, understood? Most women do everything, they wash, they
clean everything, you know. If a woman is going to hire a housemaid to do
these things, everyone says, "Look, why did she hire someone for?"
Therefore, it seems like it's her duty to just marry and start having children…
you know. This is the culture of some Arab societies, but in Islam (religion), it
is not like that.

But still, there is an imaginary that Brazilian women work harder. In addition,
there is a blurring of the interpellation of Muslim women by the discourse of beauty and
fashion. Within the family environment, women also treat their hair, wear makeup
(especially to highlight the eyes) and wear many jewelry. In the city of Foz do Iguaçu,
there are even high standard beauty salons, which have special rooms for Muslim
women to be attended without exposing their bodies.
The interviewee's discourse also materialize a maladjustment between the ideal
of a Muslim woman (according to the sacred texts discourse) and the real of a woman,
a subject that is constituted from a complex heterogeneity.
Authier-Revuz (2015) explains that the relation with the discourse of the other
happens through two forms of articulated heterogeneity: Represented or Displayed,
through and within a discourse over identifiable ways of referring to another; And the
Constitutive, in the expressions not properly linguistics of the language, the constitutive
character of the whole saying and the exterior already-said. According to one author,
These two heterogeneities are ... radically heterogeneous! One is part of the
representation and intentionality, the other is strictly unrepresentable by the
speaking subject, whose saying it determines; and it is no longer accessible
to the analyst, who can, at most, hypothetically rebuild, on historical bases,
partial fragments of the discursive memory in which a discourse has been
produced. (AUTHIER-REVUZ, 2015, p.34).

The two forms refer to border issues, external and internal to the representation
of the discourse of the other. To Authier, there is always something about the other in
speech, but how is it represented? Studying the linguistic marks in the discourse
(external frontier), the author demonstrates that one arrives at an imprecise zone that
connects to the constitutive heterogeneity (internal frontier): "Beyond this limit, one
arrives at the discourse other present (and not represented), susceptible of being
identified by signs of already-said (and not indicated by marks) "(AUTHIER, 2015,
p.35).
We could think of the heterogeneities from the discursive sequence below:

DS12: I started to study and I liked it a lot, because I'm putting my plans, my
dreams, I did not want, thus, that my dreams have already died, you know,
it's what everyone says "Your happiness you will find in your children",
the Arab says that. Imagine, my son is now 22 years old, he will be dating
soon, he will marry [...] I will be happy if he has a child, okay, but where is
my happiness? Where is me? Husband stays working all day, sometimes
comes home and sleeps at night, you know, he's tired, and me?
Understood? Sometimes women suffer from it, but they do not think that
way [...]

The discourse, in which the woman’s happiness is realized in her children and
through them, appears in DS12 analyzed, in the form of an already-said, pre-existent,
in the Arab/Muslim culture. Nevertheless, the subject-form brings up the "desire" of this
woman "my plans, my dreams ... my happiness".
In the same way, the opposition freedom x prison is materialized in
preconstructed forms, such as "Islam says ...", "Islam allows ...", "For Islam woman is
..." as already demonstrated in other discursive sequences. For Islam, the woman is
precious (a jewel, a queen) and needs to be hidden, guarded, protected. However, the
result of this protection produces effects of confinement ("imprisoned") to domestic life,
to certain roles, places that the Muslim woman could occupy. She is free to study and
work, but these activities are always related to the husband's understanding, the
success of the children, the maintenance of the family, the home, and the marriage.

D13: So, Islam, even if she wears clothes, that long black one, but she has
freedom, you do not believe! She only wears those clothes when she leaves
the house, but inside the house the husband brings everything to her, you
know. She can study, she can have her children. So life is very sophisticated,
whatever she wants she has ... if he does not have a lot of money, she also
has to help him. She can even work, but Islam does not allow her to work
as a singer, as a dancer. She can work as a teacher, those professions that
are normal, a doctor, for example. She can study, she should… It is her duty
to study as well. Because when the woman studies, her mind opens, she
manages to raise her children better, she understands her husband
more, you know. It helps a lot, so she does not feel confined at home.

She can work, study, she has this freedom, however, there are positions that
this woman is not allowed to occupy (singer, dancer). The possibility of attending public
space through work and access to education exists to alleviate confinement. "It helps
a lot, so she does not feel confined at home." That is, the freedom granted to women
by religion to study, to work, to wear the clothes they want, is directed to the
maintenance of their social role (mother and wife) and the maintenance of marriage
and family.

References

AUTHIER-REVUZ, Jacqueline. A representação do discurso outro: um campo


multiplamente heterogêneo. (Tradução: Heber Costa e Silva e Dóris de Arruda C. da
Cunha). Revista Investigações. Vol. 28, n. Especial, Dezembro, 2015. Available at:
https://goo.gl/fvTksc. Last access: 23 jul. 2017.

BECK, Maurício e ESTEVES, Phellipe Marcel da S. O sujeito e seus modos –


identificação, contraidentificação, desidentificação e superidentificação. (p.135 a 162).
Revista Leitura, vol.2 n.50, Maceió, Jul-Dez. 2012. Available at:
http://www.seer.ufal.br/index.php/revistaleitura/article/view/1152. Last access: 23 jul.
2017.

DEL PRIORE, Mary. Ao Sul do Corpo: condição feminina, maternidades e


mentalidades no Brasil Colônia. 2.ed. São Paulo: Editora UNESP, 2009.

FERREIRA, Maria Cristina Leandro. O discurso do corpo. In: MITTMANN, Solange;


SANSEVERINO, Antônio Marcos Vieira. (Orgs.) Trilhas de investigação: A pesquisa
no I. L. em sua diversidade constitutiva. Porto Alegre: Instituto de Letras / UFRGS,
2011.

KEHL, Maria Rita. Deslocamentos do feminino: a mulher freudiana na passagem para


a modernidade. 2.ed. São Paulo: Boitempo, 2016.

NASSER, Salem Hikmat. Direito Islâmico e Direito Internacional: os termos de uma


relação. (p.725 a 744). Revista Direito GV, vol.8 n.2, São Paulo, Jul-Dez. 2012.
Available at: https://goo.gl/BucZcd.
ORLANDI, P. Eni. Cidade dos Sentidos. Campinas: Pontes, 2004

PÊCHEUX, Michel. Language, Semantics and Ideology. (Translation of: Les vérités de
la Palice). New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1982. Available at: https://goo.gl/QZKrH9.

_________. O mecanismo do (des)conhecimento ideológico. (p.143 a 152). In: ŽIŽEK,


Slavoj (org.). Um mapa da ideologia. (Trad. Vera Ribeiro). 1.ed. Rio de Janeiro: Editora
Contraponto, 1996.

_________. Semântica e discurso: uma crítica à afirmação do óbvio. (Trad. Eni


Puccinelli Orlandi et al.). 5.ed. Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, 2014.

PÊCHEUX, Michel. Análise automática do discurso (AAD-69). (p.61 a 96). In: GADET,
Françoise & HAK, Tony. Por uma análise automática do discurso: uma introdução à
obra de Michel Pêcheux. (Trad. Bethânia S. Mariani et al.). 2.ed. Campinas: Editora
da Unicamp, 1993.

PÊCHEUX, Michel e FUCHS, Catherine. A propósito da análise automática do


discurso: atualização e perspectivas (1975). (p.163 a 179). In: GADET, Françoise &
HAK, Tony. Por uma análise automática do discurso: uma introdução à obra de Michel
Pêcheux. (Trad. Bethânia S. Mariani et al.). 2.ed. Campinas: Editora da Unicamp,
1993.

PÊCHEUX, Michel; GADET, Françoise; HAROCHE, Claude; HENRY, Paul. Notas


sobre a questão da linguagem e do simbólico em Psicologia. (p.55 a 71). In: ORLANDI,
Eni Puccinelli. Análise de Discurso: Michel Pêcheux. (Trad. Pedro de Souza). 3.ed.
Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, 2012.

VALLET, Odon. A mulher e as religiões. (p.474 a 478). In: OCKRENT, Cristine (org.)
e TREINE, Sandrine (coord.). O livro negro da condição das mulheres. (Tradução
Nícia Bonatti). Rio de Janeiro: DIFEL, 2011.

Das könnte Ihnen auch gefallen