PhD Dissertation

Analytical Study of Different Approaches to the Revitalization of Iranian

Historic City Centers:

The Case of Yazd, Iran

Sadat al Shariyeh Hosseini Nasab

2009-PhD-ARCH-03

Department of Architecture

University of Engineering and Technology Lahore

2015
 Analytical Study of Different Approaches to the Revitalization of Iranian
Historic City Centers:

The Case of Yazd, Iran

A dissertation submitted in the partial fulfillment of the requirement for the Degree
of Doctor of Philosophy in Architecture

By:

Sadat al Shariyeh Hosseini Nasab

2009-PhD-ARCH-03

Approved on: ____________

_______________________ __________________________
Prof. Dr. Neelum Naz Prof.Dr. Anis Siddiqi
Internal Examiner External Examiner
Chairperson Ex Head Architecture Department
Department of Architecture College of Art and Design,
UET Lahore Punjab University Lahore

_________________________ _____________________________
Chairperson Dean
Department of Architecture Faculty of Architecture and Planning
UET Lahore UET Lahore
 This thesis has been evaluated by the following external examiners:

From within the country

Prof. Dr. Anis Siddiqi

Ex Head Architecture Department
College of Art and Design,
Punjab University Lahore

From Abroad

1- Dr. Marcella Carla Sirhandi,

Professor, Department of Art History
University of Missouri
Kansas City, USA

2- Dr. Jawaid Haider

Professor, Department of Architecture
Pennsylvania State University, USA

3- Dr. Saim Muhammad

Department of City Planning and Management
Municipality Capelle ann den Ijssel, The Netherlands
 This thesis has been supervised by the following Advisory Committee:

Prof. Dr. Neelum Naz Supervisor

Chairperson Architecture Department
UET Lahore

Prof. Dr. Ghulam Abbas Anjum Member

Dean Faculty of Architecture and Planning
UET Lahore

Prof. Dr. Gulzar Haider Member

Dean School of Architecture
Beacon House University Lahore
 DECLERATION
I declare that this dissertation is based on my own research work. It has not been submitted for
any degree or examination in any other university. The work cited in the thesis is properly
referenced and acknowledged.

_____________________

(Sadat al Shariyeh Hosseini Nasab)

 …To my City; Yazd

and to my Maman & Baba

 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

At the outset of this dissertation, I would like to express my words of gratitude to all those who
made this thesis possible through various kinds of support from diverse people as individuals,
groups and organizations. My sincere appreciation goes first to my supervisor, Prof. Dr Neelum
Naz (Chairperson Architecture Department), for providing outstanding guidance and
encouragement to me from the inception of this research project to its completion. She was not
only a reference point for me as a mentor but also a supporter to provide me safe and
comfortable accommodation during my stay. I am very grateful for her kind and generous
support, enthusiasm and immense knowledge.

The efforts of my Advisory Committee members, Prof. Dr Ghulam Abbas Anjum (Dean Faculty
of Architecture and Planning) and Prof. Dr Gulzar Haidar, are countless. I would always
remember Prof. Dr Ghulam Abbas Anjum for his personal interest in my work and giving very
useful tips for the completion of this study. His involvement and enthusiasm in this topic greatly
helped me track my study in the right direction. I thoroughly enjoyed and benefited participating
in his classes during PhD courseworks. I would always appreciate his cooperation with me
throughout this long lasting journey.

I am also obliged to the worthy Vice Chancellor, University of Engineering and Technology
Lahore, Lt. General (R) Muhammad Akram Khan, who supported me on various occasions.
Besides, I am really impressed by the constructive criticism and positive attitude of members of
Post Graduate Research Committee (PGRC). Their valuable foresight helped me like a becon of
light to go forward for the achievement of my goal.

I wish to express my special thanks to Dr. Mohammad Saeid Izadi (Member of Board of
Faculties, Tehran University), whose guidance and discussion during my trips to Iran,
enlightened me with clarity and helped me overcome my confusions. I am also thankful to Dr.
Mohammad Kazem Modegari, Dr. Mohammad Noghsan Mohammadi, Dr. Mohammad Reza
Owlia and Dr. Nariman Farahza (Members of Board of Faculties, Yazd University) for giving me
their precious time for useful discussions and guidance. I also owe the residents of Fahadan
District as well as Shesh-Badgiri District for their warm and welcoming attitude during the field
surveys and data collection process.

It would not be fair to sideline the generosity and support of my old and very best friend, Ar.
Fahimeh Arman, whose expertise and knowledge in the field of conservation of historic areas,
specifically the case of Yazd city, was my best advice from very initial steps till the final stage.
Her wonderful and friendly company and assistance during this long journey was impressive.
Also, I deeply admire the professional and personal aid of my sincere colleague and good friend,
Prof. Shahnawaz Zaidi, who gave the critical comments on the thesis draft. His remarkable help
in various possible ways were unforgettable. I am also obliged to Mr.Arif and Mr.Usman

i
(students of City and Regional Planning, UET Lahore) who assisted me to provide GIS maps
required for the research.

Finally, I must thank my whole family who put up with my absence but kept me going for my
studies with continuous encouragement. The sincere support of my dear uncle, Mr. Mashaallah
Shakeri (Ex- Iran Ambassador in Pakistan), whose fatherly aid and advice was the greatest
reason behind my patience and motivation and the prayers and moral support of my parents and
brothers were always a source of strength for me.

May all those who extended their support during my studies be blessed with, happiness and long
life.

The Author

ii
 ABSTRACT

Achieving a unified approach to cope appropriately with the revitalization of historic city centers
has been a great challenge in many countries. There has always been a debate regarding
conservation of historic environments and forceful technology-driven modernization. In
developed countries, many scholars have declared that the balance between old and new as well
as continuity and change is essential to develop an integrated approach for revitalization of
historic urban fabrics. However, many developing countries are facing impediments to
implement such an approach and Iran is no exception. Although many initiatives have been taken
to revitalize the historic cores of Iranian cities, they have never been unified as cohesive efforts.

The literature exemplifies that the historic cores of Iranian cities have been undermined due to
various waves of physical regeneration and redevelopment. This dominant approach, mainly
employed by central government agencies rather than solve, has intensified the existing problems
of the historic cores. During the last two decades, however, the intension to revitalize the Iranian
historic city centers, has achieved a different impulse. Various factors provided a basis for the
formation of the new approach. There has been the lack of research on the nature of these
approaches and assessing their results. Therefore, this research aims to provide a deeper insight
and develop a better understanding of approaches to the revitalization of historic urban centers in
Iran. Yazd city has been selected for detailed analysis under this study. The research aims to
identify the employed approaches at national and provincial levels and addresses their
deficiencies, explores factors that shaped the approaches, examines and interprets the features
that characterize the approaches and assesses their outcomes and impacts.

The research has employed an in-depth case study methodology supported by quantitative as
well as qualitative analysis. As the focus of the study is on mechanisms and driving forces that
affected and shaped the existing approaches, the conceptual framework adopted for the research
is based on identification of the agencies involved, the role they played, and their strategies and
interests within the economic, political and cultural contexts in which they operated. The
Conceptual framework has been implemented on two project areas, each representing a certain
approach employed by urban authorities. Project areas are parts of the historic core of Yazd city.
The project for Construction of Basij Boulevard represents the physical-led redevelopment
approach and the program for The Revitalization of Yuzdaran Axis exemplifies conservation-led
regeneration approach.

The major implications of the study are summarized in four elements including ‘Identification
and formulation of existing practices into defined approaches’, ‘Reforms in roles, strategies and
interests of development agencies’, ‘Integration between responsibilities of central and local
authorities’ and ‘Strengthening local community participation’. The findings of this study
provide insights into the issues that policy-makers and practitioners should consider in designing
revitalization policies and developing programs and effort dealing with the problems of historic
environments.

iii
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgments i
Abstract iii
List of Tables x
List of Figures xi
List of Diagrams xiii
List of Acronyms xiv

Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Problem Statement 1
1.2 Aims and Objectives 3
1.3 Research Methodology 4
1.4 Format of the Dissertation 4
Chapter 2 REVITALIZATION PRACTICES AT GLOBAL LEVEL;
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction 7
2.2 Urban Revitalization and Different Approaches 7
2.3 Evolution of Urban Regeneration and Renewal Policy 8
2.3.1 Urban Reconstruction of Historic Centers 8
2.3.2 From Urban Reconstruction to Area Improvement 10
2.3.3 Economic Renewal, Property-led Regeneration 11
2.3.4 Integrated Approach 12
2.4 The Evolution of Conservation Policy and Practice 16
2.4.1Conservation and Restoration 16
2.4.2 From Building Preservation to Urban Conservation 17
2.4.3 Conservation and Urban regeneration 19
2.5 Regeneration through Conservation 21
2.6 Conceptual Framework to Analyze City Center Revitalization 23
2.6.1 Urban Revitalization and Development Process 23
2.6.1.1 Structure-Agency Models 24
2.6.2 Theoretical Framework of the Research 25
2.7 Conclusion 27

iv
Chapter 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 Introduction 28
3.2 Conceptual Basis of the Research 28
3.2.1 Selection of Topic 28
3.2.2 The Conceptual Framework 29
3.2.3 The Research Questions 29
3.3 The Research Development Process 31
3.3.1 The Research Design 31
3.3.2 The Case Study Approach 33
3.3.3 The Case Study Selection 33
3.4 Research Methods 35
3.4.1 Mapping the Actors Involved 36
3.4.2 Sources of Information 37
3.4.2.1 Literature Review 37
3.4.2.2 Interview with the Actors Involved in the Process 37
3.4.2.3 Interview with the Local Residents and Stakeholders 38
3.4.2.4 Personal Observation 41
3.4.3 Limitation and Obstacle 41
3.4.4 Data Analysis Strategy 42
3.5 Conclusion 42
Chapter 4 REVITALIZATION OF CITY CENTERS IN IRAN
4.1 Introduction 43
4.2 Transformation of Historic City Centers in Iran 43
4.2.1 Historic Pattern of City Center Growth 44
4.2.2 The First Stage of Transformation: Authoritarian Modernization 46
4.2.3 New wave of Modernization-Westernization 48
4.2.4 The Post-Revolutionary Period: Revival of Traditional Values 52
4.2.4.1 The Austerity Period 52
4.2.4.2 The Post-war Reconstruction Period 53
4.3 Evolution of Urban Revitalization during the Last Two Decades 55
4.3.1 Establishment of Institutional Framework for the Regeneration 56

v
 4.3.2 Introduction of Policy to Restrict Horizontal Urban Growth 57
4.3.3 Preparation of Detailed Plans for Historic City Centers 57
4.3.4 Redrawing Administrative Boundary of the Historic Cores 58
4.3.5 Urban Governance through Decentralization 58
4.3.6 New Approach toward Urban Conservation and Development of
Tourism Industry 60
4.3.7 The Role of Local and Professionals Involved in Local Public and
Private Agencies 61
4.4 Revitalization Projects and Different Approaches in Iran 64
4.4.1 Construction of Imam-Ali Boulevard in Mashhad city 64
4.4.2 Sang-e Sia District Revitalization in Shiraz City 67
4.4.3 Program for Revitalization of historic axes in Isfahan City 68
4.4.3.1 Jolfa Historical Axis 70
4.4.3.2 Bid-abad Historical Axis 70
4.4.3.3 Joibareh Historical Axis 71
4.4.3.4 Jamaleh Historical Axis 72
4.4.4 Program for Revitalization of Semnan city 73
4.4.4.1 Regeneration of Nasar District 74
4.4.4.2 New Housing Scheme in Nasar District 74
4.5 Summery of Approaches to Revitalization in Iran 75
4.6 Conclusion 78
Chapter 5 REVITALIZATION OF CITY CENTER IN YAZD
5.1 Introduction 81
5.2 Yazd City in General 81
5.3 Spatial Growth of Yazd City 82
5.3.1 Growth Up to the Late 14th Century 82
5.3.2 Growth Until the Early 20th Century 83
5.3.3 Growth from Early 20th Century to-Date 84
5.3.3.1 Post Revolutionary Period 85
5.4 Urban Management Agencies in Yazd City 86
5.4.1 Planning and Management Organization 87

vi
 5.4.2 Housing and Urban Development Organization 87
5.4.3 Governor General 87
5.4.4 Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization 87
5.4.5 Yazd Municipality 88
5.4.6 Yazd City Council 89
5.5 Urban Planning Instruments 89
5.5.1 Yazd Master Plan 1977 89
5.5.2 Yazd Master Plan 1985 90
5.5.3 Comprehensive Plan for the Yazd City 90
5.5.4 The Comprehensive Plan for the Old City 91
5.5.5 Yazd Master Plan 2007 91
5.5.6 Action Plan for the Old City 92
5.6 Yazd Historic City Center 93
5.6.1 Physical and Structural Obsolescence 95
5.6.2 Legal and Official Obsolescence 96
5.6.3 Social Fragmentation, Poverty and Deprivation 96
5.6.4 Financial and Economic Obsolescence 97
5.6.5 Opportunities and Potentials 98
5.7 Review of Revitalization Initiatives in Yazd Historic City Center 101
5.7.1 Revitalization of Lab-e-Khandaq Axis 102
5.7.2 Revitalization of Abul-Maali Axis 103
5.7.3 Revitalization of Amir-Chaghmaq Square 104
5.7.3 Renovation of Imam-Khomeini Street 106
5.8 Revitalization Approaches Employed in Yazd City 108
5.9 Conclusion 109
Chapter 6 ANALYSIS OF REVITALIZATION INITIATIVES IN YAZD CITY
6.1 Introduction 110
6.2 Revitalization of Yuzdaran Axis 110
6.2.1 Salient Features of the Area 112
6.2.2 The Organizational and Administrative Structure of Yuzdaran Axis Project 114
6.2.3 Policy and Approach 114

vii
 6.2.4 Implementation of Yuzdaran Axis Project 116
6.3 Construction of Basij Boulevard Project 119
6.3.1 Planning and Urban Design Concepts for the Construction of Basij Boulevard 122
6.3.2 The Organizational and Administrative Structure of the Basij Boulevard Project 124
6.3.3 Policy and approach 125
6.3.4 Implementation of Basij Boulevard Project 125
6.4 Selected Project Areas and their Configurations 126
6.5 Empirical and Comparative Analysis of Case Studies 126
6.5.1 Spatial Dimension Analysis 127
6.5.1.1 Enhancement of Public Spaces and Facilities 127
6.5.1.2 Conservation of Architectural Features 132
6.5.1.3 Maintaining the Architectural Character 133
6.5.2 Social Dimension Analysis 135
6.5.2.1 Social Cohesion and Sense of Belonging 136
6.5.2.2 Vital public Realm and Livable Historic Urban Quarter 138
6.5.2.3 Community Participation & Involvement 140
6.5.3 Economic Dimension Analysis 142
6.5.3.1 Income Level and Quality of Life 143
6.5.3.2 Tourism Industry and Vitality Revenue 145
6.5.3.3 Land Price & Property Market 148
6.6 Conclusion 153
Chapter 7 COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS AND SYNTHESIS OF THE RESEARCH
7.1 Introduction 155
7.2 Theoretical Framework of the Research 155
7.3 The Political Structure and the Role of Development Agencies 156
7.4 The Economic Conditions and Financial Resources 161
7.5 Cultural Circumstances and Revitalization Strategies 164
7.6 Comparative Analysis 167
7.7 Conclusion 169

viii
Chapter 8 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
8.1 Introduction 170
8.2 General Conclusions 171
8.2.1 Nature of the Problem 171
8.2.2 Revitalization Practices at International Level 171
8.2.3 City Center Revitalization in Iran 172
8.2.4 Methodological Development 173
8.3 Specific Conclusions from the Case Study of Yazd City 175
8.3.1 Existence of Range of Approaches 175
8.3.2 Classification and Recognition of Approaches 175
8.3.3 Allocation of Responsibilities to Local Authorities 176
8.3.4 Institutional Framework and Financing System 177
8.3.5 Regeneration through Conservation 178
8.4 Recommendations 178
8.4.1 Identification and Formulation of Existing Practices into Defined Approaches 179
8.4.2 Reforms in Roles, Strategies and Interests of Development Agencies 179
8.4.3 Integration between Responsibilities of Central and Local Authorities 181
8.4.4 Strengthening Local Community Participation 181
8.5 Significance and Contributions of the Research 181
REFERENCES 183
APPENDICES 195
Appendix-A 196
Appendix-B 203
Appendix-C 208

ix
 LIST OF TABLES
No. Description Page No.
2-1 The historic pattern of urban reconstruction carried out by autocratic regimes 9
2-2 The evolution of urban regeneration 15
3-1 Stakeholders involved in the cases selected for the investigation 36
4-1 Policy framework for revitalization of historic city centers in Iran from late 1990s 63
4-2 Major initiations and their concerns in different cultural axis of Isfahan 73
4-3 Summary of approaches to revitalization in Iran 78
5-1 Yazd province and its urban and rural areas 81
5-2 Growth of population and urban area of Yazd in 20th century 86
5-3 Demographic changes of the old city of Yazd during the last three decades 97
5-4 Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats of the Yazd historic city center 101
5-5 Initiatives in urban scale for revitalization of historic core of Yazd city 109
6-1 Selected study areas and their configurations 126
6-2 Community feedback regarding enhancement of public spaces and facilities 128
6-3 Condition of buildings in PA-1 and PA-2 132
6-4 Community feedback regarding conservation of architectural features of the area 133
6-5 Community feedback regarding maintaining the architectural character 133
6-6 Community feedback regarding social cohesion and sense of belonging to the area 136
6-7 Population growth after and before initiatives in Project areas 137
6-8 Community feedback regarding public realm and livability of the area 140
6-9 Community feedback regarding participation and involvement in the project 141
6-10 Community feedback regarding income level and quality of life in the area 144
6-11 Community feedback regarding tourism industry and vitality revenue 145
6-12 Land price in the Yazd old city in year the 2000 149
6-13 Community feedback regarding land price and property market 149
6-14 Comparison of land price between study areas before and after initiations 150
7-1 Summery of driving forces behind the two projects 166
7-2 Significant features of the two approaches 167
7-3 Summery of analysis and synthesis of the research 168

x
 LIST OF FIGURES
No Description Page No.
2-1 A model of the development process 25
2-2 The conceptual framework of the study 26
3-1 The boundary of old city of Yazd and the location of case studies 35
4-1 Shah square in Isfahan 45
4-2 Tehran growth pattern 46
4-3 Plan of Shiraz and Kerman after modernization 48
4-4 The political and administrative changes of the UDRC between 1997 and 2005 57
4-5 The political and administrative changes of the ICHO between 1986 and 2005 61
4-6 The road scheme of the Imam-Ali Boulevard project 65
5-1 Yazd Province and the location of Yazd city 81
5-2 Administrative boundary of the historic city center of Yazd 2007 94
5-3 Design process and the main concept of Abul-Maali project 103
5-4 The opening of the Abul-Maali passage towards the street 104
6-1 Fahadan district and location of Yuzdaran Axis 110
6-2 Yuzdaran Axis and its salient features 112
6-3 Interior view of Ziya’iya School 112
6-4 View of Twelve Imam Mausoleum dating back to 11th century 113
6-5 Interior of mausoleum from dome, a significant Seljughs’ art work 113
6-6 A view of central courtyard of Lariha house and its significant Badgir 113
6-7 Strategy Plan of Program for Revitalization of Yuzdaran Axis 118
6-8 Basij Boulevard was proposed to transfer the traffic load to the eastern ring road 120
6-9 Sub-Districts of Shesh-Badgiri District and proposed location for new Boulevard 121
6-10 Final result of Basij Boulevard Project 123
6-11 Condition of buildings in PA-1 131
6-12 Condition of buildings in PA-2 131
6-13 An example of public passage in PA-1 and PA-2 134
6-14 Land use map of PA-2 138
6-15 Land use map of PA-1 139

xi
6-16 Conservation of salient architectural features of the area 147
6-17 Land price map of PA-1 151
6-18 A view of abandoned properties abutting the Basij Boulevard 152
6-19 Land price map of PA-1 152
7-1 Establishment of Imam and Qiam streets (Shah and Pahlavi) in Yazd, 1920s 156
7-2 Unfinished phases of the project 162
7-3 Narrow pedestrian pathways and lack of service roads 162

xii
 LIST OF DIAGRAMS
No. Description Page No.
3-1 The research design introducing the main stages of the study 32
4-1 Major public agencies involved in policing making planning management of
the built environment in Iran 60
5-1 Institutional framework of urban management in Yazd city 87
5-2 Detailed structure of the Yazd Municipality for the historic district 88
7-1a Decision-making authorities involved in the regeneration program for Fahadan
District Yuzdaran Axis 159
7-1b Major agencies involved in the implementation of regeneration of Yuzdaran axis 160
8-1 Triangular forces for strengthening the development agencies 180
8-2 Conceptual framework of the research 180

xiii
 ACRONYMS

CDC Cultural Development Council

CHD Council for Historic District
ECAO Endowment and Charity Affairs Organization
EM Education Ministry
HUDO Housing and Urban Development Organization
HDCC Housing Development and Construction Company
ICHTO Iran Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization
MCHE Ministry of Culture and Higher Education
MHUD Ministry of Housing and Urban Development
MIG Ministry of Islamic Guidance
MOI Ministry Of Interior
MPO Management and Planning Organization
NLHO National Land and Housing Organization
PDPC Provincial Development and Planning Council
SCAUP Supreme Council of Architecture and Urban Planning
SPAB Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings
UDRC Urban Development and Revitalization Company
UDRO Urban Development and Revitalization Organization
YHDCC Yazd Housing Development and Construction Company
YHUDO Yazd Housing and Urban Development Organization
YUDRC Yazd Urban Development and Revitalization Company

xiv
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

1.1. Problem Statement

The historic cores of Iranian cities are the physical manifestations of local and national culture,
clearly identified by their traditional character and architectural values. They encompass a large
number of valuable buildings, historic landscapes and monuments. They are the product of a
complex process of interaction between human and the physical environment, taking place over
many centuries. Until the early twentieth century the historic cores had been transforming in a
continuous process of change. However, the changes had been generally slow, gradual and
adaptive, which created a sense of continuity and cohesiveness. There was an emphasis on
consensus and conformity and the outcome of changes were usually respectful and adaptable to
the existing fabrics. Even in the large scale interventions carried out by the rulers, there was a
degree of respect for the past. Modern developments in the early twentieth century, however,
changed this traditional pattern, adaptive system and continuous, dynamic and evolutionary
process. The historic urban quarters were regarded as obsolete and subject for clearance and
redevelopment. This pressure for modernization, symbolized by the destruction of the historic
urban fabric, was considered an attempt for the improvement of the conditions and the adaptation
of historic areas to contemporary requirements.

A sense of radical break with the past, which was evident in the large scale redevelopment and
the total physical transformation, dominated twentieth century attitudes towards the historic
environments. The planning and implementation of large scale redevelopment projects have
continued and grown over the last few decades. They have had major impact on the
transformation of the historic cores. This dominant approach, mainly employed by the central
government, the largest and most powerful development agency, has failed to realize the
problems of these areas. Indeed the interventions carried out within the framework of this
approach have exacerbated existing problems and accelerated the deteriorations of these areas.
While attempts have been launched to confront this situation, they were not integrated as a
tangible force confronting the power of the large-scale interventions.

The lack of consensus over the definition of values of the historic environment and different
motives behind these efforts created a wide range of approaches to the revitalization of the
historic environment. At the same time, the diversity and plurality of the development agencies
involved, the institutional fragmentation of responsibilities, and the lack of coordination between
these agencies created a fragmented system of policy and decision-making, planning and
management of the historic environment in Iran. During the last decade, however, several

1
interrelated factors have contributed to the shift in role and strategies of the development
agencies which alleviated this situation.

The development and reinforcement of institutional and administrative capacities, integrating

policies, establishing legal and regulatory frameworks, decentralizing responsibilities and
enhancing the role of professionals opened a new path to city center regeneration. Although
redevelopment and physical regeneration is still the dominant approach (albeit more limited, on a
smaller scale and in a different framework), these reforms have provided a basis for the
emergence of a different approach to city center regeneration.

During the course of the institutional and structural transformation and reforms in urban
regeneration, series of locally-based regeneration projects were initiated across the country
mostly since 1997.Shiraz, Isfahan and Yazd were the major cities which hosted those initiations
and marked the beginning of a new period for city center regeneration in Iran. Among the three
mentioned cities in the country (Shiraz, Isfahan and Yazd) the city of Yazd has a significant
importance.

The city of Yazd is one of the oldest historical cities in Iran with the largest integrated historical
fabric of over 700 Hectares. The historical part of the Yazd which is the inner core of the city,
due to the massive amount of built heritage and traditional societies and intangible heritage it
embraces, was tentatively recognized a world heritage site by the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural organization (UNESCO) in 2007. Since 1980s, the historic quarters of
Yazd have undergone mush preservation either by the central government or local authorities.
Plenty of resources are being poured into the urban revitalization process. However, the majority
of efforts had less significant outcomes than those undertaken by semi-governmental or non-
governmental bodies. On the other hand, several policies have been generated by the central
government to facilitate revitalization of the historic quarters of Yazd. These, nevertheless
continued to be ineffective and unhelpful to the revitalization of city center.

From late 1990s a series of locally-based projects were initiated to regenerate the historic
quarters of Yazd. Conservation of the main passage of Fahadan historic district, conservation of
Abol-Maali historic passage, conservation of Sahl-Ibn-e-Ali historic quarter and many more
were amongst the efforts by semi-governmental and non-governmental agencies and institutes to
revitalize the inner part of the Yazd city. Despite the growth of this type of regeneration
activities, their successful achievements compared to the previous approach and the evolution of
earlier dominant approach, have never been considered by policy makers and scholars as the
subject of investigation and research as an alternate model.

Although there are some studies undertaken on urban renewal and redevelopment in Iran
generally and city of Yazd particularly, systematic investigation into urban revitalization and
regeneration and its evolution during the last two decades has hardly received attention. Much of
the literature on urban renewal and regeneration in Iran generally and the city of Yazd

2
particularly, focuses on the micro description of physical interventions and their outcomes (Badr
and Hanachi, 1986; Cantacuzino, 1976; Clark and Costello, 1973; De Planhol, 1968; Ehlers,
1992; Ehlers and Floor, 1993; Karimi, 1998; Marefat, 1988). However, only a limited number of
studies have been undertaken emphasizing both physical transformations and driving forces
behind them (Falamaki, 1978 and 1987; Habibi, 1996; Kheirabadi, 2000; Madanipour, 1998,
Izadi, 2008; Hanachi and Khademzade; 2009).

This study attempts to investigate the process of urban revitalization in the historic quarters of
Yazd, and the evolution of approaches during the last two decades. For this purpose there is a
need to look at the mechanisms and the processes that produced or framed these approaches. A
better conceptual understanding of the process of regeneration programs and driving forces
behind their approaches is needed for effectively transforming research to practice. There is a
need for a systematic and holistic study which considers process, analyses product and assesses
the impacts. A combination of the process and the product will draw a complete picture, offer
deeper insight, and provide a better understanding of urban regeneration policy and approach.

1.2. Aims and Objectives

This research aims to provide a deeper insight and develop a better understanding of approaches
to the revitalization of historic urban centers in Iran and particularly Yazd as one of the valuable
and significant examples in Iran. As noted above, to promote the understanding and awareness of
city center revitalization, it is necessary to look at the processes that shaped or formed this trend,
while at the same time it is important to look at the outcomes and their impacts. However first it
requires an investigation at national level to identify the major approaches that provides a basis
for an in-depth investigation on a case which is a valuable example as well as representing
different major approaches for this study. Therefore to achieve this aim it will be necessary to:

- Have an overall view of the employed approaches

- Explore factors that shaped these approaches

- Examine and interpret the features that characterize the approaches

- Assess their outcomes and impacts

These objectives lead to the significant research questions listed as under:

- What are the approaches to the revitalization of historic quarters of Yazd?

- What are the characteristics of these approaches?

- What are their outcomes and impacts?

3
 - Which approach has been more successful comparatively and if these approaches are
found problematic and deficient, is there any alternative model or approach capable of
solving these problems?

1.3. Research Methodology

This research employs an in-depth case study methodology due to the qualitative and exploratory
nature of the investigation. The emphasis of study is on mechanisms and interrelationships that
affect the process and product of urban revitalization. It is argued that the awareness of
mechanisms and driving forces can be the best way for understanding the urban changes and
interventions carried out in this context.

In order to make a conceptual framework for the research, this study will concentrate on the
identification of the development agencies involved, the role they played, and their strategies and
interests within the economic, political and cultural context in which they operated. This
conceptual framework will be applied to the case of Yazd which represents the different
approaches employed by the urban authorities during the last two decades.

In order to have an in-depth look at the case of Yazd city, two different study areas have been
chosen. The study areas are parts of the historic core of Yazd. These areas belong to two
different projects. “Construction of Basij Boulevard” represents more physically- led,
redevelopment oriented approach employed by the central government and the “Revitalization of
Yuzdaran axis” in Fahadan district exemplifies more sensible, integrated, conservation-led
regeneration approach adopted by the local authorities. These are the themes which form the
basis of the research methodology, to be developed in chapter-3.

1.4. Format of the Dissertation

This dissertation is presented in eight chapters. The introductory chapter deals with the
conceptual clearance regarding the research and its scope. It explicitly specifies the research
problem, aims and objectives and gives a brief account of the methodology adopted in this study.
Finally, an overview of the report is also given for readers.

Chapter 2 presents the literature review on evolution of urban regeneration and conservation in
the context of developing urban policies. The review of evolution of different practices of urban
revitalization leads to set the major approach of the study on integrated treatment. The second
part of the chapter reviews a range of conceptual models of development process in order to
build the conceptual framework of the research. The distinguished framework provides a basis to
evaluate the different approaches and driving forces behind them.

Chapter 3 outlines methodology adopted to undertake this research. The first part highlights the
conceptual framework of the research implemented to analyze and compare the different
approaches. The second part specifies the procedure of selected methodology. It points out the

4
variety of methods used for data gathering and analysis. Subsequently, the chapter informs the
various steps of the evaluation process based on qualitative as well as quantitative assessments.

Chapter 4 highlights the urban revitalization initiatives in Iran. It gives a comprehensive review
of the country’s main approaches to the historic environment during history and also the
mechanisms that shaped them at national scale. It is followed by identifying the political, social
and economic changes of the last two decades which affected the evolution of conservation and
regeneration policies and practices in Iran. Finally, the chapter describes selected projects
implemented in different Iranian cities and their formation process as well as their impacts and
outcomes. This section helps to identify a range of approaches practiced for revitalization of
historic urban fabrics at national level. It provides the basis for the comparative analysis of the
main approaches to the revitalization of historic city centers in Iran.

Chapter 5 attempts to portrait the profile of the case study city (Yazd city) in detail. It then
discusses the institutional setup and the role of several organizations responsible for city center
revitalization in Yazd. Next it illustrates the urban planning instruments affected the
transformation of the city. Further, the chapter assesses the current situation of the historic core
of Yazd city and its strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats. It creates a true image of
the context in which initiatives took place. To end with, the chapter attempts to introduce and
analyze considerable projects carried out by several agencies to revitalize the historic core of
Yazd city. The review of mentioned projects, their formation process as well as their impacts and
outcomes support the study to select the best project areas for evaluation and comparative
analysis of different approaches within the Yazd city.

Chapter 6 demonstrates the comparative analysis of different approaches to the revitalization of

historic city center in Yazd city. The chapter first describes two projects, each representing a
certain approach by illustrating their background, institutional framework, policy and approach
as well as their implementation process. Further the chapter analyzes and compares the outcomes
and impacts of the projects on their contexts based on three research parameters; spatial, social
and economical dimensions. The comparative analysis is conducted and supported by the
qualitative and quantitative feedback and surveyed results. Finally, conclusion is presented to
determine the more successful approach towards regeneration of historic city center in Yazd city.

Chapter 7 examines and compares the two different projects, each following a certain approach,
on the basis of driving forces behind them. The identification of driving forces behind each
approach has derived from the theoretical framework of the research. The chapter develops a
better understanding of different approaches and gives an account of the political, cultural and
economic reasons for emergence of each approach. It also outlines the causes of failure and
success of each approach. Subsequently, the chapter ends by illustration of significant features
identifying the two different approaches.

5
Chapter 8 presents key findings, conclusions and recommendations. It begins with a review of
the findings and an assessment of how the findings answer the research questions set for the
research in the first chapter. The chapter concludes the entire research findings and gives
recommendations on the insight gained from the examination of various factors studies in this
research to influence the revitalization of historic city centers in Iran. It also helps to identify the
optimum approach for future practices and initiatives in the field of urban revitalization.

6
CHAPTER 2
REVITALIZATION PRACTICES AT GLOBAL LEVEL; LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction

This chapter aims to provide a review of relevant literature and elaborate the conceptual
framework of the study. The first part will provide the detail account of the evolution of urban
regeneration and conservation in the context of evolving urban policies. The studies reveal that
the correlation and sense of synergy between conservation and regeneration efforts has shifted
the physically oriented renewal to a more comprehensive form of policy and practice with more
emphasis on integrated treatments. The general approach of this study therefore, is focused on
the framework of new integrated approach which has been known as “conservation-led-
regeneration” or ‘regeneration through conservation’.

The second part of the study will try to build the conceptual framework of the research. In order
to analysis the urban revitalization process it is necessary to look at it as a part of the broader
context of urban development. Therefore, it is essential to have an understanding of the urban
development process. To advance the awareness of the development process, this part will
review a range of conceptual models of the development process in a wider context. The last
part of this section will identify the conceptual framework of the study raised from a
comprehensive model of development process and interaction between its actors and factors.
Based on that, different approaches of urban revitalization initiatives would be analyzed and
examined.

2.2 Urban Revitalization and Different Approaches

Revitalization is a key to upgrade the built environment and reflecting life prosperity upon the
inhabitants’ standards in the context of historic environments. However, improving a unified
approach to deal accurately with the historic quarters has been a challenging problem in many
countries. Worthington (1998) argues that the opportunities for revitalization of the historic
environment requires both conservation and development to keep a unique sense of the historic
environment while allowing it to flourish, adapt and grow to meet the needs of the 21st century:
“conserving and adapting the old for its cultural and historic value, whilst simultaneously
demolishing those parts that reduce effective and flexible use, and building new to provide
usable and adaptable space for a wider range of functions”. Tiesdell et al. (1996) identifies
various modes of renewal in order to adapt a historical fabric to contemporary requirements:
rehabilitation, conservation or by demolition and redevelopment.

On the other hand, historic environments may have a range of values for different individuals or
agencies involved in the management of historic places. Feilden (2003) categorized the values of
historic environments under three main headings: emotional (wonder identity, continuity,

7
respect and veneration, symbolic and spiritual), cultural (documentary, historic, archeological
and age, aesthetic and architectural, townscape and ecological, technological and scientific) and
use values (functional, economic, social, educational and political). Therefore, according to
different definitions of ‘values’, various approaches toward revitalization of historic
environments may occur. However, there is a need to establish a basis for balanced judgments
where cultural, economic and financial values are taken into account in the context of decision-
making regarding the management of historic built environment. In fact, an integrated and
balanced approach is needed to combine interrelated conservation and regeneration objectives.

This part of the study attempts to explore the development of the relationship between
conservation and regeneration. During the past decades, these two trends have moved closer
together through the concept of the ‘conservation-led regeneration’, which has resulted from the
changing nature of both policies. This part, therefore, first examines the evolution of
conservation and regeneration policies, and then focuses on this new concept.

2.3 Evolution of Urban Regeneration and Renewal Policy

During the past few decades, the concept of urban regeneration has evolved to a more complex
set of schemes that integrate social, cultural and economic goals (integrated approach). It has
moved beyond the objectives of the large-scale urban reconstruction of Modernism (clearance
and comprehensive redevelopment), the area improvement of the 1970s and the urban
redevelopment with the emphasis on commercial and property development. During the late
1980s and early 1990s in Western Europe, the emergence of a greater commitment to preserve
the historic fabric and its key buildings and elements, produced a convergence between urban
regeneration and urban conservation. This section of the study attempts to overview this
evolution during the past decades. It also tries to briefly outline the recent concerns about historic
environment regeneration. Four themes have been recognized that introduce these major waves
in the evolution of urban regeneration which are examined in the following sections.

2.3.1 Urban Reconstruction of Historic Centers

The large-scale reconstruction of the historic environments has its background from 16st century.
Its history goes back to the recreation of the city of Rome when Pope Sixtus V (1585-1590)
formulated an idea for the regeneration of Rome in order to attract more numbers of international
pilgrims. However, this trend was practiced in Modern times again when Haussmann’s plans
were implemented in Paris under Napoleon’s III rule in 1853. Urban reconstruction plans
destroyed 50 km of the old street network by superimposing 95km of streets on the medieval
core of Paris (Benevolo, 1980). Later on, Haussmann’s planning ideas and concepts were
followed in many cities around the world. Grand Haussmann-style boulevards were constructed
over the pre-existing fabric of the city to fulfill the rising call for modernization and urban
growth, as well as the desire to create strong vistas to represent authority, discipline and
supremacy (Cavalcanti, 1997). Three different cases of large-scale reconstruction schemes that

8
occurred during the first half of the 20st century have been analyzed by Cavalcanti (1997)
inclosing the urban reconstruction of the historic center of Rome by Mussolini (1924), the
demolition of the historic center of Moscow under Stalin’s rule (1935) and Hitler’s plan for
reconstruction of central Berlin (1939). In all mentioned cases the aim was to modernize the
already existing urban structure of a historic center by the help of superimposing a network of
wide and straight avenues on densely built-up quarters. Cavalcanti (1997) argues that this type of
interventions which began in the second half of the nineteenth century has often been associated
with political regimes sharing in common a highly centralized structure of power (autocratic
regimes) whereby policy is determined and executed by government unrestricted by any legal or
social institutions. She classifies the major motives, factors and effects of such urban
interventions as shown below in table 2-1:

Motives Planning process Effects

Modernization of the Overruling the existing The impact on the pre-existing built environment:
pre-existing built institutional framework - Breaking the city’s historic continuity;
environment - Shattering the urban form;
- Overshadowing the pre-existing townscape;
- Massive destruction of historic buildings
Celebrating a new Controlling the decision- The resulting built form:
political order making process - Over-monumental scale: grandiosity,
Representationalism;
- Wide and straight ceremonial and heroic axes;
- Lavish architectural building structures of gigantic
proportions;
- The use of neoclassical style;
- Rectilinear urban patterns;
- Great vistas and uniform building frontages;
- The use of statues, commemorative columns and
triumphal arches
Grandiosity and cult of Preventing society from
personality participating in the
planning process
Individual will
Table 2-1: The historic pattern of urban reconstruction carried out by autocratic regimes (Cavalcanti, 1997; cited in
Izadi, 2008)

The autocratic pattern of urban reconstruction was strengthened by the modernist ideas
particularly in post-war period. According to modernists, cities were not able enough to respond
to the needs of modern age. “The magnitude of the problems suggested that great
transformations were necessary” (Charter of Athens, from Conrads, 1964, quoted in Tiesdell et
al, 1996). Past was considered as a hindrance to the future, hence there was a radical break with
the past (Tiesdell, Oc et al, 1996). At the end of the war in 1945 there was an opportunity to
implement the modernist plans on the reconstruction of war affected cities. Many of the city
centers in Britain, Germany, France and Eastern Europe changed drastically due to the modernist
9
schemes. During the 1950s and 1960s comprehensive redevelopment of large sites was the
preferred mode rather than rehabilitation and refurbishment (Tiesdell, Oc et al, 1996).

The dominant comprehensive redevelopment approach was followed by slum clearance

programs. During the post-war period the aim of comprehensive redevelopment and slum
clearance programs was to reconstruct (reorganization-reshaping), replace and eradicate the
physical problems of the past (Roberts, 2000). This reconstruction process gained a national
importance. Hence, there was a strong assumption that the state would either undertake or have a
powerful control over reconstruction and redevelopment projects (Couch, 1990; Diefendorf,
1989).

2.3.2 From Urban Reconstruction to Area Improvement

By the end of 1960s the reaction against post-war policies regarding large-scale urban
reconstruction and slum clearance created a shift in policies and approaches. At the same time
there was a huge wave of scholarly criticism about what historic cities had gone through during
the post-war reconstruction. Books such as The Death and Life of Great American Cities by Jane
Jacobs (1961), The Urban Villagers by Herbert Gans (1962) and The Federal Bulldozer by
Martin Anderson (1964) criticized modernist planning of the post-war period. They all proved
the failure of the modernist schemes with sufficient evidences. As a result there was a move
from comprehensive redevelopment, large-scale clearance and road building schemes towards
rehabilitation, revitalization and area improvement (Couch, 1990; Roberts, 1998; Roberts, 2000;
Tiesdell et al, 1996).

Moreover, the end of 1960s is marked by the public awareness of the severe poverty which was
the dominant feature of many people’s life style. It was evident that the social and economic
policies of the post-war period had not successfully spread the increase in living standards to all
sectors of the population (Rydin, 2003). Therefore the matter of inner city living conditions and
the question of inner city problems became the major concern in the political agenda. It was
argued that the inner city social and economic problems could no longer be bulldozed away and
dispersed elsewhere but would need to be tackled in situ (Couch,1990). As a result, the main
feature of urban policy between 1969 and 1979 was concerned with inner city deprivation (Izadi,
2008). There was a need to concentrate on the problems of depressed areas, especially those
parts of the inner city with a racially-mixed, unstable transient population and with the range of
inter-connected social problems (Cameron and Coaffee, 2004; Hill, 1994).

The new policy intended to provide specific services to the residences of inner parts of the city
along with structures to encourage participation and consultation. However, the policy of
concentration on the inner city deprivation (poverty, unemployment and poor environment)
moved to economic renewal by the end of the 1970s (Hill, 1994).

10
2.3.3 Economic Renewal, Property-led Regeneration

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, many cities in Western Europe and the USA changed
from being largely centers of production to become largely centers of consumption (Tiesdell et
al, 1996). Hall (1993) argues that globalization led to a wave of deindustrialization in those cities
which had large concentrations of older, less competitive manufacturing industry. The traditional
heavy industries of the nineteenth century had declined and economic activities had relocated to
the service sectors. The restructuring of production left many vacant areas within the cities.
“Whole areas were left devoid of their major source of employment, causing social stresses and
secondary economic decline as the shops and services which had been supported by an employed
population were no longer able to survive” ( Roberts, 1998). Therefore, regeneration efforts
attempted to restructure the old industrial districts.

Regional and local development agencies tried to regenerate the economic base of those areas
which had lost their functions. They concentrated on the objective of attracting inward
investment. In UK, the major thrust of urban policy was to achieve urban regeneration through
attracting and assisting investment by the private sector in property development (Healy, 1992).
Urban development corporations (UDCs) were the government’s leading agencies of
regeneration in England and Wales. They delineated a particular direction for their rout to urban
regeneration. The objectives of their regeneration efforts were to be achieved in particular by the
following means; “namely by bringing land and buildings into effective use, encouraging the
development of existing and new industry and commerce, creating an attractive environment and
ensuring that housing and social facilities are available to encourage people to live and work in
the area” (Local Government, Planning and Land Act 1980, quoted in Cullingworth and Nadin,
2002). The attempts of the UDCs legislated by central government was mainly property-led and
the policies focused completely upon physical regeneration, with little attention paid to social
provision or to the development of human capital (Healey, 1991; Parkinson, 1989).

UDCs tried to run the projects which were mostly emphasizing upon commercial property
development in distressed urban areas. They were called in particular as “prestige projects”
which is defined as a pioneering or innovative, high profile, large-scale, self-contained
development which is primarily justified in terms of its ability to attract inward investment,
create and promote new urban images, and act as the hub of a radiating renaissance, facilitating
increases in land values and development activities to adjacent areas (Loftman and Nevin, 1995;
Bianchini et al., 1992). Since in the projects by UDCs the crisis of the inner cities were
considered mainly as physical development problems, the aim was to achieve private
commercial development.

Unlike the previous policy which had emphasis on the residential areas of the inner cities, UDCs
tried to exclude the residential areas as far as possible and focus only on the derelict inner city
areas with the potential for commercial development (Cameron, 1992). Therefore, the urban
regeneration efforts became equal to the physical and economic revitalization. It was believed

11
that attracting property developers and private investors to the inner city areas will lead to the
physical and economic revitalization of the inner cities and as a result the entire community
would be benefited.

The projects run by UDCs had many positive effects on the inner city areas such as promotion of
quality in the built environment, increasing employment in construction-related activities and
attracting inward investment, however, a number of critics questioned the effectiveness of
property-led commercial regeneration (Izadi, 2008). Verity of critics assessed this approach and
recalled the lack of social and local community participation in the projects concerned with the
regeneration of inner areas (Parkinson, 1989; Turok, 1992; Healey, 1992; Robson et al., 1994). a
detailed assessment of the urban policy during 1980s entitled ‘Assessing the Impact of Urban
Policy’ by Robson et al. (1994) concluded that despite some success in terms of environmental
improvement and physical renewal, the needs of residents of deprived inner urban areas have
been ignored and the projects have failed to utilize their skills and local capacity. In this context,
UDCs are representing the classic 1980s regeneration initiatives, demonstrating the particular
features of government-imposed, property-oriented and private sector-dominant policies
(Parkinson, 1996). Policy makers and academics provided a range of evidences which witness
that an isolated property-led solution can not address all the economic, social and environmental
problems of inner urban areas. It is evident that in order to address all the problems, a more
holistic and integrated approach which attempts to fulfill the demands of people and the
underlying condition of local economy with the help of local administrators’ participation is
required (Healey, 1992; Healey, 1995; Roberts, 2000; Turok, 1992).

2.3.4 Integrated Approach

During the late 1980s and early 1990s policy makers recognized the lacks and limitations of
‘property-led regeneration’ approach. As it was mentioned, UDCs initiatives, known as property-
led regeneration, were too narrowly focused on merely physical programs and neglecting social
regeneration. Therefore, there was a change from property-led regeneration to a more holistic
and integrated approach (Izadi, 2008). Parkinson (1989) argues that urban regeneration requires a
wider vision and a broader package of programs for finance, education, training, enterprise
development and social provision. It was realized that initiations had to be “part of a framework
of strategies including health, children, safety, education and training, environmental
sustainability, the arts and culture, and other quality of life issues- in other words, an integration
of the economic, social and environmental aspects in a comprehensive approach” (BURA 1997,
cited in Lang, 2005). A survey of the recent literature by Izadi (2008) reveals that the new policy
formulation of the 1990s and early twenty first century has revolved around six major themes:

- There is a greater commitment to conservation of historical environment. Also

preservation of key buildings and spaces are gaining attention (English Heritage, 2005;
Pendlebury, 2002).

12
 - The central concerns in the regeneration of many cities are culture, arts and entertainment
(Evans et al., 2006).
- Community-based approach has emerged as the major approach toward the deprivation
of urban distress as community involvement has been known as having a serious role to
play (Percy, 2003; Roberts, 2000).
- The scope of regeneration activities has moved beyond the mere physical renewal. There
is an emphasis on increasing employment, reduction in poverty and social exclusion,
increasing community facilities and training schemes (Roberts, 1998).
- The cooperation between different actors and agencies involved in regeneration activities
has increased (partnership working). “Effective regeneration needs the knowledge, skills
and resources of the public and private sectors and local communities” (Percy, 2003)
- Sustainable development and its environmental objectives have become a guideline for
regeneration activities. Accordingly the concept of compact city as a sustainable built
form is being increasingly admired among policy-makers at national and European level
(Roberts, 2000). The principles of sustainable development have been followed to
strengthen and shape urban development as well as regeneration activities. Planning for
the reuse of Brownfield1 lands is one of the policies toward compact sustainable cities
(Adams, 2004; Percy, 2003; Tiesdell and Adams, 2004).

The development of Brownfield sites and reusing them was considered as one of the major
strategies in the process of urban regeneration (Brownfield-led regeneration) (Raco and
Henderson, 2006). It was an effort toward enhancing exciting resources. In order to support the
redevelopment of Brownfields, some European governments developed focused regeneration
policies which have contributed to the redevelopment of significant number of Brownfield sites
and invested public monies into complementary remediation and regeneration strategies. Urban
White Paper, which built on the report of Lord Rogers in UK (Toward and Urban Renaissance),
the SRU of 2000, a new Planning Act produced by the French government, the Social Cities
program in Germany, and the Major Cities program in the Netherlands are prime examples of
this trend (Couch and Fraser, 2003).

Moreover, policy-makers and urban authorities noticed culture as an instrument of urban

regeneration. Urban areas have sought to use cultural policy as a strategy of urban regeneration
(Pendlebury, 2002; Strange and Whitney, 2003; Ward, 1998 cited in Pendlebury 2000).
Therefore, the protection and enhancement of historic environment became increasingly evident
as a part of urban regeneration initiatives. In this context, historical buildings and areas were
considered as magnets for providing economic benefits by creating jobs associated with their
administrators or associated with adapted-reused venues like cafes, restaurants and bars. Hence,
cultural interventions were generators of economic growth rather than by-product of it (Roberts,

1
Definition of Brownfield land accepted in Europe and the USA is a land or premises which has been used
previously or developed and is available for reuse with or without intervention (Alker et al.,2000; Ganser and
Williams, 2007)

13
2000). Hall (2000) argues that culture is now seen as the magic substitute for all the lost factories
and warehouses, as a device that will create a new urban image, making the city more attractive
to mobile capital and mobile professional workers. As a result cultural policy and conservation
of historic environment became a significant component of economic and physical regeneration
schemes in many West European cities (Griffiths, 1995; Bianchini and Parkinson, 1993;
Wansborough and Mageean, 2000).

By the 1990s, there was a general agreement over the definition of historic environment. It was
believed that the historic buildings and areas are not only the salient features of towns and cities
but they are also assets for their economic and social benefits. This fact became particularly
evident in case of regeneration of historic waterfront-docks, canals and riversides. Many of the
successful regeneration initiatives tried to reuse historic buildings and site as a basic for their
schemes. Their success had been dependent upon the creative re-use of abandoned industrial
buildings and the creation of new city spaces (Izadi, 2008). The cases like Liverpool’s Albert
Dock and the Castlefields area of inner Manchester are the examples of innovative reuse of
historical buildings which can be considered as successful achievements in terms of regeneration
of depressed urban areas. Pearce (1994) argues that “Conservation as an agent of urban revival
has come to represent a vital theme in the regeneration of parts of our towns and cities. In this
sense the processes of urban conservation and regeneration can be seen as mutually reinforcing”.

To conclude, this section of the study provided a brief description of the evolution of urban
regeneration policy and practice during the past decades. It revealed how the concept of urban
regeneration shifted from the large-scale urban reconstruction, comprehensive redevelopment
and urban renewal to the property development and finally cultural policy and integrated
approach. It was evident that urban regeneration requires a proper understanding of various
issues combined with creative approaches based on a mix of physical, economic, social, cultural
and environmental initiatives, combined with holistic urban management. Therefore, urban
regeneration can be defined as a comprehensive and integrated vision and action which leads to
the resolution of urban problems and seeks to bring about a lasting improvement in the
economic, physical, social and environmental condition of an area that has been subject to
change (Roberts, 2000). Table-2-2 summarizes the pattern of evolution of urban regeneration
policy in the UK, with the characteristics of each era of policy from the mid-twentieth century to
the present:

14
Period 1950s 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s
Policy type Reconstruction Revitalization Renewal Redevelopment Regeneration
Reconstruction Continuation Focus on in situ Many major Move towards
and extension of 1950s renewal and schemes of a more
of older areas theme; neighborhood development comprehensive
Major strategy of towns and suburban and schemes; still and form of policy
and cities often peripheral development at redevelopment; and practice;
orientation based on a growth; some periphery flagship more emphasis
master-plan; early attempts projects; out of on integrated
suburban at town projects treatments
growth rehabilitation
National and Move towards Growing role Emphasis on Partnership the
local a greater of private private sector dominant
Key actors and government; balance sector and and special approach
stakeholders private sector between public decentralization agencies;
developers and and private in local growth of
contractors sectors government partnerships
Emphasis on Regional level Regional and In early 1980s Reintroduction
local and site of activity local levels focus on site; of strategic
Spatial level of levels emerged initially; later later emphasis perspective;
activity more local on local level growth of
emphasis regional
activity
Public sector
Continuing Resource Private sector Greater
investmentfrom 1950s constrains in dominant with balance
Economic with some
with growing public sector selective public between
focus private sector
influence of and growth of funds public, private
involvement
private private and voluntary
investment investment funding
Improvement Social and Community- Community Emphasis on
of housing and welfare based action self-help with the role of
Social content living improvement and greater very selective community
standards empowerment state support
Replacement Some More extensive Major schemes More modest
of inner areas continuation renewal of of replacement than 1980s;
Physical and peripheral from 1950s older urban and new heritage and
emphasis development with parallel areas development; retention
rehabilitation flagship
of existing schemes
areas
Landscaping Selective Environmental Growth of Introduction of
Environmental and some improvements improvement concern for broader idea of
approach greening with some wider approach environmental
innovations to environment sustainability
Table 2-2: The evolution of urban regeneration (Stohr, 1989 and Lichfield cited in Roberts, 2000)

15
2.4 The Evolution of Conservation Policy and Practice

During the past decades the process of urban conservation also has gone through an evolution.
This process of change has been considerable mostly in Europe and specifically in the UK. There
has been a change from protection and conservation of historical buildings and monuments to a
broader vision for economic development and urban revitalization. The aim of this section is to
review the evolution in the field of conservation while over viewing the current concerns and
issues in this field. The section is divided into three subsections which review the major changes
and evolutions in the field of heritage conservation.

2.4.1 Conservation and Restoration

In the mid-nineteenth century, two basic and different restoration trends developed which were
related to particular influential individuals. They were restoration a la mode, associated with
Viollet-le-Duc (1814-1879) and the anti-restoration movement, associated with Ruskin (1819-
1900) and Morris (1834-1896) (Ashworth and Howard 1999). The basic idea of Mimetic or a la
mode restoration is that the architect can and should restore the building in its own style and
complete it in its original state. Every building and its elements should be restored in a way that
their purity be returned, which implies the possibility of removing the additions of other eras and
filling the parts with pieces copied from the same building or others of the same period
(Ashworth and Howard, 1999; Jokilehto, 1999). From the second half of the nineteenth century,
the new restoration movement developed which was based on development of knowledge and
scientific methods. However, the concept of stylistic restoration raised issues of authentic
restoration and style selectivity which faced increasing criticism that led to an anti-restoration
movement and modern conservation. The anti-restoration movement criticized the previous style
of the destruction of the historical buildings’ authenticity and struggled for their protection,
conservation and maintenance (Jokilehto, 1999). Although primarily it was a movement based on
criticism, conservation soon became accepted as the modern approach for the preservation of
historic buildings and monuments. The modern conservation movement, led by Ruskin and
Morris, emphasized on daily maintenance in the preservation of heritage as well as the concept
of minimal intervention in restoration (Izadi, 2008). The new approach attempted to address a
number of issues on originality and sanctity in the evolution of historic buildings. The basic
principles of the new approach evolved and soon they became the key concepts of management
by many official heritage management institutions.

At the time modern conservation movement was emerging, Europe was dominated by the
stylistic unity in restoration. Therefore, the new approach was not well understood. However,
due to the efforts of Morris in the UK by establishing the Society for the Protection of Ancient
Buildings, the attempts of Camillo Boito (1836-1914) and G.Giovannoni (1837-1947) in Italy
and Alois Riegl (1857-1905) in Austria, the conservation movement was spread to other
countries (Ashworth and Howard, 1999; Jokilehto, 1999; Pickard, 1996). The new approach

16
evolved around individual buildings and monuments and it initiated the consideration of some
different problems in conserving the character of historic areas (Pendlebury, 1999).

By the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, conservation and its principles were accepted
internationally. In 1931 the declaration of the first international meeting on architectural heritage
in Athens introduced and supported conservation approach instead of stylistic restoration. The
declaration of Athens considered conservation a general approach and recommended the
limitation of restoration which was then practically interpreted as reconstruction (Izadi, 2008).
The word “restoration” came to indicate something negative and in due course, was replaced by
the word “conservation”; the movement itself became the conservation movement (Jokilehto,
1996 & 1999).

2.4.2 From Building Preservation to Urban Conservation

By the start of stwentieth century, conservation movement gained a considerable worldwide

attention. There was an emphasis not only on the conservation of individual historic buildings
and monuments but also on preservation of specific historic sites and their interrelated contexts.
In fact, there was a new trend in conservation policy which was concerned with historic sites and
areas also rather than only individual buildings and monuments. It was a reaction against the
post-Second World War planning toward comprehensive clearance and redevelopment which
provoked strong feelings towards the past (Larkham, 1996; Pendlebury, 1999; Saunders, 1996;
Tiesdell, Oc et al., 1996). The massive destruction of historic cities during the post-war period
increased the community awareness regarding the severely damaged familiar neighborhoods and
lost values. While major efforts were devoted to restore important monuments, this
consciousness gradually led to organized efforts to protect historic city centers and entire
territories, respecting their traditional diversity, people and activities (Jokilehto, 1999; Manley
and Guise, 1998). Therefore, the initial conservation policies which were restricted to the
preservation of individual buildings and specific sites progressed to an increased concern for
revitalization and improvement of historic urban areas.

The increased attention to the improvement and revitalization of historic urban areas led to an
area-based approach toward conservation. It became a base for a broader concept of introduction
of conservation into urban planning. This concept was reflected in numerous statements and
recommendations and also legislation 2 . Ashworth and Tunbridge (1994) believe that the
legislations introduced two new elements: first, a shift from preservation of individual buildings
to ensembles and areas; and second, the clearly consequent development of conservation as a
general philosophy of urban planning, rather than a special reaction to exceptional cases.

2
The 1961 Monuments and Historic Buildings Act in the Netherlands which was followed by the Minister for
Cultural Affairs Andre Malraux in his Act of 1962 in France, the 1967 Civic Amenities Act in the UK, and in the
same year the Urban Planning Act in Italy; and in the level of international collaboration, the declaration of
ICOMOS Venice Charter in 1964 (Ashworth and Tunbridge, 1990; Jokilehto, 1996; Larkham, 1996 cited in Izadi,
2008).

17
As a result, current and future land-uses, traffic circulation and the demographic and social
compositions in inner urban areas became involved in conservation issues.

Conservation issues were considered in some of the Plans produced in this period and they were
considered as initial efforts for the planning of historic towns. The four studies for the historic
cities of Bath, Chester, Chichester and York in Britain at the end of 1960s remained as often
cited benchmarks in the development of thought about appropriate responses to the planning of
historic towns (Delafons, 1997; Pendlebury, 2005). Despite many differences in these plans, they
shared many points in common. “All were essentially master plans in basic approach and all
were grappling with problems of reconciling the historic city with modernity; all advocated a
balance between the conservation of historic character and the continuing evolution of the living
city” (Pendlebury, 2005). Conservation practices in Italy were first reflected in plans for Assisi,
Gubbio and Vincenza. In those plans historic centers were considered as an integral whole, but
importance was still given mainly to historic monuments (Jokilehto, 1998). In the late 1960s and
early 1970s, this tendency was followed by Giancarlo De Carlo in the cases of Urbino and
Ramimi. However, in the case of Bologna, Brescia and Ferrara, the focus was on the need to
maintain the original social structure, restoring and rehabilitating the historic buildings according
to their functional and structural typology (Jokilehto, 1999). Gradually such policies and
practices were followed in many countries.

As mentioned above, during 1970s the conservation efforts were focused on maintaining the
original social structure and restoring and rehabilitating the historic buildings according to their
functional and structural typology (Jokilehto, 1999). During this decade, more than five
important seminars or conferences 3 were held and over thirty societies, committees or
organizations for protection of historic environment were established. They were all formed
based on this idea that there is a need to develop integrated conservation strategies. Moreover,
the council of Europe announced the year 1975 as the European Architectural Heritage Year
which showed the significance of conservation during this decade. Izadi (2008) highlights the
major concerns, which are common in the recommendations of those conferences and describe
the dimensions of conservation movement during this decade, as follow:

 Particular attention was given to the definition of historic areas: historic and architectural
areas shall be taken to mean any groups of buildings, structures and open spaces with
regard to the different values of its natural or manmade settings;
 The charters brought to the attention that the architectural heritage is a capital of
irreplaceable spiritual, cultural, social and economic values;

3
The World Heritage Convention and the Recommendation on Cultural and Natural Heritage both adopted by the
UNESCO in 1972, The European charter of the Architectural Heritage by the council of Europe in 1975, the
Declaration of Amsterdam (1975) and the Recommendation Concerning the Safeguarding and Contemporary Role
of Historic Area-Nairobi (1976).

18
  There was an emphasis on the importance of integrating conservation requirements into
all aspects of the urban and regional planning process and engaging local authorities and
citizens ( integrated conservation);
 Attention was given to the organization of services and cooperation among the various
bodies; definition of appropriate protective measures, whether scientific, technical,
administrative, legal or financial; educational and cultural action; and international
cooperation;
 In addition to the visual, architectural and historic qualities, consideration of the
functional characteristics of areas and the active economic use of the protected buildings
was introduced as a conservation concern (Council of Europe, 1975; CMEC, 1975;
Jokilehto, 1996; Pickard, 2002).
2.4.3 Conservation and Urban Regeneration

During the past three decades the term ‘conservation’ has moved beyond the definition of
preservation only. It has moved towards being characterized as a broader vehicle for urban
regeneration and economic development (Delafons, 1997; Pearce, 1994; Pendlebury, 2002;
Strange and Whitney, 2003). The act of conservation has been redefined to reflect a wider view
than preservation and enhancement of historic environment. Its new definition addresses the
need to manage change sensitively within the historic environment to ensure the retention of this
finite resource in a way which does not compromise its integrity, while guaranteeing its
economic well being (Manley and Guise, 1998). Conservation has been promoted to develop its
regenerative potential, especially through utilizing the historic buildings more economically
(Izadi, 2008). It represents the reorientation of conservation towards more economically focused
regeneration objectives.

Since the early 1980s, the economic role and function of conservation became more significant
and it was clearly defined. However the link between the historic environment and the economy
is not new and tourism is the obvious example where there is long and acknowledged link
between the two (Pendlebury, 2000). Therefore, seeking the ways to use the historic assets and
adapt them for economic uses became evident in the contemporary conservation policies and
practices. According to this new concept which emerged during this period, the term ‘heritage’ is
used to describe a new trend in the management approaches to the historic environment.
Ashworth and Tunbridge (1994) believe that heritage is the concept that provides the linkage
between the preservation of the past for its essential value and as a resource for modern
community or commercial activity. Heritage is the contemporary usage of a past and is
consciously shaped from history, its survivals and memories, in response to current needs for it
(Ashworth and Tunbridge, 1999).

In some cases, this approach has been defined as exploitation where there is an obvious shift to a
market orientation that focuses upon the relics of history as a product, selected according to
criteria of consumer demand and managed through the intervention in the market (Ashworth and

19
Larkham, 1994). Larkham (1996) argues that heritage is the product of a commodification
process, a further part of the impact of the capitalist system on the built environment (Larkham,
1996).

In Britain this new tendency toward conservation moved beyond government planning policies.
The policy documents and English Heritage’s policy notes all evidently reveal that the
intellectual concept of heritage is pushed in to practice (Larkham, 1999). “The economic role of
conservation emerged in Circular 8/87, which argued conservation and regeneration are
essentially complementary; Planning Policy Guidance Note 15 went further than previous
guidance on advocating a creative approach to find new uses for historic buildings”(Pendlebury,
2000 & 2002).This trend contributes significantly and effectively to deliver the newly
emphasized urban agenda of positive Brownfield development, the re-use of existing buildings
and the delivery of mixed-use development, high quality public spaces and community cohesion
(HELM, 2006).

The recent approach toward conservation has moved beyond the mere economic development
and it has been developed based on the concept of sustainability. The term ‘sustainable
conservation’ focuses on integration of conservation of historic environments with
environmental concerns and it has become an evident feature of the sustainability agenda in a
number of historic cities (Strange, 1997; Strange and Whitney, 2003). Cullingworth and Nadin
(2002) put forward the idea that the historic environment is a finite recourse that should not be
diminished. Conservation promotes recycling of existing buildings and materials, the use of local
recourses and diversity in the environment. Hence, the sensible use of existing spatial and
cultural resources has more in common with the aims of sustainable development. “It can be
argued that the historic city in many ways is a model for sustainable city” (Manley and Guise,
1998). In November 2003, English Heritage published nine regional Heritage counts
documents along with the national document, which demonstrated the historic environment as a
key driver for sustainable development. Heritage Counts 2006 also identified the principal trends
and challenges facing the historic environment, with a particular focus on the role that
communities play, their participation and engagement in heritage and conservation (HEREC,
2006).

The English Heritage in its second stage consultation of a document called Conservation
Principles, Policies and Guidance for the Sustainable Management of the Historic Environment
has recognized six principles to create a framework for managing change in the historic
environments. These six principles mentioned are as follow (Drury and McPherson, 2007)

 The historic environment is a shared resource

 Everyone should be able to participate in sustaining the historic environment
 Understanding the heritage value of places is vital
 Significant places should be managed to sustain their values
 Decisions about change must be reasonable, transparent and consistent

20
  Recording and learning from decisions is essential

Based on the six above mentioned principles, the act of conservation is defined as “ the process
of managing change in ways that will best sustain the heritage values of a significant place in its
setting, while recognizing opportunities to reveal or reinforce those values for present and future
generations” (Drury and McPherson, 2007).

Studying the evolution process of different concepts and approaches in this field reveals that
there is a historic progression of ideas and practices from preservation of buildings and
monuments for retention, to conservation and involvement of the entire historic context and
eventually commodification and consumption of heritage (Larkham, 1999; Tunbridge and
Ashworth, 1996). It is evident that the evolution of conservation policy has provided the basis for
the emergence of an integrated approach which can create a balance between conservation and
regeneration (Izadi, 2008). As Tiesdell, Oc et al (1996) believes “the initial preservation policies
had largely been concerned with the pastness of the past, the later conservation and revitalization
policies were about a future for the past (Tiesdell, Oc et al. 1996).

2.5 Regeneration Through Conservation

The historic environment is an irreplaceable asset representing the investment of centuries of

skills and resources. It gives a unique competitive advantage. It generates jobs. It attracts people
to live in an area, invest to do business and promotes tourism. Most of it is in everyday use; it is
capable of an economic future; it is an asset we squander or degrade at our peril.

(Power of Place: The Future of the Historic Environment, English Heritage, 2000; cited in Izadi, 2008)

This part of the study attempts to focus on the ‘regeneration through conservation’ agenda as the
latest result of evolution in both fields. The outcome of the studies revealed that the focus of the
modern conservation has shifted from an initial concern with the protection and preservation of
individual buildings and monuments to a broader vehicle for urban regeneration and economic
development. “Conservation as an agent for urban revival has come to represent a vital theme in
the regeneration of parts of our towns and cities” (Pearce, 1994). Strange and Whitney (2003)
state that conservation is changing in the face of demands for regeneration and renaissance and
pressure is growing for it to be more economically flexible and socially inclusive. Accordingly
Worthington (1998) argues that conservation as it tries to retain the continuity of a sense of place
becomes involved with a variety of interests and expertise to both sustain the fabric and manage
the ongoing functions. “Conservation is becoming part of the mainstream and the past is
becoming part of future” (Worthington, 1998).

In the field of urban regeneration also, there has been a shift from an initial idea of physical
regeneration of an area. It now contains a more complex set of objectives including social,
cultural and economic issues. In Western Europe during the last few decades, re-using and
improving the existing resources have been recognized as a major task of urban regeneration.

21
This central task was accompanied by an increasing recognition of the importance of culture as a
component of urban regeneration as well as a greater commitment to preserve the historic
environment. This new wave produced a sense of connection and synergy between regeneration
and conservation efforts (Izadi, 2008). As a result, historic buildings and structures played an
increasingly important role in many regeneration projects. The historic environments became
essential recourses to be utilized in the regeneration process and also the basis for developing
economic growth, investment and tourism income. Historic buildings and often historic city
center buildings have been at the forefront of heritage-based regeneration initiatives (Strange,
1996; Strange and Whitney, 2003). Nowadays, historic buildings and sites have a considerable
contribution to urban regeneration. Old buildings that were considered as obstacles by urban
authorities are now thought to be aids to regeneration. The historic environment instead of being
a threatening area of disregard is now an attractive focus for the local communities.

It is recognized that the historic environments are valuable due to both their intrinsic historic
nature and their contribution to identity as well as a place where regeneration may occur
(opportunity spaces) (Pendlebury et al., 2004). The historic environments are now essential and
integral part of successful regeneration strategies because they contribute to investment, sense of
place, sustainability and quality of life (HELM, 2006, cited in Izadi, 2008). “The historic
environment creates opportunities for social interaction, education and lifelong learning, helping
to deepen our understanding of the world around us; it provides jobs and generates income,
bringing new life to run-down areas; and it adds a unique dimension of beauty, meaning and
character to daily life” (HEREC, 2004).

There are a large number of successful projects in local and national level which have adopted a
conservation led regeneration approach to the revitalization of historic environment and they
mostly represent positive outcomes. They have generally focused on additional investment and
new activities and as a result, the economy of those historic areas has been strengthened. This
new approach helps to develop business confidence, give pride to local communities and
reinforce the sense of place which makes the historic environment so popular (HELM, 2006).
“Conservation-led regeneration helps to create attractive places where people want to live, work,
visit and spend their leisure time, thereby underpinning a market-led return to urban living and a
full realization of the urban potential of our built-up areas, in accordance with sustainability
principles” (House of Commons, 2006). It is evident that there some common factors which have
played a vital role in the success of those regeneration initiatives which have employed
conservation led approach. Those key factors are as follow:

 Emphasizing on environmental quality

 Adopting an integrated policy and approach
 Establishing a clearly documented strategy containing aims, objectives and targets
which can be monitored and systematically evaluated

22
  Employing a partnership strategy involving a variety of agencies including central
and local government, the private sector and community organizations
 Integration of a range of funds at local, national and European levels (Pearce, 1994)

Moreover, local authorities have played a crucial role in managing and coordinating the
regeneration of historic areas. English Heritage (2005) has provided a checklist of certain
qualities for successful regeneration projects implemented in historic environments. Those
schemes are embracing “a strong vision for future, a respect for local residents and businesses, a
tangible link to the past, an understanding of the area, a respect for what already exists, a record
of the area before work starts, an integrated and sustainable approach, achieving the right pace,
the highest quality design and materials and finally early discussions between the community,
the local authority and other interested parties” (English Heritage, 2005).

As it can be seen in the last few decades, a new strategic framework has been established in
order to create a balance between conservation and regeneration activities. Many urban
authorities have adopted this integrated approach and the outcomes have been distinguished.
However, there are still some tensions in the implementation of such approach. Such tensions are
evident in places such as Grainger Town, Newcastle which is often seen as model of integrative
regeneration and conservation development (Healy et al., 2002; Pendlebury, 2002, cited in
Strange and Whitney, 2003). Pendlebury (2005) argues that although the acts of conservation
and regeneration have been evolved over time and there is an appropriate balance between them
but still there is a debate about the more balanced approach of reconciling historic character with
modern economic and social life.

2.6 Conceptual Framework to Analyze City Center Revitalization

Previous section provided an overview of the main concepts, approaches and initiatives in the
context of urban revitalization. This section will try to explore the process by which these
approaches have been formulated, validated and developed. It is an attempt to delineate various
factors and interrelationships that affect the process and product of urban regeneration. The aim
is to provide a conceptual framework for understanding the nature and scope of these processes
that can be used as a basis for the development of an analytical framework in this research. This
section is subdivided into two further sections. The first section identifies the development
process as a wider context in which urban revitalization takes place and also reviews the
different conceptual models of the development process. It shows the real factors that shape or
re-shape this process. The second part of this section examines a comprehensive and integrated
model which provides a theoretical perspective to develop an analytical framework for the
research methodology in the next chapter.

2.6.1 Urban Revitalization and Development Process

It is commonly acknowledged that awareness of the development process helps decision-makers,

planners and other professionals to achieve a deeper understanding of both the context in which
23
they operate and the forces acting upon the process by which their policies, proposals and
schemes originated and are implemented (Carmona et al., 2003; Guy and Henneberry, 2000). In
order to find a clear understanding of the interaction between contexts and forces that affect
decisions and outcomes, hence, it is important to see urban revitalization as part of a broader
context of urban development process. Urban development is a process that involves a large
number of agencies and is deeply rooted in the general constitution of the social and economic
processes (Madanipour, 1996).Guy and Henneberry (2002) argue that urban development is a
complex process which involves the orchestration of finance, materials, labor and expertise by
many actors within a wider social, economic and political environment. Awareness of
mechanism and components of the development process can be the best way for understanding
the urban changes and interventions in this context. To facilitate understanding of development
process, several models have been formulated.

In a research conducted by Izadi (2008), in order to evaluate the process of urban regeneration in
the context of urban development, he has reviewed a series of articles by Healey (1991); Healey
and Barrett, 1990; Gore and Nicholson (1991) and Ball (1998). They all have identified and
introduced different models of development process as well as different approaches which form
the development process4. Izadi (2008) after reviewing all the models of development process
states that among all types of models and approaches only the ‘structure-agency models’
promises to achieve an extensive coverage. In the following sub-section, there is a brief review
of ‘structure-agency models’ and its components which will help to develop the conceptual
framework of the research.

2.6.1.1 Structure-Agency Models

According to Healey and Barrett (1990), in order to find out why development takes particular
forms in particular places and at particular times, we need to set the strategies, interests and
actions of individuals and organizations within the context of broader social, economic and
political processes. Any analysis of development processes requires the development of an
explicit approach to the relation between structure, in terms of what drives the development
process and produces distinctive patterns in particular periods and agency in terms of the way
individual agents develop and pursue their strategies (Healey and Barrett, 1990). Drawing on the
work of Giddens (1984) and earlier work (Healey and Barrett, 1990), Healey (1992) proposed an
institutional model of the development process, a universal model which addresses the agencies,
events and the diversity of processes in different conditions. The model focuses on the link
between structure and agency empirically through relating the construction of roles and the

4
Healey(1991,1992 and Healey and Barrett, 1990) identified different models embracing ‘equilibrium models’,
’Event-sequence models’, ‘agency models’, ‘structure models’ and ‘structure-agency institutionalism’ which was
considered as the subset of two main approaches: Actors-institution and political-economy. Gore and Nicholson
(1991) also identified four main types of approach to shape the development process including: ‘sequential or
descriptive approaches’, ‘behavioral or decision-making approaches’, ‘production-based approaches’ and ‘structure
of provision’. Ball (1998) also similarly suggested an institutional model which was approached from mainstream
economics, power, structure-agency and structures of provision methodologies.

24
strategies and interests of agencies to the material resources, institutional rules and organizing
ideas which agents acknowledge implicitly and explicitly in what they do (Healey and Barrett,
1990). Gore and Nicholson (1991) also introduced a similar approach that sought to identify the
particular institutional, financial and legislative framework or ‘structure of provision’ for each
type of development. Ball (1998) after his extensive work in this field, in a broader term,
suggested an institutional model which emphasizes the organizations involved and the practices
and networks that influence the way in which those organizations operate and interrelate. It
overlaps with the forgoing approaches, incorporating many of their elements.

2.6.2 Theoretical Framework of the Research

Examining the different models of development process gives a comprehensive account of this
complex process. These models or approaches have been devised to assist work in a variety of
contexts and are based on different theoretical underpinnings. As Gore and Nicholson (1991)
point out the different types of models do offer different levels of understanding, there is no
reason to dismiss any of them out of hand. However, as the review of the models of development
process reveals, among all types of models, only the structure-agency model can achieve an
extensive coverage. It considers the complexity of the events and agencies involved in the
process and the diversity of forms the process may take under different conditions (Healey,
1992). Despite many limitations, the strength of the structure-agency perspective provides a basis
for the development of a new model of the development process. Drawing on such a theoretical
perspective, Madanipour (1996) suggested a more comprehensive and practical model of the
development process (Figure 2-1).

Figure 2-1: A model of the development process

(Madanipour, 1996 cited in Izadi, 2008)
This model identifies a socio-spatial process as an interaction between human agency and social
and physical structure within a particular place (Madanipour, 1996). It argues that social and
physical environment are produced and reproduced through the interaction of different agencies
and structures, objects and contexts. Figure 1 illustrates the component parts of the development
process identified in this model including development agencies, development factors (resources,
rules and ideas) and their contexts.

25
The model is divided into two parts: the first part represents the physical and the other part
represents social contexts as the two main constituent parts of this process. Madanipour(1996)
argues that the study of the development process would not be complete without the study of the
contexts in which these processes take place. The resources, rules and ideas (development
factors) are framed within these contexts. As can be seen from figure 1 where resources, rules
and ideas overlap, the development agencies are involved in the production of new urban fabric.
Within the scope of this conceptual model, it is concluded that the best way to understand urban
development process is to concentrate on development agencies, the structures they interact with
in the form of resources, rules and idea and the social and spatial contexts in which they operate
(Madanipour, 1996).

Drawing on the work of Madanipour, Izadi (2008) has developed a comprehensive model based
on the identification of agencies involved, the role they play and their strategies and interests
within the economic, political and cultural context in which they operate. These roles, strategies
and interests are related to the rules, resources and ideas that governed the process. To
understand factors and interrelationships that affect the process and product of urban
regeneration and to develop a comprehensive conceptual framework for the analysis of practical
activities of urban regeneration, this study therefore concentrates on the interaction of the
agencies and the structures within these three broad contexts. Figure 2-2 illustrates the main
component parts of this framework and the interrelationships between agencies and the structures
in terms of various resources to which agents may have access, the rules which they consider
govern their behavior and the ideas which they draw upon in developing their strategies, as well
as the economic, political and cultural contexts in which the development takes place.

Figure 2-2: The conceptual framework of the study

(Source: Izadi, 2008)

26
2.7 Conclusion

This chapter tried to review the literature on the evolution of urban revitalization and identified
the conceptual framework of the research. The chapter was structured around two major
discussions. The first part tried to provide a comprehensive identification of integrated approach
toward urban revitalization which is a balance between urban regeneration and conservation
practices. It presented a detailed account of evolution of urban regeneration as well as
conservation activities. This study revealed how the concept of regeneration has moved beyond
the objectives and achievements of the large-scale urban reconstruction, comprehensive
redevelopment, urban renewal and property development. Urban regeneration now represents a
more comprehensive set of objectives including social, cultural and economic issues. Moreover,
the new concept of conservation also has shifted from an initial concern with the protection and
preservation of individual buildings and monuments to a broader vehicle for urban regeneration
and economic development. The evolution of both policies and balance between them has
provided a basis for the emergence of an integrated approach toward urban revitalization. The
conservation-led regeneration or ‘regeneration through conservation’ agenda represents the
convergence of these two areas of policy. There is a recognition that the approach toward urban
revitalization should be holistic and integrated so that it can solve the problems of historic areas.
Therefore, this study will focus and set the objectives based on the perspective of this integrated
approach.

The second part of this chapter concentrated on the relationship between urban revitalization and
development process. It focused on the development process as a broader context in which urban
revitalization takes place. It revealed that there are various factors which shape urban
development and their interrelationships will affect this complex process. Therefore, in order to
understand this complex process better, this study reviewed different range of development
models. Eventually it introduced structure-agency models as optimum model of the development
process to shape the conceptual framework of the study. By integrating concepts of the previous
works and relying on a comprehensive and practical model of urban development process
introduced by Madanipour (1996) and developed by Izadi (2008), this study uses the mentioned
model as conceptual framework and a guide for the research analysis. Next chapter will elaborate
how this model transforms into research methodology.

27
CHAPTER 3
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction

This chapter presents the research design and methodology used to carry out the research. It
starts with the conceptual basis of the research and then it explains the research development
process as well as approach adopted to conduct the study. The final section presents the various
methods and techniques used for the accomplishment of the research objectives.

3.2 Conceptual Basis of the Research

This section shows how the conceptual basis of the study frame the way, in which the research
topic is formed, the research question is posed and also the conceptual framework of the research
is being shaped. It will attempt to explain an analytical framework and identify the necessary
methods for generating information relevant to the aim and questions of the research. The
following section will explain how the research topic is being chosen.

3.2.1 Selection of Topic

Developing a unified approach to deal properly with the historic areas has been a challenge in
many countries. Until the early twentieth century the historic cores of Iranian cities were
transformed in a continuous, gradual and adaptive process of change. However, the modern
developments changed this traditional pattern of adaptive, continuous, dynamic and evolutionary
process. The destructive and physical redevelopment of historic cities continued till the last few
decades. Nevertheless, during the last two decades there has been an attempt to change the
aggressive trend of urban regeneration and instead implementing a more integrative approach
toward revitalization of inner core of the historic cities. As a result, there is a variety of
approaches adopted in order to solve the problems of historic urban fabrics in Iran. But the
considerable fact is if the applied approaches have been successful to solve the problems and
crisis of the old urban fabrics. In order to answer this question this research aims to provide a
deeper insight and develop a better understanding of approaches to the revitalization of the
historic urban centers in Iran. This will be realized by identifying the employed approaches and
highlighting their deficiencies, exploring factors that shaped the approaches, examining and
interpreting the features that characterized the approaches and assessing their outcomes and
impacts.

In-depth analysis and identification of different approaches was carried out for the practices of
the case study of Yazd city. Yazd is a historical city and the provincial capital; therefore it
attracts great extent of budget and attention towards its historic core with the vast area of 700
hectares. Yazd which was transformed radically since early 1920s became one of the important
historic cities in Iran which experienced the new approach toward revitalization of urban fabric
28
during the last two decades. As a result, this city has a series of different attempts for various
types of urban revitalization. Besides all the practices implemented on the historic core of Yazd,
there has been always a lack of research on the success or failure of such projects and schemes.
Hence, this study tries to identify and analyze different approaches toward revitalization of
historic city centers in Iran with the focus on the case study of Yazd.

3.2.2 The Conceptual Framework

In previous chapter two key concepts of the research were examined. The first was ‘an integrated
approach to the ‘balance between conservation and regeneration’ and the second was
‘comprehensive theoretical framework for the analysis of practical activities of urban
revitalization’. The former is considered to be the theoretical approach of the research and the
latter introduces a conceptual model for the study. The conceptual model was derived from
Izadi’s research (2008) which is based on the review of a range of conceptual models of the
development process. The development process is conceived as a broad context in which the
different dimensions of this complex process can be identified. This conceptual framework
provides a basis for the development of more detailed research questions.

As it was shown in figure 2-2, the main component parts of this model are including
development agencies with an emphasis on the role they play, their strategies and interests;
development factors in terms of resources, rules and ideas that govern the process; and the
economic, political and cultural contexts in which the agencies operate. It is evident that the
awareness of mechanisms and components of the development process can be the best way to
understand the urban changes and interventions carried out in this context. This model outlines
various factors and interrelationships that affect the process and product of urban regeneration. In
the next section, the research questions are developed based on the guidelines gained from the
literature review and the developed conceptual framework reviewed in this section.

3.2.3 The Research Questions

It is believed that defining the research questions is the most important step to be taken in a
research study. The form of questions provides an important clue regarding the appropriate
research strategy to be used (Mason, 2002; Yin, 2003). This section develops the research
questions based on the conceptual framework of the study raised in Chapter 2 and reviewed in
the previous section. As already pointed out, this study aims to develop a broad vision and better
understanding of approaches to the revitalization of historic city centers in Iran and specifically
the case of Yazd. In the past few decades there has been an underlying emphasis on physical-led
regeneration and delivery of flagship projects. This dominant approach, mainly employed by the
central government has been failed to solve the problems. Even in many cases as such it is
evident that the interventions carried out within the framework of such an approach have
exacerbated the existing problems. According to the mentioned fact, this study at the first stage

29
based on the theoretical perspective derived from the literature review tries to answer the
following questions:

 What are the main approaches to the revitalization of historic environment in Iran?
 Why these approaches are generally considered problematic and deficient?
 Is there any alternative model or approach capable of addressing inner cities’ problems?

In the second stage, to develop our understanding of the processes and mechanisms that shaped
and affected these approaches, the study attempts to answer the following question:

How were these approaches shaped?

In response to this question regarding the conceptual framework of the research, the study
concentrates on the role, strategy and interest of the agencies involved and their interactions with
the driving forces that shaped their approaches within the cultural, political and economic
contexts through:

 Identifying the development agencies involved, the role they played and their strategies
and interests [who were the development actors?]
 Exploring the structures that the agencies interacted with, in the form of resources, rules
and ideas which framed their operation [what were the development factors?]
 Examining the cultural, political and economic contexts in which they took place [where
and under what conditions were they produced?]

In the third stage, the features that characterize the approaches are examined and interpreted
(what are the characteristics of the approaches?). To find the answer to this question regarding
the results of the second stage, the study attempts to identify the key characteristics of these
approaches by:

 Clarifying the major strategy and orientation of the approaches (primary emphasis)
 Identifying the institutional characteristics of the approaches
 Illuminating the economic focus and financial motivations
 Identifying design and implementation features of the models
 Specifying the social content of the approaches by examining the role of the local people
in the regeneration process and the commitment of the authorities to the needs and
priorities of the communities

Finally, the study focuses on the outcomes and investigates the social and spatial impact of the
interventions (what are the outcomes and impacts in practice?) through:

30
  Identifying the physical characteristics in terms of size, scale and function as well as the
architectural language that was chosen for the new constructions and assessing their
consistency with the existing contexts
 Assessing the impact of the interventions on the social and economic structures

The developed questions are considered as the essential tools in the clarification of the research
strategy.

3.3 The Research Development Process

This section as the main body of the research methodology introduces a logical plan or action
plan for the research. It also identifies an appropriate strategy for conducting the study and
justifies the case study approach and the criteria for its selection.

3.3.1 The Research Design

The research design introduces the key stages of the study, outlines briefly their content and
identifies their relationships and hierarchy. The most important element in the research design is
the flow, the process and the relationships between the elements in the research concept which
support the preview of the research development from theoretical concept to conclusion. It
provides a basis for the recognition of an appropriate research strategy.

A research design, as defined by Yin (2003), is the logical sequence that connects the key
elements of the research. It connects the generated empirical data to the initial research
objectives of the study and ultimately to its conclusions: “a logical plan for getting from here to
there, where here may be defined as the initial set of questions to be answered, and there is some
set of conclusions (answers) about these questions”.

The research design developed in Diagram 3-1 represents five key stages of the research
including the identification of the aim and objectives of the research, the development of
research questions based on the conceptual framework derived from the literature review, the
exploratory phase of the investigation (an exploratory pilot field visit and a phase of analysis for
each study area), the comparative study based on the developed framework in Chapter 2, and
finally the concluding stage of the research process which provides responses to the research
questions, findings and the main themes.

31
 Aim and objectives The research aims to provide a deeper insight and develop a better
understanding of the approaches to revitalize the historic environment Iran with
the emphasize on the case study Yazd

Identifying the employed approaches and highlighting their deficiencies

Exploring driving Examining features that Assessing the

forces behind the characterize the outcomes and
approaches approaches impacts in practice

Literature review Chapter 2: promoting the approach of the study and developing
a conceptual framework for the research

Methodology Research concept Research questions Research strategy

Review of the approaches to the historic environment in Iran;

National scenario
highlighting their deficiencies

Empirical work -identifying the -clarifying the major strategy -Identifying the
developing agencies and orientation physical characteristic

-exploring the structures -identifying the institutional -assessing the impacts

characteristics
on the social, spatial
-examining the contexts and economic
-Illuminating the economic
focus and financial structures
motivations

-Specifying the social

content

Comparative analysis Comparing the finding of the empirical work in the political, economic and cultural
contexts in which they took place based on the theoretical framework of the research as
outlined chapter 2

Conclusion Responding to the research questions, findings and the main themes, implication for
policy and practice

Diagram 3-1: The research design introducing the main stages of the study, their contents, the relationships and
hierarchy of the subjects

32
3.3.2 The Case Study Approach

Case study research methods put emphasis on the detailed contextual examination of a limited
number of cases or events and their relationships with the whole phenomenon. This method has
been used by many researchers for a variety of disciplines for many years (Simons, 1980). Yin
(2003) discusses that “case studies are the preferred strategy when ‘how’ or ‘why’ questions are
being posed”, and “when the focus is on a contemporary phenomenon within some real life
context”, in which “the investigator has little control over the events”. Therefore, the exploratory
nature of the investigation, the form of the research questions and the focus of the study underpin
our choice of an in-depth case study strategy.

Although the study examines the policies and approaches adopted by the government during the
past decades, the main focus of the research is on the current approaches, particularly the policies
and practices of the development agencies after 1997. Case study is an appropriate strategy for
the exploratory phase of this investigation. This strategy tries to illuminate a decision or set of
decisions, processes, programs, or events: “why they were taken, how they were implemented,
and with what result” (Schramm, 1971, quoted in Yin).

The case study strategy is usually used for three purposes - exploratory, descriptive and
explanatory (Groat and Wang, 2002; Yin, 2003). Nevertheless, according to the nature of the
research questions, this study focuses more on conducting an exploratory study to develop
pertinent propositions for further inquiry and implementation outcomes of the research.
Exploratory qualitative case study research establishes a research area for clarifying greater
insight into boundaries and phenomena (Mason, 2002). It is well suited for inductively building a
rich, deep understanding of the phenomena being studied (Christie et al., 2000). The empirical
core of this research, therefore, rests in case study strategy, since it provides the greater depth
and quality of the material. This is followed by a comparative study of the findings derived from
the study areas. The results of this comparative study provide an indicative basis from which to
answer the research questions.

3.3.3 The Case Study Selection

As it was pointed out, during the last decades, efforts to revitalize Iranian historic cities have
gained a new momentum. Several interrelated factors at national, regional and local level
contributed to the changing role or structure of the state in urban regeneration process. These
changes provided a basis for the development of a new approach to the regeneration of historic
environment in Iran. The initial projects were started in Shiraz, Isfahan, and Yazd in cities where
the local authorities were able to deal with the problem of the historic environment through their
own efforts.

Based on the nature and aim of this research the developed conceptual framework is applied in
the case of Yazd representing one of three zones in Iran hosting the new approach to the
revitalization of historic city centers. The city of Yazd is a provincial capital with an integrated

33
historical fabric of 700 hectares. Due to its importance, Yazd has been always a center of
attention of authorities and it has been attracting considerable amount of annual budget for the
revitalization of its historic districts. Nevertheless, the recourses have been spent in the form of
different approaches.

The assessment of the different approaches is implemented on two study areas, each representing
a particular approach employed by the urban authorities in the case of Yazd (Figure 3-1). The
study areas are parts of the historic core of Yazd. The case of “Shesh-Badgiri” district
exemplifies a physical-led, redevelopment oriented approach employed by the central
government and the case of “Fahadan” district represents an integrated, more sensitive,
conservation-led approach adopted by the local authorities. The former is representative of a
dominant approach, which has always been pursued in the past decades by the authorities, and
the latter is an exemplar of a new model followed by the local authorities after a series of
political, social and economic changes initiated from 1997. By using a number of selection
criteria, this section sets out the basis upon which these two cases have been selected. The
criteria have been applied to ensure that the cases are reasonably representative of these two
approaches selected for the investigation. The cases have been selected based on the following
criteria:

 These cases should be representative of different types of models or approaches to the

regeneration of historic environment.

 The study areas should be comparable in terms of size and type, historic characteristics,
their population, social and economic problems and most important the time of
initiatives.

 The availability of information and access to resources, key actors involved and the sites
have also been considered as important factors for the case study selection in this study.

According to the report issued by the Urban Development and Revitalization Company (2004), a
large number of regeneration schemes and initiatives have been focused on the Capital cities and
in particular on Tehran, Mashhad, Tabriz, Isfahan, Yazd, Kerman and Shiraz. There are more
than 75 projects including neighborhood revitalization programs, large-scale redevelopment
projects (flagship projects), infrastructure developments, restoration of historic buildings, and
housing development projects, which have been implemented by governmental sectors based on
the master and detailed plans prepared by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development for
the historic urban areas. It was impossible to investigate all these cases in detail, so the task was
to identify the cases that are representative of the major approaches. It provided an opportunity
for an in-depth examination of these approaches. These were chosen on the basis of the above
three criteria: to be representative of a particular approach, comparable in terms of location,
scale, time, and character, and accessible (availability of resources).

34
The establishment of Basij Boulevard in the center of Shesh-Badgiri district was recognized as
representative of a dominant approach that focuses mainly on physical transformation and
economic development (physical-led, redevelopment oriented approach). The historic core of
the city has always been the focus of the ruling powers who have affected the form and
development of the city whether by their direct interventions or imposing their ideas. During the
last two decades, the historic core has experienced tremendous changes more than the centuries
of its previous history. Large-scale clearance of the central core of Shesh-Badgiri district carried
out by the central government and the implementation of massive redevelopment schemes in
order to create vehicular access at the heart of this area are among these aggressive
transformations.

As it was pointed out, during the last two decades the efforts to revitalize the historic Iranian
cities have been shifted to a new direction. The project for revitalization of Fahadan district, one
of the historic neighborhood of Yazd city centre, has been selected as the second case in this
research because it represents the new approach; the project is comparable with the case of
Shesh-Badgiri district regarding the historic character, scale and size, the time of implementation
and there was a well-supported access to the site, key actors involved, data and information
required for the study.

Figure 3-1: The boundary of old city of Yazd and the location of case studies

3.4 Research Methods

The study in this section concentrates on specific methods by which the required information can
be derived, whether from achieves and documents or observations and conversation with people.
The first task is to identify the key actors involved, then the main sources of information are

35
explained, and finally the major barriers to the implementation of the process of data collection
are reviewed.

3.4.1 Mapping the Actors Involved

This section identifies the people and organizations involved as the key sources of information in
this research. The resulting map of stakeholders is influential in our choice of interviewees.
Carmona et al (2003) argue that in order to understand the development process, it is necessary
to identify the key actors, their ambitions and objectives, their relationships relative to each
other, and their motivation for involvement in the development process. They identify the
development actors based on their motivations into two major groups; ‘demand side’
development actors including investors, occupiers, public sectors, adjacent landowners and
general public; and ‘supply side’ development actors including landowners, developers, funders,
builders, and advisers. Madanipour (2006) also divides these actors into three major groups;
‘regulators’, which mainly refers to the government and its role in regulating the economy;
‘producers’, including those who build the city, predominately developers and their financiers
and teams of professionals; and finally ‘users’ which refers to those who visit, live, or work in
the city. According to the above definitions and considering the condition of the two selected
cases, the study focuses on the different stakeholders involved which are grouped in Table 3-1 as
regulators, producers and users involved in these processes.

Actors / Agencies Types

Local urban planners
Policy makers

National urban planners

Local urban managers Interview pro-forma
National urban managers A
Managerial agency members
Investors (local-national-international)
Funders (Banks and financial institutions)
Executors

Builders (local and national) Interview pro-forma

Consultants and advisors B
Build and development corporations (developers)
Adjacent land owners
Citizens

General public
Users

Residents in projects( tenants and owners) Interview pro-forma

Public sector employee- civil servant in service section C
Private sector traders
Everyday users
Table 3-1: Different stakeholders involved in the process of decision and policy making, planning, producing and
using of the cases selected for the investigation

36
3.4.2 Sources of Information

Based on the nature of this research, the study employs a combination of qualitative and
quantitative data collection and analysis. The study relies on multiple source of evidence. The
use of multiple sources of evidence can help considerably in advancing the validity and
reliability of the research. By studying every aspect of the problem from as many angles as
possible, and by using various sources of evidence, the case study research strategy is a powerful
research tool in the hands of an investigator (Stake, 1995).

The types of information are distinguished into primary and secondary sources of evidence.
Primary means first or original sources including interviews of the actors involved in
revitalization processes, direct observation of the events and circumstances of the cases, original
documents, maps and photographs. Secondary sources present information that has already been
processed or interpreted including literature review and the published and unpublished materials
about the case of Yazd and Iran in general and study areas in particular. These sources of
information include descriptive and quantitative as well as analytical and qualitative materials,
published by government, the consultants of the projects and other private institutions, in Persian
and in English languages. They were including the census data and various official records,
reports and documents prepared by the consultants (Master and detailed plans at different levels,
city, city centre, and neighborhoods).In the empirical work, the secondary documents are used to
supplement the primary source of evidences. Followings are the different primary and secondary
sources of information in details:

3.4.2.1 Literature Review

Literature review in this study played an important role. It is important to look at the process of
urban revitalization in a larger context and to learn from the failure and success of different
experiences around the world. Moreover, as this study is concerned with the approaches toward
urban revitalization, it was important to distinguish the different approaches to the revitalization
of historic city centers internationally and consequently to identify different approaches in
national level. Therefore, eventually those experiences with were the representatives of key
approaches were mentioned.

3.4.2.2 Interview with the Actors Involved in the Process

One of the major primary sources of data was the information gathered from the actors involved
in the process of urban regeneration in national and local level. They were divided in to three
major groups of regulators, producers and users (Table-1). Policy makers and executors’ source
of information were supported by several formal and semi-formal interviews.

Open-ended semi-structured interviews were deemed to be the best tool for the purpose of these
actors because such interviews have adequate discipline for directing the interview in an
organized and systematic manner depending on the requirements of the research. At the same

37
time, this strategy enables the full exploration of an unknown context by permitting the
respondents to express themselves fully and by giving the researcher adequate flexibility and
freedom to make changes both in the direction and the order of the interview during, and
between, interviews with the same respondent. Thereby it enables the researcher to explore
relevant new topics or aspects of the answers as they arise, which may not have been accounted
for in the original design, or to omit questions which become obsolete due to certain explanations
of the respondent. This freedom allows the development of the interview instrument according to
the needs of the research in a partially known context rather complying with some rigid
direction, order, and questions which had been decided out of context far removed from the
reality of the field. The structured interviews were complemented by observing the area in
several trips to Iran during 2010, 2011 and 2012 which was documented by pictures, maps,
analytical graphs, and descriptions presented in the dissertation. [The list of interviewees and
Questionnaires are attached in Appendix B]

3.4.2.3 Interview with the Local Residents and Stakeholders

Another source of information is the quantitative results obtained from the residents and
stakeholders of the two study areas. The method used for this data gathering was through
interviews with the residents and filling the questionnaires. Based on the fourth aim of the
research which was assessing the socio-spatial outcomes and impacts of the revitalization
projects, questionnaires were designed.

To use questionnaires in the study it is important to choose the best type suitable for the study in
order to reach the research aims and objectives. As it was necessary to have the best way of
classification for the comparative analysis of the study areas, the ‘close questionnaire’ was used.
The fixed approach toward questionnaire design was the best approach for classifying the
findings as it becomes more complicated and unreliable in case of using open-end questionnaire.
However, the close questions were followed by few open-end questions in order to offer
respondents more alternative responses from where to choose. Another advantage of close
questionnaire for this study is that it will allow people who are not able to elaborate points to
engage more easily (Vaus, 1991).

In relevance to this study’s questionnaire design, the study will focus on the ‘likert-style5 formats
and some open ended questions’ to provide a wider range of questions that are easy to answer by
the common public people in Yazd historic quarters. As for the open-ended questions, they will
give the respondents an opportunity to add more information which could back up the findings
with different approach and evidence.

5
Likert-style formats or rating scale is a type of closed-ended question which offers positive oriented statements
toward respondents, as they should simply record their opinion by stating if they agree or disagree while using a
rating scale (Vaus, 1991). This type is the most appropriate form because of the straightforward technique that
makes the respondents’ selection procedure quick and easy. In addition, it provides detailed quantitative findings
especially for the case studies’ comparative analysis.

38
As the focus of the study was the socio-spatial outcomes of the projects, therefore, questionnaires
were designed accordingly.

Social Dimension:

This is evident that the both tangible and intangible heritage should be considered in the process
of urban revitalization. In the other word, the social dimension of revitalization always completes
the physical or spatial dimensions and vice versa. In addition, to ensure that both users and
visitors in the community will invest their efforts and emotions, it is important to satisfy their
needs and to increase the public’s understanding toward the historic assets. Therefore, if the
revitalizing programs enhance the people to live and work, this will eventually create a sense of
civic responsibility which will provide a long term blend between the people and government
and will guarantee that the quality of life in historical districts is well preserved (Shankland,
1975).

Generally the built heritage and surrounding environment developments should fulfill the wishes
of the inhabitants to regenerate their past traditions and try to pass it for future generations
regarding the cultural background diversity. However the most important is that the community
should be loyal and committed as a part of the built heritage in total. In order to evaluate the
social impacts of revitalization projects on the historical districts the following statements have
been used:

 Ensure a vital public realm and livable historic urban quarters.

 Maintain the social cohesion between the different actors of the community.
 Preserve the exciting aesthetic values, urban social locality and the sense of belonging.
 Ensure continues community participation in the revitalization process.
 Involvement of other communal bodies- individuals or organized bodies- to assist in the
decision making and implementation process.

Economical Dimension:

It is evident that economic prosperity can apply continual revitalization of conservation areas and
then independently maintain the historic structure (DoE-PPG 15, 1994). Some historic quarters
have declined economically and suffered from users’ neglect and abandonment, in particular,
those that have lost a special industry or business concentration. Property values in these areas
have fallen and local unemployment has increased to finally result in tearing the urban fabric,
followed by the loss of ‘sense of place’. In all revitalizing programs economic investments are
one of the main factors driving urban regeneration. The qualities inherent in these areas
encourage preservation, aesthetic reshaping for the future and economic benefits through proper
strategic visions. In order to achieve economic prosperity some aspects should be considered
within the revitalization programs. Some aspects such as quality of life and employment, tourism

39
industry development and land use planning and property market. Therefore, in order to assess
the economical impact of the projects on their contexts following statements are used for
evaluation:

 Safeguard the property market from decline

 Increase the land price value by more suitable business injection
 Sustain the appropriate uses and markets in the area
 Provide an encouraging atmosphere for developers with fewer obstacle
 Create a balance between private and public sector involvement to encourage a strong
monetary flow between them and to create a sense of double dependence on each other

Physical Dimension:

In the process of urban revitalization of historic quarters, the new design features proposed must
respect the existing built environment. The new designed features will reflect not only the
aesthetic matters but also the cultural matters. Gharib (2010) argues that In the process of
physical interventions in historic quarters following categories should be focused: enhancement
of public spaces, adaptive-reuse of the built environment, respecting the architectural style of the
surrounding built environment, street revitalization as well as maintenance and follow-up of the
environment. As this study is concerned with assessment of the outcomes of interventions from
all the aspects therefore, the following statements have been used for evaluation of physical
dimension:

 Ensure proper preservation of the historic built environment

 Preserve the functional structure within historic quarters and provide a diversification of
functional layering during urban revitalization
 Allow major rehabilitation programs and architectural recycling through introducing new
uses
 Acknowledge the different scales of development of historic quarters
 Respect the overall scene of the place and understand the interactive human scale within
the proposed designs
 Introduce more public open spaces in order to ease traffic and accommodate most of the
users’ functions

(Review the design questionnaires in relevance with the statements in Appendix-A)

40
3.4.2.4 Personal Observation

Another source of information was the personal knowledge of the author from the process of
urban conservation and regeneration in general and the case of Yazd in particular. As a graduate
in bachelors and masters of architecture from Yazd school of Architecture as well as a person
born and bred in this city, author has been informed about most of changes in urban
transformation as well as being partially involved practically in some urban conservation
projects. This source of information has primarily been used in support of the information and
data that are obtained from the other sources. The personal knowledge of the author has been
required particularly where other sources fail to provide the required information.

3.4.3 Limitation and Obstacles

The implementation of the fieldwork and data collection faced several limitations and obstacles
due to the lack of available, updated and reliable data and other previous work on hand, the
problems with interviews, and data limitations. One of the major research problems has been the
scarcity of information about urban regeneration in Iran, the actors and agencies involved, and
the development factors on the one hand, and the necessary information about the contexts and
the development process at the level of quarters on the other hand. The main disadvantage of this
limitation was the long data collection time, since the author had to find some other ways of
collecting data (further interviews, direct observation and data collection).

The other problem occurred while conducting interviews with the official authorities either in
national or local level. During the process of interviews it happened many times that official
authorities involved were reluctant to answer the questions regarding management issues,
decision making process and budget amount and the resources of the projects or giving the
documented data regarding mentioned facts. It was felt by them that such information should be
kept confidential. Therefore, author had to search other related authorities to the facts by going
for further interviews mostly in an unofficial ways.

Another limitation of the study was the lack of residents’ support and cooperation during the
process of interviews. As already pointed out, the research in each case study area involved
semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders. However, during this process, it became
apparent that most of interviewees, particularly the residents, refused to participate in the
interview. Besides, a number of people who responded to the questions did not feel comfortable
expressing their opinions. This was mainly due to the negative image of the people generated by
the wholesale demolition and reconstruction which put pressure on residents to leave, planning
restrictions and many other problems caused by previous interventions that neglected the role
and the requirement of the inhabitants and exacerbated the poor living conditions in these areas.

41
3.4.4 Data Analysis Strategy

One of the practical difficulties of analysis of case study evidence is dealing with the amount and
variety of data collected. These difficulties can be reduced if the research has a general strategy
for analyzing the data. This will indicate what to analyze and why, and will help to ensure that
the data collection activities are appropriate and support the ways in which the evidence is to be
analyzed. Data analysis first focuses on discovering regularities or patterns within the case study
data. The first task is, therefore, to categorize and index the information according to the research
questions. The collected information are categorized into three main areas: the data concerning
the city centre regeneration at national scale (policies and approaches, actors and agencies
involved, development factors and contexts), information concerning the city of Yazd at citywide
level (city and its historic core transformations, regeneration initiatives, and the local agencies
involved), and the final area, the evidences and information concerning the quarters selected as
the case study areas. The last area as the main part of the research was categorized into three
main themes: the information about the area background, the data concerning the process of the
regeneration scheme (decision-making, planning, design and implementation) and the evidence
introducing the product and its impacts on social and spatial structure of the areas.

After the data organization, content analysis is used to match the information with the aim and
research questions developed based on the methodological approach of the study. As a
qualitative research this study has an emphasis on ‘understanding’ the complex
interrelationships, it focuses on ‘holistic’ treatment of phenomena, the research places high
priority on ‘interpretation’ of events; and it is based on an ‘inductive’ process to seek the
clarification of multiple critical factors affecting the phenomenon. They have become the basic
components of a strategic framework by which the data are analyzed.

3.5 Conclusion

This chapter described how the theoretical framework was applied to an exploratory qualitative
and quantitative case study methodology. It provided an overview of the research process, what
and how the different steps were conducted. Four main tasks were identified as required to
achieve the research aims and objectives including the development of the conceptual basis of
the research and its methodological approach, identifying the research strategy by developing the
research questions and the research design, selecting the research methods, and the development
of the data-analysis strategy.

The research therefore employed a qualitative exploratory case study approach that uses data
from a comprehensive literature review (secondary data), semi-structured interviews, and field
observations to describe and interpret how different approaches to the revitalization of historic
environment may lead to different conclusions.

42
CHAPTER 4
REVITALIZATION OF CITY CENTERS IN IRAN

4.1 Introduction

This chapter provides background and contextual information to this research. It is an

investigation at national level in order to respond to the first research question. This chapter first
identifies the main approaches to the historic environment in Iran, the processes and mechanisms
that shaped and affected these approaches and their outcomes in general at national scale. It will
be followed by a detailed study of the political, social and economic transformations of the
country during the last two decades which contributed to the evolution of conservation and
regeneration policies, and the emergence of a new approach to the revitalization of historic
environment in Iran. The chapter is, therefore, divided into two sections. Reviewing the three
major phases of city centre transformation in Iran, the first section provides a panoramic view of
the prevalent approach employed by the central government and its agencies and identifies the
development factors which enabled their operations. The second section provides a more detailed
explanation about several interrelated factors that affected the process of decision- and policy-
making, planning and implementation of city centre regeneration during the last two decades.
Finally, the chapter reviews several revitalization projects, initiated in different Iranian cities. It
gives an overview of a range of approaches adopted for the revitalization of historic city centers
at national level.

4.2 Transformation of Historic City Centers in Iran

Until the early twentieth century, the historic cores of Iranian cities were transformed through a
continuous process of change. These changes however, were gradual, spread over a large span of
time. Hence, there was an inherent continuity and cohesiveness in them. Such changes normally
are a result of consensus and conformity and are respectful of the existing socio-cultural fabrics.
Even the large scale interventions by the rulers were not without respect for the past.

The progression of urban transformation in Iran changed radically from the late 19th century.
Contrary to the conventional modifications; which were slow and gradual, the contemporary
changes had been swift, large scaled and critical. The central driving and steering force of
transformation has been the increasing intervention of the government and its agencies, either
directly or indirectly through ‘investment of public money’, ‘introduction of development
policies’, and ‘control of the planning system’ (Madanipour, 1998). It is necessary to mention
that, although the direct interventions led by the government have been relatively small in size
when compared to the developments carried out by the private individuals or agencies, they have
usually set frameworks for urban changes and provided the basis for the future development of
cities.

43
By end of the nineteenth century and before the re-establishment of a centralized and
authoritarian state at the beginning of the twentieth century; the government was rarely involved
in the development of the urban environment. During this period, despite the differences in
mechanisms and structures of the state interventions, the changes were based on a clear
relationship with the pre-existing elements. Every act of development had to be carefully set
against the context and the result was usually respectful of and adaptable to the context.

Since the early decades of the twentieth century, a move towards centralization started which
lasted till the present time to expand the authority of the government throughout the country at
various spheres of life. During this period, the major development programs were carried out by
the largest and most powerful development agency, the central government. The government
strongly relied on the planning and implementation of large-scale urban development or re-
development projects which had major impacts on the transformation of the cities and their
historic cores.

This section, aside from a brief review on the historic background of large-scale interventions in
the pre-1920 period, identifies three key stages of transformation during which the state has
directly and indirectly initiated and managed radical changes. The first key period occurred
during the 1920s and 1930s when Iranian cities were radically transformed by the authoritarian
modernization of Reza Shah (1925-41). The second period, from the late 1960s through the
1970s, saw the rise of a new wave of modernization- Westernization that accelerated the process
of transformation of the social and physical environment of the country. The third stage of
transformation refers to the post-revolutionary period during which the historic city centers
changed dramatically.

4.2.1 Historic Pattern of City Center Growth

The large-scale interventions in the spatial arrangement of the urban environment in Iran were
exercised by the ruling powers in the past centuries. Modernization of the existing built
environment was one of the common underlying motives behind their interventions. However, it
carried different implications in each case. Abdulac (1984) argued that the reasons behind
undertaking large-scale urban development were always essentially political, though the
personality or whims of a ruler might have been an essential force, as well. The interventions
were made either to assert the authority of a new dynasty or to symbolize power of autocratic
rulers. The size, scale, and geometric form of these interventions indicate a higher level of
authority and the presence of political power, which intended to shape or re-shape the society
and space in their idealized images (Izadi, 2008).

The large scale interventions carried out during the regime of Shah Abbas, the powerful Safavid
monarch (1587-1629) who tried to make Isfahan a great capital to symbolize the recent triumph
of Shiites in Iran, are usually quoted as the main examples of royal influence in Iranian city
planning (De Planhol, 1968; Ettinghausen, 1973; Habibi, 1996; Izadi, 2008). The royal square

44
planned by him not only provided a focal point for the new urban development but also acted as
a transition between the old and the new areas (Figure 4-1).

This large-scale development was a rectangular

square, 512 meters by 159 meters, which bounded
further west by a monumental straight avenue, the
Chahar Bagh (or Four Gardens, this avenue was a
wide, straight boulevard with four rows of large
trees and a stream in the middle) (Alemi, 1996;
Kheirabadi, 2000). “The reconstructed city itself
was remarkably large and the maidan (square) aptly
symbolized this” (Hillenbrand, 1986).

The large-scale interventions made in the cities of

Iran such as Mashhad, Shiraz and Kerman also Figure 4-1: Shah square in Isfahan (Ardalan,
witnessed such developments during Safavids 2000)
dynasty. The Zands (1750-94) and Qajars (1796-79)
also followed the same tradition of town planning with their own programs sponsored either by
the ruler himself or by members of his family.

Fath Ali Shah (1797-1834) the first monarch of Qajars continued this process with his extensive
constructions in Tehran, Mashhad, Kashan, Simnan and Qazvin. Naser al-Din Shah (1848-96)
followed him by sponsoring the most extensive building program of the Qajars, reconstruction of
Tehran in 1867 (Scarce, 1991). The fortified mud brick walls were pulled down, the city’s
boundaries extended and new neighborhoods were juxtaposed with old ones, which generated a
new pattern of streets and buildings (Alemi, 1996; Madanipour, 1998). Inside the line of the
former walls, there was a traditional city with the complex pattern of its narrow streets.

In the new area, a larger and more regular grid of streets was readable (Figure 4-2). The new
pattern was, however, based on a clear relationship with the pre-existing elements: either on the
outskirts of the former walls of the city and Ark, or following their direction, or connecting to the
main elements of the traditional city, bazaar and Ark, through the former gates (Alemi, 1996).

In many of such cases, it appears that the new structures were juxtaposed with the old ones
without attempting to transform them. Attempts were made to create a balance between the old
and the new. There was a degree of respect for and adaptation to the past (Madanipour, 1998).
Despite the differences in terms of size, form, scale and layout, the new structure valued the old
towns and sought the highest adaptability with the conventional structures (Lawless, 1980).
However, this harmonious process of urban transformation in Iran changed radically from the
late 19th century.

45
 a- The relationship between the new walls and the former walls shown in the plan of Kriziz
b- The pattern of the main streets of the new city related to the pre-existing elements
c- A comparison between the pattern of the street in the new city and the old one
d- The Gardens & cultivated lands cover a great amount of land in the new area which is reflected in the pattern

Figure 4-2: Tehran growth pattern, comparative analysis of the pattern of the streets and the relationships in the
new city and the old ( Alemi, 1996)

4.2.2 The First Stage of Transformation: Authoritarian Modernization

Throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, Iranian cities expanded but sustained
to exhibit the traditional fabric of an integrated city, adhering to traditional kinds of social and
spatial organization (Izadi, 2008). Due to authoritarian modernization of Reza Shah (1925-41)6,
this contextualism, however, could not live on (Atabaki and Zurcher, 2004; Boroujerdi, 2003;
Madanipour, 2003).During this period, the government rose to become the only dominant force
and the city became the symbol of political and socioeconomic transformation (Ehlers and Floor,
1993; Madanipour, 1998). Reza Shah pursued a mandatory program combining nationalism,
secularism and modernization, which dominated all aspects of his activities. He tried to replace
the traditional Qajar state of Iran with his dictatorial and secular regime based on above

6
Founder of the Pahlavi dynasty (1925-79)

46
mentioned themes. The Followings are the major components of his efforts in order to fulfill his
policies:

a) Centralization of government and consolidation of power which was carried out by the
formation of a new army, a restructured system of government, and a court sponsorship.

b) Developing the industrial manufacturing which directly influenced employment and led to the
emergence of a new industrial working class.

c) Unification of the national space by improving communication through the development of

transport network (railway, roads and import of vehicle), cultural uniformity, political
conformity, and ethnic homogeneity.

d) Transition into capitalist development by destruction of feudal dispersion: Monopolizing

economic affairs, control of foreign trade, and increasing the involvement of state into this
process and changing social patterns from production to consumption (Abrahamian, 1982;
Cleveland, 2000; Habibi, 1996; Hajyousofi, 2003; Hesamian, 1996; Madanipour, 1998).

The representation of modernism was the destruction of the historic urban fabric: Reza Shah
attacked the cities and towns in order to make them architecturally modern. Old city walls were
pulled down in Isfahan and elsewhere; the tiled gates of the Qajar period were destroyed in
Tehran, and wide avenues were driven through the prevailing patterns of muddy lanes (Wilber,
2000). The large scale program for urbanization and modernization involved mainly
superimposing new urban layout and street patterns on the traditional tree cores, the expansion of
older cities and construction of new structures to accommodate new institutions (Ehlers, 1992;
Marefat, 2003) (Figure 4-3). This type of urban consistency gave way to mixed developments
both in urban function and urban culture (Ehlers and Floor, 1993). Izadi (2008) implies that the
large scale physical transformation program during this period mainly followed a typical
scenario: the superimposition of a new grid on traditional urban fabric, the construction of new
and monumental public buildings, the extension of new avenues outward providing the principle
axes of the new developments and the expansion of the older city. Mozayeni (1974) argued that
“what generally characterizes the physical town improvement of this period is a vast and very
forceful movement towards modernization but without sufficient attention to the historical
context of Iranian cities”.

The policy of urban clearance and road construction which started in Tehran, and a few other
large cities, soon became a role model for the development of other small towns and cities. This
strategy turned out to be more destructive in the context of old and historical cities; since it
caused an isolation of the old cores and deterioration of their traditional structures. Reza Shah
did not use municipalities as institutions of local planning, but used them as tools of control and
for implementation of his ideas (Mazumdar, 2000). The idea of modernization was supported by
political and economic forces and legitimized by the new laws and regulations, such as

47
Municipal Law 1930, the Compulsory Purchase Act 1930 and Street Widening Act 1933, which
provided basis for this transformation (Clark, 1981; Mozayeni, 1974).

Figure 4-3: Plan of Shiraz (Left) and Kerman (Right) after the superimposition of an orthogonal grid of
streets upon the cities’ dense, irregular patterns, and the expansion of the older cities, Sources: The
Cambridge History of Iran (1968)

During 1930s and the 1940s the characteristics of Iranian cities reveal a dualism in their
structures. This dualism is not only observable in tangible aspects such as layout, building
materials and architectural details but also in the intangible features like social and economic
structures. Formerly, the old residential quarters had included families of all ranks; high officials,
older families, merchants, ordinary artisans, and petty traders living side by side in the same city
quarters. However, all this began to change when new wealth led to an entirely unplanned
movement towards the newly developed areas (Katouzian, 1981). The architectural and
infrastructural features of newly developed quarters were in Western-style. They had more active
appearance with their broad avenues, modern buildings, luxury shops, cinemas and other
entertainments. The historic cores of the cities were discarded by the upper and middle classes
and they preferred to settle in new developed quarters. Consequently, the historic cores fell into
rapid social devaluation.

4.2.3 New wave of Modernization-Westernization

During 1950s, 1960s and mainly 1970s Iran experienced a new political, economic and cultural
transformation which caused a substantial change in demographic patterns and its geographical
distribution. This transformation contributed mostly to the rapid development of urban areas. It
was not only based on political factors but there were other reasons associated with the major
changes of this time period:

48
a) The rapid industrialization from mid-1950s accompanied by the centralization of the
restructured and authoritative sate

b) The land reforms of the 1960s and the blight of agricultural economy

c) The rapid oil-based economic development which started in the mid-1950s and ended in 1978

As a result of the above mentioned factors an exacerbated inequality between rural and urban
areas occurred which accelerated the migration from the small towns and rural areas to the larger
cities. It was not only blight of agricultural economy and industrialization but the rapid oil-based
economic development also intensified the inequality between rural and urban areas. Mozayeni
(1974) argued that “this flourishing economy has been one of the main incentives of the rapid
growth of urban population of the country from 5.6 million in 1956 to 9.7 million in 1966 and
13.2 million in 1972, and has motivated many drastic changes in the internal as well as the
external structure of many Iranian cities, especially the larger ones” (Table 1). The concentration
of new political, industrial, financial, and commercial establishments in Tehran and other major
cities made these urban areas an attractive environment for rural migrants (Amirahmadi and
Kiafar, 1993).

The increasing rate of population growth and an intensification of rural-urban migration led to a
rapid and vast spatial growth of the urban areas. Ehlers (1992) believes that the main cause for
expansion of cities was not only rural-urban migration but ‘intra-urban shift’: “many of the new
quarters were built and financed by urban notables as merchants from the bazaars and urban-
based rural landlords. They invested money in real estate, moved out of the old city quarters, and
settled in the new quarters”.

The problems of the historic centers were intensified by urban sprawl. The old cores became
minor parts of the sprawling cities and lost their physical, social and economic significance.
There was a sharp contrast between the older parts of the cities and the newly developed quarters
in terms of the density of population, public amenities, physical appearance and socio-cultural
characteristic (Izadi, 2008). These areas were not only facing decay and an inadequate
maintenance but their social pattern also turned to the change. Old quarters became the
destinations of migrants. The emergence of new social groups with different demands, interests
and perceptions destabilized the pervious social cohesion. Consequently, the decay and spatial
problems in old quarters were accompanied by a breakdown in their social organization which
acted as a multiplier effect on the impoverishment of the old cores.

In order to control and guide the growth of cities, the need for preparation of master plan began
to emerge in 1960’s. Under the country’s third development plan (1963-68) a comprehensive
program for producing master-plan for all the cities started. Iranian consultants were to associate
with a European or American partner and, in the absence of any local equivalent, to adopt the

49
standards and regulations of Western cities7 (Cantacuzino, 1976).These master plans which were
mostly produced by the European or American consultants had three important outputs: road
network, land-use and building density or height. Through the control of these three elements,
the master-plans attempted to achieve their initial goals.

The goal of master-plans was to respond to the need of rapid growth of cities and urban sprawl.
However, in practice, the modernist approach and decentralization strategy of these plans
intensified the problems of the sprawling cities particularly their historic cores.

The proposals were mostly physical and they reduced the attentiveness of the activities in the old
city centers. As a result of the physical approach of the proposed plans, once more a rectilinear
grid of roads designed for the motor vehicles was superimposed on the old quarters’ fabric
disrespecting their historic evolution and traditional growth pattern. The road building program
was accompanied by a series of guidelines that aimed to regulate individual constructions.
Moreover, master-plans encouraged the horizontal expansion of the cities and reduced the
concentration of the activities in the old city centers. There was a lack of concern for the
traditional urban settlement pattern as well as relevance to the indigenous culture of the majority
of the population of old quarters in master-plans. Therefore, most of the new constructions that
replaced the old ones were far from having the same formal and functional qualities as the past
forms had. A different pattern emerged that reduced legibility and spatial integrity of traditional
urban fabric.

Also, the new law introduced by the government intensified the problems of master plans. The
government as a motivation for slum clearance offered a tax exemption proprietor to whoever
replaces his old house with a new building (Lawless, 1980). This law became a serious threat to
the historical urban quarters. Many of the large courtyard houses were demolished as they were
subdivided into several plots for sale and in many cases they were replaced with multi-storey
buildings as they had good financial return for the owners. As a result, not only the historical
houses were demolished but also the harmonious structure of historical fabric started to decline.

7
This was initiated under a proposal plan called Point Four led by the United States Operation Mission. The
Point Four (based on Trouman Doctrine) was a series of financial, technical, and military aid programs, proposed
from the United States and its allies for underdeveloped areas (Farahmand, 2003). In 1957, the
United States Operations Mission brought several American city planning advisors to Iran to assist the
municipalities in the charting of their future development (Ardalan, 2000). During the first year of this program,
more than 50 towns and cities, ranging in population from 5,000 to over a million and half, were studied. According
to the results of this investigation, they suggested a framework to assist Iranian municipalities. The major
components of this proposal program included:
- The education of future employees who will be closely associated with the physical development of
towns and cities;
- Assisting the Government of Iran to develop enabling legislation, uniform codes and ordinance; and
- To provide a model city or town plan
The pilot city project had been initiated in Isfahan by Cooks Co. and continued in other cities such as
Sanandaj, by Alton and Shiraz, by Giben (Brenn, 1958 in preface of Town Planning for Sanandaj, Alten, I.
1958. pp: 2; Mahdizadeh, 2003).

50
The Ministry of Development and Housing was established in 1964. Therefore, some
responsibilities of Ministry of Interior and municipalities such as provision of city planning
policies, regulations, and master-plans were transferred to this central agency (Shahrokh-zadeh,
1997). Although the government tried to centralize the decision and policy making process but
the diversity and plurality of the development agencies and the absence of horizontal
coordination between them intensified the conflict between the involved public agencies. Clark
(1981) believes that in this period many changes in the administrative structures and the creation
of new agencies concerned with some aspect of urban planning have made it inevitable that
ambiguity of objectives, duplication of effort and corruption have led to inefficiency and
conflict. Under these circumstances, the Ministry began devising a planning system to control
the development and channel it to some desired paths. There was little attempt to improve
facilities in poorer quarters of the cities (Clark, 1980).

Housing development in newly developed areas was encouraged by government and master-
plans approved this trend. Ardalan (2000) argues that the master-plans produced in this era
reveal the Western training and goal motivations of their designers and the respective
governmental clients. Urban policies, projects and the form and content of development plans
were imposed from the centre by both government departments and consultants, without any real
understanding of the needs and desire of the local people (Clark, 1981).

It was not only urban sprawl and westernized master-plans that had negative impacts on the
historic city centers but there was another force which radically transformed the social and
spatial structures of the historic environments. Unprecedented prosperity from the oil industry in
the 1970s permitted the government to modernize the old cores on a massive scale (Izadi, 2008).
The sharp increase in national income following the rise of oil prices in 1973 by the Organization
of Petroleum-Exporting Countries (OPEC) led the government to initiate a series of extensive
urban development projects and large-scale renewal program (Ehlers, 1992). In this regard many
of ambitious and high-budget projects were assigned to foreign consultants, mainly Americans.
They were commissioned to propose plans for this rapid modernization (Hambly, 1991,
Mazumdar, 2000). Aside from infrastructure development plans and large scale public
buildings, Government initiated a series of urban development schemes such as urban renewal
programs, establishment of new towns and many large scale housing projects in order to
accommodate rapidly growing population (Ardalan, 2000; Farmanfarmaiyan, 2003). The large-
scale reconstruction program for the historic core of Mashhad (1973-76), a massive
redevelopment project in the historic city centre of Hamadan (1973-78), and new commercial
development around the Mausoleum of Shah-e Cheragh in Shiraz were among these
interventions(Izadi, 2008).

51
During 1960s and 1970s the legislation also facilitated government to continue its brutal
interventions. The ‘Land Appropriation Act’ of 1960, the ‘Urban Development and
Redevelopment Act’ of 1968 and ‘Plan and Budget Act’ of 1972 were among mentioned acts
(Ghanbari-Parsa and Madanipour, 1988; Clark, 1981).

4.2.4 The Post-Revolutionary Period: Revival of Traditional Values

4.2.4.1 The Austerity Period

This phase of transformation refers to the first few decades of the post-revolutionary period
mainly from 1979 till 1997. From the advent of Islamic revolution in 1979 till the end of war
between Iran and Iraq (1988), a series of political and social changes began to happen. The
revolutionary state started to transform and reconcile the structure in the country according to the
aspiration of the revolution. There was a return to the traditional values: revolution’s goals
focused on the need of reclaiming lost cultural heritage, reincorporating concepts and practices
from past traditions and promoting the notions of Islamic authenticity (Kazemi, 2003).

The revolution of 1979 restored some cultural traditions, reinforced the power of the traditional
middle classes (the clergy and bazaar community of merchants and artisans), and revived
religious practices. But, major policies and practices of previous regime remained unchanged.
The process of political and economic centralization, dependency upon oil revenue and
administrative hierarchies continued more intensely than before. Most of the trends that besieged
the cities in the pre-revolutionary period also remained unchanged. The large cities continued to
be the center of economic activities and services; urban population continued to increase, from
15.85 million in 1976 to 26.84 million in 1986 (Table-1); physical expansion of the urban areas
continued even more irregularly than the previous period; and inequalities of all types seemed to
change very little. The flow of rural migrants to the cities, reclassification of rural settlements as
urban areas and a massive population movement from the war affected areas to other cities and
the high rate of population growth were among the major factors which increased the urban
population in this period(Iranmahboob and Mirfardi, 2003; Behdad and Nomani, 2002). The
government followed numerous policies to control the rapid expansion of the urban areas,
balance population growth in large cities, deal with the problem of housing backlog, and check
land speculation (Azizi, 1998; Dehesh, 1994; Ghanbariparsa and Madanipour, 1988).

The reorganization of the planning system and development of a new series of master-plans, the
establishment of the new satellite cities based on Act 1985, and the introduction of Land
Development Plans for undeveloped areas in the periphery of the large cities, which began from
1985 and was modified based on Urban Land Law in 1987, were among the major policies
adopted by the central government in this period. Several laws (1979, 1982, and 1987) regulating
land were promulgated and by virtue of that a big chunk of urban land came under public
ownership. The urban land policies and development plans had some positive effects such as the
establishment of large and new urban residential areas within a short span of time which

52
intensified rapid urban expansion, giving rise to many problems for the cities and particularly for
their historic cores. The new settlements created a population imbalance among different parts of
the city and a disorder and decentralization in the pattern of population distribution. The
problems of the historic city centers that suffered from decay, disinvestment and abandonment,
were exacerbated by these decentralization policies of the central government and also the
master-plan approach. The historic cores became only a very small part of the present-day urban
areas: 2.83 percent of the urban area in Tehran, 1.57 percent in Mashhad, 6.05 percent in Isfahan,
1.82 percent in Tabriz, 1.08 in Qom, and 2.85 percent in Kermanshah. Besides, while the historic
city centers suffered from physical, functional, financial and economic obsolescence, they
confronted a new dilemma: legal and official obsolescence imposed by the master-plans and
other legal impediments and official obstacles which constrained or even deterred rehabilitation
and also new developments in these areas. A long period of planning blight had a detrimental
impact and hastened the decay of these areas.

4.2.4.2 The Post-war Reconstruction Period

The end of revolutionary transformation during 1980s coincided with culmination of the war
with Iraq in August 1988. During this period Iranian government was provoked to evaluate the
pros and cons of policies to address the issues of war-related damages, the lack of development
plan, and inadequate investment. The government outlined a reform program to reverse the
deteriorating trends of the previous decade, particularly economic and political isolation during
the war period in which protection, restriction and control of economy was advocated
(Ehteshami, 1995; Dehesh, 1994). There was a strong desire for change which motivated this
wave of reform. The reform continued almost for two decades albeit from different perspectives
and approaches. There was a concerted effort to normalize the economic, social and political
status of the country. However, this normalization was accompanied by a new centralization of
power. The tendency towards centralization of political and economic power was reflected in
urban affairs by the development of a cartelized system of policy and decision making, planning
and implementation. A number of public and semi-public development agencies were
established, which were being run on commercial lines with profit as the primary objective:
“they become the channels through which the earnings of the government, mainly from its
monopoly over oil production, are transferred into the market-place” (Madanipour, 1996). Many
development projects including some grandiose infrastructure programs were initiated across
different parts of the country.

The annexation of the surrounding towns and villages to the big cities, an increase in rural-to-
urban migration, and the arrival of a large number of refugees from neighboring states also
accelerated the urban population growth in this period8 (Table-2). Hence, the government faced
considerable public pressure to improve housing conditions. Thus, the historic city centers
8
The concentration of more than 61 percent of the population in urban areas created increasing demand for housing.
Although annual population growth rate had declined significantly during this period, urban population increased
from 26.84 million to 36.82 million which shows an annual rate of growth equal to 3.2 percent.

53
confronted a new stage of transformation. During this period, the historic city centers, which had
been neglected for decades, were involved in the housing provision crises.

In response to the increased need for housing, the government, aside from the previous housing
development policies (the production of mass housing in the Urban Land Development projects,
and new town development), announced a new program for housing provision in the historic city
centers. It was based on the Brown-field Redevelopment Policy of the second Five Year
Development Plan, which opened up a new approach to the regeneration of the historic
environment (MPO, 2000). Subsequently, a series of large-scale neighborhood renewal projects
called Baft-e-Masaleh-dar-e-Shahri were introduced in more than 40 cities on 1000 hectares of
identified derelict sites within the historic city centers. Between 1994 and 1996 more than 16
projects began in 12 cities which aimed to reorganize the existing urban fabric perceived as
‘obsolete urban area’. The redevelopment plans tended to increase the density of these areas, and
replaced the derelict sites and deteriorated properties with new and modern residential and
commercial complexes (UDRO, 2001). Housing Development and Construction Companies
(HDCC), which were previously established by the NLHO (National Land and Housing
Organization) for the implementation of Land Development plans, were charged with the duty of
these neighborhood renewal schemes. The HDCC stared to purchase lands and properties in
these areas. They utilized the right of the government to use the power of compulsory land
acquisition.

After two years of the implementation of these schemes, the outcome was the acquisition of
more than 51 hectares within a large area (273 hectares) defined as the redevelopment zone for
large-scale interventions. However, both compulsory and non-compulsory land acquisition faced
several problems. The complexities of landownership and the lack of financial recourses due to
the economic stagnation and deep financial crisis (in view of low oil prices) for such large-scale
interventions made the proposed redevelopment plans improbable. Almost all projects were
suspended from 1996 for a long period. The problems of these areas have been exacerbated as a
result of damages caused by these interventions and the suspension of the renewal program for a
long period. The number of abandoned properties increased. Many acquired properties were
demolished to make space for the implementation of the projects. The vacant lands and
abandoned properties increased the problems of these areas and their inhabitants. These areas
were considered to be as the centers of crime and unsafe living localities.

During this period, particularly after 1994, the historic city centers had suffered from losses or
damages to their social and spatial structures, a severe lack of capital investment (planning blight
imposed by redevelopment plans), and complicated problems.

Another wave of destruction of the historic urban fabric was concentrated around the shrines,
tombs, and mosques, was forced by religious institutions and charitable foundations. During this
period, these agencies, which were re-instituted after the Islamic revolution of 1979, had moved
away from their original role and responsibility. Adelkhah (1999) argued that the religious

54
sphere has been more and more money oriented: “the public Islamic space produced by religious
practice has taken the form of a bourgeois civil society merging on a large-scale with the
processes of commercialization, privatization and building of a middle class whose way of life is
tending to acquire hegemony on the national scale”.

These powerful organizations were exempted from taxes and many legal restrictions and
assessments. They also had easy access to various fiscal and monetary credits, including nominal
exchange rates, as well as income generated from religious charities. They were answerable only
to the supreme leader and his local representatives, which prevented disclosure of their budget.
They were independent of government agencies and had their own administrative bodies and
financial resources: “With no governmental discretion over their expenses, no shareholders, no
public accounts, and no well-defined legal status, they have been operating autonomously from
the government, and have acted like giant private monopolies” (Saeidi, 2004). In the years after
the war, the political and economic authority of these agencies continued to grow which enabled
them to organize a series of large-scale reconstruction program around the religious centers in
their territories which mainly located inside the historic cores. The large-scale transformation
and enlargement of the holy shrines in Mashhad, Shiraz, and Qom are among the major
interventions during the last two decades that destroyed or badly damaged many historic urban
areas.

The review of different waves of transformation and reconstruction of the historic centers during
the post-war reconstruction period reveals a common characteristic of these interventions. All
these were attempts at modernization. The large-scale redevelopment projects, whether carried
out by the central government and its affiliated companies or municipalities are the best
examples which signify a rising strength of modernity in this period.

4.3 Evolution of Urban Revitalization during the Last Two Decades

The attempts to revitalize the historic environment in Iran gained a new momentum from the late
1990s. There was an evolution in regeneration policy and practice. The development and
reinforcement of institutional and administrative capacities, integrating policies, establishing
legal and regulatory frameworks, decentralizing responsibilities and enhancing the role of
professionals opened a new path to city center regeneration. These changes were based on a new
wave of reform commenced in 1997, following the political victory of reformers in presidential
election. Despite the emphasis on economic development strategies through economic
restructuring policies, this new wave of reform attempted to provide a reasonable relationship
between socio-cultural policies, political development and economic reform .The establishment
of elected local councils and the introduction of NGOs together with other originations of civil
society were probably the greatest achievements of the reformists in this period to help to
popularize the idea of democracy.

55
In the process of urban development in general and city center regeneration in particular, the
existence of a wide range of agencies involved in revitalization and development projects each
with their own agendas, priorities and work program, resulted in the emergence of a variety of
approaches. These approaches were ranging from those still relying on a development-oriented,
market-based autocratic approach to those incorporating collaborative management, locally-
based, sensitive one. The continuing existence of a number of large-scale redevelopment projects
led by informal powers, and in contrast, the emergence of a series of locally-driven,
conservation-led regeneration projects managed by the newly empowered local authorities are
the consequent outcomes and clear manifestations of this situations. Following section examines
factors generated by the new wave of reform that contributed to the development of the later
approach.

4.3.1 Establishment of institutional framework for the regeneration

The development and reinforcement of institutional and administrative capacity was one of the
priorities of the central government in this period. A key component of this strategy was the
establishment of a new agency in 1997, Urban Development and Revitalization Company
(UDRC), to co-ordinate plans for regeneration and redevelopment, and to stimulate new
investment into distressed urban areas. The UDRC was the first national regeneration agency,
operating with the remit of the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development (MHUD)9. Between
1997 and 1999, the UDRC tried to develop its policy, legal and regulatory framework as well as
financial and technical resources. Avoiding large-scale redevelopment projects, limiting the areas
of direct involvements, and the development of public-private partnership were among the new
strategies employed by the UDRC.

The UDRC redefined new projects based on the area of purchased lands and properties and also
tried to encourage the private sectors for investing in these projects by promoting the
opportunities, offering tax advantages and incentives. It was the main component of urban policy
which was followed during this period.

In addition, there was a growing desire towards decentralization of power from the central
government to subordinate organizations, devolution of responsibilities upon municipalities, and
reducing the size of public enterprise sector through privatization led by the Law of the Third
National Development Plan (MPO, 2000).The establishment of seven regional regeneration
companies, creation of the co-coordinating committee in each province, and authorizing
executive local managers were the outcome of the decentralization policy of the plan in this

9
Between 1985 and 1997, the MHUD carried out a series of programs dealing with the problems of historic city
centers. They were based on four different policies introduced by various departments including ‘Urban
Improvement’ (ravanbakhshi), 1985-1987; ‘Urban Rehabilitation’ (behsazi-e shahri), 1987-1990; ‘City Centre
Comprehensive Plans (mehvarha-e farhangi tarikhi), 1990-92; and ‘Large-scale Neighborhood Renewal (tajmie),
1992-94 which were followed by ‘Housing –led Redevelopment Schemes (baft-e masale-dar-e shahri), 1994-1997
(Izadi, 2000 and 2001). The establishment of the UDRC was a response to reduce the fragmentation of policies and
programs carried out by different departments in the MHUD (Izadi, 2008).

56
period, specially 2000 onward. It was a step towards the empowerment of the regulatory role of
the UDRC and the development of the role of local authorities (Figure 4-4).

Figure 4-4: The political and administrative changes of the UDRC between 1997 and 2005 and the evolution of
regeneration policy and planning system during this period (Source: Izadi, 2008)

4.3.2 Introduction of Policy to Restrict Horizontal Urban Growth

Urban sprawl during the 1970s and 1980s had been strongly criticized and the strategy of
increasing urban density had received wide attention. In order to address this issue, In December
1999, the Supreme Council of Architecture & Urban Planning (SCAUP) declared a new urban
policy to restrict city boundary expansion. The regulation by the SCAUP prohibited cities’
expansion until they reach the approved population densities proposed in the recent master-plans.
Furthermore, rehabilitation of old fabrics, prevention of land speculation and prevention of urban
sprawl have been more considered in this regulation (Azizi, 2005). The new policy had an
emphasis on the spatial integration of land uses, concentration of activities, and optimal density
patterns which heralded a new approach towards compact city, sustainable urban development
and urban consolidation. Accordingly, city centre regeneration became one of the main strategies
of Ministry of Housing and Urban Development (MHUD). Although there was still a conflict
between this new policy and other urban development programs such as Land Development
Plans, New Towns, and other housing policies (mass housing production policy, high rise
buildings and small housing production) which were employed by the different departments of
MHUD.

4.3.3 Preparation of Detailed Plans for Historic City Centers

The attempts to prepare the regulatory framework for the revitalization of historic areas by the
UDRC in a partnership with local authorities inaugurated a new period for the regeneration of
historic city centers. The plans were the first official and legal framework which enabled
municipalities to respond to resident inquiries. The detailed plans enabled the implementation of
revitalization policies in historic city centers which suffered from planning blight for a long time.
57
The plans also acted as a legal instrument to control the development forces which ravaged
historic cores in the previous periods. A detailed plan provided a regulatory framework for
municipalities in the building permit process. A building permit is required from the owner
intending to construct, alter, repair, or demolish a structure on his plot.

Based on the existing urban planning system in Iran, a development plan requires a
comprehensive policies that promotes the implementation of proposed programs through a
number of schemes including land-use patterns, road network, and spatial structure, design
guidelines and other regulations (Mahdizadeh et al, 2003; Majedi, 2003; Zamani and Arefi,
2013). The plans are generally prepared by private consulting engineers and planners located in
Tehran who are usually well known to the ministry, through a contract between the firm and the
provincial office of the MHUD (Zebardast, 2005). After technical evaluation and ratification, the
plans are sent to the municipality for implementation. The role of the municipality is merely to
implement these plans rather than generating and revising them (Madanipour, 2006). However,
based on the Law of the Third Development Plan, the MHUD has delegated the responsibility in
the decision making process for city planning in municipalities (MPO, 2000). Currently detailed
plans are being prepared for all areas defined in comprehensive plans as the historic districts.

4.3.4 Redrawing Administrative Boundary of the Historic Cores and the Establishment of
Municipal District

Between 1998 and 2003, the major municipalities redrew the administrative boundaries of the
historic cores, which were previously divided between different districts, integrating them into a
specific area and under the control of a new separate agency (municipality of historic district).
Redrawing municipal boundaries was a significant change in both financial and political
dimensions. The new boundaries were redrawn based on the historic border line of the cities
which were also characterized by their particular social and spatial patterns. It was a step towards
administrative unification in these areas.

4.3.5 Urban Governance Through Decentralization

In 1999, political decentralization reforms transformed the system of local governance by

establishing directly elected city councils. The first urban municipal election was held in
February 1999 and followed in the second round in early 2003. The council elections have
established a local political or governmental system for the first time in modern Iranian history
(Salehi, 2000; Tajbakhsh, 2003). The creation of elected local councils and the proliferation of
NGOs in this period were the outcome of decentralization policy of the government which was
supported by the Local Council Law 1996 and its amendment ratified by the Parliament in 1997-
8, and also the Law of the Third Development Plan (2000-2005). The establishment of elected
local councils was an institutional innovation with the potential to contribute to the solution of
the governance of localities (Tajbakhsh, 2003). According to Article 100 to 106 of the
Constitution, the city councils are representatives of local citizens and are responsible for much

58
of the planning, implementing and supervisory role over all urban, social, cultural and technical
activity in their area (Schirazi, 1997). Despite the very narrow legal and administrative
responsibilities delegated to the city councils, their innovative methods, participatory
approaches, sensitivity and awareness of local issues increased their achievements. The elected
local councils have added a new power centre which has increased the possibility of sharing
governance with non-state actors. The establishment of City Councils was a crucial step towards
a participatory urban administration system (Barakpour, 2005).

During the period of reforms, the central government, besides political and economic
decentralization policies, promoted administrative and fiscal decentralization in order to transfer
administrative functions, responsibilities and authority to provincial and local-level government.
Decentralization of power from the central government and its agencies to subordinate or quasi-
independent government organizations at provincial and local level has enabled these agencies to
deal more effectively with their problems. It was a response to the prevalent wave of
decentralization which was introduced by the law of 1991 and was also followed through the
Second (1995-1999) and Third National Economic, Social and Cultural Development Plan
(2000- 2005). The Third Plan called for the decentralization of administrative functions to lower
levels, the transfer of public service and infrastructure responsibilities to urban municipalities,
and a target of 50 percent of the nation’s development expenditures budget being decided by a
provincial-level development planning committee (Tajbakhsh, 2003 ). According to Article 1 of
the third plan, an Administrative Higher Council, headed by the president, was established to
delegate related affairs to local and regional authorities and the non-governmental sector. This
trend was followed by the establishment of new co-coordinating committees and councils at
provincial and city level (Diagram 4-1).

The activation of a Provincial Development and Planning Council (PDPC), consisting of the
representatives of 17 ministries, three university professors/specialists, one city council
representative, and one village council representative, which is chaired by the provincial
governor; in conjunction with the Provincial Development Budget are among these local
institutional developments. According to officials at Ministry of Interior and the Management
and Planning Organization (MPO) about 30-40 percent of the development budget is currently at
the discretion of the PDPC (Tajbakhsh, 2003).

59
 Diagram 4-1: Major public agencies involved in policy making, planning and management
of the built environment in Iran

4.3.6 New approach Toward Urban Conservation and Development of Tourism Industry

The Iranian Cultural Heritage Organization (ICHO) was established in 1986. This agency
evolved through several organizational reforms which has affected the concept and direction of
its policies and programs. However, the major transition of the agency took place during the last
decade.

This trend began with a tendency towards economic revitalization which was initiated by the
newly appointed administrators in 1994. After 1997, this strategy was followed through different
policies and programs. There was an attempt to reconcile urban conservation with tourism
development to achieve economic diversification. The new trend was, at the same time, a
response to a proposal introduced by the president called the ‘dialogue between civilizations’ and
introduction of Iranian cultural and natural heritage to the world. It was accompanied by a
transition in the administrative organization of the National Tourism Organization to Iran
Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization (ICHTO). The change was seen as a move marking
the government’s determination to protect, introduce and resuscitate the country’s historic-
cultural legacy as well as to promote its tourism industry. One of the first few measures taken by
ICHTO was to give substantial responsibilities to the private sector in developing the tourism

60
industry, limiting its own role to tourism policy making and strategic planning (WTO, 2004).
Other measures included an attempt to increase the governmental budget allocated for
maintaining and safeguarding the historic assets, and tourism activities (Figure 4-5).

Figure 4-5: The political and administrative changes of the ICHO between 1986 and 2005 and the evolution of
conservation policy and planning system during this period (Source: Izadi, 2008)

4.3.7 The Role of Local and Professionals Involved in Local Public and Private Agencies

The number of universities, faculty members and graduate students at different levels had
increased manifold. The emergence of new urban professionals influenced the administrative
structure of provincial representative governmental agencies, private consultants, and the local
practitioners. The educated architects and planners were employed by these public and private
development agencies. Urban professionals at local level were mostly attracted by the following
organizations and institutions: Technical Office of the provincial Government, Ministry
representatives in the provinces in a form of local organizations, the local private consultants and
contractors, and the local municipality technical offices with their several departments. On the
other hand, the new wave of urban professionals increased the number of local private
development agencies during the last decade. These new local agencies played an influential role
in the process of city centre revitalization in this period. The proliferation of local professional
agencies provided a proper setting for clients to involve local experts in city centre regeneration
projects. There was a tendency towards employing local consultants and individual experts
instead of central private consulting engineers and planners which had dominated the previous
system of plan making. The practical role and responsibility of these new urban professionals in
urban management system also increased the efficiency of local authorities. The insufficient

61
technical competence in local development agencies has always been one of the major issues of
delegating the new responsibilities in the process of decentralization. However, the achievements
of these local professionals decreased the concern for delegating the responsibility of decision
making to local authorities.

The above mentioned factors were series of political, economic, administrative and fiscal
reforms, which were accompanied by the evolution of conservation and regeneration policy and
practices during the last two decades (Table 4-1). They were all attempts to produce a sense of
connection and synergy between regeneration and conservation efforts. The association of
regeneration and conservation practices will lead to a more integrated approach toward urban
revitalization.

The major development approaches to historic city centers in the guise of modernization
employed large scale interventions by the authorities in Iran. It is revealed that all the attempts of
modernization of the existing urban structure of the historic centers through redevelopment and
radical transformation of urban environment were short-lived in achieving their objectives. The
unrestricted power, access to the financial resources and the concentration of the decision-
making process in the hands of the state or powerful agencies undermined the implementation of
such large-scale physical transformation programs. However, the interventions have exacerbated
existing problems and accelerated the deterioration of historical city centers.

62
 Policy Aims and Objectives Strategy

 Establishment of Urban Development and Revitalization

Improvement of planning Strengthening regulatory
and regulatory framework role of authorities in the
regeneration of historic city
centers
Company (UDRC) in 1997
 Preparation of city center detailed plans with the help
and partnership of local and central authorities
 Delineation of administrative boundary of historic cores
and establishment of a separate municipal district in
most capital cities
 Increase in population density by restricting cities limit

Promotion of compact Restricting horizontal  Rehabilitation of old fabrics and prevention of land
development growth of cities speculation/urban sprawl

 Emphasis on the spatial integration of land uses,

concentration of activities, and optimal density patterns
 Establishment of elected local councils and formation of
Strengthening the local NGOs
Decentralization of power forces
and functions  Decentralization of administrative functions to lower
levels

 Transfer of public service and infrastructure

responsibilities to urban municipalities

 50 % of the national development budget to be decided

by a provincial-level planning committee
 Involvement of private sector in developing the tourism
Establishing a sustainable industry by Iran Cultural Heritage and Tourism
Development of tourism approach to urban Organization (ICHTO)
industry conservation
 Allocation of governmental budget for maintenance and
safeguard of historic assets and tourism activities
Increased involvement of  Enhancement in enrolment of urban development
urban development Streamlining the process of professions in universities
professionals in local revitalization in
public and private professional manner  Facilitation of stakeholders to involve local experts in
agencies city centre regeneration projects

Table 4-1: Policy framework for revitalization of historic city centers in Iran from late 1990s onward

During the last two decades a series of political, economic, administrative and fiscal reforms in
urban development have changed the previous trend. The development and reinforcement of
institutional and administrative capacities, integration of policies, establishment of regulatory
framework, decentralization of responsibilities and enhancement in the role of professionals,
created a new path for urban revitalization in Iran. The new trend of adopting and developing an
integrated approach (conservation-led regeneration) can be further strengthened through the
involvement of local leadership and communities of historical city centers.

63
4.4 Revitalization Projects and Different Approaches in Iran

This part of the study tries to have a review of different experiences of revitalization of city
centers in Iran. The outcomes of this review will be helpful to follow the background of different
approaches and their examples in different city centers in Iranian context. Moreover, an
overview of different experiences of revitalization of city centers in Iran reveals certain points
which can be useful in the case of Yazd.

4.4.1 Construction of Imam-Ali Boulevard in Mashhad city

Mashhad, the second largest city in Iran is the administrative centre of the province of Razavi
Khorasan which is located in the north-eastern side of the country, 892 km from Tehran. It is the
most important and popular holy Muslim city in Iran, and is ranked by Shiite theologians as the
7th most holy place of Islam10. The city has dramatically changed over the centuries, particularly
during the past century, while its religious and political significance has remained essential for
the country. Despite the many changes in the nature of central government, and the growing
complexity and multiplication of development agencies, the centre still plays a crucial role in
shaping the core of this city. The analysis of different stages of the city changes provides good
examples of the influence of the ruling powers and their coercive force on the social and spatial
dimensions of the city and its historic core. There is a combination of political forces, economic
pressures and cultural factors which lead to the emergence of an autocratic, market-led,
redevelopment-oriented approach to the historic environment of Mashhad. It is evident that the
redevelopment and physical regeneration is the dominant approach albeit more limited, on a
smaller scale and in a different framework. This dominant approach has been employed by the
central government, the largest and most powerful development agency, and the newly
authorized religious foundation. The political importance of the city, its potential for economic
development and strong property market combined with an ideological ambition for
transforming its historic core into a modern religious centre motivated the state and religious
authority to embark upon a massive reconstruction programs.

The basic and major driving forces of urban decay in the historic core of Mashhad city are as
follows:

 Urban sprawl of the 1970s and 1980s which influenced the social and spatial character of
the historic core (social segmentation and spatial polarization)
 Large-scale renewal scheme for the enlargement of the holy shrine in pre- and post-
revolutionary period.
 Encroaching force of non-residential activities stimulated under the pressure of property
market by speculative developers.

10
Shiite ulama place Mashhad as the seventh of the great sanctuaries of the Muslim world, after Mecca, Medina,
and four specifically Shiite centers in Iraq (Streck, 2004).

64
  Comprehensive redevelopment program for the historic core (planning blight and large
scale clearance).

The political and ideological ambitions and economic preferences of the revolutionary state
combined with the growing pressure of the religious authority led to the emergence of a new
policy and approach towards the historic core of Mashhad. The key motives underlying the
proposals for this large-scale intervention are identified as follow:

- A desire toward modernization of the pre-existing built environment stimulated by and under
the direction of the religious authority.

- Housing-led revitalization policy of the MHUD with an emphasis on utilizing the existing
potentials of the historic core to respond the shortage of housing in this period;

- A strong desire for land and property development to benefit the potential value of the historic
core for redevelopment.

Reconstruction of Imam-Ali Boulevard was one of

the large-scale redevelopment projects in the historic
core of Mashhad employed by the central
government. It was an attempt by the central
government and religious foundations to revitalize the
obsolete fabric of Mashhad city center (Figure 4-6).

The original recommendations for this redevelopment

project formed part of a master and detailed plan for
the whole area of the historic core, in 1993. The plan
recommended the construction of eight radial routes
converging on an octagonal street surrounding the
holy shrine complex. The key task of this early
redevelopment program was aimed at reorganizing, or
in other words re-imaging, the pre-existing built
environment which was conceived as an ‘obsolete Figure 4-6: The road scheme of the Imam-Ali
urban fabric, to accommodate impressive building Boulevard project. The proposed axis connects the
new developed part of the city to the holy shrine
structure benefitting the grandeur and prestige of while converging the traffic flow (Source: UDRC
Mashhad as the main focus of Shiite devotion 2004)
(TASH consultant Engineers, 1994). It was a
response to an ordinance issued by the supreme Leader of Iran Islamic Republic in 1992 calling
for special consideration towards Mashhad and the pilgrims of the holy shrine (UDRO, 2004).
Apart from the concern for the requirements of the pilgrims which has primarily been used as a
tool for legitimization of the authorities’ interventions, the main purpose was to ‘remodel’ and
‘re-image the dated and ‘unfashionable’ urban landscape of the historic core (TASH Consultant

65
Engineers, 1994). There was a desire to transform Mashhad into a modern religious city at the
heart of the Shiite territory.

The redevelopment project of Imam-Ali Boulevard has been run entirely by the central
government and its affiliated companies from the early stages upon the launch of the
implementation. This included decisions regarding the demolition and clearance of sites, land
and property acquisition, financial investments, the building program, architectural details and
technical specifications for the new constructions. This is a picture of a centralized, top-down
decision making process in which the final decisions and almost all significant affairs have rested
with the central government. The key elements of this politically-motivated, top-down approach
can be summarized as follows:

 Controlling the decision-making process

 Overruling the existing institutional frame work
 Excluding society from participation in the decision-making, policy-formulation, and
planning process

 Concentration of power, authority and control over resources (exclusive and selective
control over resources)

The intensive dependence of the project on the central government made it vulnerable to
changing forces within the machinery of the government. Consequently, the periodical economic
depressions of the central government and its political fluctuation have had a major impact on
the project. The reliance on such a volatile political system and its unstable financial resources
led to the emergence of several issues during the course of planning, designing, financing and
implementation. The long delay in completing the project has been the major consequence of this
problem.

The design principles underlying the urban reconstruction of the historic core of Mashhad
demonstrated a clearly antagonistic attitude towards the urban past. The planned destruction of
the pre-existing built form derived from the intention of replacing morphological pattern, which
was perceived as a twisted structure with a cramped and congested form, with modern and
prestige buildings (Sepanlou, 2006). The area is portrayed as run-down degraded, unsafe, and
unattractive for investors, a barrier to progress. Regeneration was interpreted as a renaissance or
rebirth with a higher sense of order (Izadi, 2008). The key features of this design-led, modernist-
oriented approach can be identified as follows:

 A deliberate breaking of the historic continuity of the city (a radical break with the urban
and architectural manifestation of the past periods).
 The shattering of the historic urban form.
 Disregarding the cultural, social and symbolic meaning of the existing built environment.

66
The analysis of the case of Mashhad shows clearly how the monopolistic role and strategy of the
central government and its affiliated companies has threatened the project and thereby eliminated
opportunities for delegating, contracting out or sharing activities with other players. The result of
such urban interventions is far from the demands of daily life and the desire of the inhabitants
and is mainly a response to the interests of the clients (conducted in a desired direction). This
redevelopment will dramatically improve the image of the old urban fabric over the course of
next few years. They are indeed expected to attract many new pilgrims and bring significant
economic benefits for the area. However, they also present serious risks for an area which is both
socially and environmentally fragile.

4.4.2 Sang-e Sia District Revitalization in Shiraz City

During the past decades, the historic city centre of Shiraz has suffered from depopulation,
extensive deterioration, several legal impediments and official obstacles, a lack of investment,
high crime rates, social fragmentation, poverty and deprivation, a fragmented and overlapping
institutional and legal framework and also insufficient institutional coordination and inefficient
urban management. However, since 1997, several political and administrative reforms at
national, provincial and local level changed this situation and provided a basis for the emergence
of a new series of regeneration and conservation activities in this area.

It was the result of the realization of the political and administrative reforms after 1997 in some
cases like Shiraz, which provided a practical basis for the development of a collaborative
network of the local agencies. At the same time, the formation of institutional framework,
development of planning and legislation and strengthening regulatory role of the central
government in the regeneration and conservation of the historic environment contributed to the
evolution of conservation and regeneration policies and approaches. The institutions which play
a crucial role in the process of regeneration of the historic core of Shiraz during the last decade
include: the city council, the Fars Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization, the Coordinating
Councils, the Municipality and Municipality of the Historic District, the Fars Urban
Development and Revitalization Company and the local Endowment and Charity Affairs
Organizations.

The project for regeneration of Sang-e Sia quarter commenced in April 2001. The aim of this
project was to preserve and respect the urban heritage, enhance physical conditions, and improve
the quality of life of the inhabitants in this area. The project was proposed to enhance the image
of the area and provide a proper facility not only for the residents but also for all visitors of the
historic core. It was nominated as a strong cultural and tourist attraction axis in the historic core
of Shiraz. The purpose of the plan for the regeneration of Sang-e Sia quarter can be summed up
as follows:

 Improvement of infrastructure conditions,

 Public open space enhancement,

67
  Conservation and adaptive reuse of historic buildings;
 Tackle crime and improve public safety;
 Up-grading existing businesses and regeneration of old functions

Apart from the guiding principles behind the plan, it identified major duties and specific tasks
and responsibilities of the development agencies involved and their territories of involvement.
FUDRC in co-operation with the Cultural Heritage Organization was engaged in the restoration
of a number of key monuments in the area. This agency was also responsible for re-development
of key sites for public facilities as well as open space improvement. Shiraz municipality (historic
district) was involved in the development of green spaces and parks, public spaces and existing
commercial centers improvement, and also upgrading infrastructures in co-operation with the
agencies in charge of establishing, exploiting, and managing gas, electricity, drainage and
drinking water.

Meanwhile, a number of development projects were introduced for other agencies including the
Endowment and Charity Affairs Organization (ECAO), Cultural and Islamic Guidance
Organization (CIGO), Fars Sport Organization, and Fars Education Organization. The
framework plan also proposed thirteen participatory conservation projects all around Sang-e Sia
axis which required a close co-operation between relevant organizations and departments. There
were are five zones identified by the strategic plan including pilgrim and tourist zone (Bibi-
dokhtaran), local commercial and service zones (Moshir and Haj-zeinal), cultural zone
(Sibuyeh), and commercial zone (Kazeroon Gate). These five prioritized zones were introduced
by the strategic plan, each forming a focus for rehabilitation, upgrading and conservation.
Investigation of the regeneration of Sang-e- Sia project reveals the features of this program,
which characterized it as a distinctive model of intervention in the historic core from the
previous interventions. This project reveals an exemplar of local partnership working, the
development of local forces, and the influences of a good leadership. It also has followed an
integrated approach to achieve interrelated conservation and development objectives such as
adaptive reuse schemes, infrastructure and open space improvements, rehabilitation of historic
buildings and rejuvenation of their original function. Moreover small scale infill developments
represent a wide range of interrelated conservation and regeneration activities.

4.4.3 Program for Revitalization of Historic Axis in Isfahan City

Historic city centre of Isfahan has always been a platform for several urban conservation and
regeneration activities. They have been mostly based on diverse policies and therefore they
followed different approaches and resulted in different ways. Although many of them have been
successful in some aspects but they were not considered as unified forces to revitalize the
historic core of Isfahan.

As most of other historical cities in Iran, Isfahan historic districts are also suffering from the
extensive spatial deterioration. It is mainly the result of depopulation and immigration of local

68
residents and settlement of aliens in historic districts due to cheaper rate of land price and rent in
these areas. The emergence of the new class with new interests and demands, affected the social
cohesion as well as economical structure of the historic districts. Moreover, having no sense of
belonging to the area as well as showing the least care for the maintenance of the historic
quarters caused a wide spatial decline. Major problems and issues of historic core of Isfahan can
be summarized as follows:

 The dramatic change of social characteristics and identity of the area due to social
fragmentation
 Lack of security
 Spatial disorganization and poor physical condition of the area
 Environmental problems; the lack of sewage collection system and other infrastructures
 Poor accessibility to the public buildings and core of districts, low quality streets, and the
lack of parking spaces
 Lack of motivation of developers and investors for the investment in city center

As it was mentioned in previous section, during the last few decades due to several political and
administrative changes and reforms there have been some activities which can be considered as
integrated efforts toward revitalization of Isfahan historic city center. The plan for the
revitalization of historic core of Isfahan was followed by several national and local agencies such
as Isfahan municipality, Housing and Urban Development Organization, Owqaf Organization,
Iran Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization (ICHTO) and also it was supported by different
national and local resources. With the emergence of Isfahan Urban Development and
Revitalization Organization (UDRO) in 1997 also as a new local agency a new wave of
revitalization activities occurred. In general UDRO’s activities were following two major goals:

 Restoration of traditional and local identity of the historic districts

 Conservation of historic urban fabric as a national and cultural heritage

The aims and objectives of UDRO were as follows:

 Promotion of local inhabitants’ life style

 Conservation of historical monuments and buildings
 Re-activation of the economical life of the area
 Development of tourism industry and tourism attraction in the historic core
 Rehabilitation of valuable and vital axis in historic districts

The revitalization strategies adopted by UDRO are given below:

 Preventing the depopulation process of historic districts

 Considering the community participation in the revitalization process
 Increasing the job opportunities in the historic centers

69
In order to achieve the mentioned aims and objectives, UDRO identified eight important zones
within the city center out of which four were in the form of essential axis of the historic districts.
Jolfa, Bid-abad, Joibareh and Jamaleh districts were among important historic areas which
UDRO initiated city center comprehensive plans projects within them.

4.4.3.1 Jolfa Historical Axis

Jolfa is the Armenians’ district in the historic part of Isfahan. During 16th century the district
received a lot of attention by the monarch of the time and therefore Jolfa flourished and a
number of public buildings and monuments were established. In 17th century due to Afghans’
attack the socio- economical life of the district declined. Rehabilitation of the main axis of Jolfa
district was one of the projects run by UDRO as one of the most vital activities in order to
revitalize the historic core of Isfahan. The main axis off Jolfa, due to encompassing a number of
historical monuments and traditional buildings, had enough potential for tourism attraction.
Therefore, UDRO identified the main axis of Jolfa district for regeneration program and aimed to
retain the socio-cultural identity of the area.

The major tasks to regenerate the Jolfa cultural axis were as follows:

 Retaining the social identity of the district by conservation of important historical

elements
 Creating integrity and sense of unity between important and essential elements
 Proper accommodation of tourists within the district
 Rehabilitation and conservation of major accesses and open public spaces of the district

As it was mentioned earlier, UDRO in order to achieve the goals tried to identify the major
elements of the district which had social and historical values for conservation and adaptive re-
use. Some of them were individual buildings such as Vank Church, Hakoop Church (the first
Armenian Church), Beit-ol-Holam church, Marta Peters House and some were open public
spaces such as major accesses and alleys like Kouche Charsouq and Kouche Khajeh Abed.

4.4.3.2 Bid-abad Historical Axis

Bid-abad District is located in the north side of Zayande-Rud River and it is one of the historical
districts of Isfahan going back to 11th century. The district was divided into different separate
parts due to establishment of new streets in the early 20th century, but yet it is considered as one
the most important districts within Isfahan city center due to its historical background and
cultural identity. It contains a number of significant historical buildings and monuments such as
Seyed Mosque, Bid-abad and Shater-Bashi Bazaars, Rahim-Khan Mosque, Darb-Koushk
Complex, Mirza-Hossein Madrasa, Arab-ha House and many other historical houses which all
appear along the main axis of the district. One of the main aims to revitalize the main axis of
Bid-abad was reorganization and unification of historical elements and public spaces for tourism
attraction as well as improvement of inhabitants’ life style.

70
Initiations to revitalize the main axis of Bid-abad district were including: conservation and
rehabilitation of Bid-abad and Shater-bashi bazaar, conservation of Ali-Gholi-Agha hamam
(public bath) and reuse it as museum, reorganizing of surrounding areas of Seyed complex,
Rahim-khan mosque and Koushk gate.

In this project the attempt was first the conservation and adaptive reuse of the individual
significant buildings and monuments and afterward trying to create the sense of unification and
integrity between the elements. This occurred by the conservation and maintenance of public
spaces such as the major alleys, public façades and other public open spaces. The later task also
helped to improve the inhabitants’ life standard (Salehi & Bagheri Beheshti, 2003).

4.4.3.3 Joibareh Historical Axis

Joibareh district is the oldest and the early core of Isfahan city. The major axis of this district
which is working as the main access artery too encompasses a number of historical monuments
and buildings. Like other historical districts, Joibareh is also suffering from several problems
such as lack of infrastructure and spatial deterioration.

These have been the major reasons of depopulation process and replacement of noble inhabitants
with immigrants from rural areas and other countries. In general the current problems of Joibareh
can be listed as bellow:

 Deficiency of appropriateness of facilities with contemporary life

 Inappropriate situation of streets and alleys and lack of accessibility
 Limitation of legislation regarding segregation of properties, new constructions etc

As a result several consequences occurred:

 Low rate of land value and price

 No motivation from inhabitants for residence renewal or to continue living in this area
 Immigration of original inhabitants and depopulation
 High rate of social crime and lack of security

The aim was the urban improvement of the area by solving the existing problems. Therefore, a
series of activities were initiated accordingly in the Joibare district. Followings are the list of
mentioned activities:

 Improvement of accessibility network based on available master plans

 Rehabilitation of open public spaces
 Establishment of collective car parking in the area and maintenance of roads, public
facades and other public urban facilities
 Conservation and adaptive reuse of significant historical buildings

71
4.4.3.4 Jamaleh Historical Axis

Jamaleh district with the area of 17 hectares is located near Isfahan Jame mosque and its history
goes back before Safavid dynasty. It consists of many historical buildings and monuments
specially three important traditional bazaars; Mohammad Jafar Bazaar, Vazir Bazaar and Do-
Menaar Bazaar. In 1986, during Iraq-Iran war major parts of the district were ruined due to
continues bombardment. Therefore, the deterioration process of historical areas was accelerated
and damages were severe. In order to save the area from decline, Housing and Urban
Development Organization (HUDO) initiated a series of activities and at first it established the
Center of Historic Urban Fabric (Daftar-e- Baft-e-Tarikhi) within the district to have the direct
supervision and control over the revitalization process.

The main problem of Jamaleh as many other historic districts was spatial deteriorations mainly
the post-war damages and as a result depopulation of the area from noble residents and
habitation of new class of people mostly immigrants from other cities or villages. Lack of sense
of belonging of the new group of residents also was an additional threat to the area. Therefore,
the aim was to bring back the social identity of the district and subsequently the spatial
renovation and conservation of the area. The strategies adopted to regenerate Jamaleh district
can be summarized as follows:

 Conservation of historical buildings and monuments

 Conservation of public spaces and open areas
 Adaptive reuse of conserved buildings according to the requirements of contemporary
life

As mentioned earlier, a number of significant buildings and monuments in Jamaleh were

conserved and in order to unify them public spaces and open areas of the district were also
renovated. For instance, Vazir Hammam (public bath) and its surrounding area were conserved
and Hamam was transferred into Youth Center and surroundings were designed as Public Park
and play ground for the inhabitants. The rest of the spaces were also considered as the service
area for traditional bazaar and as a result the entire complex was regenerated and unified as a
whole. A number of other buildings and public spaces were also conserved and transferred into
public uses such as museums, educational and commercial centers. The entrance to the district
was also revised for both pedestrians and vehicular users and vacant lands and ruined sites were
transformed into public parking.

As a conclusion, it is worth mentioning that although there have been a variety of policies and
strategies adopted for the revitalization of different historic districts in the context of Isfahan, but
all of them have been following a main objective to revitalize the historic urban fabric as a
cultural and national heritage (Table 4-2). It is evident that to achieve this aim it was necessary
to maintain the economical thrive of the city center in order to retain the habitation of noble class
of residents within the districts who have a sense of belonging to the area. It was also important

72
to promote the quality of life in the city center by spatial and infrastructural improvement.
Therefore, noticing both tangible and intangible aspects in the process of revitalization of historic
city centers seems essential to achieve successful outcomes.

Problems within the area Aims & Objectives Agency Funding

-Historic districts as -Revitalization of historic
problematic and deteriorated urban fabric as a cultural and -Isfahan Urban -Provincial and
zones of city national heritage Development & National
-Immigration of noble -Safeguarding the intangible Revitalization organizations such
inhabitants from districts and aspects and social structure of Organization as:
depopulation the area as well as the (UDRO) Housing and Urban
Development
-Lack of access and traffic tangible aspects -Housing and Urban
Organization
network -Encouraging the noble Development (HUDO), Maskan-
-Lack of interest for inhabitants to stay in the area Organization Sazan Company,
financiers to invest in the -Contemporizing the existing (HUDO) Owqaf
area facilities with the current Organization and
-Lack of social security needs Iran Cultural
-Non-adjustability of -Economical thrive of the Heritage and
existing facilities with area Tourism
contemporary needs Organization
(ICHTO)
Table 4-2: Major initiations and their concerns in different cultural axis of Isfahan

4.4.4 Program for Revitalization of Semnan City

City of Semnan is the capital city of Semnan province and its historic urban fabric with the area
of 100 hectares makes it one of the important historic cities of Iran. In addition to damages and
changes during Pahlavid era, Semnan historic city center currently is also suffering from
deterioration and decay. Lack of proper planning which has resulted in a weak interaction
between old and new quarters of the city, is among the reasons which have caused the decline of
the historic part.

Since 1967, when the first master plan for Semnan city was prepared, there have been various
considerations regarding the old part of the city. Not only none of them has been successful
enough to solve the problems of historic city center, some have even accelerated the existing
problems. It is worth mentioning that all the programs planned for Semnan historic city centers
were not necessarily based on a unified approach. Hence, they were not considered as integrated
efforts toward revitalizing the historic area. Followings are some of the examples of different
initiations in the case of Semnan (concentrated on Nasar district with the area of 43 hectares)
which indicate the primary concern and the major policies they were shaped based on.

4.4.4.1 Regeneration of Nasar District

The basis of this program was solving the accessibility of the historic district of Nasar through
street widening. Therefore, many of local accesses of the district were proposed to be widened,

73
based on which many of historical buildings and monuments were going to be demolished.
Though, many of such proposals were rejected or postponed by Cultural Heritage Organization,
but there were some of them which were implemented in certain zones and they caused
additional problems for the district of Nasar. Among them the plan for widening of Sabooran
Gozar (alley) and Mokhlesi alley were implemented partially in 1980 and was completed few
years after. Initially the concern was the ease of accessibility to the core of Nasar district but
eventually due to lack of proper urban designing the above mentioned streets connected two of
the traffic arteries of the city. Therefore they acted as vehicular access linking major traffic
arteries in city level rather operating as an access in district level. The project which was
implemented by Semnan municipality, not only did not solve the problem of accessibility in
Nasar district but it also disturbed functional and social integrity of the area (Taherian and Fateh,
2004).

4.4.4.2 New Housing Scheme in Nasar District

New housing scheme in Nasar was among regeneration plans for the historic core of Semnan in
early 1980s. It was proposing 35 to 80 new housing units on lease within the historic district of
Nasar. The aim was to encourage the noble and young class of people to the historic core.
However, the plan failed to achieve required aims due to the following reasons:

 Non profitability of the project

 Demolition of many historical buildings and sites
 Lack of adjustability of new designed buildings with the architectural characteristic of
historic area

Along with the mentioned projects, there have been some initiations which were less destructive
and they were following more rational concerns. But they were mostly limited to the
conservation of individual buildings and historical sites rather than having a broader view to the
historic urban fabric as a whole. Or if they were in district or city center level they were mostly
postponed or partially implemented due to lack of proper management system. In general
different reasons of failure of regeneration plans for the historic core of Semnan city can be listed
as bellow:

 Lack of economical justification or proper financing of the projects

 Incompatibility of projects from the initial aims at implementation level
 Non predictability of probable changes in planning and management of the projects
 Lack of proper urban designing
 Exclusive role of Central government or governmental bodies in planning and
implementation process
 Concentration on 43 hectares of the historic fabric rather than considering the whole
historic city center (100 hectares)

74
4.5 Summery of Approaches to Revitalization in Iran

The review of different revitalization initiatives reveals that projects have been following the
different policies and directed by different agencies. Although they are all attempts to revitalize
the historic city centers, but they are not unified as integrated efforts. Therefore, it is evident that
there is a range of approaches in the country. Table 4-3 demonstrates different initiatives and
their approaches at national level.

City Project Approach Aims & Strategies Remarks

Objectives
-Re-organizing the -Elimination of -approved and
pre-existing built deterioration by implemented
environment redevelopment between 1993
which was of the area into a to 1999
conceived as viable mixed use -This project
obsolete urban residential and which was
Revitalization of fabric to create a commercial 100%
Mashhad city befitting prestige project implemented
center/ for Mashhad as -Reducing the was a
Construction of Physical the main focus of vehicular traffic response to
Mashhad Imam-Ali Redevelopment Shiite devotion by establishment the need of
Boulevard -Creating a of a Imam Ali obsolete urban
pleasant and Boulevard fabric of
attractive urban -Creating Mashhad city
view and impressive center. It
establishing a new buildings in caused the
image for the Boulevard’s demolishment
historic core of façade of many of
Mashhad -Improving historical
-Promoting a infrastructure buildings and
greater degree of and enhancing monuments
economic validity amenities for and created a
of city center surrounding radical
neighbors transformation
of city center
-Institutes
involved were
Mashhad
municipality,
Governor-
house, Charity
foundation of
Astan-e-
Ghods

-Improvement of Physical -Launched in

infrastructure rehabilitation of 1997
Program for Integrated conditions, the main -Implemented
regeneration of approach -Public open space thoroughfare during 5 years
Sang-e-Siah and enhancement, including street -Multi-agency
Astaneh districts -Conservation and edge and institutional
adaptive reuse of landscape framework
historic buildings; improvement -UDRC/

75
 -Crime -Up-gradation of Urban
management and public facilities development
improvement of and and
public safety, infrastructure revitalization
-Up-gradation facilities corporation,
existing -Physical , Shiraz
businesses and functional and municipality
Shiraz regeneration of spatial re- (Historic
old functions arrangement of district), Fars
neighborhood Cultural
centre of Moshir Heritage and
through the Tourism
implementation Organization
of an appropriate
infill scheme
- Physical and
functional
rehabilitation of
local bazaar

-Increment of -Conservation of -UDRC/

sense of belonging historical Urban
in residents buildings and development
-Development of monuments and
tourist attraction -Revitalization revitalization
Program for
and tourism of old bazaar corporation,
regeneration of Integrated industry -Unification of Isfahan
Isfahan Joibareh/Jamaleh approach complex by re- municipality
/Jolfa/Bid abaad using old (Historic
districts buildings for district),
new functions Isfahan
-Creation of Cultural
parking facilities Heritage and
and Tourism
infrastructure Organization
development
-Maintaining -Conservation of This project
socio-spatial historical was proposed
values of buildings and in Semnan
historical districts reuse them master plan of
-Updating the life -Reconstruction 1982 and
Revitalization of
style of residents and development approved in
Semnan historic Integrated of the access 1990 and
Semnan city center in approach
according to
current needs network implemented
Esfanjan and -Encouraging the -Conservation in five phases
Nasar districts citizens to live in and restoration during one
the districts of public facades decade. It has
-Re-designing caused the
the urban public minimum
spaces destruction of
-Restoration and historical
conservation of buildings and
old bazaar monuments.
-Providing

76
 housing facility
and development
of urban
infrastructure in
historical
districts
according to
current needs
-Economic thrive -Using spatial -Launched in
of the district potentials of 1999.
-Upgrading and district to -Implimented
promoting quality accommodate around 80%
of life style citizens - UDRC/
-optimum usage of -Establishing and Urban
urban designing new development
development urban cores and
Renovation and Fragmented potentials -Designing and revitalization
Rehabilitation of approach -Connection with establishing new corporation
Kermanshah Feiz-Abaad historical social housing societies and
district and spatial values within district Kermanshah
-Establishing Maskan-Sazan
new access with
network (south- Kermanshah
north and east- municipality
west) and Governor-
-Improving house
urban corporation
infrastructure
according to new
developments
Yazd Revitalization of Physical Details in Chapter 6
inner part of Tal & redevelopment
Zoroastrians’ approach
district
Yazd Regeneration of Integrated Details in Chapter 6
Yuzdaran axis in approach
Fahadan district
Orumiyeh Renovation of Fragmented Economical thrive -Designing the -Launched
Orumiyeh Bazaar approach of historic core eastern vacant and
land of implemented
Orumiyeh old in 1990s
bazaar in order
to develop the
commercial
activities
-Connecting old
and new bazaar
to regenerate the
old one
-Designing the
new bazaar
according to
traditional
architectural
elements
Table 4-3: Summery of approaches to revitalization in Iran

77
4.6 Conclusion

This chapter attempted to identify major approaches to the historic environment employed by the
urban authorities in Iran, the driving forces that enabled their operations, and the outcomes. It
was divided into three main sections. The first section, following a brief discussion on the history
of large-scale interventions before 1920, reviewed the three key stages of transformation during
which the state has directly and indirectly instigated and managed radical changes. This review
represented the prevalent approach adopted by the central government, the largest and most
powerful development agency.

The process of physical transformation in Iranian cities started from the beginning of the
twentieth century (1925-1941) with a vast program of road construction through the old fabric of
old cities. There was an attempt to fundamentally alter the shape of the country’s social and
spatial formation by an obligatory program combining ‘nationalism’, ‘secularism’, and
‘modernization’. The first symbol of modernization was the destruction of the historic urban
fabric followed by the construction of new structures, the imposition of an official state
architectural style, the extension of new avenues outward, providing the principal axis of the new
developments and the expansion of the older city. The outcome was the emergence of ‘urban
dualism’, a tense coexistence of old and new.

During the second phase of transformation (1950-1960), the impact of modernization, fuelled by
economic factors, demographic growth and political ambitions grew even stronger in the 1920s
and 1930s. The heavy concentration of wealth, industrial production, economic activities and
services in Tehran and other large cities made these urban areas the recipients of massive
immigration from rural areas. An immense growth of population and massive immigration
contributed to the rapid and dramatic physical expansion of the cities. Urban sprawl intensified
the problems of the historic centers. The old cores became a small part of the sprawling cities
and lost their previous physical and functional importance. The master plans which were
prepared to regulate and manage this sprawling expansion and future changes also threatened the
historic centers and had a major and irreversible impact on the historic environment. At the same
time, the substantial rise in oil price and the concomitant rise in revenue enabled the government
to embark on large-scale renewal program, which dramatically transformed the social and spatial
structures of the historic environments.

The third stage of transformation referred to the first two decades of the post-revolutionary
period (1979-1997). During the first decade after the revolution, the political and economic
instability caused by the revolution and the war, the decline in the value of oil exports and a
rapidly growing population created a chaotic situation, which directly influenced the process of
urban development in general and led to the further decline of historic city centers in particular.
In these circumstances, the urban policies adopted by central government exacerbated the
problems: the master-plans’ policy of decentralization of activities and the imposed planning
blight were among the main factors that directly affected the viability of historic cores and

78
impoverished the urban life in the historic districts. The functional and spatial fragmentations
made by the new development projects (the production of mass housing in the Urban Land
Development projects, and new town development) radically changed the social and spatial
structure of historic cores. At the same time, the establishment of new institutions (revolutionary
foundations and religious organizations) intensified urban management in this period.

During the second decade of the post-revolutionary period, the political stability and economic
prosperity, which were accompanied by the centralization of power, considerably increased both
the scale and pace of transformations. The government started implementing an accelerated
schedule of public investment and reconstruction program. Aside from a number of large-scale
developments outside the boundaries of historic cores, the central government introduced a new
policy by which the state and its agencies were involved in a series of large-scale neighborhood
renewal projects inside the historic areas. It was a new force of destruction which posed a serious
threat to the historic environment. At the same time, there was a number of large-scale
reconstruction programs carried out by religious foundations and municipalities that dramatically
changed the spatial structures of historic areas.

What these interventions shared was that they were all attempts at modernization of the existing
urban structure of the historic centers through the (re) development and radical transformation of
urban environment. The unrestricted power, access to the financial resources and the
concentration of the decision-making process in the hands of the state or powerful agencies made
the instrument of authority a determining factor in the implementation of such large-scale
physical transformation programs. These large scale redevelopment projects, whether carried out
by the central government and its affiliated companies, the municipalities or the religious
institution and charitable foundations, are the best examples which signify a rising strength of
modernity during these periods.

The second section reviewed a series of political, economic, administrative and fiscal reforms,
which were accompanied by the evolution of conservation and regeneration policy and practices
during the last few decades. It showed how the development and reinforcement of institutional
and administrative capacities, integrating policies, establishing legal and regulatory frameworks,
decentralizing responsibilities and enhancing the role of professionals, opened a new path to city
centre regeneration in this period. They produced a sense of connection and synergy between
regeneration and conservation efforts.

The last section reviews several projects, initiated in different Iranian cities, in order to revitalize
the historic city centers. It was revealed that still there is a range of approaches for revitalization
of historic city centers at national level based on the agencies involved, the role they play, their
idea and interest. However, there are several experiences which are the outcomes of the
administrative and political changes of the last two decades. The projects for the revitalization of
Sang-e Sia, one of the historic neighborhoods in the city centre of Shiraz, is the prime example
of this new trend which has been followed by other projects such as Joibareh quarter in Isfahan

79
and Fahadan in Yazd. A detailed study of approaches on the case of Yazd city will be followed
in the next chapters.

80
CHAPTER 5
REVITALIZATION OF CITY CENTERS IN YAZD

5.1 Introduction

This chapter concentrates on examination of the Yazd city from a wider perspective. The city of
Yazd is an outstanding example not only of a current Iranian city but also of an Iranian historic
city, encompassing a valuable historic buildings, monuments and urban fabric. The first section
consists of a brief description of the region in which the city is located followed by the
introduction of the Yazd city. The second section discusses the historical background of Yazd
city as well as evolution and transformation of Yazd urban fabric. The third part discusses the
administrative framework and managerial structure of the city regarding urban management of
the city as a whole and the historic part. The forth section focuses on the historic part of the city
and its significance, potential and current issues. Finally, for more detailed analysis the last part
identifies the initiatives carried out by different agencies certainly in the historic part of the city.
The considerations for the choice of particular areas selected for further analysis are discussed at
the end of the chapter.

5.2 Yazd City in General

Yazd province is located in the central part of Iran and is situated on the boundary of desert
‘Caver’. It is bounded in the north and west by Isfahan, in the east by Khorasan, in the south-
west by Fars and in the south-east by Kerman provinces (Figure-5-1). The province contains a
population of more than 760,000 (1.26 percent of total population of Iran) out of which 580000
are settled in urban areas (Sazman-e-barnameh-va-Budjeh, 2008). The surface area of the Yazd
province is around 76156 square kilometers (4.54 percent of total area of Iran) (Sazman-e-
barnameh-va-Budjeh, 2008). The province includes eight urban regions in which there are 15
cities and 38 rural regions located in 15 counties (Table 5-1).

Number Number Rural

Counties of of cities regions
regions
Yazd 1 4 2
Abarkoh 2 1 4
Ardakan 3 1 5
Bafq 2 2 6
Taft 2 2 9
Sadouq 2 1 3
Mehriz 2 3 7
Meybod 1 1 2
Yazd 15 15 38
province
Table 5-1: Yazd Province and its urban and rural Figure 5-1: Yazd Province and the location of
areas (source: Sazman-e-barnameh-va-Budjeh, Yazd city
2008)
81
 The city of Yazd, capital of Yazd Province, is located in the central part of Iran. It is situated at a
distance of 677 kilometers from Tehran, the capital of Iran. The city has population of more than
370,000 in an area of 320 square kilometers (Sazman-e-barnameh-va-Budjeh, 2008). The city is
well linked with the neighboring cities (Kerman, Qom, Isfahan, and Tehran) through road
network. Moreover, the city is linked to the main north-south railway network.

Historically, the city dates back to the fifth century when it was described as the ‘noble city of
Yazd’ by Marco Polo (Noghsan Mohammadi, 2001). Yazd city has been the link among the Fars,
Khorasan and Kerman provinces as being situated at the intersection of the trade routes from
central Asia and India. Although due to its numerous religious centers and buildings it earned the
title of Dar-ul-ebadah (Home of Piety) but the city is also known as an important centre of
Zoroastrians in Iran. A considerable number of city’s inhabitants belong to Zoroastrians whose
ancestors had fled towards Yazd and Kerman when the Muslim Arabs conquered Iran.

Due to its typical Islamic-Iranian characteristics, Yazd city is well known as one of the most
interesting and delightful cities of Iran. The traditional architecture of Yazd is famous for its
humanistic scale, organic city form and the traditional courtyard houses with central micro
climate suitable for desert area (Pirnia, 1992). Because of its valuable historic urban fabric, Yazd
was selected by the ICHTO as one of 27 cities and towns throughout the country for
revitalization of the historic part of the city in 1970 (Noghsan Mohammadi, 2001).

5.3 Spatial Growth of Yazd City

The evidences remaining from the major historical periods in the case of Yazd indicates that the
physical growth of the City can be divided into three main historical periods:

1-City growth within the walled city up to the late 14th century

2-City growth outside the wall until the early 20th century

3- City growth from early 20th century to-date

In the following sections, the above considerations are adopted to study the evolution of Yazd
city and transformation of urban areas during history.

5.3.1 Growth up to the Late 14th Century

According to the documented data, the first significant development of Yazd city took place
during various stages from 11th century up to the late 14th century. Afshar (1966) stated that the
first recorded wall of the city with four main gates was constructed during the 11 th and 12th
centuries. In this era the city center was shaped around the grand Mosque (Masjed-e-Jame) of the
city and other commercial and public centers including school and water reservior were
constructed in Mosque’s vacinity. The scale of construction in this period shows that the first
major growth of the city took place during this period (Afshar, 1995) (Figure). Like other cities

82
in Iran, Yazd city remained without significant growth during Mogul dynasty (1256-1346). In
the 14th century during Al-e-Mozafar dynasty the city grew towards the south and the sout-west
and a new wall with seven gates was constructed around the city (Afshar,1966) (Figure). The
reason behinde the city wall was not a proper fortification as the city was rarely attacked by
outside enemies and the wall protected the city from very occasional attacks by regional brigands
(Malcom, 1905). The city wall was rebuilt several times during the history of Yazd mostly
because of the expansion of the city. According to the data and maps available, the location of
the first core of Yazd as the walled city of 11th century and furthur developments in 14th century,
has been set upon the Fahadan district today.

The spatial structure of the walled city was based on the regular pattern of most of other Iranian
cities consisiting of three main parts; the citadel, the wall and the immediate developments
outside the walled city (Habibi, 1996). However, the regular pattern of the city was soon changed
to an organic one, cmprising main elements such as bazaar, Grand mosque and several
neighbourhoods. In the walled city of Yazd, religious buildings and open spaces acted as the
main elements of the city morphology, where major civic activities used to occure (Noghsan
Mohammadi, 2001).

5.3.2 Growth Until the Early 20th Century

In the beginning of the 15th century, the city was developed beyond the wall and towards the
south-east and a number of public buildings were constructed around a new center called
Amirchaghmaq Square. The main bazaar also expanded outside the wall and it joined with
Amirchaghmaq Square. The bazaar grew significantly and became an active commercial as well
as social center in the region. As a result, the city center was transformed to the new locality
outside the wall and formed the basis for the future expansion of the city.

During the Safavid dynasty (1501-1773) the city of Yazd was not developed very much in
comparison with the development of other Iranian cities such as Isfahan, Shiraz and Tabriz. Even
there was a slow decline in the developemnt of the city and the number of buildings and civic
centers constructed were not considerable (Tavassoli, 1982). In 1970s the construction of a new
complex called ‘Shahtahmasb’ in the south-west of the walled city and its connection to
Amirchaghmaq Square through an axial commercial alley made the city grow faster in the
outskirts of the walled city.

During the Qajar dynasty (1796-1925) the development of the city towards south and south-west
countinued. In the later half of the 19th century, the developemnt of the city countinued and the
axial connection of Amirchaghmaq Squar and Shahtahmasb Complex was strengthened by
establishment of Khan Complex which played an important role in providing a spatial
arrangment for attracting commercial activities and unity of the main bazaar. In general the
developments beyond the wall after 14th century occurred in the form of centeral spaces which
gradually joined each other. These developments along the entire walled city were recognized as

83
the old city of Yazd in the 20th century. The population growth in yazd city increased from
40,000 in 14th century, to around 70,000 in early 20th century (Noghsan Mohammadi, 2001).

5.3.3 Growth From Early 20th Century To-date

By the start of 20th century, Yazd city was expanded but sustained to exhibit the traditional
fabric of an integrated city, adhering to traditional kind of social and spatial organization. Due to
authoritarian modernization of Reza Shah (1925-41), this contextualism however, could not live
on (Izadi, 2008). The government rose to become the only dominant force and the city became
the symbol of political and socioeconomic transformation (Madanipour, 1998; Ehlers and Floor,
1993). The manifestation of modernization in the case of Yazd city was through driving a major
network of long, wide and straight streets through the heart of the old city of Yazd which paid
little regard to social and economic situation and caused spatial and morphological disruption in
the old city.

The first sign of this radical transformation was the establishment of two streets of Qiam and
Imam (Shah and Pahlavi). They cut the old fabric of the city which was considered to be an
integrated area. Qiam Street divided the bazaar, which was the backbone of the commercial life
of the city, into two parts. The new streets became the main channels of transportation and with
some other new cross-cutting streets, formed a grid super-imposed over the whole city. In
addition to several new traffic round-about (squares) which were constructed in the city, two old
public open spaces, Amirchaqmaq and Shahtahmasb Meidans were also changed into traffic
circles. This change in contrast to their historical function accommodated public activities and
pedestrian movements. Later other streets, mostly parallel to these streets were constructed, and
the city was developed to the south and south-east. By construction of new streets, shopkeepers
were encouraged to move to the new streets’ façades and gradually abandoned the old bazaar
which was not accessible by vehicular mode. The key spatial changes of the old city during the
first period of modernization can be summerized as follows:

 Establishment of new streets along the lines of the old wall and even within the walled
city
 Segmentation of the old city by new streets
 Construction of new public buildings such as banks and govermental offices alongside
new streets and emergence of new architectural typology on the streets’ façade

After the first period of modernization (1925-1941) dramatic changes occurred in the urban
fabric of Yazd and the new development became radically different from its traditional pattern
(Noghsan Mohammadi, 2001). Like most other Iranian cities, modern-shaped grids and linear
extensions grew rapidly around the old city and the social, economic and spatial focus of urban
life moved to the modern parts of the city or to the edges of new streets. Spatial changes in the
old city were accompanied by a breakdown in social organization and the emergence of new
84
social patterns, which had a multiple effect on the changes in the old city. Wealthy upper and
middle-class families were among the first to leave the old city in order to take up residence in
the modern suburbs. In this way, during the 20th century, the city of Yazd expanded very fast
and faced a process of comparatively rapid transformation.

The spatial growth of the city at the beginning of the 20th century continued towards the south
and south-west. Besides, the process of sub-urbanisation with the subdivision of lands in the
surrounding areas of the city by aristocracy intensified the growth of the city in outskirts. The
process was initiated by introduction of two satellite residential areas on the south and south-
west of the city, called Safaiei and Azadshahr (Ariashahr). Untill the mid 20th century, inspite of
development of these two areas, the process of internal growth of the city was comparatively
homogeneous.

5.3.3.1 Post Revolutionary Period

After the revolution of 1979 and the Iran-Iraq war of 1980, migration of a massive population
from countryside to the urban areas caused an additional force for spatial expansion of the city.
The migration was due to the war-affected cities whose citizens moved to other safer and lesser
affected cities like Yazd. The impulsive population growth, due to the wave of immigration to
the city, made the government to provide sufficent services in city level for accomodation of
immigrants. On the other hand, there was a new policy by government to allocate land to low
income people in urban areas. The result of this new policy also encoureged a large number of
rural population to immigrate to urban areas and as a result the city countinued to grow rapidly.

From 1979, the spatial boundaries of the city expanded radically. In 1976 the population of Yazd
was around 135,925 spread in an urban area of 1,157 hectars, whereas in 1996 the city
population dramatically increased to 326,776 witin an urban area of 9,950 hectars. The radical
increment of urban population as well as physical size of the city, prompted the centeral
government to provid master plan for the Yazd city. During the second half of the 20th century
several master plans for the Yazd city and several comprehensive plans, detailed master plan and
structure plan specifically for the old city were proposed.The outcome of such plans significantly
influenced the spatial pattern and situation of the old core of Yazd city. Section 5.4 discusses the
proposed plans and their aims, concerns and their implementation circumestances.

85
 Year Population Total urban area in Population density
ha.
1996 326776 9950 35.71
1991 275298 7200 38.24
1986 244438 2700 90.53
1976 135925 1157 117.48
1966 93241 710 131.33
1956 63502 650 97.69
1941 60000 550 109.09
1933 55150 350 157.57
1900 50000 250 200
Before 1900 Up to 40000 200 200
Table 5-2: Growth of population and urban area of Yazd in thes 20th century (Source: Mohammadi, 1993)

The city of Yazd today has radically expanded in terms of physical size and population (Table 5-
2). The new developed parts of the city are mostly towards south and south-west and also
towards north-west, where the city links with the major throughfare towards Isfahan and Tehran.
The old part of the city presently is located in the north-east side of the city and the
administrative boundary of the old city was shown in Yazd master plan of 2007, covering an
approximate area of 700 hectars. The administrative boundary of the historic part was accepted
by all the agencies and orgnizations due to its cultural and historical values. The space between
the new and old part of the city is covered by scattered construction of mostly residential areas.
The new parts of the city are mostly developed based on grid-iron street system. The pattern of
the street system has devided the city into regular super-blocks which can be called districts. The
new city center is located in the southern part of the city and close to the city ring road. This
center is connected to different old and new parts of the city through ring road.

5.4 Urban Management Agencies in Yazd city

The aim of this section is to identify the instituitional framework of urban management in the
case of Yazd city in general and its historic core in particular. It will be eventually helpful to
recognize the problems of the historic core in case of urban management issues. It will be also
helpful in analysing the initiatives taken by different agencies and organizations for revitalization
of the area.

In Yazd city there are several institutes and organizations responsible for urban management
which can be basically divided in three groups; governmental, semi-government and non-
government sectors. They constitute decision making agencies as well as implimenting agencies.
The governmental agencies include Governor General, Housing and Urban Development
Organization (HUDO), Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization (CHTO) and Planning and

86
Management Organization (PMO). Semi-governmental institute is Yazd Municipality and non-
governmental sector includes Yazd City Council (Diagram 5-1).

Decision making
agencies

Private Semi-Governmental Governmental

City Council Municipality

Management and Housing and Urban Cultural Heritage Governor General

Planning Organization Development and Tourism
(MPO) Organization (HUDO) Organization
(CHTO).
Diagram 5-1: Instituitional framework of urban management inYazd city (Kalantari, 2008)

5.4.1 Management and Planning Organization

Management and Planning Organization (MPO) is an affiliated agency of the Ministry of

Economic Affairs which has the responsibilty of allocating budget to different urban
development plans and projects. It also deals with the approval of qualification of the consultants
to be engaged for prepration of urban development plans as well as allocation of the budget.

5.4.2 Housing and Urban Development Organization

The Housing and Urban Development Organization (HUDO) is the major agency for controlling
the spatial growth and development of the city. The basic responsibility of this organization is
recognition of nessessity of providing urban instruments and plans, estimation of the budget
required, suggesting the appropriate consultant and supervising the preparation process of plans.

5.4.3 Governor General

Governor General, along with the Municipality is responsible for implimentation of different
urban plans and projects for the development of the city. One of the other responsibilities of
Governor General is participating in the process of approval of the plans in the technical bureau.

5.4.4 Iran Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization

The domain under the responsibility of this organization is the historic part of the city. Iran
Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization (ICHTO) is responsible for recognition of valuable

87
historic buildings and monuments, their protection and conservation. Moreover, suggestion for
providing required conservation and restoration plans and projects, approval of the plan in the
technical bureau and coordination with other urban management organization of the city, are
other duties of ICHTO.

Since 1990s there has been a change in the approach of ICHTO towards management of the
historic part of the city. They try to look at the historic part of the city as a whole and consider
the historic city rather than the individual buildings and monuments11.

5.4.5 Yazd Municipality

Yazd Municipality is a semi-government structured agency involved in the process of urban

management. The responsibilities of the municipality are as follows:

- Providing civic and public servises to the citizens

- Controlling the development and spatial growth of the city according to the approved
planning instruments
- Implimenting the approved planning instruments of the city

Yazd Municipality consists of four managerial boards for different districts of the city, include
districts one, two and three as well as historic district. The managerial board for the ‘Historic
District’ is incharge of implimentation of a set of municipality’s responcibilities in the historic
part of the city, distinguished by the administrative boundary. Diagram 5-2 indicates the
administrative structure of the Municipality for Historic District Managerial Board.

Yazd Municipality

(Historic District)

Administration Management Accounts

Archive Administrative Financial Board Planning and Implimentation

Board technical Board Board

Diagram 5-2: Detailed structure of the Yazd Municipality for the historic district (Kalantari, 2008)

11
In Chapter 4 the new approach of ICHTO has been extensively discussed.

88
5.4.6 Yazd City Council

The only non-governmental agency responsible for urban management is the City Council whose
members get elected by direct vote of the citizens. The list of responsibilities of the City Council
is as follows:

- Choosing the city Mayor

- Coordination with implimentation agencies
- Distinguishing the lacks of infrustructure and other public facilities and suggestion of
plans
- Controlling the implimentation process of urban plans and projects
- Providing different opportunities for public participation of citizens in the process of
urban management

Besides above mentioned points, the City Council has an advisory role over performance of
other urban management agencies, particularly the Municipality. It is worth mentioning that the
process of activation of city councils in Iran initiated in 1997 after wave of political and
administrative reforms in the country. For the first time the election for choosing City Council’s
members took place in 1998 and since then the City Council has played active role in the urban
management process.

5.5 Urban Planning Instruments

Prior to 1960s, there was no formal development plan prepared for any of the Iranian cities.
However, in light of country’s Third Development Plan (1963-68) the process of preparing
Master plans for all large cities of Iran started. In this regard, preparation of Master plan of Yazd
city was initiated in 1977 due to the radical growth of the city during the post revolutionary
period, as discussed in section 5.3.3. Since 1980s efforts have been made to guide and control the
spatial growth of Yazd city as well as to protect and revitalize the old part of the city. These
include; Yazd Master Plans of 1977 and 1985, Comprehensive Plan for Yazd City 1992, Detailed
Master Plan for the Yazd old city 1997, Yazd Master plan 2001 and several other urban planning
instruments, prepared for the old part of the city. All the planning instruments used to manage
the development of Yazd city and protect its old part are explained in the proceeding sections.

5.5.1 Yazd Master Plan 1977

In 1977 the first Master Plan for Yazd was produced by Tehran University, Faculty of Fine Arts.
Some Italian architects were also involved in the prepration process. The major concern of this
plan was conservation and protection of the historic part of the city. The emphasis was placed in
such a way that many experts believe that the developemnt of the city in reality was ignored in
this master plan (Mohammadi, 1993). In this plan besides the overal research about different
aspects of the city, particular consideration was given to the walled city of Yazd and defining it

89
as the main element of the urban complex. Therefore the aim of the master plan was recovery,
requalification, restoration and renewal of the historic core through sufficient proposals.

The master plan considered the historic city as a geometric and symbolic core for the entire city.
A ring road was proposed to run around the historic core in order to serve the main existing
streets within the walled city. Morover, special attention was paid to recreate a pedestrian path
along the layout of the walled city. Also restoration of the old districts and new services for them
were proposed. This plan considered the surrounding districts located on the edge of the walled
city as a fulcrum between the historic city and the new developed areas. Therefore in order to
connect the old and the new city the official and public services of the city were proposed in this
area. In addition the proposed expansions of dwelling units were proposed in intermediate and
outer areas of the city where free land was available. It is worth noting that the Yazd Master Plan
of 1977 was approved after six years and due to lack of up to date information it was never
implimented by the local agencies and orgnazations.

5.5.2 Yazd Master Plan 1985

In 1984 in order to solve the problems of the city ,specially due to its radical expansion after
revolution, the city council made a contract with ‘Shahrbod’ Consulting Architects &
Engineering Co. to prepare the second Master Plan for the Yazd city. According to the second
master plan, the proposed spatial pattern of the city was a grid structure in which excluding the
dwelling environment, the city was divided into five main zones (Noghsan Mohammadi, 2001).
Zones number two and three were concentrated mainly on the historic part of the city. The key
concern of the master plan for the old city was to identify the old city as a reality and try to fulfill
the needs and demands of its residents. As a result, the old city was recognized not only as a
place for living but also as a potential for tourism industry development. Therefore, the master
plan proposed the old city for accomodating the home factories and handicrafts workshops in
which the products might promote the economical life of the nearby traditional bazaar as well. It
also suggested the conservation and preservation of historic buildings and monuments, as well as
providing the new functions which were lacking in the old city.

The master plan predicted a program for the city in two periods of five years, 1982-1987 and
1987-1992. In 1994, the figures were not compareable with the prediction of the second master
plan and the growth of the city had happened beyond the calculation of the master plan.
Therefore, the plan was not applicable in many ways and as a result in 2000 the city council
made a new contract to prepare the third master plan for the Yazd city.

5.5.3 Comprehensive Plan for the Yazd City

In 1988, the first comprehensive plan for the Yazd city was prepared by ‘Shahrbod’ Consulting
Architects & Engineering Co.. This plan based on the objectives of the second master plan for
the city, tried to interpret the problems of the growing city in a more real way and proposed more
achievable aims and solutions. After styding the city from different aspects, the report of the

90
consultant declared that the major problems of the city are in three categories. The mentioned
categories were as follows:

 Inappropriateness of the road and access network of the city

 Lack of required land uses
 Incompatibility of urban infrustructure

Based on the problems identified, the plan proposed the solutions accordingly. It is worth
mentioning that one of the solutions of the plan for development of road and access network was
to create more number of east-west oriented accesses in the city. Based on this proposal, the plan
predicted that more of the traffic within the city center would be transferred to the link road,
located on the east side of the city, and as a result the traffic load within the city center would
decrese.

5.5.4 The Comprehensive Plan for the Old City

Besides the second master plan and the first comprehensive plan for the city, a comprehensive
plan for the old city of Yazd was proposed in 1989 12 . It considered the old core as an
independent entity within the framework of the comprehesive plan of the city. The key concept
of the comprehensive plan for the old city was shaped according to the basic needs and problems
of the residents of the area which were classified as follows:

 The decline of population density in the old town.

 Presence of demolished plots and abandoned spaces within the historic part.
 Lack of proper public facilities such as green spaces, recreational facilities, etc.
 Lack of vehicular access within the area.
 Change of life style of the original residents (Noghsan Mohammadi, 2001).

Nevertheless, in the process of studying the old city the comprehennsive plan emphasised on the
contextual study of the area more than physical and spatial structure of the historic core. Hence,
most of the aims and proposals were not approachable. As a result, the plan was not implemented
accurately and its proposals did not have influence on the old city.

5.5.5 Yazd Master Plan 2007

In 2000 the city council had made a contract with ‘Arseh’ Consulting Architects & Engineering
Co. to prepare the third master plan for the Yazd city. The process of preparation and approval of
the plan took around five years. The plan has been developed for the period of ten years, divided
into two five year periods. Besides from the overal program and proposals for the city of Yazd as
a whole, the third master plan paid specific attention to the historic part of the city. One of the
achievments of the third master plan was to define a boundary for the historic part of the city as a

12
This plan was prepared by ‘Jabbarniya and Partners’ Consulting Architects & Engineering Co. This consultancy
firm is not local and is a Tehran based Consultant Company.

91
division which contains several social, cultural and historical values and needs a certain degree
of care. After approval of the master plan, the proposed administrative boundary was accepted by
all the local agencies and organizations and as a result it remained as a guidline for future
decesions and intiatives. Besides identifying the administrative boundary for the historic part, the
master plan proposed extensive set of rules, regulations and by laws for the interventions in the
old city.

Moreover, the plan suggested a pattern for future development of the city in which the historic
part was distinguished as one of the important zones to be developed and linked with the newly
defined city center. The scheme for the future development which is defined by the plan can be
summerised as follows:

 Controling the spatial growth of the city;

 Development of the public service sector and urban infrustructure within the city;
 Regeneration and renewal of the old city.

In general, the third master plan has been comparetively more successful in achieving the
proposed aims in the case of old city of Yazd. The master plan for the first time tried to look at
the historic part of the city as a whole and an integrated entity rather considering only the
individual historic urban elements, buildings or monuments. Also by defininfg the administrative
boundary on one hand, it tried to introduce the historic part as a division which must be treated
senssibly while doing urban interventions. On the other hand by proposing it as a part of the city
which must be regenerated and linked to the new city center, it prevented the old city from
becoming an isolated zone.

5.5.6 Action Plan for the Old City

In 2008, the action plan for the historic part of the city was prepared by Yazd Urban Renewal
and Revitalization Company (YURRC). The action plan included the updated basic information
regarding the old city, list of initiatives carried out in the historic core and finally proposed the
policies and strategies in terms of physical, historical and cultural aspects. The plan introduced
its main aims in several categories as follow:

 Recognizing and strenthening the spatial position of the old city in context of the whole
city.
 Protection, renovation and conservation of cultural, historical and spatial values of the
historic part of the city.
 Providing proper context for socio-spatial developemnt of the historic core based on
existing opportunities, strenghts, weaknesses and threats.
 Inspiration of developers from public and private sectors for the investment in the historic
part and motivation of inhabitants to stay in the area as well as inviting local visitors and
tourists.

92
  Development of public facilities and urban infrustructure within the area.
 Considering the disicions regarding the historic core of the city while decision making for
the city as a whole.

After clarification of the aims and objectives, the Action Plan attempted to suggest the possible
solutions based on strategice zones and provided approachable answers on different case studies
within the historic urban fabric of Yazd.

The Plan was provided by a local agency and it was also supervised by a local manager who had
enough experience regarding the historic core and had a clear and real image of all opportunities
and the problems of the old city of Yazd. In addition, the team of experts working on the Action
Plan 2008 consisted of local young professionals who were concerned with the issues of the
historic core. According to the experts’ oppinion, the Action Plan of 2008 has been one of the
practicable and effective documents provided for the historic core of the Yazd city as it shows
the real image of the old city and provides detailed case based solutions.

5.6 Yazd Historic City Center

The review of the major periods of the city centre transformations in section 5.4 revealed that the
historic core of the city turned to be a minor part of the sprawling city. Therefore, the historic
core lost its importance due to the change of some basic characteristics, most importantly socio-
cultural, functional, physical and economical factors. There were a number of factors which
increased vulnerability of the historic core and intensified the process of change in this area
including, the rapid growth of the city; spatial segregation of land uses which disrupted the
centrality and concentration of socio-cultural, political and economic activities; the physical
decay of the space itself and loss of environmental quality; an increasing trend towards
depopulation and sometimes the loss of the residential function; the change in the social pattern
of the households; and also the changes on the conditions of life-style which required modern
facilities such as vehicle accessibility and modern infrastructures. At the same time, the
implementation of large-scale redevelopment projects with modernist approach by central
government and the local autocratic powers imposed a new force of change on the historic core
which intensified the problems of this area. However, despite the impacts of the above forces on
the historic core and the changes of its economic, social, and physical characteristics, the city
centre continued to play a significant role and offer economic, social, religious and cultural
opportunities.

While the radical changes of the 1920s and the 1930s disrupted the relative social and spatial
homogeneity of the historic area and damaged the valuable architectural elements as well as the
picturesque urban fabric of the old core, the traditional character of the old town prevailed. There
was a tense coexistence of old and new which gradually increased the contrast between the
traditional urban area and newly developed neighborhoods. Although during the first period of
modernization some extreme morphological changes happened in some parts of the old core,

93
most of the urban fabric was left unchanged and the old city continued to play its traditional role
(Noghsan mohammadi, 2001). However, the contrast between old and new areas, which began
after the initial acts of modernization, stimulated the residents of old areas to leave their
properties in order to resettle in modern neighborhoods.

Today, Yazd historic city centre has not only some of the most precious constituent parts of the
cultural heritage but it has also great economic potential as one of the best tourist and cultural
attractions in the country. As it was mentioned in section 5.5, the historic part of the city was
recognized by an administrative boundary in the Third Master Plan in 2007 (Figure 5-2). This
part with an approximate area of 743 hectars contains around 6500 listed buildings, monuments
and historic relics (Yazd Municipality, 2014).

Boundary of the old

city

Figure 5-2: Administrative boundary of the historic city center of Yazd

recognized in master plan 2007 (Source: Shamseh Consultant Architects and
Engineers, 2012)

Besides being a part of cultural heritage, historic part of Yazd city plays an active role in socio-
economical and cultural life of the city as well. Nevertheless, during the last few decades it has
been struggling with problems of physical and functional obsolescence, inefficient transport
systems, access networks, and lack of safety and security. According to the survey carried out by
Armanshahr Consultants (2009) as well as semi-structured interviews carried out by the author in

94
summer 2012 and 2013 with a range of different users, the major urban problems in the historic
city centre are as follows:

5.6.1 Physical and Structural Obsolescence

Although the historic city centre is still identified by its traditional character and architectural
values, the traditional elements have tended to become more and more isolated and many parts of
the area have become physically and structurally obsolete. There is a mismatch between the
capabilities of building/group of building or area, which was named as ‘obsolescence’. This
mismatch caused deterioration and decay in the entire area. In fact, a majority of urban problems
in the historic core are reflections of this obsolescence.

Also due to the fragmentation of urban fabric after the first period of modernization, which
imposed modern streets and arteries, the relationship between the elements was disrupted and the
historic core lost its relative spatial homogeneity. The majority of monuments are surrounded by
deteriorated and impoverished urban fabrics and are not able to function in the traditional way.
On the other hand, lack of adequate facilities for contemporary needs and the absence of modern
standards and requirements of the users diminished the utility of historic buildings and resulted
in deprivation and loss of their functions. Residential units and other monuments which had no
further utilization tended to decay rapidly; while monuments and buildings, which were in use,
had a better chance of maintenance. followings are some other physical and spatial deficencies of
the historic core:

The historic core of the city has been suffering from deficient services and infrastructures. Most
residents complained about the lack of cultural and leisure services and the poor condition of the
urban infrastructure. Public open spaces were poorly maintained and have been deteriorating
throughout the area, due to lack of planning and investment in public infrastructure.

The lack of a sewage collection system, absence of adequate green spaces, and a large number of
abandoned and vacant lands and ruins (138,529 square meter), have been the main
environmental problems of the area from the residents point of view. There was a widespread
dissatisfaction about the projects which were abandoned for a long period by governmental
agencies and the municipality. The incomplete interventions of governmental agencies have been
left for a long period without any consideration of the negative impact of abandoned projects on
their contexts.

Vehicular access is a key issue among spatial conditions. Although accessibility into the
neighborhoods is a priority for residents, they also have an effect on the privacy of residential
units and pedestrian only streets; which may be disturbed by new imposed patterns of access
network. Privacy of residential units, human scale, physical and social integration, interaction
between buildings and enclosed open space, linkages between housing, local markets, and
religious centers have been essential assets of the historic core, which need to be carefully
balanced against the advantages of better vehicular accessibility.

95
5.6.2 Legal and Official Obsolescence

Various restrictive planning controls, uncertainty about the fate of historic areas in urban
development plans, and other legal impediments and official obstacles may constrain, inhibit, or
even deter rehabilitation and also new development. They can blight an area as much as the
prospect of major road construction (Tiesdell et al, 1996).

The historic core of Yazd has experienced various degrees of blight since 1920s. The planning
blight started from 1977 when the first master plan was prepared for the city. Although the plan
had a focused attention on the historic core of the city, but due to lack of realistic approach it
failed to get the attention of authorities. Also the plan was never implemented due to political
changes in the country during revolution. The review of several planning instruments prepared
for the city of Yazd in section 5.5, indicated that majority of them failed to improve the situation
in the area.

In the post revolutionary period, the MHUD attempted to provide a series of plans and programs
for rehabilitation and revitalization of the historic core, but uncertainty of urban regulations and
building permits for the historic city centre remained in force. Apart from legal and official
restrictions, there were a wide range of rules and regulations which also constrained development
activities in this area. The various ranges of involved development agencies had different
regulatory frameworks which supported the area of their responsibility, but constrained other
agencies’ activities. The limitations provided by several rules and regulations for interventions in
the historic core have de-motivated the developers for further investment in this area.

5.6.3 Social Fragmentation, Poverty and Deprivation

Spatial changes in the old city were accompanied by a breakdown in social organization, acting
as a multiplier effect on the impoverishment of the old core. The old core which was traditionally
inhabited by a mixture of population, including families of all ranks, has become an
accumulation of individuals and households who are mostly poor immigrants from rural areas or
other towns with different cultures and social backgrounds. Most wealthy families moved out of
their old properties and live in the newer areas of the city, enjoying the amenities available there
such as well-paved streets, parking spaces, greater security and more extensive urban facilities
than are available in the historic area. Consequently, the area has been impoverished by social
and demographic changes. Table 5-3 shows the demographic changes of the old city during the
last three decades.

96
 Year
Description 1987 1992 1997 2007

Population 51282 47124 46553 42851

Percentage of total 22.2 17.1 14.2 11.98

city population (%)

Population growth -1.7 -0.2

rate
Table 5-3: Demographic changes in the old city of Yazd during the last three decades (Kalantari, 2008)

The emergence of new social groups with different demands, interests, and perspectives
undermined the previous social cohesions. The immediate manifestation of this social
fragmentation has been the disengagement of residents from civic responsibilities and the lack of
any concern about public purpose. On the other hand, the change in cultural values has resulted
in a different perception and appreciation of the historical heritage. The new users of traditional
houses and urban spaces have a different sense of belonging and attachment to their
environment.

Heterogeneity of new residents, poverty, and deprivation, all brought a social fragmentation in
the historic area. This transition also changed social norms and caused many problems such as
an increase in crime rate, prevalence of addiction, insecurity and many other social problems.
One of the results of social changes within the area has been loss of security among residents.
Most inhabitants do not feel comfortable and safe in their neighborhoods. The majority of
derelict properties have provided a haven for crime and drug-related activities. The fear of crime
has become an important issue of public concern in the old city. Lack of some public facilities
such as street lighting and large area of vacant properties also exacerbate the problem. Almost all
the residents are worried about the safety issues, prevalence of addiction, and presence of Afgans
in their neighborhoods. As a result, they all accelerated the process of deterioration and socio-
spatial fragmentation.

5.6.4 Financial and Economic Obsolescence

The difficult conditions of the historic area for construction activities, restrictive regulations and
planning controls, the absence of financial support, and the problems and complexity of land
ownership have reduced public and private investment in the historic core, particularly in
residential areas. Besides, the government policy encourages housing development in the newly
developed areas of the city through financing large scale land development plans and other
financial facilities for land owners. Therefore, the private sector and other involved development
agencies do not tend to invest in the old core. They prefer to invest in new residential areas, since
they do not find the element of profitability in the historic core.

97
There was a rapid depreciation of properties accompanied by physical and functional
obsolescence. However, in contrast, the potential value of the land for redevelopment in some
areas created a new demolition force for the historic core. This was particularly more intensive
for those which had a potential to be changed into commercial or administrative uses around the
commercial district (the bazaar) and new streets. Tiesdell et al (1996) argued that if the
redevelopment value of the site is sufficiently higher, by at least the developer’s profit, the
building and the site could be described as being economically obsolete in its current use. This
might therefore resulted in the demolition of buildings which are not obsolete in an absolute
sense – simply for the purposes of replacing them with new stock. Landowners and individual
developers were motivated to demolish such buildings/structures and develop them into modern
and larger shopping and office centers. The tendency towards exchange value, which was
stimulated by the force of land and property market, intensified the process of building
demolition.

5.6.5 Opportunities and Potentials

Despite all the issues and problems in the historic city center and physical decay all around, the
historic core also has significant strengths, opportunities and potentials that are the sources of the
area’s vibrant character:

Where housing, open spaces, commercial areas, mosques, and places of social gathering are
integrated and create a highly cohesive urban environment.

The old city contains numerous historical monuments, seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth
century residential houses, and important religious and cultural centers, all of which are major
destinations for visitors to the city and the historic core. Also there are large number of religious
centres all around the area, including mosques, local shrines, and Hosseiniyah 13 which are still
vigorous elements in popular religious life and they indicate the significant role of pilgrimages
and religious rituals in the historic area.

The vitality of festival and rituals are mainly rooted in the religious belief of the residents. It is
interesting to note that although the historic city center is suffering from social and physical
depression, it still acts as a cultural source of inspiration for citizens. While, a number of
mosques and other religious centers have been built in the newer sections of the city, many
people prefer to return to the old city to mosques, local shrines, and Hosseiniyahs in their own
neighborhoods, which for many of them is where they grew up. Various forms of religious
activity (ritual ceremony) are still held by residents, particularly those which involve women.

13
Hosseiniyah, is the term used for the space specially constructed or converted for collective ritual activities,
originally in the form of annex to mosque. In the Safavid period (1501-1732), the development of dramatized
Moharram rituals led to an increase in the building of venues for them. Takias and Hosseiniyahs are among these
places (Calmard, 1999; cited in Izadi, 2008).

98
They participate in the collective ritual activity in the local shrine, mosques, and Hosseiniyahs.
Such collective ritual activities convey an intimate sense of life in the area.

Although the traditional bazaar is not considered as the backbone of the city as it was, but still is
acting as one of the key elements of the old city. It is not only an active commercila zone within
the historic city center but it playes a vital commercial role at city level as well. Majority of
citizens still do their necessary shopping from traditional bazaar where the merchants and
shopkeepers have long term assosiation with them. Also based on the culture of traditional
bazaars, there are certain lanes or sections, provided for a particular industry or type of products
which, is known by the local public as ‘senf’. Yazd traditional bazaar is still accomodating the
centeral ‘senf’ for gold and silver jewelry industry, carpet industry and cloth industry. Citizens
from all over the city and province prefer to purchase certain related necessities from the
traditional bazaar.

It is worth mentioning that ‘Khan Bazaar’ (bazaar-e-Khan) which was acting as the spatial,
social and economical backbone of the city was split into two parts during the modernization of
1920s by establishment of Ghiyam Street (Shah Street). By dividing the spatial structure of
bazaar into two portion, there was a breakdown in the socio-economical life of bazaar too.
Nowdays the southern part of the bazaar has lost its active life, whereas the north part of the
bazaar is still active at city level.

In order to have a clear recognision of Yazd historic city center, it is important to have a
comprehensible image of all the problems, issues, potentials and oportunities within the historic
core. The result will help the study to analyze the different approaches towards revitalization of
historic core as wellas support the identification of opptimum approach for future initiatives. The
following section provides a list of strenghts, weaknesses, opportunities and threats (SWOT)
available in the historic core of Yazd city based on social, spatial and economical aspects (Table
5-4).

99
 Strenghts Weaknesses Opportunities Threats

-Presence of several -Loss of activity of many major - Concentration of -Low economical

active and major commercial zones like policy makers as well interest in investment
commercial axis within carvanserais as centeral and local in historic core as
the historic core -Lack of replacement of agencies on historic compared to the new
-Existence of a large obsolete commercial zones with urban fabrics and developed part of the
Economical

number of historic new functions cultural heritage for city

buildings and -Abondonment of some creating tourist -Emergence of new
monuments for tourism commercial centers at attraction commercial zones in
attraction neighborhood level the new developed
-Congestion of some active part of the city and
commercial zones in the city transformation of city
center and over-crowding the center from old city
access networks and traffic load to the new zones
-Lack of facilities for day to
day visitors and costumers

-Activity of public -Imigration of original residents -High level of desire -Negative image of
cultural functions such and upper-class to the new and tendency of historic core in the
as theological schools, developed part of the city and authorities in national eyes of citizens and
mosques and abandonment of residential and local level for lack of interest for
Hosseiniyahs in the city zones revitalization of habitation in the area
center -Habitation of low-income class historic city center -Lack of unified
-Vitality of festivals and in the historic part with new -Positive approach between
rituals in the historic demands and no sense of participation of local different agencies
core belonging to the area agencies such as involved in the
-Existance of ‘Waqf’ -Emergence of criminal and Yazd Municipality process of
culture among residants drugs-related groups in the area (Historic district) and revitalization of the
and its impact on revival -Increment in maintanace cost Yazd OCHT for historic core
Social

of historic buildings of historic buildings and lack of solving the problems -Lack of mutual
-Sense of belonging public participation of historic core underestanding and
towards the old districts -Weakness of ‘Waqf’ strategy continuity of plans
among original residents in revitalization of historic and programs of
buildings different agencies and
-Problems of inheritance and organizations
ownership of properties -Attachment of
-Attraction of developers citizens to the new
towards low-rate lands in the life style and
historic core and construction vehicular mode of
of low quality buildings for accessibility and lack
more financial interest of adjustability with
- Segragation of old city center the historic urban
from newly developed part of fabric
the city and lack of social
interaction

100
 -Presence of a large -Physical Obsolescence and -Limitation of spatial -Lack of
number of valuable detroriation of buildings and growth of the city consentration of City
historic buildings and monuments and defining a Master plans on the
monuments in the -Depopulation and boundry for city limit historic core as well
historic area abondonment of a large number -Providing a as defining non-
-Presence of historical of residential, public and comprehensive plan approachable aims
and cultural areas and commercial buildings for the revitalization -Lack of proper urban
complexes in the area -Accessibility problem of of historic core of design pattern in the
-Presence of active certain zones or buildings and Yazd by local historic urban fabric
public social and loss of interest of users agencies -Development of new
commercial axis in -Possibilities for desruction of towns in the vacinity
historic core obsolete constructions and loss of city and
Spatial

-High quality of of architectural quality and introduction of new

architecture in the values housing projects by
historic area -Restricted bylaws for new developers
-Relative healthy and constructions as well as
safe phisycal structure of conservation and maintanace of
the urban fabric historic buildings within the
comparing with other area
historic cities in the -Lack of integrity between
country architectural style of new
constructions and historic
buildings
-Deficiency of road and acccess
networks and emergence of
congested traffic nodes

Table 5-4: Strenghts, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats to the Yazd historic city center

5.7 Review of Revitalization Initiatives in Yazd Historic City Center

As it was mentioned in chapter four, untill the late 1990s there was no unified approach towards
revitalization of historic city centers in Iran. There were variety of agencies with different
underestanding and policies towards the historic cores and cultural heritage. Therefore, each
initiative implimented by a certain agency or organization used to follow a different approach
and as a result they would have different impacts and outcomes. In the context of Yazd city too,
there has been a lot of efforts for regeneration of the historic core since the early twenthieth
century, but there has never been an integrated approach towards revitalization of the historic
core. Based on the aim of the research, this section attempts to review different experiances of
urban revitalization in the context of Yazd City. The result will be helpful in making the basis for
comparative analysis of different approaches in the next chapter. It is worth mentioning that
besides many efforts made for the revitalization of Yazd historic urban fabric at different scales,
an effort has been made to introduce certain projects which have similarities in scale, size and
degree of implimentation with the case studies of the research.

101
5.7.1 Revitalization of Lab-e-Khandaq Axis

The project was initiated in 1987, by a group of urban designers 14 in Tehran School of Fine Arts
Consultants. The aim was to solve the problems and issues of the historic core of Yazd by
studying the existing situation of the urban fabric and suggesting appropriate solutions. The
proposed area for the project was the southern part of Fahadan District, surrounded by Imam and
Syed Gol-e-Sorkh Streets. The designers failed to do the extensive usual studies for this urban
project and relied on their interviews with the residents and observations in order to figure out
the real issues of the area. followings are the major topics considered in the interviews and
observations:

 Road network and vehicular access

 Availability of urban public facilities
 Rules, regulations and bylaws for new constructions
 Habitation in historic residential units and related issues
 Socio-cultural values
 Location of the area in the historic district and in the city as a whole
 Change of life style and new ways of income

It is evident that the project did not have only physical approach towards the area but it tried to
look at the issues more deeply and comrehensivly including environmental, social and cultural
aspects as well. Furthur, the project adopted a design-based pattern approach for proposing
solutions and they were devided in four categories:

 Optimum design pattern for the neighborhood and its center

 Design pattern for cluster of residential blocks
 Design pattern for an optimum access (passage) in the area
 Design pattern for an urban node

The project tried to match the proposed patterns on the context of selected area. Moreover, it
suggested a serries of rules and regulations for unification of urban facades, street widening and
management of public open spaces in the area. In fact the whole idea of the project was
suggestion of optimum patterns based on the selected case study (Northern part of Fahadan
District). It was expected that the case study could work as a role model for the entire old city.
Although the mentioned project was never implemented completely in reality but it remained as
one of the finest examples of urban design projects in the historic core of Yazd, due to its
realistic and integrated approach as well as achievable objectives.

14
This project was designed by Engineer Tavassoli and his team of design in Tehran School of Fine Arts
Consultants. The outcome of the studies and the designs were later published in the form of a book titled: ‘Urban
design in the Yazd old urban fabric”.

102
5.7.2 Revitalization of Abul-Maali Axis

The project was carried out in 1995, based on the framework of ICHTO by a local architect and
conservationist15. Although the project is in small scale as compared to other urban projects, but
due to its creative approach towards solution finding for a certain part of the old city, it has been
considered as one of the significant initiatives in the old city of Yazd. The aim of the project was
to improve the access network of Abul-Maali District, one of the historic districts of Yazd old
city. The attempt was to amend the lack of accessibility of inner core of Abul-Maali District to
the vehicular streets and urban arteries with the minimum destruction of existing historic areas.

It is worth mentioning that the strategy of street widenning in the hitoric urban fabrics, has
always been accomponied by the destruction of historic buildings, monuments and areas. Besides
demolishing of valuable part of the cultural heritage and segmentation of integrated fabric of the
old city, creation of non-defined facades and inadequate spaces in the context of historic districts
have also been among other side effects of this strategy. In the case of Abul-Maali District, it
was tried to link the major throughfare of the district to the nearest vehicular street by changing
the physical structure of a few residential buildings and make the connection between center of
the district and the urban area.

for this purpose, some obsolete residential buildings, which were located on the boundary of the
district, were distinguished. By executing minor changes in the spatial structure of buildings and
connecting them together, a connecting passage between the vehicular street (Seyed-Gol-e-Sorkh
Street) and the center of Abul-Maali District was created. The opening of the passage towards
the street was also designed as a gateway, which performed as a landmark for the district.
Moreover, the inner spaces of the residential buildings were conserved and utilized to serve as
commercial and official spaces at district and city level. The centeral courtyard of the houses
were turned into a common public space for gathrings and social interaction of the residents.
Hence, the newly created facades were defined functionally as well as spatially (Figure 5-3).

Figure 5-3: Design process and the main concept of Abul-Maali project (Source: Author’s own
construct)

15
The project was designed by Architect Mohammad Hassan Khademzadeh, a local expert in historic urban fabric
of Yazd. He was the director of ICHTO for a period of four years and hence was well aware of the issues of the
Yazd old city.

103
As a result, the solution worked out, not only resolved the accessibility problem of the district,
but it also ended up utilizing the obsolete buildings in an optimum way, reusing them for a new
purpose and preventing them from furthure deteroriation and demolition. Converting the
residential buildings into spaces for serving at city level through minimum physical
modofications, was an innovative response to the accessibility problem of Abul-Maali District,
which also produced the following furthur outcomes:

 Protecting the obsolete historical buildings and reusing them as new urban spaces
 Forming well-defined, meaningful and functional urban facades (Figure 5-4)
 Generating an interactive urban space with spatial sequence, in harmony with the pattern
of traditional architecture of the area (rather than creating space with axial pattern only
for accessibility)
 Creating visibility from the main urban artery towards the inner part of the district and
increasing the sense of security for the district’s residents

Although the mentioned experience is at a small urban scale, but it can be considered as a role-
model for furthur interventions in the historic areas due to its innovative, thoughtful and
appropriate answer to the existing problems of the historic core.

Figure 5-4: The opening of the Abul-Maali passage

towards the street was designed as a gateway

5.7.3 Revitalization of Amir-Chaghmaq Square

This urban level project was proposed in 1980s by ICHTO. Although the initial designs were
shaped by local experts, but due to its mega scale, the project was funded directly by the central

104
government and therefore, in later stages it was influenced by central government agencies.
Eventually the project was partially implemented in mid 1990s. The aim of the project was to
reintegrate the Amir-Chaghmaq Square as one of the most significant and key urban spaces in
the Yazd historic city center.

Amir-Chaghmaq Square traditionally was one of the main urban spaces and the city center for
the old city. Due to the street widenning policy of 1920s, the Amir-Chaghmaq Complex which
was acting as an enclosed interactive urban space for centuries, was transformed to a
monumental square and a vehicular node. Although it remained as the center for commercial and
social activities for the city center but it had lost its original position and identity with the
passage of time. Hence, the project attempted to reintegrate the traditional urban complex in
order to revive its former role and function in the city. Followings are strategies adopted for
achieving the aim of the project:

 Reorgnazition of existing commercial activities by replacing them with more suitable

functions for the area such as promotion of handicraft workshops and other tourism
related activities
 Motivation of local developers and investers to invest and establish their bussines in the
area
 Providing the basis for more social activities such as public gatherings and ceremonies
and creating a more interactive space rather than mere functional and commercial zone
 Abondonment of vehicular function around the square and relocating the vehicular traffic
by providing altrnative streets
 Conservation of historical buildings and monuments and physical renovation of the urban
complex

Following the aim and strategies of the project, the proposed buildings around the square were
conserved and reused for different activities such as hotels, restaurants, handicraft workshops
and other commercial and cultural activities. For this porpuse the private sector was motivated
and facilitated financialy through loans.

Besides reintegration of different components of the old complex, it was also suggested to bring
back the prior eclosed physical shape of the Square. For this porpose it was required to block the
vehicular traffic around the square and relocating it by providing linking roads from the urban
complex to the nearby streets.

As mentioned earlier, the project was proposed and designed by local experts and agencies but
due to its mega scale it had to be funded by the centeral government agencies. Later, due to the
political and administrative changes of the centeral government and the lack of budget, the
project was not implemented according to the plan. Although the ambition of the project was the
revival of one of the most significant urban elements of the historic core, but due to certain

105
reasons the project never achieved the proposed aims and it was implemented partially. The
reasons can be listed as follows:

 Direct dependence on the centeral government as the budgetary body, and following a
single-agency model for funding the project
 Defining non-realistic and non-achievable aims for the project at mega scale
 Adopting non-approachable strategies due to non-consideration of public participation

It is worth mentioning that the aims and strategies of the project were not shared with the local
public, residents, marchants and shopkeepers of the area. Based on different interviews with the
residents, many of the marchants and shopkeepers who were active in the area for many years
were not satisfied with decisions made by the experts. On one hand, they believed that the
interventions would result in decline in their bussiness, but also they were not willing to shift
their bussiness to other zones of the city. Also, many of the residants were not satisfied with the
policy of alternative street establishment as it would result in the demolition of their residential
houses and properties. Therefore, non-satisfaction of the general public was another additional
reason for the failure of the project. Besides, the partial implementation of the project had some
negative impacts on the urban fabric of the area. The incompelet inteventions which were made
to bring back the original physical form of the Squar (Meidan) hurt the spatial structure as well
as the image of the existing historic monument (Tekiyah) which was a valuable landmark of the
city. Also the altarnative streets were established partially by demolishing a number of buildings
and the remains of the ruined buildings created inapproapriate urban façades.

5.7.3 Renovation of Imam-Khomeini Street

The project was embarked in 2006, based on the proposal of Yazd Urban Renewal and
Revitalization Company (URRC) for renovation of Imam-Khomeini Street as one of the oldest
and the most active urban spaces within the Yazd historic city center. Imam-Khomeini Street
which was established in 1920s, used to be an active commercial zone of city center due to
accomodating a large number of shopes, shopping plazas and centers for the wholesale business.
It was also a linking artery between the city center and the newly developed part of the city.
Besides playing an active role as an urban space, Imam-Khomeini street was never maintained
adequately since the time of its establishment. Therefore, this significant urban space was
suffering from physical and spatial deterioration. The aim of URRC was to re-design the urban
space by re-orgnizing the facades as well as other urban elements such as pathways and
pavements, floor patterns and urban furnitures.

The project was devided into three phases which were all carried out and conducted by Yazd
URRC. The first phase was to survey and document the existing situation of the street in order to
figure out the existing problems . The second phase was to re-design the urban elements such as
facades, pathways and the required furnitures, and the third phase was implementation of the
project. A team of local experts consisting of young local architects and urban designers and

106
senior local experts in the construction field were assigned to the project. One of the significant
points in the case of Imam-khomeini project was the incorporation of all three phases
simultaneously. The design and implementation phases of the project were based on the “block
by block” method which signified the designing and implementation at once for a certain block,
and then carrying on with the next one. This method was more handy rather designing the entire
area and then trying to impose the design on the existing situation. The block by block method of
work made the final result to be more adjustable with the area and resulted in solving the issues
of the design at the time of implementation for each individual block.

Although the scope of the project was more towards mere physical renovation of the area, but
comparatively it can be considered as one of the successful projects in the context of the old city.
It was one of the projects which was completed entirely, and majority of the users had positive
feedback regarding this initiative. It had also a very positive impact on the other nearby streets
and the shopkeepers and marchants were motivated to renovate the façades of their shops
accordingly and on their own. Therefore, the renovation of Imam-Khomeini Street turned to be a
role model for renovation of surrounding areas as well.

It is worth mentioning that the local representative of URRC played a central role in the creation
of the collaborative network, which acted as a broker between the central government and the
local agencies. The role played by the executive local manager in generating a collaborative
network to mobilize and organize collective action is interesting to note. He was appointed as the
local director for regeneration program in the historic core of Yazd as he was a well-known local
manager with the right background for this job. On the one hand, he was a reliable manager as
shown by his employment record in different governmental organizations and had a good
relationship with a wide range of public and private development agencies. On the other hand, he
was aware of real dimensions of local issues as well as potentialities since he was more in touch
with the problems of the local context. The recognition of actual problems required a deep
understanding of the context and the awareness of threat as well as opportunities. He offered a
number of specific suggestions as the project manager in the process of planning, design, and
implementation due to his awareness and recognition of the local issues. The innovative methods
in providing financial resources based on local opportunities, creative approaches to urban
problem-solving and building network of communication and trust among the different actors
and stakeholders can be recognized as the major characteristics of the management system in this
project. There were four major roles played by the local leader in setting and integrating policies
(coordinating role), providing resources (negotiation role), removing the various barriers
(intermediary role), and encouraging and involving local professionals (professional role).
Additional measures of success may lie in the individual characteristics and capability including
a sense of local patriotism, indigenous knowledge, personal involvement and commitment, and
reliability which enabled the local leader for playing the above roles.

107
5.8 Revitalization Approaches Employed in Yazd City

The above mentioned initiatives in the context of Yazd historic city center indicated a range of
activities taken place for revitalization of historic urban fabric of the city. Different initiatives,
each following a specific aim, scope of work and institutional framework, created a diverse range
of policies and approaches towards revitalization of the historic core. It is worth mentioning that
the efforts to revitalize the Yazd city center are not limited to what were introduced in the
previous sections. Although none of the attempts are compeletly following the certain
approaches, identified in chapter Two and Four, but some of them have more close
characteristics to the distinguished approaches. Therefore, they have been chosen to represent
each approach as well as the research case studies for the furthur analysis. Program for
revitalization of Fahadan District (Yuzdaran axis) and redevelopment program for Shesh-Badgiri
district are also among the initiatives taken in the old city which have been chosen as the related
case studies of the research. Chapter Six will analyzes the mentioned case studies after
introducing them extensively. Table 5.5 shows the most considerable initiatives at urban scale
for revitalization of the historic core of Yazd city.

Project Year/Agency Approach Aims & Objectives Remarks

1986/ Yazd -Upgrading the area by

Redevelopment Housing and replacing its obsolete and -Project was not implemented
program for Urban Physically deteriorated fabric with a according to the plans.
Shesh-Badgiri Development Redevelopment vehicular thoroughfare -The ambitions of the program
District Organization and providing and the policy adopted were not
(HUDO) - Yazd appropriate accessibility successful in resolving the issues
Municipality to the inner core of the of the area (See Chapter Six)
district (See Chapter Six)
-Improvement of Road -As the program was based on
Revitalization of 1987/ Yazd network and vehicular the public participation and
Lab-e-Khandaq Municipality & Integrated access involving their opinion from the
Passage Tehran School of -Enhancement of urban very early stage, the policy
Fine Arts public facilities adopted and solutions suggested
Consultants -Setting appropriate were close to the reality and
rules, regulations and suitable to the problems of the
bylaws for new area.
constructions -Only physical aspects of the
-Solving the issues of project was implemented
habitation in historic partially.
residential units -Due to its logical and
-Considering the Socio- comprehensive point of view
cultural values of the area towards resolving the issues,
program has been considered
partly successful.
-Preservation of urban
Revitalization of 1991/ ICHTO heritage -The project was implemented
Fahadan District (Yazd)- Yazd Integrated -Enhancement of compeletly according to the
(Yuzdaran axis) Municipality physical conditions of the plans in different stages and was
(Historic area reported succesfully
District)- Civic -Improvement of the (See Chapter Six)

108
 society quality of life of the
organization- inhabitants in the
Private Sectors area(See Chapter Six)
-Improvement of the
Revitalization of 1995/ ICHTO & access network of Abul- The scope of this urban project
Abul-Maali Yazd Fragmented Maali District was small but due to its
Passage (Guzar- Municipality -Amendment of lack of innovative way of resolving the
e- Abul-Maali) accessibility of inner core physical issues, it has been
of Abul-Maali District to considered as a significant
the vehicular streets and example.
urban arteries with the
minimum destruction of
existing historic areas

1997/ Funded by Reintegrate the Amir- -As a result of non-approachable

Revitalization of Centeral Chaghmaq Square as one aims and huge scale of the
Amir-Chaghmaq government and Fragmented of the most significant project, it remained incomplete
Square implemented by and key urban spaces in -The project was not reported as
ICHTO (Yazd) the Yazd historic city successful
center
Re-design of the Imam-
Renovation of 2006/ Yazd Khomeini Street as one -The scope of the project was
Imam-Khomeini Urban Renewal Fragmented the significant urban limited to resolving mere
Street and spaces within the old city physical issues of the urban area
Revitalization by reorgnizing and -Due to a large effort for public
Company maintanace of the facades participation at all stages, the
(URRC) as well as other urban project is significant.
elements such as the -Project was completed and
pathways, pavements, implimented 100% according to
floor patterns and urban designs.
furnitures
Table 5-5: Initiatives at urban scale for revitalization of historic core of Yazd city

5.9 Conclusion

The chapter provided the detailed introduction of the Yazd city as the selected case study for the
research. After reviewing the general profile of the city, the urban management agencies
responsible for urban initiatives in the Yazd city and particularly the historic core were
introduced. The review of the urban planning instruments of Yazd city indicated that untill the
Third master plan of the city which was prepared in 2007, all other master plans failed to solve
the problems of the historic core or have a realistic viewpoint. Furthurmore, the assessment of
the existing situation of the historic part of Yazd city provided a list of strenghts, weaknesses,
opportunities and threats available in the area. In addition, the review of several efforts for
revitalization of historic core of Yazd revealed that different programs each with different
understanding from the issues of historic core and shaped on different instituitional framework,
formed a variety of approaches to the revitalization of the historic core. The selection of case
studies for furthur analysis has been done based on the results of the survey from available
initiatives. Although none of the initiatives are completely following all the characteristics of
distinguished approaches of the research, but among all two projects each representing a certain
approach were adopted for the furthur analysis.

109
CHAPTER 6
ANALYSIS OF REVITALIZATION INITIATIVES IN YAZD CITY

6.1 Introduction

This chapter presents the different approaches to the revitalization of Yazd historic city center
through illustration of two different projects in Yazd city. The chosen case studies are described
and in later stages, comparative analysis is conducted and supported by the qualitative and
quantitative feedback and surveyed results. The study focuses on two different case studies each
representing a different approach. Program for the revitalization of Yuzdaran Axis in Fahadan
District represents the conservation-led regeneration approach and Construction of Basij
Boulevard in Shesh-Badgiri District represents physical-redevelopment approach.

In order to gain a better understanding regarding initiatives, the first part of this chapter
introduces both projects in terms of their background, institutional framework, policy and
approach as well as their implementation process. The second part of the chapter analyzes and
compares the outcomes and impacts of the projects on their contexts based on three research
parameters; spatial, social and economical dimensions. The result of the analysis of two projects,
each representing a certain approach, will lead the research to identify the more prosperous
project which follows a more practicable approach.

6.2 Revitalization of Yuzdaran Axis

The project for revitalization of Yuzdaran Axis

commenced in 1991. The aim of this project was to
revitalize the Yuzdaran Axis as one of the major and
the most historical thoroughfares within the old city.
Containing several important historical buildings and
monuments, Yuzdaran Axis was nominated as a
strong cultural and tourist attraction axis in the
historic core of Yazd (Interview-Mondegari,
2013).Moreover, the project intended to preserve and
respect the urban heritage, enhance physical
conditions, and improve the quality of life of the
inhabitants in the area. Besides, the project was
proposed to enhance the image of the area and
provide a proper facility not only for the residents
but also for all visitors of the historic core.

Yuzdaran Axis is located in Fahadan district; one of Figure 6-1: Fahadan district and location of
the most historical districts of Yazd city (Figure 6-1). Yuzdaran Axis (Source: Author’s own construct)

110
The area is currently located on the north-east side of the old city and it is defined by a number
of boundary elements: to the north-east by Fahadan Street, on north-west by a street know as
Syed Gole Sorkh and to the south-east to another street know as Imam Street. The majority of
land use in the area is residential and the edges of the urban block, abutting the streets are mainly
the hub of commercial activities.

In general, Fahadan district is the oldest part of Yazd and the initial core of Yazd walled city
dating back before 14th century. It is the most valuable part of the old city as it encompasses a
wide variety of traditional dwellings and historical buildings, monuments and urban fabric.
Although the spatial dimension of the area has changed to some extent, it still largely retains its
traditional layout. There are around fifteen monuments and historical buildings listed by the Iran
Cultural Heritage Organization, as well as more than hundred unlisted but architecturally
significant buildings (mainly historic residential houses) that determine the quality of this urban
context. Not only historical buildings and monuments but the road network of the area including
passages and alleys within the area, hold historical as well as architectural values. The dominant
route which has been the thoroughfare in the old times is Yuzdaran axis. This valuable historical
passage which runs from south-east to the north-west is known as the oldest path in the
traditional city and it is among the architectural significances of the selected study area.

The majority of land use in the area belongs to residential units and contains different types of
residential uses including single-family homes, multi-family homes, and newly constructed
condominiums and multi storey houses. The rest of the area is mostly covered with access
network and commercial zones. The commercial uses are located along new streets on the border
of the urban block. There are also two local commercial centers, literally Bazarcheh, in the
proximity of the historic neighborhood centers and along the main axis of Yuzdaran which
mainly provide the daily or regular needs of the residents of the immediate neighborhoods.

Other than residential and commercial uses the area contains a number of religious and cultural
buildings such as a mausoleum, mosques and monuments. A close examination of the area shows
that the major monuments are in close proximity to each other and to the Yuzdaran axis as the
major thoroughfare of the district. The program for regeneration of the area focuses on this
thoroughfare at the heart of the urban block which connects a number of historic buildings and
monuments. The monuments clustering along the spine have their own distinctive character.
They define a heritage corridor which is a vital part of the area. One such cluster is centered on
the Alexander Prison complex (Ziya’iya theological school, Twelve Imam Mausoleum, District
level Park, Fahadan Hotel, and Bazarche or small bazaar), the most frequented tourist area. With
its unique architectural heritage, it is one of the most important sights of the historic core. There
are also several unique buildings, including the Lariha House, Arabs residential complex,
Hoseinian house, Fahadan Hoseinia, Fahadan water reservoir (Aab-anbar), Heidar Zade house,
Hamam-i- Nouw(public bath), Kherad Nejad Zurkhana ( Center for traditional sport) which are
the principal elements of these clusters (Figure 6-2).

111
 1-Alexander Prison (Ziya’iya theological school) 6- Hamam-i- Nouw

2- Twelve Imam Mausoleum 7- Lariha House

3- Fahadan water reservoir 8- Heidar Zade house

4- Kherad Nejad Zurkhana 9- Hoseinian house

5- Arabs residential complex

Figure 6-2: Yuzdaran Axis and its salient features (Source: Author’s own construct)

The Yuzdaran passage linking the historical monuments and buildings has an important role in
providing continuity within a wide range of settings. These monuments and buildings have each
formed a small cluster. The totality of these clusters comprises the main public space in this area.
The following section briefly introduces some of the major elements of these clusters.

6.2.1 Salient Features of the Area

Ziya’iya Madrasa known as Alexander Prison is a

historical building located in the center of Fahadan District
and next to the Twelve Imam Mausoleum (Figure 6-3).
This building has been in fact a theological school
established in 12th century by Ziya’udin Hossein Razi and
later completed by his sons. One of the architectural
significances of the building is its high dome with a height
of 18 meters which has been covered by golden
ornamentations from inside. According to some references Figure 6-3: Interior view of Ziya’iya
the place had been used as a prison earlier on at the time of School (Source: Author, 2012)

112
invasion of Alexander the Great to Iran and later it has been transferred into a school. The
building has been listed as a National Heritage Site.

Twelvth Imam Mausoleum is one of the most significant monuments left from the 11th century
Figure 6-5). It is located next to the Fahadan Great Hosseiniah and Ziya’iya school and
according to the documented data, it is one of the oldest buildings in the historic fabric of Yazd.
The mausoleum is well known for its dome which is made of brick and it is among the
significant works of Seljughs’ art (Figure 6-5). There are several relics and cornices in the
mausoleum which are decorated with Kufic calligraphy and they have historical as well as
architectural value.

Figure 6-4: A view of Twelve Imam Figure 6-5: Interior of mausoleum from
Mausoleum dating back to 11th century dome, a significant Seljughs’ art work
(Source: Author, 2012) (Source: Author, 2012)

Lariha house is a historical Yazdi house belonging

to Qajar era in 18th century. The house is famous
for its traditional layout with central courtyard, its
ornamentations and its tall Badgir (wind-catcher)
(Figure 6-6). The building which belongs to one of
the aristocratic families of 18th century is listed as
a National Heritage Site.

It is worth mentioning, that there are many other

valuable architectural features in the area, such as Figure 6-6: A view of central courtyard of
Arabs Residential Complex, Hamam-e-Nouw, Lariha house and its Badgir (wind-catcher)
(source: Author, 2012)
Kherad-Nejad Zurkhane (platform for traditional
sport) and many others which were considered as the assets during the revitalization program of
Yuzdaran Axis.

113
6.2.2 The Organizational and Administrative Structure of Yuzdaran Axis Project

The origin of Yuzdaran axis project was in 1990, when the Center of Urban Revitalization and
Renewal (CURR) was established in The Ministry of Housing and Urban Development
(MHUD). This was based on a new policy by MHUD to look at the cultural heritage in a broader
view. According to the new policy, cultural heritage not only consisted of an individual building
or monument, but it included the historical urban fabric of cities as a whole. Based on this new
agenda, the responsibility of newly established CURR was to prepare a detailed master plan for
the historic urban fabrics in old cities. In the context of Yazd city one of the outcomes of the new
policy was the preparation of regeneration plan for 98.5 hectares of historic area within city
center (Interview-Mondegari, 2013). The area was located in the north-east of the old city and
the northern part of Fahadan District was included. 16 The plan proposed regeneration and
conservation in three different zones in the area out of which Yuzdaran axis and its surrounding
historical elements were considered as the most important opportunities in the area.

From the beginning, the basis of the project was to be a partnership initially among the different
agencies involved each with responsibility for conservation and regeneration at their respective
levels. As mentioned earlier, this area is one of the valuable parts of the historic core,
encompassing numerous monuments and historic buildings. Revitalization of Yuzdaran axis
project was planned and designed in order to reverse the dramatic conditions in the area.
However, the plan required a wide range of collaboration between different agencies involved to
overcome the social, economic and physical problems and also a wider range of technical,
financial and administrative issues encountering the management of the area. Accordingly, this
project was initiated through a multi-sectorial partnership approach. This was a new system of
city centre management in Iran, and engaged a plurality of institutions and organizations
alongside the local authority to resolve the issues of their locality. There were a range of
agencies at national and local level, responsible for planning, financing and implementation of
the project. Iran Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization (Yazd branch), Yazd General
Governor, Center of Urban Revitalization and Renewal at MHUD were among the decision
making agencies. Further on, Yazd Municipality (Historic district), Iran Cultural Heritage and
Tourism Organization, Endowment and Charity Affairs Organization and some civic societies
and private sectors collaborated in financing and implementation phase of the project.

6.2.3 Policy and Approach

Direct dialogue between different agencies, involved under the umbrella of regeneration program
for Yuzdaran axis, provided an opportunity for partnership-based policy making. Each agency

16
The mentioned plan was prepared by Engineer Mahmoud Tavassoli, as chief designer, and his team in 1990. The
plan proposed the conservation and regeneration in three different zones in an area defined between Imam Street,
Ghiyam Street and Seyed Gole Sorkh Street. The three proposed zones were as follows: Yuzdaran Axis and
surrounding elements, Jame Mosque and surrounding areas and Lab-e-Khandaq District. The plan was published
later in the form of a book titled “Urban Design in the inner core of the historic city of Yazd”.

114
had its own demands, perspectives, and priorities in dealing with the historic area. Along with
the re-development oriented scheme, there was an opposition to the comprehensive
reorganization plans and other development-oriented programs. Iran Cultural Heritage and
Tourism Organization as the mastermind of this trend had an emphasis on preserving and
restoring the historic assets (Interview-Mondegari, 2012). Nevertheless the historic area has also
suffered from the excessive preservation-oriented policies and restrictive regulations during the
last decades. Finding the productive middle ground between these two extremes was therefore
essential for the regeneration of the historic core.

Based on the lessons learnt from earlier interventions, ICHTO introduced a policy towards
intervention in the historic urban fabric. There was an attempt to converge the different
approaches concerning the historic environment. The strategic policy framework introduced an
integrated approach to achieve interrelated conservation and development objectives. To be
successful, the rehabilitation of the historic core had to go beyond mere restoration of
monuments and other physical interventions: “Reconciling conservation and development is a
prerequisite for achieving improvements in the quality of life in environmentally and culturally
sensitive places” (Bianca, 2001).

As will be seen in the regeneration program for Yuzdaran axis in following sections, re-using a
historical house as the ICHTO office in the heart of historic district proved to be the catalyst for
the general revival of the area. At the preliminary stage of the program, the main focus was on
restoration of individual buildings and public open spaces. However, considering the critical
situation of the area, it needed to be complimented and supported by other modes of
interventions, such as adaptive re-use, careful urban renewal and even substitution of elements
which were no longer viable or needed to be replaced by the new functions, under the condition
that “the new infills will contribute to the survival of the area” (Bianca, 2000).

The trend of reusing historic buildings by adapting them to appropriate functions has already
become a part of the city centre regeneration programs. Adaptive reuse is one of the main ways
to assure the maintenance of certain conserved buildings. It was based on a new policy and
program which was introduced by the ICHO and the UDRC named New Life for Old Structures
(Izadi, 2008). Historic houses and monuments have been rehabilitated in an effort to revitalize
the existing architectural heritage and make them accessible to the local community as well as
visitors. The adaptive reuse of restored buildings is considered from the beginning, in order to
keep the building alive, provide meaning to the physical intervention, make local communities
‘own’ the building and generate income for future operation and maintenance (UDRO, 2001).
The program specifically aimed to attract investment in the historic urban centers by promoting
the reuse of key buildings as a means of encouraging sustainable regeneration of these
neighborhoods. Along with other initiatives in this field, the restoration themselves has provided
opportunities for employment and training of craftsmen in a range of traditional construction
skills (Leslie, 2001).

115
Aside from the above policy considering the development of compatible and relevant functions,
the new consistent development agenda introduced a new strategy for the regeneration of the
historic neighborhoods. There was an emphasis on a gradual process of physical rehabilitation
and economic improvement. The new policy declared that facilitating the gradual rehabilitation
of existing residential units through the creation of necessary conditions including the
improvement of infrastructures, development of required services and functions, and upgrading
of public open spaces motivates the inhabitants to continue living in their homes and acts as a
great impetus force to get others involved. Upgrading and enhancement of public open spaces, an
important element in the historic core, which connect monuments, houses and public facilities
can provides a focus for social and cultural activities and strengthen the sense of civic identity
and pride. Investments in public open spaces and parks can also reverse the ‘bad image’ of the
historic areas and act as a catalyst and facilitator for the development and promotion of the
historic quarters. In short, avoiding large scale interventions and focusing on structure and
infrastructure of the areas in order to motivate residents to participate in the regeneration of their
quarters has been one of the key strategies in the regeneration program for Yuzdaran axis.

6.2.4 Implementation of Yuzdaran Axis Project

The project for revitalization of Yuzdaran Axis commenced in 1991. The strategic plan was
drawn up by ICHTO and was finalized and validated by the technical commission of the Center
of Urban Revitalization and Renewal (CURR) and formed the basis for the implementation of
Yuzdaran project.

The framework plan contained a series of strategic proposals for the regeneration of the area. The
main idea was to introduce a dynamic plan of actions, adaptive and flexible (Interview- Owlia,
2012). In spite of the static nature of the previous fixed master and detailed plans, which
assumed that the objectives were fixed from the beginning, this new style of project management
saw the planning as a process whereby the program should be adapted during its implementation.
It was a special and innovative way of planning, deciding and acting which considered a series of
practical factors regarding the changes and also local potential in each stage. It is expected that it
will enable the local authority to take a greater share of responsibility in the management of its
built environment.

From the beginning, the guiding principles behind this program were to improve the quality of
life, revive the historic elements, enhance the image of the area and attract visitors. Therefore,
the principal objectives of the plan would encourage both conservation and regeneration
activities. On the other hand, according to the main strategy of the program, which reviewed
before, the plan had an emphasis on facilitating the gradual rehabilitation of existing residential
units, avoiding large scale interventions and focusing on structure and infrastructure of the area;
without any planning restriction for the inhabitants (Interview- Owlia, 2012). Consequently, the
plan organized a combination of conservation and development activities concentrated around
the main spine of the area without any interventions in the residential domain. A variety of sub-

116
projects have been introduced which closely associated physical improvement in the domain of
public open space. The purpose of the plan for the revitalization of Yuzdaran Axis can be
summed up as follows:

 Improvement of infrastructure conditions,

 Public open space enhancement,
 Conservation and adaptive reuse of historic buildings;
 Tackle crime and improve public safety;
 Up-grading existing businesses and regeneration of old functions,

Apart from the guiding principles behind the plan, it identified major duties and specific tasks
and responsibilities of the development agencies involved and their territories of involvement.
Cultural Heritage Organization was engaged in the restoration of a number of key monuments in
the area. This agency was also responsible for re-development of key sites for public facilities as
well as open space improvement. Yazd municipality (historic district) was involved in the
development of green spaces and parks, public spaces and existing commercial centers
improvement, and also upgrading infrastructures in cooperation with the agencies in charge of
establishing, exploiting, and managing gas, electricity, drainage and drinking water. Meanwhile,
a number of development projects were introduced for other agencies including the Endowment
and Charity Affairs Organization (ECAO) and Cultural and Islamic Guidance Organization
(CIGO). The framework plan also proposed many opportunities for several private sectors for
development and investment.

As shown in figure 6-7 the strategy plan of Fahadan project was identified in five zones around
the main spine of Yuzdaran axis; Tourist zone (Alexander prison and surrounding areas), official
zone (Lariha house), local commercial and service zone (Yuzdaran main axis, local bazaar and
public green area), cultural zone (Heydarzade House and Kherad-Nejad Zurkhane) and public
facility zone (Arabha housing complex and Hammam Noew). These five prioritized zones were
introduced by the strategic plan, each forming a focus for rehabilitation, upgrading and
conservation. The first phase was to transfer the location of the main office of Cultural Heritage
Organization to the heart of Fahadan district and next to the major axis; Yuzdaran passage. For
this purpose one of the valuable historical houses of the area called Lariha House was conserved
and then was converted to Cultural Heritage Organization. This initiative was the first step
toward conservation of the entire district. It caused close relationship and better understanding of
the CHO with the existing circumstances of the district. On the other hand, residents and users of
the area had the opportunity to have a direct access to the authorities and share their problems,
ideas and needs with them.

117
 1-Tourist Zone 4-Cultural Zone

2-Official Zone 5-Public Facility Zone

3-Local commercial and Service Zone

Figure 6-7: Strategy Plan of Program for Revitalization of Yuzdaran Axis (Source: Author’s own
construct)

The second phase started in 1991. The purpose was to strengthen the tourism potential of the
area. In this stage, the restoration of Alexander Prison (Ziya’iyeh School) and Twelve Imam
mausoleum, conservation and adaptive reuse of recognized heritage places into guest house and
art museum have turned this area into a highly attractive place for local visitors and is one of the
city centre’s best known tourist spots. The third phase started afterward, initiated by Yazd
municipality (Historic District). They targeted the common public spaces of the district including
the Yuzdaran passage as the main spine and the other areas linked with it. They have been
targeted for maintenance and rehabilitation because they offer a range of opportunities and
potentials to enhance the quality of everyday life of the inhabitants. Traditionally, in each quarter
or neighborhood within the major intersection of the pathway system, there is an open space or
square for socio-cultural, recreational and commercial activities. This space is usually located
within a close distance of every house. It can provide a multiplicity of functions and facilities for
the activities of the local inhabitants, such as gathering and chatting, shopping (in the local
markets or shops located around the squares), religious and cultural activities (in the shrine,
Imamzada, Hosseiniyah, or other communal gathering places), or playground for children. Thus,
these community centers acted as major forums for social and cultural interaction. However, the
transformation of spatial and functional structure of these public spaces together with physical
decay during the last decades diminished this role. A series of sub-projects proposed and plans
drawn to revive this role through physical improvement activities such as upgrading street
paving, public lighting, as well as facades and storefronts; upgrading of public utilities; and also

118
decreasing spatial disorder and functional fragmentation by physical rearrangement and re-
concentration of local functions.

The fifth phase of the regeneration program for the Fahadan district deals with the conservation
and preservation of a cluster of houses called Arabha housing colony and the public Bath called
Hammam-e-Noew. This cluster has an obvious cultural as well as commercial potential and acts
at both the neighborhood and city levels. The analysis section will introduce detailed plans and
proposals of these sub-projects as well as their achievements during the period of
implementation.

6.3 Construction of Basij Boulevard Project

The background of the construction of Basij Boulevard goes back to 1983 when the new master
plan for the Yazd city proposed establishment of a new vehicular axis connecting the eastern
thoroughfares to the western part of the city. The reason behind this proposal was the lack of
East-West vehicular axis in the access network of Yazd in general. At the same time, the
establishment of a new ring road on the outer part of the city moving from south-east to the east
and north-east was under process. Therefore, the connection of the inner parts of the city to the
ring road would decrease the traffic load of the inner city.

Although a lot of surveys and contextual investigations were done to propose the most
appropriate location for the mentioned axis but eventually it was proposed that it could cross the
outer part of the old city where the southern part of the Shesh-Badgiri district and its important
sub-districts such as Tal, Lard-e-Asiyab and most importantly Zoroastrians’ district were located.
The first reason to suggest the mentioned area for the intervention was that the physical context
of these historical districts was reported obsolete and deteriorated. Therefore, demolition and
replacement with new constructions and redevelopment of the area seemed justified.

The second reason was the traffic congestion at micro level and within the district. As was
mentioned earlier, due to being adjacent to the new developed part of the city, Shesh-Badgiri
district and specially the outer part of it, has been playing an active role in accommodation of
several commercial and official activities. That has been forcing a huge traffic load on the inner
core of the district as the traditional layout of narrow allies could not afford the load. Hence,
establishment of a vehicular thoroughfare looked to be the solution to the existing problem. As a
result, in the master plan of 1986 the establishment of a new boulevard, connecting Kashani
Street to the Salman-e-Farsi Street and eventually reaching to the ring road was proposed. The
new proposed road called Basi Boulevard would on one hand ease the east-west traffic flow and
on the other hand would shift the traffic load of the inner part of the city to the ring road and
hence the inner part would be released partially from traffic congestion (Figure 6-8).

119
 Ring Road
City Center Traffic
artery

Figure 6-8: Basij Boulevard was proposed to transfer the traffic load to the eastern ring road (Source: Author’s own
construct)

The area17 proposed for the construction of Basij Boulevard contains one of the major parts of
historic core of Yazd known as Shesh-Badgiri district. The district itself consists of several sub-
districts such as Khajeh-Khezr, Nazar-Kardeh, Tal and Zoroastrians’ quarter. Although the
whole area was truncated by the establishment of the streets of 1920s and 1930s but the urban
fabric behind these vehicular roads largely retained its traditional layout.

As other historical fabrics, the urban structure of these districts were integrated and shaped
according to certain rules and were well set with the context. Majority of the land use belonged
to the residential areas. The houses in micro level were designed according to the needs and
conditions of the context and at city level were joined together based on the network of organic
and narrow alleys. The access from the main routes to the residential neighborhoods was broken
into successive hierarchal sections which heralded increasing degrees of privacy. The network of
alleys followed the well-known hierarchy composed of central thoroughfare, residential
thoroughfares and semi-private cul-de-sacs giving access to the houses (Darwent, 1965).
Moreover, at the junction of two or three alleys or along with the residential thoroughfares, there
were a number of single shops to provide the daily requirements to the local inhabitants. These

17
The study area is located in the southern part of the historic core of Yazd which is limited by Salman Street to the
north east, Kashani Street and Markar Square to the south west and Imam Street to the North West.

120
public spaces lacked the rigid layout which allowed a high degree of interaction between various
social activities.

Khajeh-Khezr
Quarter Nazar-Kardeh
Quarter

Tal Quarter

Zoroastrian’
Quarter

Figure 6-9: Sub-districts of Shesh-Badgiri District and proposed

location for construction of Basij Boulevard
The location, size and shape of urban elements in the area, as well as their relationship with each
other and to the whole city, represent an evolutionary product of a gradual development, instead
of instant decision at a particular period of time. All single elements whether houses, mosques,
residential clusters or neighborhood centers, relied on the basic pattern of the enclosure which
contributed to the totally integrated urban structure.

One of the main elements of this area was Zoroastrian quarter located in the far south of the
Shesh-Badgiri district. It includes a number of nodes, important common buildings related to
Zoroastrianism as well as a vast residential area and neighborhood quarters of Zoroastrian
community (Figure 6-9).

It is worth mentioning that the city of Yazd has one of the largest and the most integrated
Zoroastrian communities in the country, who have been living in the city for many centuries
since the advent of Islam. Although they have been practicing a healthy interaction with the
Muslims of the city, but yet due to being in minority in case of population, they preferred to
settle in the vicinity of each other and as a result, the Zoroastrian district had shaped on the
southern edge of the old city over many centuries. Like all other historical districts of the city,
Zoroastrian quarter too, follows the traditional layout of urban fabrics in general. It is well-set
against the climatic context as other part of the old city and shaping an integrated organic urban
fabric. Other than its morphological layout, Zoroastrian quarter is one of the valuable parts of the
old city, as it contains a lot of historical residential houses of Zoroastrians as well as the public

121
buildings such as Atash-kade18 and schools. Residential houses belonging to Zoroastrians used to
have significant layouts, typically different from Muslims’ houses which make them
architecturally valuable. The Zoroastrian quarter, located on the southern part of Shesh-Badgiri
district has been unique in city level due to holding several Zoroastrians’ neighborhood with
their considerable architectural layout.

Other than architectural values, in case of social aspects too, Zoroastrians’ quarter is notable.
Located next to the other sub-districts of the city, there has never been a boundary or segregating
element between Zoroastrians’ quarter and other neighboring districts. This has resulted in a
vigorous and friendly relationship of Muslims and Zoroastrians of the city which has sustained
for many centuries. Although Zoroastrians retained the unity and integrity of their community
and practiced their rituals peacefully, they never turned out to be isolated from the rest of the
society in case of social, economical and cultural activities. Even in some cases Zoroastrians’
charity foundations played an important role in the development of public and educational spaces
of the city. Markar School, Markar Clock Tower and Keikhosravi School are among the
mentioned efforts. The reflection of above mentioned fact is the boundary-less situation of
Zoroastrians’ quarter with the rest of the old city.

It is worth mentioning that like other districts of the old city, Shesh-Badgiri districts also, during
the last decades, faced a gradual process of decline and deterioration. The physical obsolescence,
the lack of adequate public amenities, and the poor condition of the urban infrastructure forced
many indigenous inhabitants to abandon their properties. Location on the edge of the old city
boundary and being near to the new developed part of the city made the outer layer of the block
to play an active role in commercial activities and public services. Nevertheless, the physical
layout of the area, specially the network of narrow alleys and passages, was not compatible to the
huge load of activities and users. As a result, the traffic congestion became the new dilemma of
the outer layer which expanded till the inner core of the shesh-Badgiri block.

6.3.1 Planning and Urban Design Concepts for the Construction of Basij Boulevard

As it was mentioned, in order to ameliorate traffic congestion problem on the main arteries of the
city, a project named “Construction of Basij Boulevard” was initiated in 1986. Basij Boulevard is
a 36 meter wide axis, 1.8 kilometer long which connects the Kashani Street to Salman-e-Farsi
Street and to the Ring Road. In initial plans its layout consisted of two lanes for high speed
traffic each 12 meters wide, a green area at the middle (2 meters), two lanes for low speed traffic
on the sides (3 meters wide) and two pedestrian promenades, each 2 meters wide. Nevertheless,
in implementation process the plan for the boulevard was not followed accordingly, and due to
several issues, it was limited to two lanes for high speed traffic (12 meters wide) and partial non-
planed pedestrian promenades.

18
Atash-Kade is a local term means Fire Place, and it is a worshiping area for the Zoroastrians as they consider the
fire as a sacred natural element. Architecturally, Atash-Kade mostly has a significant layout as fire stands as a main
element and the space for pilgrims comes in front. They are known as valuable architectural monuments.

122
The outcome of the work of Consultant was an urban design scheme, which introduced the urban
form in terms of land use. The plan traditionally set the pattern of land use, proposed the road
networks and formulated a set of planning regulations. The plan did not contain any further
details such as sections or volumetric maps. The scale and layout of proposed new volumes,
ruled out any real dialogue with the historic urban fabric, except a set of regulation regarding
number of floors and height limits which was proposed to make adjustments with the historic
context of the project. Although they tried to consider the minimum destruction of existing urban
fabric but yet there were a number of historical buildings which were proposed to be demolished.
It is worth mentioning that the set of plans and regulations both remained for the edge of the
boulevard only and the deeper surrounding context was not considered (Figure 6-10).

The main design features of the boulevard are on monumental urban scale, and its axial and
rectilinear pattern. During the implementation process an effort was made to revise the plan of
the Boulevard at distinguished points, in order to achieve minimum destruction of buildings and
historic monuments. According to the documented data, there has been no plan or suggestion for
the sides and façade of the new established boulevard, in the master plan.

Figure 6-10: Final result of Basij Boulevard Project (Source: Yazd Municipality, 2007)

123
The major consideration has been accommodation of vehicular traffic and improvement of the
traffic network at city and district level. In general the aims of this urban scheme are identified as
follows:

 The elimination and prevention of the spread of blight and deterioration by the
redevelopment of the area into an active thoroughfare at city level.

 Reducing pressures of the vehicular traffic at macro level and development of traffic
network of the city.

6.3.2 The Organizational and Administrative Structure of the Basij Boulevard Project

The project has been entirely run by the central government and its affiliated companies,
particularly Yazd municipality, from the early stages upon the launch of implementation. This
included decisions regarding the demolition and clearance of sites, land and property acquisition,
financial investments, the building program, architectural details and technical specifications for
the new constructions. Construction of Basij Boulevard project which commenced in 1988 was
directly controlled by MHUD and its affiliated companies. Based on the protocol between
MHUD and Yazd municipality, the responsibility of preparation of master plans for the city were
transferred to the Yazd Housing and Urban Development Organization (HUDO), a direct related
body to the MHUD. HUDO assigned Shahrbod Consultant Engineers, a non-local consultant, to
propose the master plan for the Basij Boulevard. The proposed master plan was approved by the
technical team in Yazd Governor General and finally the plan was implemented by the Yazd
municipality (Interview, Noghsan Mohammadi, 2012).

Until 1999 there was no unified administrative boundary for the historic part of Yazd. Although
the historic districts were recognized in different master plans since 1977, but there was no set of
regulations or a responsible organization dealing with the issues of historic areas. ICHO which
was later developed as ICHTO was only responsible for the historic buildings, monuments and a
few recognized historic sites. Therefore, at city level, the urban redevelopment schemes were the
responsibility of MHUD and its local affiliated bodies such as HUDO .In 1999 Yazd
municipality redrew the administrative boundary of historic core, which was approved by
HUDO. According to the protocol between local organizations, ICHTO would be responsible for
the historic core and involved in decision making and implementation of any urban scheme
within the historic boundary.

For the implementation of Basij Boulevard project, the southern part of the historic core of Yazd
was chosen. Although the area was recognized as a part of the historic core of Yazd, but as it was
mentioned, there was no administrative boundary or responsible organization for the mentioned
area. While it was tried in the master plan to propose an area which could cause the least
destruction of historic areas, but still a large number of historic buildings and monuments were
124
demolished. The ICHO was the only organization at the time which was concerned with historic
areas. As administratively ICHO had no role in the process, only later on, after the project was
implemented partially, they were informed and showed reaction. Nevertheless, the unofficial
reaction of concerned authorities resulted in the rescue of a few important historic buildings and
monuments only (Interview, Owlia, 2013).

6.3.3 Policy and Approach

By the end of 1980s, the regeneration of dilapidated districts became a pronounced goal of the
renewal policy of the MHUD. However, emphasis on regenerating these areas was translated
into the policy of urban redevelopment by the state. Housing-led revitalization approach of
MHUD in 1993, which was a response to the rising projection of housing needs, is an evidence
of such approach (World Bank, 2004).It was along with the large scale destruction and
reconstruction in the old urban fabrics. On the other hand, there was a general understanding that
the problems of historic city centers were only about their physical deterioration. Therefore, most
of the solutions proposed for such areas were targeting the tangible aspects, especially spatial
features. As a result, resolving the problems of inner cities through physical interventions
became the dominant approach by the state. They ignored the existence of the historic urban
structure, since they were perceived as a deteriorated area, a haven for criminal activities and a
cramped and congested area comprising a disoriented road system, bland architectures and a
hostile set of public spaces (Sepanlou, 2006). The demolition of the existing urban fabric was
justified primarily as a means of dealing with social and spatial problems of the area.

At the same time, the political and ideological ambition of the state was to transform and
modernize the old fabric of the cities. Cities were to be transformed by means of a totally new
architectural and urban form, superimposed on the existing urban fabric. Developing the modern
city centre thus became synonymous with sacrificing the historic districts. This ideology also
encouraged the destruction of the old core. Thus the brutal redevelopment program and
wholesale renewal scheme conducted by the state became the common attitude toward existing
urban fabric.

Based on all above mentioned factors therefore, the central idea for the construction of Basij
Boulevard was to a great extent founded on functional and physical objectives rather than wider
social and urban needs. Also the ideological ambitions had effect on decision making and
shaping such an approach. This was evidenced by the absence of a policy for the historic core, in
which the basic social needs of the city and its population could have been taken into account.

6.3.4 Implementation of Basij Boulevard Project

The large-scale project of construction of Basij Boulevard was proposed and approved in 1983
and implementation phase started in 1988. There was no specific time frame suggested for the
implementation of the project but it was expected to be completed in a one year period. The
project was defined in several phases and it was planned to have adjustability between the

125
project and the context. Although the design considerations were mostly regarding the physical
and spatial contexts, but due to the economic inefficiencies and the lack of budget some phases
were not implemented.

The project was financed jointly by HUDO and Yazd municipality, although the majority of the
budget was based on municipality recourses. However, this large scale redevelopment project
required substantial level of funding to execute, but the implementation phase was entirely
financed by the municipality of Yazd. Municipality with its limited resources tried to manage the
budget for acquiring the land, as well as to establish the Boulevard. Majority of the budget was
spent on acquiring private lands and properties (ISNA, 1988). As a result, due to lack of budget,
the plans for the establishment of the Boulevard were not implemented according to the designs
and considerations of the consultant (Interview; Masoudi, 2013). Hence, the project was limited
to the construction of a boulevard with two high-speed traffic lanes only.

6.4 Selected Project Areas and their Configurations

The previous section was an attempt to give an overview from the projects and different aspects
of their formation process. As it was mentioned, the research tries to conduct the comparative
analysis of two projects; each representing a certain approach. Therefore, there was a need to
choose exact study areas in the vicinity of each project where initiatives had the most impact on
their socio-spatial and economic conditions. In the case of Yuzdaran axis project, the area was
selected from the locality around the major Yuzdaran spin. The area consists of mixture of land
uses including residential, commercial and public facilities. Similarly the study area for
assessment of Basij Boulevard project was selected from the northern and southern sides of the
boulevard, where most of the blocks were residential and the rests were commercial, and few
public buildings and facilities. In the selection of the project areas, it was tried to keep the
similarity in case of area, texture, land uses and the number of residents. Table 6.1 shows the
detail configurations of the selected project areas for further assessment and comparative
analysis.

Project Area-1 (PA1) Project area-2(PA2)

Revitalization of Yuzdaran Axis Construction of Basij Boulevard
Area (Acre) 84.04 94.05
Population 3169 2338
Total plots 984 804
Residential plots 821 632
Commercial plots 45 61
Table 6-1: Selected study areas and their configurations

6.5 Empirical and Comparative Analysis of Case studies

This section aims to analyze the impacts of the projects on their social, economical and spatial
context. It is an attempt towards assessing the outcomes of the projects which provides the basis
for the comparative analysis of different approaches and interpretation of their underlying forces.

126
The analysis presented in this section is based on information collected through available
literature about the study areas, archival researches and most importantly, the structured and
semi-structured interviews with the residents of each area as well as key actors involved in the
programs. The information was supplemented by visiting the areas in summer 2012 and 2013.
The data extracted from interviews and questionnaires was supported by pictures, analytical
graphs, several maps and description presented in the following sections. This section is divided
into three parts and each part will discuss the projects based on each research parameters.

6.5.1 Spatial Dimension Analysis

It is commonly acknowledged that in a sustainable process of revitalization it is necessary to

maintain safeguarding of both tangible and intangible aspect of heritage. One of the most
significant features of historic areas is their tangible aspect, particularly their spatial character
which is defined by their historic buildings, monuments and sites. It is evident that one of the
basic functions of any revitalization program is to identify and to retain those essential features
contributing to the character of historic area and to ensure that any new development or
redevelopment is in sympathy with, and contributes to the character of that certain area.

Accordingly, sustainable revitalization is an appropriate tool to achieve an accurate and sensitive

upgrade in the historic city centers while creating the minimum dramatic changes. It is necessary
to notice that the spatial consideration of revitalization is not only about the protection of salient
architectural features of the historic areas but it is also about upgrading the quality of public
spaces and facilities in order to facilitate the local residents and improve their built environment.
From a different point of view, development of public spaces and spatial needs of residents is
more vital for the survival of the historic quarters. Otsuka et al. (2004) argues that concentrating
on community-led upgrading will lead to generating a healthy physical environment as it will
create a sense of ownership between local residents towards the built environment. In other
words, improvement of public spaces and common facilities will motivate the residents to keep
on living in the area, and simultaneously it will strengthen the social structure of the district as
well.

As per objectives of this research, it was necessary to compare both selected project areas based
on the spatial dimension. Therefore, various physical and spatial aspects of the areas were
considered and surveyed. The results and points extracted from investigations are as under:

6.5.1.1 Enhancement of Public Spaces and Facilities

Based on the objective stated earlier; regarding the improvement of public spaces and facilities in
order to ease traffic and accommodate other functions and requirements of users, it was
necessary to investigate it first with the users directly. According to the users’ point of view, PA-
1 in general shows more satisfactory results concerning the improvement of public open-spaces
and facilities as compared to the PA-2 (Table 6-2).

127
As it was mentioned in the previous chapter, poor accessibility, low quality streets, and the lack
of parking spaces were among the issues which historic districts were suffering from. Almost all
the interviews in both case studies stated that before the initiatives, vehicular access to the area
and accommodation of cars were the most problematic points. In PA-1, regarding the
development of road network and parking facilities, users believed that the area has developed in
comparison with the past.

Enhancement of public spaces and facilities PA-2 PA-1

1 The road network and parking facility have improved with revitalization. 2.03 3.15
2 More open-public spaces such as parks, green areas and gathering spaces 1.80 3.82
have been provided.
3 The initiations have increased the housing facilities. 2.20 2.37

4 Infrastructural services (water supply, sewerage, electricity, gas) have 2.65 2.77
improved with revitalization process.
Table 6-2: Community feedback regarding enhancement of public spaces and facilities

One of the solutions was to strengthen the accessibility of the inner part of the district from
vehicular streets located on the edge of the urban block. For that purpose three major passages
linking the Fahadan Street to the main Yuzdaran axis were chosen and they were widened
wherever possible. The three passages were including Twelfth Imam Mausoleum Passage, Amiri
Passage and Imam-Zade Hassan Passage. It was tried to follow the widening strategy with the
minimum destruction of useful and fair conditioned buildings. In designing of the layout of these
passages it was tried to give enough space for pedestrians’ usage too. Therefore, they were
providing pedestrian as well as vehicular access. The next step was to provide collective public
car parking along with the linking passages as well as main Yuzdaran axis. This was combined
with the policy of achieving interrelated conservation and development objectives, which was
authorizing small scale developments of ruined building and vacant sites for necessary functions.
Based on that, a vacant plot along the Twelfth Imam Mausoleum Passage was converted to the
public parking for the users of the district. Also small scale spaces for accommodation of a small
number of cars were provided along the mentioned passages wherever possible. Within the
district as well, it was mentioned earlier that the open area in front of Alexander Prison was
developed as car parking for the visitors of the monuments and other users.

In PA-2 also, although due to establishment of the Boulevard the vehicular accessibility to the
inner part of the district became easier in certain zones specially the southern part of the
Boulevard, but this possibility did not happen in an ideal manner. It was mentioned earlier that
the actual plans prepared by the consultant of the project were considering two low-speed lanes
(service lane) on the sides of the Boulevard in order to connect the high-speed lanes of the
Boulevard to the inner part of the district. In that way, the pedestrian environment of the inner
district would be connected to the high-speed vehicular thoroughfare more logically and safely,

128
whereas eventually the plans were not implemented according to the consultant’s design.
Therefore presently the network of narrow alleys of the inner district gets connected to the high-
speed vehicular thoroughfare directly, and this creates highly unsafe circumstances in both sides.
Public car parking also has not been designed, though the vacant lands of sides of Boulevard
have been used informally by the users of the area as parking. Moreover, in the inner part of the
district, either northern side of the Boulevard or the southern part, no improvement for the
network of passages or parking facility has occurred. Consequently, except the direct connection
of Boulevard to the inner district, which in some cases has eased the vehicular accessibility to the
district, there has been no enhancement for the road network and the parking facility in the area.

Concerning the open-public spaces such as parks, green areas and gathering spaces, PA-2 has
failed to raise the satisfaction of the residents, as the matter has been totally neglected in the
program, whereas the residents’ feedback in PA-1 was showing a high satisfactory range.
Practically, one of the major policies for regeneration of Yuzdaran Axis was facilitating the
gradual rehabilitation. Hence the strategy of strengthening the historic neighborhoods with the
emphasis on a gradual process of physical rehabilitation and economic improvement was
adopted.

The new policy facilitated the gradual rehabilitation of existing residential units through the
creation of necessary conditions, including the improvement of infrastructures, development of
required services and functions, and up-gradation of open public spaces, motivating the
inhabitants to continue living in their homes and acted as a great impetus force to get others
involved. Up-gradation and enhancement of open public spaces, an important element in the
historic core, which connect monuments, houses and public facilities, can provide a focus for
social and cultural activities and strengthen the sense of civic identity and pride. Investments in
public open spaces and parks can also reverse the ‘bad image’ of the historic areas and act as a
catalyst and facilitator for the development and promotion of the historic quarters.

Accordingly, in revitalization program for Yuzdaran Axis the attempt was to utilize the vacant
lands and ruined building for public facility services. Two zones along the major Yuzdaran Axis
were converted to green open spaces and parks. The first was the area in front of Alexander
prison which was developed as open green space as well as accommodated other public facilities
and the second was a vacant land after covered bazaar of Yuzdaran, which was developed as a
district level park and playground called “Bustan-e-Shohaday-e-Fahadan”. This site with an area
of 3000 square meters consisted of a vacant land plus a number of ruined buildings which
previously were considered as a serious threat to the area, as they were havens for crime and
drug-related activities. During the course of initiatives, ICHTO in collaboration with Yazd
Municipality and local community, in an innovative way, attempted to develop the area to a
public facility which can serve the nearby neighborhoods and local residents. Hence, first step
was to purchase the property from the owners and amalgamation of plots by Municipality and
then the project was assigned to the private local consultant by ICHTO for further design and
development. According to designs, the front portion of the plot, accessible from Yuzdaran axis,
129
was developed as a park and another part was developed as a playground and social area for the
residents. In the design of this space, local consultant tried to maintain the remaining part of
ruins which had architectural values and to utilize them in the design. Also the type of motifs,
geometry and special materials used in the design were totally adjusted with the architectural
characteristics of the area. As one of the historical mosques of the district, called Mulla Abdul
Khaleq Mosque was also located next to the mentioned plot, the public bathrooms of the mosque
were also maintained and developed for the public users. Consequently the entire complex was
developed as a center for social functions and entertainment and it turned to be one of the
pleasant visual attractions along the Yuzdaran axis.

According to the users, both case studies show similar results concerning the development of
housing facilities in their area; however they do not go beyond average score. The residents of
PA-1 stated that no new housing facilities have been provided within their district, but the
physical quality of the existing houses has improved. In fact certain facilities, such as awarding
loans, free consultancy, quota for construction and maintenance materials and release from
municipality taxes, were the plus points provided for the residents of the area by ICHTO, Yazd
Municipality and other local organizations, in order to motivate them for upgrading their
building qualities (Interview- Maleksabet, 2013). In contrast to this, in PA-2 the housing facility
has been potentially developed through emergence of vacant plots after redevelopment project
and destruction of old constructions. But until the date of investigations and observations, there
was not much improvement regarding the development of new housing neighborhoods and
communities. Also the residents of the area have not been provided special facilities in this
regard (Interview- residents, 2013).

Another essential aspect of public facility enhancement to complete the revitalization process is
the maintenance and follow-up of the built environment in the historic districts. Protection and
conservation must involve a continuous program of maintenance (Venice Charter, 1964).
Continuing process of maintenance in the historic districts will ascertain avoidance of any
possible deterioration. In fact maintenance is a key activity which supports any urban
revitalization program to retain the maximum cultural heritage with minimum physical
interventions and to provide a more inhabitable environment for the residents (Worthing and
Bond, 2008). In this regard, the selected project areas were investigated based on essential needs
of infrastructure, such as improvement of water supply, sewage network, electricity facility and
the gas pipeline. According to the residents’ results both case studies scored nearly average
result, which indicates that the infrastructure has developed fairly in both areas. It is worth
mentioning that in PA-1 infrastructure development occurred as a part of revitalization policy
and in PA-2 it happened mostly due to connection of the district to the newly developed part of
the city.

130
Figure 6-11: Condition of buildings in PA-1 (Source: Author’s own construct)

Figure 6-12: Condition of buildings in PA-2 (Source: Author’s own construct)

131
The above analysis indicates that the overall condition of existing buildings in PA-1 is better
than PA-2. Moreover, the number of buildings which are in dangerous condition and need
serious maintenance and conservation is considerably more in PA-2 (Figure 6-11, 6-12 Table 6-
3).

Condition of Buildings PA-1 PA-2

Good 21% 6%
Fair 74% 83%
Dangerous 5% 11%
Table 6-3: Condition of buildings in PA-1 and PA-2 (Source: Author’s own construct)

6.5.1.2 Conservation of Architectural Features

History left us with buildings; we may change their uses, develop their architectural style and
introduce new living patterns to regenerate different layers and that is how we respect them
(Strike, 1994). Conservation and reuse of historic monuments and buildings is a challenging
issue in many historic districts and it requires an accurate policy formulation. On one hand,
historic monuments and buildings are the physical assets and must be considered as the
potentials and opportunities for the regeneration and economic development of historic areas. On
the other hand, focusing merely on preservation and conservation of historic monuments without
following any further plan can be a waste of resources, as well as in some cases, a threat for
regeneration programs.

Considering the trend of reusing the historic buildings as one of the major components of policy
framework in Yuzdaran axis project, this program was a distinct experience in this regard. The
revitalization program was started, based on preservation and adaptive-reuse of a historical house
called “Lariha House”, which was reused as Center for Yazd ICHTO. Though this was the
beginning of the program, but later the clusters defined in structure plan of the program were
identified based on the number of historic buildings and monuments they were accommodating.
They were not only considered as a part of the built heritage to be conserved but they were also
considered as the catalyst for the future regeneration and economic development of the district.
In this regard the first cluster was defined based on “Lariha House” as the official zone, and
within that cluster, other historical houses were defined to be conserved and reused for other
official functions, such as “ICHTO Supervisory Unit”.

Another cluster within the area, which was defined as tourism zone, consisted of two significant
monuments; Alexander Prison and Twelfth Imam Mausoleum. The program for the cluster was
defined based on the conservation of these two historic monuments, for tourist attraction. But
then the plan went further and other public facilities were defined around them. It is worth
mentioning that other facilities within the cluster also were defined based on conservation and

132
adaptive-reuse of historic buildings. A historic house, opposite to the mentioned monuments was
purchased, conserved and reused as Fahadan Grand Hotel and Restaurant by the private sector.

The third cluster defined as the cultural zone, followed the same strategy of conserving and
reusing Heydarzade House as The Coin Museum. Also Hoseinian House was converted to
Anjoman-e- Khesht-Kham. As it can be seen, the basic strategy for the regeneration of Fahadan
was based on the conservation of historic buildings as well as historic public spaces; most
importantly Yuzdaran main axis, local bazaar and other passages and spaces of the district.
Therefore, a large number of historic buildings and areas were conserved, and this fact affected
the physical appearance and spatial structure of the district to remain safe. The fact was also
reflected on the results achieved from residents’ feedback who mostly claimed that conservation
and preservation of the salient features of the district had been followed successfully. As
Opposed to this, the project of Basij Boulevard completely failed to fulfill the conservation
aspect and even resulted in the demolition of some significant historic features of the area (Table
6-4).

Conservation of architectural features PA-2 PA-1

1 The revitalization process has improved the conservation of salient features 1.01 4.37
of the area.
Table 6-4: Community feedback regarding conservation of architectural features of the area

6.5.1.3 Maintaining the Architectural Character

In the physical dimension, one of the themes which comes through, is the architectural character
of both areas after respective initiatives. One of the most valuable aspects of historic built
environments is their architectural characteristic with which they are able to be identified.
Therefore, during the revitalization of any historic area, not only this aspect should not be
neglected, rather it must be appreciated and strengthened. The residents’ point of view regarding
this issue was showing unsatisfactory score in PA-2 (Table-6.5). The most important reason
behind this was the non-adjustability of a high-speed vehicular access with the surrounding
context, which has been a pedestrian residential district, based upon significant set of rules.

Maintaining the architectural character PA-2 PA-1

1 The interventions have improved the quality of architectural character of 0.93 4.16
the area.
Table 6-5: Community feedback regarding maintaining the architectural character

The spatial hierarchy is one of the significances of the historic urban fabrics. The hierarchy has
been provided by a complicated network of narrow alleys and passages which are shaped based
on the socio-cultural structure of the district. The main passages of the district which were more

133
public, were wider and were leading to more narrow alleys at neighborhood level and even in
some cases, it was ending with a smaller opening or a closed, covered narrow alley between a
few houses, which was considered as a private area for the close neighbors. Therefore, the road
network was not only providing accessibility for the users but there were set of social behaviors
as well as aesthetical values defined by it.

By the establishment of Basij Boulevard, which broke the fabric of Shesh-Badgiri district, a
sudden breakdown in the spatial structure of the district occurred. The spatial hierarchy within
the network of passages of the district got demolished as a result of the large-scale
redevelopment project. The fabric of the district meets the Boulevard with no boundary and as a
result the alleys which were shaped as pedestrian passages, suddenly lead to a high-speed
vehicular axis. It was not only the road network which was disturbed due to the breakdown in
hierarchy, but the integrated architectural style of the district was also disturbed.

Figure 6-13: An example of public passage in PA-1 (Left) and an example of pedestrian passage in PA-2
leading to the high-speed vehicular axis (Right) (Source: Author’s own construct)

The architecture of historic districts is shaped based on certain significances which make it
distinguishable. It follows a set of geometrical and proportional rules, particular materials and
most importantly the integrity with the surroundings and the context. The new architecture
formed on the sides of the Boulevard does not follow any of the mentioned considerations and it
has appeared to be disrespectful from the architectural style of the context (Figure 6-13). As was
mentioned in previous sections, after the redevelopment project and establishment of Basij
Boulevard, the sides of this urban thoroughfare were not spatially developed due to socio-

134
political issues. Nevertheless, there are a few sites, in which public governmental functions have
been provided. The architectural style of the buildings does not follow the architectural rules of
the context in terms of geometry, proportion and in some cases even orientation. They have been
designed and developed as large-scale individual structures which have no connection with the
surrounding urban context. Their dominant style which seems oblivious to the context is another
proof that the large-scale reconstruction of Basij Boulevard not only ignored the socio-cultural
meaning of existing urban fabric, but also neglected the tangible and spatial structure of the
existing built environment.

On the contrary, in PA-1, the architectural characteristics of the area have not been neglected,
whereas in so many cases they have been emphasized and improved. In the process of
conservation of Yuzdaran axis and other passages linking with this axis, an attempt was made to
follow the architectural considerations such as skyline of the area. While conserving the public
spaces, this point has been focused and highlighted by the conservation of original motifs,
geometrical forms, urban edges and artifacts such as arcades, domes and wind-catchers
(Badgirs). This fact has been accentuated not only in the conservation process, but even in the
reconstruction of new spaces within the area, like design of floor patterns in the passages,
architecture of facades of playground and even landscape of the open spaces and parks. The aim
has been to follow the maximum integrity with the existing context, while conserving spaces as
well as developing the new constructions.

6.5.2 Social Dimension Analysis

It is commonly acknowledged that the social dimension of revitalization always completes the
spatial and physical dimensions and vice versa. A Sustainable process of revitalization is not
only focusing on physical resources and tangible aspects, but it is also about intangible aspects
such as community development and cultural improvements (English Heritage, 2002). Although
the aesthetics and inherited built heritage accredit the historic urban fabrics and the sense of
place, but without developing the social, emotional and psychological aspects, there will be no
attraction to the place by residents. To develop the social aspects, it is important to ensure that
both users and visitors will invest their efforts and emotions to improve the quality of life in the
area. Hence, it is necessary to satisfy their needs and to increase their common understanding
towards the historic assets. If the revitalization programs motivate the people to live and work, it
will create the sense of civic responsibility which will provide a long-term blend between the
people and their built environment resulting in a well preserved quality of life (Gharib, 2011). In
order to achieve this aim, the local community must be the fundamental body within the
decision-making process, participating in most of the design and implementation phases of urban
development.

According to English Heritage (1998) ancestors created the historic remains and now this legacy
must be preserved in tangible and intangible aspects, as well as it should reflect the present
population’s perceptions and needs. Therefore, the aim is to retain the original social structure of

135
the area, as the intangible aspect of the context as well as to adjust the historic heritage with the
contemporary lifestyles, relying on the communities’ inputs through their needs and aspirations.
In order to enhance the quality of residents’ life, it is necessary to consider the community
participation as one of the key elements of the revitalization process. It certainly ensures higher
level of satisfaction in residents, and will provide a vital public realm and livable historic
districts.

6.5.2.1 Social Cohesion and Sense of Belonging

In the two mentioned projects, survey results revealed that in PA-2 residents’ quality of life was
not improved after interventions and was generally unsatisfactory (Table 6-6). According to one
of the residents interviewed: “the initiatives have not improved the quality of life in the district,
rather they have affected negatively, as we don’t have the previous cohesion and integrity in our
neighborhood”. Most of the residents answered negatively when they were asked about the
social interaction with their neighboring families.

The revitalization initiative has 1.55 PA-2

improved the residents’ life style in 3.39
this area.
PA-1
The initiative has improved the 1.38 PA-2
social interaction among neighbors 2.86
in this area.
PA-1
The transformation of land uses has 2.15 PA-2
increased the attractiveness of living 3.20
in this area.
PA-1
Table 6-6: Community feedback regarding social cohesion and sense of belonging to the area

Besides, as it was mentioned in previous section, the initiative in PA-2 resulted in the
establishment of a boulevard which split several sub-districts and neighborhood quarters within
the area. Splitting up the spatial structure of the district, which was shaped during centuries,
affected the traditional and integrated social set up of the district as well. Among all sub-districts,
the Zoroastrians’ quarter was affected the most, due to its unique social structure. Zoroastrians’
community which was living as the minority among Muslims of the city had developed their
social network based on a distinctive faith and culture. Zoroastrian families were living in the
vicinity of each other and were also sharing the common and public facilities within the
neighborhood and the district. Although they were feeling safe and were having a strong social
relationship among themselves, but they were also following a healthy relationship with the
Muslims of the Yazd city. With the establishment of the Basij Boulevard which crossed the
southern part of Shesh-Badgiri district, Zoroastrians’ district, along with other sub-districts of the
area was split into parts and as a result the social cohesion of the area was smashed up.
Zoroastrians’ quarter, Tal quarter and Lard-e-Asiab quarter were among those sub-districts
which were divided into parts and each part was located on the sides of the Boulevard.
Therefore, the social life of the district which formed in a strong and harmonious way during
centuries and was twisting the identity of the residents got destroyed. Among all, the

136
Zoroastrians’ district and its residents received the biggest loss, as they could never bring back
their identity and the social network of their community. This fact also affected the attractiveness
of living in the area for future generation. According to the interview with a group of elder
Zoroastrians settled in the southern part of the Boulevard, their children never showed attraction
toward living in the same neighborhood, as it was not performing as before. In fact they all
preferred to shift to the new developed part of the city. It is worth mentioning that the other sub-
districts than Zoroastrians’ also suffered from the same issue as they could never got back their
previous social integrity and identity.

On the other hand, the residents of the PA-1 showed more satisfaction towards the sense of
belonging and cohesion of social life in their district after the initiatives. The feedback from
interviews scoring above average indicates that interventions in PA-1 have not disturbed the
social life of the district; rather it has developed in many ways. One of the old residents who is a
shopkeeper in Fahadan local bazaar stated that the neighborhood has been active since the last
fifty years and even now they have the same close relationships with the neighboring families.
He further stated that most of the residents of the area are satisfied with the changes and
revitalization of Yuzdaran axis, which belongs to their ancestors and they are proud of being
“Fahadanies” (Interview- Saadi, 2013).

Findings regarding demographic changes in both areas also supported the fact. Although the
population growth in both areas still is negative and the process of depopulation is taking place,
but in PA-1 the rate of population growth has improved. The evidence found in both areas
reveals that the desire for living in PA-1 is increasing among residents after initiatives, whereas
in PA-2 it has not increased (Table 6-7).

Population Growth
1985 1995 2005 2013
Project Area

PA-1 5230 4031 3532 3169

PA-2 5822 4942 3670 2338

Table 6-7: Population growth after and before initiatives in project areas (Armanshahr, 2012)

137
 6.5.2.2 Vital public Realm and Livable Historic Urban Quarter

Regarding the improvement of residents’ lifestyle, the residents of PA-2 stated that the initiatives
have never focused on the social life and needs of the inner part of the district and it has been
only about the establishment of the Boulevard and providing a more convenient vehicular access.
The observations from the inner part of the district also demonstrated that there has been no
development in the lifestyle of the residents on either sides of the Boulevard. Also there is no
social life on the frontage of buildings abutting boulevard, as there has been no public facility
provided which can be related to the daily life of the residents (Figure6-14).

Figure 6-14: Land use map of PA-2 (Source: Author’s own construct)

138
Whereas, in the area around Yuzdaran axis, the new public facilities provided such as, public
parks and green areas, development of local bazaar and other public spaces and also the presence
of visitors and tourists, have encouraged the local residents to involve themselves in social
network of the district. During the interviews conducted with the visitors of local bazaar, who
were all residents of nearby neighborhoods, they stated their satisfaction about the flourishing of
local bazaar in their district, as they could provide their day to day needs easily. The increase in
the number of shops in local bazaar also was the evidence of the same fact.

Figure 6-15: Land use map of PA-1 (Source: Author’s own construct)

Nevertheless, there was an opinion expressed in the surveys in PA-1 that the sense of security
had partially decreased among the residents of the area due to the presence of aliens, particularly
visitors and tourists (Figure 6-15). However, the real facts show no significant increase in the
annual ratio of robberies and crime in the district (Interview-Kalantari, 2013). Therefore,
although the sense of security among residents has decreased but the real security of the area has
not been disturbed. On the other end, most of the residents in PA-2 also expressed their worries
regarding the sense of security which is related to the exposition of inner parts of their district to

139
a high-speed vehicular access. From all evidences, including the residents’ point of views
showing the score above average and observations as well as informal interviews with residents,
it seems that the program for the revitalization of Yuzdaran Axis has been more successful in
providing a vital public realm and livable historic urban quarter, which was one of the social
parameters of the research. At the same time the case of Basij Boulevard there is a serious lack in
the mentioned parameters, according to the evidences available (Table 6-8).

Security has improved after 1.75 PA-2

improvement in this area. 2.51 PA-1
Entertainment services for the 1.66 PA-2
residents have been improved. 3.43 PA-1
Educational and training services for 1.85 PA-2
the residents have been improved. 2.10 PA-1
Table 6-8: Community feedback regarding public realm and livability of the area

6.5.2.3 Community Participation & Involvement

One of the other aspects within the social parameter is community participation and involvement
in the revitalization process. This aspect should be well-managed and matched within the
decision-making and implementation process to avoid the obsolescence which takes place
through time and wastage of resources. According to Tiesdell et al. (1996) the decision to bring a
change in the historic areas should be negotiated with the residents. The preservation and
regeneration of historic areas inevitably involves negotiation and decision-making process that
has to resolve or choose between competing values (Tiesdell et al., 1996). This is in consonance
with UNESCO’s (1985) objective which explicitly promotes variety of interested agencies to
contribute in housing, upgrading and rehabilitation projects to compliment conservation
agencies. Furthermore, this process should incorporate public gatherings, design workshops,
open exhibitions, ideas generation workshops plus residents’ feedback and evaluative monitored
gatherings. Additionally, involving the local community in the regeneration process ensures that
the community’s ownership towards their area will increase. It also enhances the local
community’s trust in their potentials and local resources. As a result, the revitalization initiative
will act as a catalyst and will motivate the community for future developments (Gharib, 2011).

According to this theoretical approach, the figures show that in PA-2 there was a complete
neglect of local community participation (Table 6-9). This point supports Engineer Masoudi’s
feedback who stated that the initial stages of design for Basij Boulevard did not adopt any of
community participation techniques, leaving them behind without any input, either during
decision-making or during the implementation process. The project for construction of Basij
Boulevard never included the community and it only focused on physical and spatial surveys
without considering the social structure of the area or local essential needs (Interview-Masoudi,
2011). The dissatisfaction of residents specially the Zoroastrians’ community with the decision

140
made regarding the construction of Basij Boulevard and its consequences was the ultimate result
of ignoring the local community in the process of regeneration.

The local residents were involved in 1.43 PA-2

the process of decision making and 2.06 PA-1
implementation of revitalization
projects.
The decision regarding revitalization 0.87 PA-2
of this area was shared with the local 2.85 PA-1
residents before implementation.

Table 6-9: Community feedback regarding community participation and involvement in the project

As mentioned earlier, the project for construction of Basij Boulevard was entirely controlled by
the central government from the initial stages until the implementation phase. The local
community and other affiliated NGOs or agencies were never involved in the process of
decision-making and implementation. The residents of the area were informed only when some
of them were supposed to sell their properties to the municipality for the establishment of the
boulevard. Interviews with some of the local residents revealed that there were a number of
families who sold their properties with displeasure at the time of implementation (Interview-
Rostamji, 2012).

The quantitative findings relatively show community participation in the revitalization process in
the case of Fahadan, although the results do not indicate ultimate satisfaction. However, during
the program there no technique used for involving the local residents and this matter happened
naturally. It is mainly due to the first step toward implementation of program which was
transferring the center for Iran Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization (ICHTO) to the
district. This was the start of direct interaction between residents and the authorities (Interview-
Mondegari, 2013). They had a direct access to the relevant organization and the authorities to
share their problems within the area and seek help and guidance from them. Authorities also
were working and living within the district and among the residents and were able to observe and
feel the issues and needs by themselves. Hence, the mutual understanding between residents and
authorities helped the decision-making process easier as they were well aware of real needs and
demands of local residents.

Furthermore, during decision-making as well as implementation mainly by ICHTO and

municipality, they used to share the plans with different local groups within the community such
as Board of Organizers of Fahadan Mosque, Local Council in Fahadan Grand Hosseiniah, and
senior shopkeepers of Bazaar and elder members of the community. This initiative by authorities
was not only to share the plans with the residents and seek their opinions, but it was to create a
sense of trust and reliance between residents and themselves which would result in the maximum
cooperation of residents and would be supportive for future development of plans in the district.

141
 Nevertheless, the interviews with some of the residents show that the program had not been
ideally based on community participation as some of them still feel ICHTO and other
organizations involved with the program, executed the initiatives for tourism development and in
the interest of respective organizations. Despite the attempts of involved agencies to develop
public participation in their programs, there was still lack of public involvement in the
regeneration projects of the historic core. Therefore, although the program for regeneration of
Yuzdaran axis offered a different model of city centre regeneration, it cannot be presumed that it
represent a totally people-friendly project. Despite a number of creative strategies utilized by the
local authority in this program, there was still a lack of direct involvement of residents and
community groups in the process of decision making, planning, design, and implementation. The
head of the ICHTO of Yazd believed that the economic deprivation of inhabitants in the historic
core and high rate of mobility of residents prevented public participation in these areas
(Interview-Owlia, 2012). The mayor of the historic district stated that there are several obstacles
which inhibit public participation in practice: the prevailing mood of residents’ disinterest, the
lack of public trust to development agencies resulting from the threat of demolition and
displacement of inhabitants which was followed through the previous redevelopment schemes,
social fragmentation that has affected all forms of collective activities, and finally the problem of
the poverty of the inhabitants (Interview-Abouyee, 2011). The project director of Yuzdaran axis
program believed that the difficult economic circumstances of the residents and the lack of local
leadership hinder possibilities of working with the inhabitants. He quoted a few discussions
carried out during the process of implementation of the program which was limited to the
particular groups including the board of trustees of the mosques and other religious centers
(Fahadan Hosseinia and Twelfth Imam mausoleum), patriarchs of the district, and some residents
and shopkeepers whose properties were in the area of intervention in this program (Interview-
Mondegari, 2012). Whereas the result of interviews with the residents shows that despite the
poverty of the people living in this area, there are still a wide range of social and cultural
potentials which provide a proper setting for local participation and inhabitant involvement
throughout the process of their neighborhood rehabilitation. But still in Yuzdaran axis program,
community participation has been experienced at different levels which proves a more healthy
system by ICHTO and other agencies involved to encourage locals in strategic decision-making
and micro involvements as well. The survey results show that the case of Yuzdaran axis has been
relatively more successful in involving the local community in the process.

6.5.3 Economic Dimension Analysis

Generally, one of the principle aims of revitalization programs is to upgrade the economic
conditions of the local residents and the business within the historic areas. Revitalization seeks to
accommodate necessary economic changes and essentially it attempts to establish a balance
between private and public sector in order to generate a financial flow between them and the
sense of inter-dependence on each other (Tiesdell et al., 1996). Economic prosperity can apply

142
continual revitalization of historic areas and then independently maintain conserved areas (DoE,
PPG 15, 1994).

Most of the historic quarters have declined economically and suffered from users’ neglect and
abandonment. Consequently, property values in these areas have fallen and local unemployment
has increased. It finally results in breaking the urban fabric followed by the loss of sense of
place. Stubbs (2004) argues that in order to create a sustainable process of revitalization we
should positively promote integration between environmental concerns and economic
development of historic areas. Therefore, in all revitalization programs investments must be
considered as the major factor for driving urban regeneration. Evidently in order to achieve the
maximum economic prosperity, certain aspects should be considered within the revitalization
program.

6.5.3.1 Income Level and Quality of Life

The quality of life and income level of residents are among the main aspects of the economic
dimension. A stable economic level attracts users and residents to live and work in the area
which will eventually create a sense of belonging and care. In other words, this will increase the
benefit of recycling the built heritage into new businesses and will create more local employment
opportunities and allow more business in. Moreover, successful and continuous economic
prosperity will act as a magnet for investors and developers to invest in the area. Rodwell (2007)
argues that urban conservation includes training and continuity of employment opportunities for
the residents and even non-residents, where demand for their services –whether actual or
potential- is provided. These employment opportunities can be secured only through effective
policies and coordinated urban management. Therefore, in order to measure the effectiveness of
the economic value of revitalization programs, it is essential to study people’s feedback
regarding their income level and improvement in quality of their lifestyle after the initiatives
(Worthing and Bond, 2008).

The residents’ response in PA-2 indicates that there have been limited employment opportunities
in the area as a result of the initiatives. This has adversely affected the local merchants and
youths. Contrary to this, the surveyed results from PA-1 have touched the revitalizing program
through higher rate of income level and quality of life within the district, although not ideally
(Table 6-10).

143
 The interventions occurred in the 2.30 PA-2
area have increased the income level 2.86 PA-1
of residents.
The revitalization of this historic 2.94 PA-2
quarter increased the jobs 2.90 PA-1
opportunities.
The interventions have flourished 2.80 PA-2
the business market of the area. 3.05 PA-1
Table 6-10: Community feedback regarding income level and quality of life in the area

According to the above results related to the initiatives in Fahadan district, efforts have been
made to create job opportunities for the local residents either through regeneration of the local
Bazaar or conservation and regeneration of historic monuments and buildings within the district
and create business potential through them. The data collected from residents’ feedback as well
as the information gained from interviews with the actors of the projects demonstrated a huge
difference between the two case studies. It shows the more positive awareness of authorities in
Fahadan program during planning and implementation process, whereas in the case of Basij
Boulevard upgrading the income level of residents and their quality of life have never been
considered or set as the aim of initiatives.

In Fahadan district, ICHTO attempted to revitalize the Yuzdaran axis, not only as the major
thoroughfare of the district but in order to regenerate the local bazaar of the district which was
located along the Yuzdaran passage. The local bazaar is consisting of two parts and each part
comprises of eight to ten shops and a water reservoir for day to day needs of the residents. It was
not only the water reservoir which was discarded due to change of lifestyle but the shops were
also mostly closed due to physical deteriorations and social abandonment. By conservation of
local bazaar, the owners who were mostly the residents of Fahadan, were motivated to start the
business again. Some of the shops were providing the day to day needs of the residents and the
rest were converted to tourism services like local handicraft shops and workshops. The spin off
effect of the initiative was that the nearby areas which had potential for economic activities were
also converted to business zones for the residents as well as visitors.

As it was mentioned earlier, another policy adopted by ICHTO in Fahadan was regeneration of
the area through conservation of historic buildings and monuments (see section 6.2.2). One of
the efforts by ICHTO was to adapt the conserved buildings for an appropriate function. Aside
from assuring the proper maintenance of the built heritage by adaptive-reuse, they would also
help the economical growth and regeneration of the area by flourishing the local bazaar and
providing job opportunities for the local residents. Besides all the efforts, some of the residents
were still not completely satisfied as they agreed with the increase of job opportunities within
their district but on the other hand they believed that opportunities were not provided for the
local residents and most of them were captured by the outsiders.

144
The survey results indicate that PA-1 was relatively more successful in upgrading residents’
income level and quality of life as the efforts made place though the outcomes were not ideal,
while in PA-2 it was never even defined as the aim or the concern of the initiatives.

6.5.3.2 Tourism Industry and Vitality Revenue

Another aspect of economic dimension was the development of tourism industry and vitality
revenue. Tiesdell, et al. (1996) states that revitalizing historic districts will keep the business
alive and enhance profit as well as sustain the existing appearances and identity of the cultural
heritage. Flourishing business will attract more users and visitors to the area and therefore, it will
encourage more services and cause successful financial flow. As a result, tourism investors will
be enabled for further investment and in ideal situation economical prosperity will be reflected
on financial status of the residents. Tiesdell, et al. (1996) further clarifies that tourism should be
more than a component of local economic policy, since investment for tourism can bring other
benefits for the local community, such as facilities, attractions and environmental improvements
with tourist spending at those facilities, helping to make them economically more viable.

Accordingly, the case of Fahadan acknowledged the importance of tourism industry and relied
on this industry to improve the economic status. Whereas, the case of Basij Boulevard has totally
neglected tourism industry and it has never been set as the objective of initiatives. Based on that,
the findings indicate that PA-1 has achieved the satisfactory score however there has been lack
of few aspects in achieving the desired outcomes (Table 6-11). On the other hand, in PA-2,
results extracted from residents’ feedback show comparative failure of this aspect.

The tourists’ flow has been 2.47 PA-2

increased after the revitalization of 4.17 PA-1
the area.
Number of shops has increased to 2.13 PA-2
serve the tourism industry. 2.96 PA-1
Table 6-11: Community feedback regarding tourism industry and vitality revenue

As mentioned, in the case of Fahadan the strategic policy framework introduced an integrated
approach to achieve interrelated conservation and development objectives. This policy was
followed by the trend of reusing historic buildings by adapting them for appropriate functions.
Based on the above mentioned policies, ICHTO in collaboration with other local agencies,
attempted to utilize the potentials of the district for tourism attraction and economic development
of the area. Therefore, one of the major zones of the project in strategy plan was introduced as
tourism zone, which consisted of a cluster of historic buildings and monuments. This cluster is
located at the center of Yuzdaran axis on the western side of the urban block and was the target
area for regeneration in the program. It embraces a significant collection of historic buildings and
monuments. The most prominent of these monuments, which identified by the strategic plan are
the Ziya’iya Theological School (Alexander Prison) and twelfth Imam Mausoleum. The plan

145
also identified a derelict and vacant property in front of Ziya’iya Theological School for new
development projects (see section 6.2.3).

Most of the monuments and historic houses had lost their original function and became derelict
and misused. Although in some cases, the historic houses have been occupied by a new group of
users such as poor migrant workers, Afghans, and low income families, the lack of maintenance
and inappropriate or excessive use led to further damage and dilapidation. The tenants or even
owners neglect the maintenance of these buildings, mainly because it is too expensive and needs
specialist craftsmen (Interview-Residents, 2012). Lack of adequate funding for the maintenance
of these graceful buildings has also intensified the process of deterioration. Apart from physical
deterioration, general neglect, and inappropriate use, they have suffered from erosion of their
character and distinctiveness caused by the new constructions and additions. Although the area
had suffered from various physical and social problems, there were still a wide range of local
opportunities and potentials for the revitalization of the historic environment. Involving local
experts and authorizing local authorities provided a basis for better understanding of the issues
and identifying the possibilities throughout the process of problem identification, policy
formulation, and policy implementation. It was a new approach which offered a series of
efficient ways to solve the problems.

The executive client of the program (ICHTO) in consultation with local experts presented a
pragmatic plan which introduced interconnected projects for revitalization of this area. The
major proposals can be summarized as under:

 The restoration of Ziya’iya Theological School (Alexander Prison) and twelfth Imam
Mausoleum in order to revive socio-cultural activities in this area
 The restoration and adaptive reuse of the historic buildings of the cluster into a guest
house and tourists’ guide section in order to attract residents and visitors
 Encouraging people to live in the area by creating a sense of safety and security through
upgrading their public space quality and enhancing the image of the area; construction of
a new park furnished by public facilities in front of Ziya’iya Theological School
(Alexander Prison), and improvement of infrastructure conditions
 The revival of traditional and religious ceremonies carried out by the residents in Grand
Fahdan Husseyniah through the conservation and development of sufficient space for
pilgrims

146
The conservation and rehabilitation pilot projects were the vehicles for improving the quality of
existing historic assets and acted as a catalyst for facilitating the gradual revitalization of the
neighborhood and improvement of the tourism industry. Ziya’iya Theological School (Alexander
Prison) and twelfth Imam Mausoleum have become popular places which bring together a large
number of tourists and visitors during the day (Figure 6-16).

Figure 6-16: Conservation of salient architectural features of the area along with public facility development in
PA-1 in order to attract users and tourists (Source: Author’s own construct)

The implementation plan for the area started by conservation of Ziya’iya Theological School
(Alexander Prison) and twelfth Imam Mausoleum as architectural assets which were suffering
from physical deteriorations for a long time. Opposite to the mentioned buildings, there was a
historical house with a significant architectural style, which was conserved and reused as
Fahadan Grand Hotel and Restaurant for the tourists and visitors. However there were a few
blocks in front of these building which were occupied by ruined constructions and were
considered as a threat to the area. There was an innovative way which attempted to provide a
proper architectural solution for this sensitive open space. They developed the open space in
front of Alexander Prison into a green open space furnished by public facilities. Also a public
parking was developed in the area for the visitors. The remaining space in the vicinity of the
monuments was developed as a business zone and a number of shops were developed for
providing a shopping facility for the visitors. Today, this area has turned into a very attractive
place for both local visitors and tourists. The solution was also a response to the new policy by
ICHTO to look at the historical buildings and monuments, not only as isolated features, but to
consider them in a broader context and plan the conservation program for the historic areas, not
just for historic buildings.

Prior to this, it was mentioned that the program for Fahadan district was planned in five different
zones. The first cluster was developed as tourism zone (Ziya’iya Theological School and Twelfth
Imam Mausoleum) which motivated the development of tourism industry within the district as
well as ongoing rehabilitation of the area. Gradually other clusters within the area were defined
to support the development of tourism industry and economical improvement of this urban block.
147
Today there are around ten sites consisting of individual historic houses, common buildings and
historic neighborhood which have been conserved and reused for a variety of cultural,
commercial and other public facilities.

It is worth mentioning that in further phases of regeneration program, the private and semi-
private sectors played an important role in the development of the program. Private investors,
who were motivated after initiatives by ICHTO and other agencies, initiated different projects.
“Heydarzadeh House” which was one of the historical houses of Fahadan at the beginning of
Yuzdaran axis was conserved and converted to the “Coin and Currency Museum” by the owner
of the property. It was totally planned based on the investment of the private sector, and
nowadays it is acting as one of the focal points for tourism attraction in Yuzdaran axis
(Interview- Heydarzadeh, 2013). Another historical house next to the Heydarzadeh House called
“Hosseinian House” was also purchased by a research-based NGO called “Anjoman-e-Khesht-e-
Kham”. This research-based NGO consists of a group of architects and civil engineers,
researching on masonry architecture and they preferred to establish their research center within
the old city of Yazd. As the improvements were taking place in Fahadan district, there was a
great motivation for them to choose Yuzdaran axis as the center of their NGO. Therefore,
Hosseinian House was conserved and converted to the Research Center for the mentioned group.
Hotel Kohan-Kashane, Hotel Mehr, Kavir Center for Handy Crafts and Textile House are other
examples of initiatives taken by private and semi-private sectors within the area.

Based on the statistical information generated by Yazd ICHTO, the number of tourists and users
visiting the area is between 150 (minimum) to 1100 (maximum) persons in a day19. This is in the
sense that previously there was no tourism activity taking place in the area, and even residents
were not motivated to continue living in the district due to dissatisfaction from socio-spatial
circumstances.

6.5.3.3 Land Price & Property Market

One of the essential aspects which indicates the economic prosperity or failure of the projects is
the effect of initiatives on land price and property market of the area. In successful revitalization
projects, developers tend to invest their money and resources in city centers and historic districts
to take advantage of the special architectural character perceived (Gharib, 2011). Moreover,
developers attempt to invest in long-term businesses in order to achieve a sustainable source of
income. As a result, the competition within the property market will provide more attention to
the area, and therefore the area will benefit from certain factors, such as continues maintenance
of the built environment, emerging variety of residential, commercial and public functions as
well as socio-economical thrive of urban quarter.

19
This data includes the number of tickets sold to the visitors of the tourism centers (Historic monuments and
museum), also number of costumers of workshops, shops, hotels and restaurants within the area (Interview-
Sherafat, 2013).

148
The property value within the historic part of Yazd in general changes insignificantly because the
land value is already low and there is not much attraction towards property market in historic
districts. The old structure of the built environment, incompatibility with the new lifestyle, lack
of facilities and infrastructure and high level of maintenance cost are some of the reasons causing
lack of attraction towards property market in historic areas. However, after street widening of
1920s and 1930s, those parts of historic districts abutting the streets were gaining some attention
due to turning into active commercial zones. In fact the commercial life converted from the core
of the districts to the facades of the streets, as they were easily accessible by cars. Becoming the
focal commercial zones, the land prices in these areas increased dramatically and hence there
was an enormous difference between the land price and competition of property market in the
districts’ inner parts and their edge (Table 6-12).

District Land price for Plot abutting the Land price for Plot within the
Street (Rial20) District(Rial)

Fahadan 330,000 50,000

Shesh-Badgiri 140,000 25,000
Table 6-12: Land price in the Yazd old city in the year 2000 (Source: Kalantari, 2008)

Another reason for the visible change of land price was the change of status of the urban block or
area. The emergence of vehicular accesses and streets would change the ambiance of the area
from old city to the modern city zone. Therefore, the increment in demand to purchase the
property in the modern urban area would cause the additional growth in price. The initiatives in
Shesh-Badgiri district which mainly ended up with the construction of Basij Boulevard, resulted
likewise in changes in land price and property market.

The results extracted from residents’ feedback as well as field surveys demonstrate that there has
certainly been a dramatic growth in the land price of the plots located on the sides of the
Boulevard (Table 6-13). It somehow affected the prices of plots located in the inner parts of the
district too.

The land prices have increased as a 4.61 PA-2

result of revitalization. 2.26 PA-1
The developments of the historic 3.23 PA-2
quarter have caused the property 2.47 PA-1
market to flourish.
Table 6-13: Community feedback regarding land price and property market

The approximate land price for the plots abutting the Basij Boulevard is between 650,000 to
1,500,000 Tomans21 per square meter, whereas before these initiatives, the land price in the area
was not exceeding from 300,000 Tomans per square meter (Table 6-14). The basic reason is the
increased potential of plots abutting the Boulevard for accommodating commercial activities.
20
Iranian currency
21
Iranian currency used in market. One Toman is equal to 10 Iranian Rials.

149
Also as mentioned earlier, emergence of a vehicular thoroughfare will connect the whole area to
the traffic network of the city. Hence, the entire urban block will be considered as a part of new
city and accordingly act parallel with the new developed parts of Yazd.

Year Shesh-Badgiri District Fahadan District

(In Tomans per sq-meter) (In Tomans per sq-meter)
1985 5000 4500-5000

1995 50,000 10,000

2005 150,000 50,000

2013 450,000 150,000-200,000

Table 6-14: Comparison of land price between Shesh-Badgiri and Fahadan districts before and after initiations
(Source: Hosseini Nasab et al, 2014)

Nevertheless, based on other findings the noticeable increment in the land price either on the
façades of the Boulevard or within the district, surprisingly has never created a competitive
property market or motivation for developers to invest in the area, as had been expected (Figure
6-17). This fact became more evident as the observations from the area showed a minimum
number of constructed plots and developed sites along the Boulevard. Majority of the land uses
on the façade of the Boulevard is still residential or vacant lands, except four sites which are
occupied by public governmental functionaries with dominant architectural style and few
commercial zones. The dilapidated image of the Boulevard’s sides makes the fact evident that
area has remained dilapidated inspite of the desirable situation of lands and properties after
establishment of the Boulevard. The issue becomes stronger considering that almost two decades
have passed since the initiatives was executed, and such a duration seems enough for the relative
development of the urban areas in the context of Yazd city.

The study had to go deeper to investigate the reason behind the property abandonment and
rundown situation of the properties abutting the Basij Boulevard which has somehow affected
the property market and living situation of the inner district as well. As a first step the research
attempted to explore the fact through interviews with the officials involved and actors of the
project. The reasons disclosed from discussions and interviews were astonishing. Dr.Mondegari
(2013, Interview) clarified the point by stating that the reason could not be anything else except
the reaction of the socio-cultural context of the project to the initiatives taken. He further stated
that:

“It should never be ignored that the construction of the Basij Boulevard ended up cutting the
integrated fabric of several old and historic districts and sub-districts of Yazd, among which the
Zoroastrians’ quarter was the most significant one. Zoroastrians of Yazd living in minority for
many centuries had developed their own unified socio-spatial context which seemed very

150
essential to them. Construction of a wide vehicular thoroughfare passing through their district,
resulted in splitting their district as well as destruction of a number of their historical buildings
made their community feel offended, striking for avoiding further developments of their
properties”.

Figure 6-17: Land price map of PA-2 (Source: Author’s own construct)

In the next step, the study attempted to cross check the above mentioned point through field
surveys. The remarks from the owners of some of the vacant lands and properties located on the
sides of the Boulevard especially the north-east end, where the Boulevard cut the Zoroastrians’
quarter, also confirmed the fact. The owners of some large-scale vacant lands, located exactly on
the edge of the Boulevard, re-stated that they are not interested either to sell or to construct their
plots, as their family neighborhood has been demolished due to this irrational initiative.

Although not all the ownerships of properties on the sides of the Boulevard belonged to the
Zoroastrians but the abandonment of a considerable number of properties and plots in the area
has affected the circumstances of the entire urban block (Interview- Residents, 2013).
Consequently, besides the higher range of land price, the property market of the whole district
has declined; moreover developers are not interested in further investment and the outcomes are
reflected in the derelict image of the area (Figure 6-18).

151
 Figure 6-18: A view of abandoned properties abutting the Basij Boulevard (Source: Author’s own
construct)

On the contrary, in PA-1, the residents’ feedback regarding the improvement of land price and
property market of the area was on average satisfactory (Table 6-10). They believed that the land
price had increased as a result of initiatives in a way that the approximate land price for a
residential plot before initiatives was around 50,000 Tomans per square meter, whereas
nowadays it is around 150,000 to 200,000 Tomans per square meter (Table 6-14) (Interview-
Local real estates, 2013). The highest price zones are mostly located either along the major spine
of Fahadan, which is Yuzdaran axis, or around the key clusters of the district (Figure 6-19).

Figure 6-19: Land price map of PA-1 (Source: Author’s own construct)

152
Before initiatives, it was not only the land value which was low, but even there was no
motivation for property exchange or investment in the district, and the property market was
entirely down. However, after regeneration program for Fahadan the property market flourished
relatively. The desire and motivation towards the property market of the area was reflected in the
more numbers of refurbished and renewed buildings, among residential blocks. This fact was
also apparent in the higher density of newly built houses as they mostly consisted of more than
one floor. Also as it was mentioned earlier the flourishing economy based on tourism industry in
the area created a competitive property market among developers for purchasing the old houses
and converting them to tourism attraction zones such as hotels, guest houses, restaurants or
shopping zones. Therefore, there was attraction towards commercial properties too.

From a different perspective, some of the interviews stated that the motivation towards property
market was more at the beginning of the project, and with the passage of time it declined
relatively. Nevertheless, many of the residents and developers are still motivated to invest in the
area as they have hope for further plans and developments by ICHTO and other agencies in
future.

One of the points raised by the residents was the tough design codes and bylaws for the
construction and restoration of buildings in the area. Majority of the residents complained about
the tough supervisory role of ICHTO and other concerned agencies for historic districts over the
matter of new constructions in the area. Even residents were showing dissatisfaction as they were
feeling that they have no liberty to renew or construct their houses and other properties in their
own style, as ICHTO advisory body has limited them by stringent set of regulations and bylaws
to treat the historic buildings. In fact setting restricted set of bylaws in order to control the
architectural quality of the historic districts is one of the causes of additional deteriorations, as
users are fined in case they over rule the bylaws. Residents strongly believed that this is one of
the strong reasons for weakening the property market of the area for the outsiders as well as
residents.

6.6 Conclusion

This chapter provided the detailed analysis of selected project areas for revitalization based on
specified parameters in order to explore empirically the main features of both approaches. The
analysis indicates that the new approach employed by local authorities in the case of Yuzdaran
Axis has been more successful in comprehensive regeneration of the area. The analysis and
comparisons of circumstances before and after implementation of the project revealed that the
new approach was more sensitive to the local needs and a convergence between different
approaches concerning the historic environment. Old buildings under threat of demolition have
been brought back into use; the main public spaces of the area have greatly improved; and other
historic buildings and monuments have been restored and turned into attractive places for both
local visitors and tourists.

153
On the other hand, analysis of the case of Basij Boulevard shows that the redevelopment-
oriented approach employed by the central government in the construction of Basij Boulevard
ended a large scale redevelopment project. The investigations revealed that this project has not
been successful in improving the situation of the area and it also failed to solve the existing
problems and even in certain cases it has deteriorated the situation. The key findings of analysis
of this approach can be identified as follows:

- An intentional breaking of continuity of the historic fabric (a radical break with the
historical urban and architectural manifestation);
- The shattering of the historic urban form;
- Disrespecting the cultural and social structure of the existing built environment.
- All the above mentioned points indicate that there was least regard for the context of the
project and the real existing issues.

The evidence found in this research shows that the result of such urban intervention is far from
the demands of daily life and the desire of inhabitants. Therefore, the initiatives in Shesh-
Badgiri district and construction of Basij Boulevard could not solve the problems of the area and
in many aspects it aggravated the existing problems.

154
CHAPTER 7
COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS AND SYNTHESIS OF THE RESEARCH

7.1 Introduction

The research has tried to explore a range of approaches implemented for revitalization of Iranian
historic city centers from time to time. Further it attempted to examine and compare two
different approaches with particular focus on the case of Yazd city. This chapter attempts to
highlight their driving forces and interpret their socio-spatial as well as economical impacts on
their context by undertaking in depth analysis of two projects; Basij Boulevard Project and
Revitalization of Yuzdaran axis in Fahadan District. Although both projects have been driven by
a desire to revitalize the historic core and the concerns for the quality of urban environment, each
has pursued a different approach, policy and strategy in addressing the issues.

In order to gain a better understanding of these approaches, the second section of this chapter
reviews the theoretical framework of the research and its fundamental components. The third
part looks at the power structure and the role of the agencies in a centralized political system. It
discusses how the centralized nature of the political power had a major impact on the process and
product of the case of Basij Boulevard and how the process of localized decentralization
provided a proper basis for the emergence of a locally based approach in Revitalization of
Yuzdaran axis. The next part concentrates on the economic conditions of both projects in terms
of the economic potentials of the both places and the availability of financial resources; which
refers to the interest of the agencies. The fifth section compares the cultural circumstances and
how the ideological bases affected the strategy of the agencies and their design ideas. Finally,
the last section of this chapter focuses on the comparative analysis of two projects on the basis of
their driving forces and summarizes the comparison of all factors.

7.2 Theoretical Framework of the Research

In chapter-2, it was exclusively discussed that the theoretical framework of the research was
derived from the socio-spatial and the structure and agency model. In this regard, the theoretical
framework of the study emphasizes on the development agencies involved, the role they played,
the structures they interacted with in the form of recourses, rules and ideas and the political,
economic and cultural contexts in which they operated. Therefore, it is necessary to understand
the relationship between the strategies, interests and actions of the agencies involved in the
process. The analysis of two projects in chapter-6 revealed that the project for the revitalization
of Yuzdaran axis in Fahadan district was comparatively more successful in solving the problems
of the area and responding to the real needs of the residents. On the other hand, the program for
construction of Basij Boulevard in Shesh-Badgiri district created a radical break in the socio-
spatial structure of the area which accentuated the existing problems. It was evident that
following two different approaches, the outcomes and impacts of the projects would be different.

155
Based on the theoretical framework of this study, the development agencies and their related
factors are effective on the formation of a certain approach. Therefore, it is necessary to have a
deeper look at the interaction of the agencies and their structures within the political, economical
and cultural contexts.

7.3 The Political Structure and the Role of Development Agencies

The evidence derived from the investigation at national level revealed that the large-scale
interventions in the historic urban fabric has always been associated with the autocratic powers,
whether central or local, secular or religious and traditionalist or modernist. The urban
redevelopment scheme of 1920s which ended with the establishment of Imam and Qiam streets
(Shah and Pahlavi) in Yazd is the primary example of large-scale intervention conducted by the
authoritative central power (Figure 7-1). The concentration of power, authority and control over
rules and resources in the hands of one person or a special group made the instrument of
authority a determining factor in the shaping or re-shaping of the built form (Cavalcanti, 1997;
Mazumdar, 2000). The autocratic control of urban form was usually accompanied by the
political, economic and ideological ambitions which were primarily imposed by the autocratic
leaders (Izadi, 2008). The central government
with a highly centralized structure of power
has always played a dominant role in the large-
scale urban interventions. The redevelopment
scheme of Bein-ul-haramain in Shiraz and
construction of Imam-Ali Boulevard in
Mashhad are the primary examples of such
interventions. The public sector’s intervention
has been limited to short but intensive periods
of transformation, which has a major impact on
the social and spatial structure of the cities
(Madanipour, 1998). Figure 7-1: Establishment of Imam and Qiam streets
(Shah and Pahlavi) in Yazd, 1920s (Source: Yazd
Municipality, 1956)

The centralized and authoritarian nature of the Iranian political system during the past decades
has affected decision-making and urban administration system and has created a centralized
pattern of urban management (Barakpur, 2005). Besides the aims and ambitions of revolution
which was against the centralized, unaccountable and monarchist state, centralization of power
continued even after revolution of 1979 (Arjomand, 1986). The public sector has grown
considerably and has kept a tight restriction on the activities of other actors and agencies. The
increasingly complex and centralized organization of the public agencies has led to the
development of large-scale schemes which have had major impacts on the transformation of the
cities (see chapter-4). The redevelopment project for the historic core of Yazd in Shesh-Badgiri

156
district and construction of Basij Boulevard was the product of the centralized political and
administrative system. As reviewed in Chapter-6, the redevelopment scheme has been
undertaken completely by the central government and its affiliated bodies. There was an extreme
involvement of the central government and a direct role of its agencies legitimized by the rules
they administer, supported by the resources they control and inspired by the ideas they
implement.

As it was pointed out in section 6.3.2, the planning of Basij Boulevard was carried out within the
highly centralized decision making process. It was controlled entirely by HUDO and Yazd
municipality. The initial proposal for the establishment of the boulevard was proposed in both
master plan and detailed master plan of 1983 and 1984. Shahrbod Consultant Engineers were
commissioned to prepare the detailed urban design guidelines and appropriate proposal for the
construction of Basij Boulevard, Though the role and approach of this Tehran-based consultant
in the formation of the project was criticized by the local authorities. The role of consultants in
the process of plan making, their accountability to the local institutions, and their perceptions and
attitudes towards the problems and potentials has always been a source of controversy between
the central and local agencies. The local institutions felt that national firms based outside the
projects maybe insensitive to local circumstances (Interview-Mondegari, 2012). It is worth
mentioning that private sector consultants played an important role in shaping the strategies of
the central government particularly during the period of Western-Oriented technocrats 22 .
Although the authorities legally take the actual decisions but practically due to their narrow area
of expertise and the lack of technical abilities, they have been dependent upon the policy
framework prepared by private consultants. The inefficiency of public sector agencies has
restrained a proper negotiation between public and private agencies.

The results of empirical work in the case of Basij Boulevard project showed how the regulatory
power and absolute control over the planning system enabled the central government to
introduce a redevelopment plan for the historic core. The planning framework provided a legal
basis for further interventions of the central government in the area. The political and ideological
ambitions of the central government for modernization was a major driving force which
strengthened the direct involvement of state and its agencies in this process. Although central
government still exercises strong control and retains a tight hold over all urban development
affairs, from late 1990s several interrelated factors at national, provincial and local level
contributed to the changing role or structure of the state at least in the urban regeneration
process. As it was mentioned in previous chapters, during the last two decades the process of
urban revitalization in Iran achieved new momentum. The establishment of a new constitutional
body in MHUD, the introduction of a new policy for limiting the city expansion, the

22
The term ‘Western-Oriented technocrats’ was utilized by Amirahmadi (1996) which refers to the role of
technocrats during the two periods of President Hashemi Rafsanjani (1989-97). (Amirahmadi, 1996; in Izadi, 2008)

157
redistribution of authority and responsibility of financial resources at provincial and local level
and the establishment of elected local councils in city level opened a new path to city centre
regeneration. The growing tendency towards greater involvement of local actors created a more
locally based approach towards urban regeneration. Within the new approach, responsibility for
regeneration has increasingly been shifted to the local level, where local partnerships (although
within the public sector) have been considered as the basis for regeneration activities. The new
shift in attitude and encouragement of local authorities for partnerships made the urban
regeneration activities to evolve into a distinctive approach. The project for revitalization of
Fahadan District and Yuzdaran axis is an exemplar of the new approach. Although the efforts to
revitalize the historic core of Fahadan District cannot be viewed as an ideal model or
representative of all current regeneration activities, but the project illuminates the significant
features of a different approach which has moved beyond the previous initiatives. Nevertheless,
the analysis of the case of Yuzdaran Axis revealed that there were certain facts which shaped the
new course towards city center regeneration which can be listed as follows:

 Decreasing the direct influence of the central government in which the responsibility,
authority and financial resources were redistributed and empowered at local level23.

 The well-organized role of local management in establishing the trust and communication
network among variety of actors involved in the process based upon the local knowledge,
experience, responsibility and reliability.
 The achievement of a broad agreement among the various local and national agencies
involved (effective partnership at the local and national level), by establishing the
Coordinative Council 24 , adopting an integrated and comprehensive approach, and
employing a unified planning and designing model.

 Stability and continuity of management system and administrative structure

Inspecting and comparing the political driving forces behind the cases of Yuzdaran axis and
Basij Boulevard indicate that there is a direct and obvious reflection of the political and
administrative structure of the agencies in the formation of a certain approach. The analysis of
the case of Basij Boulevard project showed how the direct influence of the central government
on the project with its autocratic spirit resulted to the failure of the project. The destruction of a

23
Based on the Law of the Third (2000-2005) and Fourth Economic, Social and cultural Development plan (MPO,
2000 and 2005).
24
The newly established council (Provincial Council for Revitalization of Historic Fabrics) in local level (Yazd
City) made a collaborative framework among different agencies involved in the process of city development and
historic core. It was consisting of local and national level authorities. The statutory power of this council authorized
them to coordinate among different agencies and authorities to prevent the intersection of programs and budget in
different projects in city level as well as province level. They provided synergistic benefits for participants in urban
activities in local and national level, regarding resources and policies (Interview; Mondegari, 2013).

158
large number of historic buildings and segmentation of the historic fabric was an evidence of
such dogmatic characteristic. Moreover, the ignorance of the social structure of the area and
fragmentation of the Zoroastrians’ community which resulted in a catastrophic social,
economical and spatial decay of the area was the prime outcome of the dictatorial role of the
central government and its affiliated bodies in the project. Furthermore, the direct intervention of
central government agencies, both in planning as well as implementation process, empowered
them to intervene unilaterally in such large-scale scheme.

On the other hand, the analysis of the case of Yazdaran axis in Fahadan revealed how the
political and administrative decentralization of policies led to the emergence of a local network
of agencies for a locally based program. One of the biggest achievements of Yuzdaran axis
regeneration program was the collaborative network between the wide range of agencies in
national and specifically local level in different stages of the project. At the initial level
Yuzdaran passage was announced as a strong cultural axis and tourist attraction by Cultural
Heritage Organization. Accordingly, part of the project was financed by the grant which was
allocated for the development of tourism. But later on, the other organization such as
Endowment and Charity Affairs Organization, Housing and Urban Development Organization
and Yazd Municipality were participating in financing the project. The Provincial Planning and
Development Council (PPDC) provided a collaborative network in decision and policy making at
provincial level between this wide range of agencies involved. Based on the enactment approved
by PPDC, Yazd Municipality (Historic District), Yazd Cultural Heritage and Tourism
Organization and Center of Urban Revitalization and Renewal (CURR) were assigned to
collaborate in revitalization program for Yuzdaran axis (Diagram 7-1a and 7-1b).

Yazd Governor General

[Council for Revitalization of historic urban fabric]

Decision
Making
Authorities
MHUD
Yazd Cultural Heritage [Center of Urban
& Tourism Organization Revitalization and Renewal]

Diagram 7-1a: Decision-making authorities involved in the regeneration program for Fahadan district,
Yuzdaran axis

159
 Yazd Municipality (Historic District)
[Green spaces and parks, public spaces, and commercial centers
improvement, upgrading infrastructures]

Implementation
Yazd Cultural Heritage Agencies
& Tourism Organization
Private Sectors
[Restoration of Historic buildings and monuments,
[Consultant Architects & Engineers]
development of tourism activities]

Diagram 7-1b: Major agencies involved in the Implementation of regeneration program for Fahadan
district, Yuzdaran axis

The councils provided a focal point of local leadership and brought together different
development agencies involved to improve and integrate their policies, programs, and resources.
It was an attempt towards integrated participatory planning and financing in their local urban
development activities.

Another achievement of such collaborative participation happened between two major civic
organizations; Yazd Municipality and Yazd Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization
(CHTO). Earlier on municipalities were considered as organizations which did not have any
concern about maintenance of cultural heritage or historic urban fabric in particular. Whenever
they were assigned to follow any maintenance plan in such historic districts, they were not able
to provide the care and regard which the historic buildings and monuments deserved. Moreover,
they never received any significant agenda or outline regarding their activities in historic areas.
As a result, they were mostly considered as an unhelpful and even destructive agency with
respect to historic urban fabrics. With the start of Yuzdaran axis project the collaboration of
CHTO and municipality changed the role of municipality in the historic areas. Their activities
had clear objectives and their activities were set according to the outline of CHTO for the area.

Involvement of local agencies by empowering their recourses and authority, delegating the
policy-making and close interaction with the community and civic societies enabled the local
authorities to develop a series of effective initiatives and innovative strategies to revitalize the
historic core of Fahadan District as discussed extensively in chapter-6.

Although the political structure of the involved agencies played a key role in creation of a new
path towards city center regeneration but in order to better understand the origins of such
approaches it is important to link it with the dynamics of economy and the cultural values as
reflected in the nature of the agencies involved. The comparative analysis of the two case studies
reveals that besides the political tendencies which shaped the behavior of the involved agencies,
their economic interests and ideological views also have had a major impact on formation of the
process.
160
7.4 The Economic Conditions and Financial Resources

The evidence found during investigation revealed that besides the political structure of the
involved agencies which affected the formation of a certain approach in the case of Shesh-
Badgiri District and establishment of Basij Boulevard, there were some economical influences as
well in creation of such approach. Although the direct intervention of the central government and
its affiliated agencies were justified by means of resolving the spatial and functional problems of
the area, but the facts revealed that they pursued their own profit making-goal as well.

As it was in chapter-6, the project for establishment of Basij Boulevard was jointly financed by
HUDO and Yazd Municipality. Nevertheless, Yazd Municipality was responsible to provide
majority of the funds. Municipality had very limited recourses on its own at local level and
majority of the budget was spent on land acquiring (Interview-Masoudi, 2012). Financial
reliance on public resources rather than the private sector intensified the influence of central
government on the project in other aspects. Concerned with their own benefits, they crossed the
newly established boulevard on 15 acres of land which had public ownership. This decision
would reduce the cost of the project as the budget would not be spent on land acquisition. The
effect of such decisions later on affected the design and building construction on the façade of
the boulevard (see section 6.4.3.3).

From the case study material it is evident that the central government’s focus on transformation
of a large part of the historic core of Yazd was based on profitability and market dynamics.
Establishing a vehicular thoroughfare in the form of a boulevard, while passing it from a large
piece of land with governmental ownership is a true evidence of such market oriented approach.
The strategy of municipality of directing the orientation of boulevard towards the mentioned
property while ignoring the placement of Zoroastrians’ District on the traverse of the boulevard
illustrates the absolute market-minded trend of the involved agencies. The prominence and
influence of the mentioned property on the decision making process got highlighted when the
current situation of the Boulevard’s sides indicated that they were the only developed and
constructed sites in the area with governmental functionaries. However, in practice the profit-
making nature of the central government did not succeed to improve the economic situation of
the area in general as it was coincident to the ignorance of presence of Zoroastrians’ community
in the area. The orientation of the Basij Boulevard which resulted in the segmentation and
demolishing of a large area of Zoroastrians’ District created a furious and aggressive reaction by
that community (see section 6.4.2). The fact caused an enormous economic, spatial and
functional decline of the area. In this regard following questions may help clarification of the
facts:

 How could the location of Zoroastrians’ District, holding enormous tangible and
intangible values, be ignored whereas a piece of land with governmental ownership could
affect the direction of the proposed Boulevard?

161
  Wasn’t there any other alternative location for establishment of proposed Boulevard to
save the Zoroastrians’ District; given the fact that vehicular access was necessary?

The above mentioned set of questions is additional evidence of tendency for superficial financial
interests of the state and their autocratic role in shaping the process rather than noticing the
actual circumstances of the context.

Moreover, municipality had very limited resources on its own at local level. Due to some
administrative and political adjustments, there was a change in the programs and budget structure
of the municipality. Therefore, the project could not be implemented according to the proposed
plans and was executed partially. The implementation was limited to the establishment of a
vehicular access with minimum considerations for the context and surrounding areas. The
unfinished phases of the project, ruined buildings and sites left on the sides of the Boulevard and
dissatisfaction of the residents were the side effects of the incomplete execution of the project
due to lack of financial resources and budget (Figure 7-2 and 7-3). The major reason attributed to
the failure of the project was depending upon a single source for providing the required budget.
Relying on central government as a single source of budget which is highly dependent on
political and administrative situations is another characteristic of such approach which affected
the process as well as its final outcome.

Figure 7-2: Unfinished phases of the project; Figure 7-3: Narrow pedestrian pathways and lack
remaining of ruined buildings on the sides of the of service roads
Boulevard

Unlike the economical situations in Basij Boulevard project, the strength of property market and
economical investment were very limited in the case of Yuzdaran axis. Limitations and
difficulties for construction activities in the area, restrictions in regulations and complexities in
the ownership of the properties have made the area less attractive for property and construction
investment. Since the area was economically unviable or marginally beneficial, the central
government agencies showed less attraction towards involvement in the project. Moreover, due
to the administrative changes and decentralization policies, local development agencies were

162
motivated to create a practical collaborative network. Therefore, the central government by
withdrawal of its direct role from the project created opportunity for the local agencies to operate
and perform in the regeneration activity. However during the collaborative activities of the local
agencies there were series of problems which made the circumstances complicated. Limited
access to the governmental public budget, disintegration of local and provincial resources and
unwillingness of the private sector to invest in the area, were among the factors which
complicated the management of the project. In the same context there was an emphasis for
collaborative and joined up participation at local level. As it was mentioned, the newly
established “Provincial Council for Revitalization of Historic Fabrics” in Yazd City was an
innovative solution by the local manager to unify the activities. The new council encouraged the
collaboration of functionally and economically divided public authorities to act in harmony. It
was a sensible effort to respond to the complex nature of the regeneration problems. As it was
mentioned in chapter six, the local manager of the project also had a significant role in
negotiation between varieties of agencies involved. Partnership working established proactive
working, synergy among different organizations, control of funding, management and
harmonization of activities, strategic and long term thinking and the implementation of flexible,
innovative and responsive policies to the local needs.

By the development of a new role for the historic areas, regarding the new direction of Cultural
Heritage Organization towards development of tourism industry, Yuzdaran axis was nominated
as a cultural axis and tourist destination area. Therefore, it opened up a new way for financing
the project from the government public budget. At the same time, the structure plan for the area
provided a legal basis for co-financing the project at provincial level through local agencies such
as Yazd Municipality, Municipality for Historic District, Owqaf Department and other civic
Societies. Also the plan authorized the private sector for investment and involvement in several
areas. Conservation and reuse of Heydarzade House as “Coin and Currency Museum” in cultural
zone, conservation and adaptive reuse of “Hosseinian House” as research center for “Anjoman-e-
Khesht-e-Kham”, Hotel Kohan-Kashane, Hotel Mehr, Kavir Center for Handy Crafts and Textile
House are examples of initiatives taking place by private and semi-private sectors within the area
(see section 6.4.2). Whereas in the case of Basij Boulevard, the opportunity for investment of
private and semi-private sectors was never provided and the area remained unattractive for
investors.

As it can be seen, although there was the absence of a direct financial support of the central
government but based on the specified strategy there were variety of agencies responsible for
financing the project. Depending upon a multi-resource model for financing the project was
another economical factor which led to the success of the regeneration program in Fahadan.
Although financial resources were limited, but they were continuous and based on mutual
agreement of a wide range of agencies.

163
7.5 Cultural Circumstances and Revitalization Strategies

The difference between the meaning and value of the historic environments is one of the most
important factors to create diverse range of approaches towards revitalization. In the case of
Yuzdaran axis and Basij Boulevard also the different interpretation and perception from the role
and importance of historic urban fabrics led to the emergence of two different approaches. The
selected area for construction of Basij Boulevard in Shesh-Badgiri District was conceived as
obsolete urban fabric, degraded, unsafe, unappealing for investors, and a haven for crime and
drug related activities, a barrier for progress which should be torn down and replaced by the new
function. This perception shaped a radical concept of initiative. The urban and architectural
image of the existing area was almost annihilated. Such ideas have been generally shaped by the
central government agencies either intentionally to seek their own interests or unintentionally
due to their authoritative nature. Moreover, the strong modernistic ideas of the central
government and its tendency towards modernization accelerated the process of such radical
interventions. On one hand the devaluation of the historic environments and considering them as
deteriorated fabrics and on the other hand the tendency towards modernization motivated the
central government to employ the redevelopment strategy for the historic fabric of Shesh-badgiri
District.

In the case of Fahadan District and revitalization of Yuzdaran axis, the new administrative,
economic and cultural circumstances led to the emergence of a new approach towards urban
regeneration. As it was mentioned in section 7.4, in the case of Fahadan due to several reasons
such as limited access to the huge public budget, restricted financial supports and weak potential
of the property market in the area discouraged the local authorities to employ the large-scale
redevelopment plan within the district. Nevertheless, apart from the mentioned limitations there
were other leading factors which shaped a new approach towards regeneration of Yuzdaran axis
in Fahadan district:

-The revitalization program for Fahadan District was formulated based on the new point of view
towards cultural heritage by responsible organizations such as Iran Cultural Heritage and
Tourism Organization (ICHTO). As it was mentioned from the late 1990s due to several political
and administrative changes in the country there was a shift in definition of the cultural heritage
from individual historic buildings to the historic areas and historic urban fabrics (see chapter-4).
This move made the authorities in local and national level to transform their attention towards a
broader context. The scale of proposed projects for the historic cores and the budget allocation
changed consequently. Based on the new definition, the projects were considering the entire
historic areas or in some cases the whole district as the target for regeneration activities.
According to the new policy, there were not only certain buildings and monuments which were
important but the entire historic areas were defined to be protected and conserved. Regeneration
program for Fahadan District and revitalization of Yuzdaran axis and many other as such were
the outcomes of such point of views towards cultural heritage and historic built environment.

164
-It is commonly argued that the local authorities are generally more aware of local
circumstances, responsive to the local needs and accountable to the citizens compared with
administrators of central government agencies. Decentralization of responsibilities enhances the
opportunities for further participation of local managers and experts in regeneration activities.
The analysis of the case of Fahadan revealed that the entire process was shaped and formulated
by the local authorities, managers and experts during a long span of time. The process was based
on their real perception and image from the historic area as well as high level of sensitivity to the
cultural values and local situations. Moreover, the deep understanding of the local experts from
the cultural situation and the actual life style of the inhabitants enabled them to come up with
more efficient and practical solutions. Focusing on the cultural activities of the area along with
the daily needs of the inhabitants and considering them as the potentials for regeneration of the
area led the authorities to make a decision based on a deep understanding of the socio-cultural
context. They were aware that the historic areas were still containing specific cultural values and
their inhabitants had long-term social network among themselves. Linking the cultural values
with the social network of the area and utilizing them as the engines for regeneration activities
enabled the local experts to define sound strategies. Conservation of the local mosques and
shrines, revitalization of local bazaar and providing public facilities like parks and green areas as
serving and meeting area were among such thoughtful decisions.

-The prominent role of Iran Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization (ICHTO) had an
important part in formation of the program. It was basically due to the new approach of
conservation defined by this agency from the late 1990s. During this period, central government
tried to relate conservation activities with economical benefits. Based on this policy Iran Touring
and Tourism Organization was merged with Cultural Heritage Organization. Due to
enhancement of the economic role of conservation, ICHTO became more involved with urban
regeneration agenda. As a result, there was a relationship between conservation and regeneration
agencies. In this regard, MHUD in collaboration with Iran Cultural Heritage and Tourism
Organization (ICHTO) introduced a new program called “New Life for Old Structures” which
was aiming to define new functions and uses for historic buildings (see section 6.2.2). According
to the policy of adaptive reuse of the historic buildings, many of the houses and buildings located
along the Yuzdaran axis were conserved and made accessible to the local community as well as
visitors. Among them there were a number of historic houses which were under threat of
annihilation, but they were rehabilitated and reused for variety of purposes and functions. As a
result, Heritage was perceived as an opportunity to support tourism development as well as an
influential catalyst for economic improvement and regeneration of the historic area.

-Motivation of private sectors and local residents for involuntary protection and conservation of
historic buildings was another significant step to shape the later approach. The successful and
workable practice of the involved agencies inspired the private sectors and also local owners of
properties to invest in the area and follow the same policy adopted by ICHTO and other
organizations. Most importantly the financial prosperity from the investment on some of the

165
historic buildings encouraged the private sectors and in some cases residents to notice the inner
area of the district for investment. The fact led to the replication of initiative and ‘inspirational
conservation’ among the local residents and private sector investors.

Table-7.1 presents the summery of driving factors that shaped the two mentioned projects by
comparing the different driving forces behind them, based on the case study findings in Chapter-
6:

Project
Construction of Basij
Driving forces Boulevard
 Project was directly
influenced, planned and
Political power implemented by central
government with its
Role of the autocratic spirit
development agencies  Limited involvement of
local agencies
 Market-oriented interest
of the central government
and its affiliated agencies
 Relying on a single
source of budget for
project financing
 Unattractive environment
Economic conditions for private sector
investment
 Limited opportunities for
employment generation
 Disregarding the cultural,
social and symbolic
importance of the historic
fabric and neglecting the
spatial and physical
Cultural Context values
 Conceiving the historic
environment as obsolete
urban fabric and obstacle
to regeneration
Table 7-1: Summery of driving forces behind the two projects; revitalization of Yuzdaran axis and
construction of Basij Boulevard
Revitalization of Yuzdaran axis
 Project was planned and
implemented by local
agencies
 Limited influence of
central government in
planning and
implementation process
 Comprehensive
regeneration of the area
was the real interest of the
local agencies
 Relying on the multi-
agency model for project
financing
 Attractive environment for
private sector investment
 Ample of employment
opportunities
 Maintaining the
characteristics of the
historic district and
considering all tangible
and intangible aspects of
the area
 Honoring the historic
environment as an asset or
a catalyst for regeneration

166
7.6 Comparative Analysis

The previous section drew a comparison between driving forces of two different approaches to
the revitalization of historic areas. According to the theoretical framework of the research the
emphasis was on the agencies and their structures which shaped their function within the
political, economic and cultural contexts they operated. In order to create a better image of each
approach, it is necessary to distinguish different characteristics of each approach. Table-7.2
illustrates and summarizes the significant features of these two approaches.

Project Construction of Basij Revitalization of Yuzdaran

Features Boulevard Axis
State-led, physical Local-based, conservation-led
Strategy redevelopment approach regeneration approach
Central government and its Local agencies, private and
Key Actors subsidiaries semi-private sectors and civic
societies
Emphasis on a large-scale Focus on local regeneration
Spatial scope of activity redevelopment scheme at city plan at neighborhood level
level
 Preparation of designs in the  Preparation of designs in the
form of vehicular axis and form of integrated cluster of
boulevard with linear pattern buildings in different zones
Physical feature and  Large-scale scheme of  Small-scale multi-phased
appearance destruction and replacement regeneration projects
of the old fabric with new  Protection and conservation
developed components of the old fabric and re-
 Radical transformation of the using for appropriate
area functions
 Neglecting the role and the  Adopting a community-
requirements of the residents based approach and
 Segmentation of the concentrated on the
Social Content integrated social context of priorities of the local
the area and hurting the residents
social characteristic of the  Reinforcing and motivating
residents (Zoroastrians’ a gradual process of
community) neighborhood regeneration
by residents
 Public sector investment  Balance between public and
 Single-agency model private sectors as well as
Economic focus funding structure national and local level
agencies
 Relying on a multi-agency
model funding
Table 7-2: Significant features of the two approaches

167
 Significant features Driving forces
Project

Achieved
Objectives Strategy Key Actors Spatial Physical feature and Social Content Economic Political power Economic conditions Cultural Context degree of
scope of appearance focus Role of the success/fail
activity development ure
agencies

 Preparation of designs     
Revitalization of Yuzdaran axis

Adopting a Balance Project was Comprehensive Maintaining the

comprehensive regeneration of the area

 Improvement of in the form of community- between public planned and regeneration of characteristics
infrastructure

Comparatively successful in
integrated cluster of based approach and private implemented the area was the of the historic
conditions, Local-based, Local Focus on local buildings in different and concentrated sectors as well by local real interest of district and
 Public open space conservation- agencies, regeneration zones on the priorities as national and agencies the local agencies considering all
enhancement; led private and plan at  Small-scale multi- of the local local level  Limited  Relying on the tangible and
 Conservation and regeneration semi-private neighborhood phased regeneration residents agencies influence of multi-agency intangible
adaptive reuse of approach sectors and level projects  Reinforcing and  Relying on a central model for project aspects of the
historic buildings; civic societies  Protection and motivating a multi-agency government financing area
 Tackle crime and conservation of the old gradual process model funding in planning  Attractive  Honoring the
improve public fabric and re-using for of neighborhood and environment for historic
safety; appropriate functions regeneration by implementati private sector environment as
 Up-grading residents on process investment an asset or a
existing  Ample of catalyst for
businesses and employment regeneration
regeneration of opportunities
old functions

 The elimination  Preparation of designs  Neglecting the  Public  Project was  Market-oriented  Disregarding the
Construction of Basij Boulevard

and prevention of in the form of role and the sector directly interest of the cultural, social

the socio-spatial situation of the area

the spread of State-led, Central Emphasis on a vehicular axis and requirements of investmen influenced, central and symbolic

Not being successful to improve

blight and physical government large-scale boulevard with linear the residents t planned and government and importance of
deterioration by redevelopmen and its redevelopment pattern  Segmentation of  Single- implemented its affiliated the historic
the redevelopment t approach subsidiaries scheme at city  Large-scale scheme of the integrated agency by central agencies fabric and
of the area into an level destruction and social context of model government  Relying on a neglecting the
active replacement of the old the area and funding with its single source of spatial and
thoroughfare in fabric with new hurting the social structure autocratic budget for project physical values
city level. developed components characteristic of spirit financing  Conceiving the
 Reducing  Radical transformation the residents  Limited  Unattractive historic
pressures of the of the area (Zoroastrians’ involvement environment for environment as
vehicular traffic in community) of local private sector obsolete urban
macro level and agencies investment fabric and
development of  Limited obstacle to
traffic network of opportunities for regeneration
the city. employment
generation

Table 7-3: Summery of analysis and synthesis of the research

168
7.7 Conclusion

The examination and comparison of driving forces behind two different approaches in the case of
Yazd city showed that there is a great impact of development agencies and their structures on
formation of different approaches towards urban revitalization. The study revealed that the direct
influence of central government and its subsidiaries with their autocratic nature led to a radical
transformation of the area in the case of Basij Boulevard project. On the other hand, the
decentralization of authority and responsibilities from central government to local level and
empowering local agencies, partnership between several local agencies and close interaction with
the community and civic societies enabled the local authorities to develop an innovative
initiative in the case of Yuzdaran axis in Fahadan district. Moreover, the economical conditions
of projects affected their approach. Market-oriented interest of the central government and
relying on a single source of budget for financing the project in the case of Basij Boulevard made
the initiative unable to notice the real needs of the area. Whereas, in revitalization of Yuzdaran
axis limited influence and interest of the central government in the marketing of the area as well
as depending on a multi-agency model for financing the project created a more harmonious and
integrated process of work. Besides the political and economical influence of the development
agencies, their ideas and cultural circumstances also affected the formation of two different
approaches. Conceiving the historic environment as obsolete urban fabric and neglecting the
socio-spatial values of the context were the significant features of approach adopted for
construction of Basij Boulevard. On the contrary, honoring the values of historic environment,
considering them as assets for urban regeneration and maintaining all the characteristics of the
historic district led to the holistic regeneration of the area in Yuzdaran axis. Table 7-3
summarizes the process of analysis and synthesis of the research.

169
CHAPTER 8
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

8.1 Introduction

The research has examined the different approaches to the revitalization of historic city centers in
Iran in general and the case of Yazd in particular in order to develop a better understanding of
different approaches and the driving forces behind them. The aims of this research were a) to
understand the problems, weak points, strengths and advantages of the employed approaches and
b) to provide a basis for formulation of policies in order to find the optimum approach to the
revitalization of city centers in Iran and the case of Yazd in particular. The research addresses the
following questions:

 What are the employed approaches to the revitalization of historic city centers in Iran and
the case of Yazd?

 What are the characteristics of these approaches?

 What are their outcomes and impacts?

 Which approach has been more successful comparatively and if any of approaches were
considered problematic and deficient, what is the alternative model or approach towards
revitalization of historic city centers?

To answer these questions explicit objectives were formulated which are given as under:

 Studying the evolution of practiced approaches to the revitalization of historic city

centers in the world

 Overall review of the employed approaches in Iran and the case of Yazd in particular

 Exploring factors that shape the approaches and driving forces behind them

 Examining and interpreting the features that characterize the approaches

 Assessing their outcomes and impacts

 Suggesting appropriate measures to develop the efficient approach to the revitalization of

historic city centers

Although the aims and objectives are focused on Iran and the case of Yazd, the research findings
are expected to have relevance for other countries and cities confronting similar problems. In
chapter 8, the second section presents general conclusions drawn from the research whereas the
specific conclusions in case of Yazd are presented in section 3. The recommendations of the
170
research are presented in section 4. The final section summarizes the significance and
contribution of the research.

8.2 General Conclusions

The general conclusion from the research can be drawn on the following aspects:

8.2.1 Nature of the Problem

Urban revitalization in Iran has been taking place in a haphazard manner. The lack of consensus
over the definition of values of the historic environment and different motives behind these
efforts created a wide range of approaches to the revitalization of the historic environment. At
the same time, the diversity and plurality of the development agencies involved, the institutional
fragmentation of responsibilities, and the lack of coordination between these agencies created a
fragmented system of policy and decision-making, planning and management of the historic
environment in Iran. As a result, they were never unified as integrated forces to solve the
problems of historic areas. During the last two decades, however, several interrelated factors
have contributed to the shift in role and strategies of the development agencies which alleviated
this situation.

The development and reinforcement of institutional and administrative capacities, integrating

policies, establishing legal and regulatory frameworks, decentralizing responsibilities and
enhancing the role of professionals opened a new path to city center regeneration. Although
redevelopment and physical regeneration is still the dominant approach but the reforms have
provided a basis for the emergence of a different approach to city center regeneration. During the
course of institutional and structural transformation and reforms in urban regeneration, a series of
locally-based regeneration projects were initiated across the country. Besides all the efforts
which have taken place at local level and their relative successful achievements, they have never
been set as the subject of investigation and research by policy-makers and scholars to be set as an
applicable model for common practice.

8.2.2 Revitalization Practices at International Level

The research attempted to explore and identify various approaches employed for revitalization of
historic city centers in the world. The research relied on several experiences in the world which
were following different approaches and the reasons of their success or failure. The results of
investigation at international level showed how the concept of regeneration has moved beyond
the objectives and achievements of the large-scale urban reconstruction, comprehensive
redevelopment, urban renewal and property development. Urban regeneration now represents a
more comprehensive set of objectives including social, cultural and economic issues. Moreover,
the new concept of conservation also has shifted from an initial concern with the protection and
preservation of individual buildings and monuments to a broader consideration for urban
regeneration and economic development. The evolution of both policies and balance between

171
them has provided a basis for the emergence of an integrated approach toward urban
revitalization. The conservation-led regeneration or ‘regeneration through conservation’ agenda
represents the convergence of these two areas of policy. There is a recognition that the approach
toward urban revitalization should be holistic and integrated so that it can solve the problems of
historic areas. Based on the findings of the research at international level, the study will focus
and set the objectives based on the perspective of this integrated approach.

8.2.3 City Center Revitalization in Iran

The process of physical transformation in Iranian cities started from the beginning of the
twentieth century (1925-1941) by a vast program of road construction through the old fabric of
old cities. There was an attempt to fundamentally alter the shape of the country’s social and
spatial formation by an obligatory program combining ‘nationalism’, ‘secularism’, and
‘modernization’. The first symbol of modernism was the destruction of the historic urban fabric
followed by the construction of new structures, the imposition of an official state architectural
style, the extension of new avenues outward providing the principal axes of the new
developments, and the expansion of the older city. The outcome was the emergence of ‘urban
dualism’, a tense coexistence of old and new.

During the second phase of transformation (during the 1950s, 1960s), the impact of
modernization, fuelled by economic factors, demographic growth and political ambitions grew
even stronger in the 1920s and 1930s. The heavy concentration of wealth, industrial production,
economic activities and services in Tehran and other large cities made these urban areas the
recipients of massive immigration from rural areas. An immense growth of population and
massive immigration contributed to the rapid and dramatic physical expansion of the cities.
Urban sprawl intensified the problems of the historic centers. The old cores became a small part
of the sprawling cities and lost their previous physical and functional importance. The Master-
plans which were prepared to regulate and manage this sprawling expansion and future changes
also threatened the historic centers and had a major and irreversible impact on the historic
environment. At the same time, the substantial rise in oil price and the concomitant rise in
revenue enabled the government to embark on large-scale renewal program, which dramatically
transformed the social and spatial structures of the historic environments.

The third stage of transformation referred to the first two decades of the post-revolutionary
period (1979-1997). During the first decade after the revolution, the political and economic
instability caused by the revolution and the war, the decline in the value of oil exports and a
rapidly growing population created a chaotic situation, which directly influenced the process of
urban development in general and led to the further decline of historic city centers in particular.
In these circumstances, the urban policies adopted by central government exacerbated the
problems: the master-plans’ policy of decentralization of activities and the imposed planning
blight were among the main factors that directly affected the viability of historic cores and
impoverished the urban life in the historic districts. The functional and spatial fragmentations

172
made by the new development projects (the production of mass housing in the Urban Land
Development projects, and new town development) radically changed the social and spatial
structure of historic cores. At the same time, the establishment of new institutions (revolutionary
foundations and religious organizations) intensified urban management in this period.

During the second decade of the post-revolutionary period, the political stability and economic
prosperity, which were accompanied by the centralization of power, considerably increased both
the scale and pace of transformations. The government set up implementing an accelerated
schedule of public investment and reconstruction program. Aside from a number of large-scale
developments outside the boundaries of historic cores, the central government introduced a new
policy by which the state and its agencies were involved in a series of large-scale neighborhood
renewal projects inside the historic areas. It was a new force of destruction which posed a serious
threat to the historic environment. At the same time, there was a number of large-scale
reconstruction programs carried out by religious foundations and municipalities that dramatically
changed the spatial structures of historic areas.

All interventions were attempts for modernization of the existing urban structure of the historic
centers through the redevelopment and radical transformation of urban environment. The
unrestricted power, access to the financial resources and the concentration of the decision-
making process in the hands of the state or powerful agencies made the instrument of authority a
determining factor in the implementation of such large-scale physical transformation programs.
These large scale redevelopment projects, whether carried out by the central government and its
affiliated companies, the municipalities or the religious institution and charitable foundations, are
the best examples which signify a rising fever of modernity during these periods.

The further investigations in national level showed that during the last two decades the
development and reinforcement of institutional and administrative capacities, integrating
policies, establishing legal and regulatory frameworks, decentralizing responsibilities and
enhancing the role of professionals opened a new path to city centre regeneration. They produced
a sense of connection and synergy between regeneration and conservation efforts. The program
for revitalization of Yuzdaran axis in Fahadan District in Yazd was among the mentioned efforts.

8.2.4 Methodological Development

Considering the verity of experiences of urban revitalization based on different approaches and
their partial failure and success, the researcher attempted to examine the approaches based on
their characteristics, impacts and outcomes and driving forces behind them. The methodology
adopted for this research comprised of the general assessment of different revitalization
approaches in Iran and in-depth analysis of initiatives in the case of Yazd city. The selection of
the case study was based on the facts that Yazd is a significant historic city within the country
and the world and where several attempts have been made for revitalizing the historic core. City
of Yazd has been also among the historic zones within the country which experienced the latest

173
locally-based initiatives for revitalization of historic urban fabrics. The following lessons on
development of methodology can be drawn.

In order to examine different approaches, it was learnt that the comparative analysis could be the
best methodology to highlight the advantages and disadvantages of each approach. Therefore,
two projects each representing a certain approach within the case of Yazd city were selected.
Further, it was necessary to set appropriate parameters based on which comparative analysis
could be carried out. Therefore, the theoretical framework of the research which was adopted
from the extensive work of Izadi (2008) provided appropriate basis for comparison. The
theoretical framework was focusing on the agencies involved, the role they play and their
strategies and interests within the economic, political and cultural context in which they operate.
Besides the fact that there can be various parameters based on which the evaluation of
approaches can happen, but the mentioned framework seems appropriate to evaluate the driving
forces which shaped variety of approaches. As this framework has been implemented
successfully on two researches (Izadi, 2008 and the current research) in the Iranian context, it is
concluded that it can be developed and implemented for other similar researches which study the
case studies in the context of developing countries, albeit with necessary modification.

In order to gain true picture of the ground realities regarding the revitalization of historic urban
fabrics and to analyze the initiatives taken, two projects each representing a certain approach
were chosen. One of the advantages of the research was that the initiatives had taken place in the
same context. As a result, comparing two different projects within the same city gave a better
opportunity for an in-depth understanding of the initiatives, their approaches as well as their
advantages and disadvantages. At the same time, it would be more appreciated if more number
of projects representing each approach would be chosen while doing the comparative analysis. In
that case, the findings of the surveys would be more accurate and truthful. Nevertheless, within
the framework of the current research one project represented each approach and further they
were examined and compared which has set the basis for future studies in a more expanded
framework.

The evaluation of the impacts of initiatives on their surrounding contexts was made based on
three different parameters; spatial, economical and social aspects. In order to have a detailed
understanding of each aspect, they were further detailed into various sub-parameters.
Questionnaires were designed based on mentioned factors and variables in ‘likert’ style. Also the
GIS maps indicating various situations of the areas were used for further exploration. All effort
took place in order to have a comparison based on detailed quantitative data along with
qualitative analysis and interpretation. The fact was drawn that relying on the quantitative data is
more truthful while doing the comparative analysis of two or a few projects. The similar method
can be adopted for future researches in this field.

One of the major limitations of the research was that there exists anonymity regarding the
initiatives taken in the context of Yazd city. They have never been documented in a

174
comprehensive way. Therefore, researcher was supposed to dig down the required data from the
field by interviewing the residents or government officials and experts. There was couple of
times that government officials were not comfortable with revealing some facts due to
confidentiality. The researcher overcame this problem through networking and using personal
influence.

8.3 Specific Conclusions from the Case Study of Yazd City

This research is directed by four major research questions and five objectives developed on the
basis of questions. Insight was gained through research findings from studying of different
approaches towards revitalization of historic city centers based on the theoretical framework of
the research. The findings are mentioned as follows:

8.3.1 Existence of Range of Approaches

One of the findings of the research was that presently there is a range of notions of approaches
towards revitalization of historic urban fabrics in Iran as well as the city of Yazd. The above
mentioned fact was revealed after doing an extensive survey on Iranian context and particularly
the case of Yazd city. The theoretical framework of the research was supportive to figure out the
reasons behind this fact. It was learnt that each initiative had shaped by a certain agency with
different strategy, interest and role. Therefore, the outputs and impacts of each initiative were
varying in different ways.

Although the current research considered the identification and examination of two major
approaches, but the researcher suggests that there must be a similar study on the other existing
initiatives in order to recognize and classify further approaches. In the process of research it was
evident that each initiative taken place based on specific institutional framework with certain
strategy, interest and role had advantages and disadvantages. Each also had followed a certain
approach such as focusing on a mere physical conservation, urban renewal and redevelopment,
economic development and regeneration or in some cases a mixture of all concerns. Hence, it is
necessary to further study the existing initiatives based on the introduced framework and
distinguish as well as recognize verity of approaches considering their advantages and
disadvantages in order to develop a deeper understanding and finding an optimum approach for
future activities.

8.3.2 Classification and Recognition of Approaches

Initiatives taken place for the revitalization of historic urban fabric in the Yazd city have been
carried out by a range of approaches. After a wide review and examination of different
initiatives, it is concluded that there never has been a pre-defined approach based on which
revitalization activities have been shaped. The results of the surveys in the case of Yazd showed
that although some activities have more similar characteristics to a certain approach, yet they
have been actually shaped based on a ‘hit and trial’ process. Even in the case of two examined

175
initiatives which represented the two distinguished approaches, the findings showed that they
were not actually shaped while following a certain pre-defined approach. Nevertheless, they
included characteristics which were similar to the significances of mentioned approaches.

The initiatives in the case of Yazd city lack vision and explicit objectives regarding revitalization
of the old city and they are actually “piece-meal” efforts. The study shows that if there are some
characteristics close to some defined approaches, they have happened unintentionally and
unplanned which have been realized via local managers and custodians of the projects based on
their own experiences and understanding of the local context over the period of time.

8.3.3 Allocation of Responsibilities to Local Authorities

One of the major themes which came through was the difference between the performance of
local authorities and the central government agencies in case of the role they played, their
strategies and interests. The results of the investigation in the case of Basij Boulevard project
revealed that the central government agencies were directly involved in the process, either
through direct intervention, budget allocation or regulation. Instead of having an advisory role of
a planning authority, the central government bodies played a direct role by imposing their
political idea and economical will on the context as well as stakeholders. The unnecessary
involvement of central government in the process of decision-making, policy formulation,
planning, design, financing and implementation led to a number of negative consequences: (a)
inappropriate involvement of the public development agencies and the lack of clarity in their
relationship with the local agencies and actors prevented the participation of local stakeholders;
(b) different perception and sensitivity of the central government agencies to the local
circumstances and priorities combined with their different intentions, attitudes and interests
shifted the focus of the program from the local community’s needs and requirements; (c)
intensive reliance of such an intervention, which had been entirely run by the central
government, made the changing forces helpless within the mechanism of the state. The
dependence on such an unpredictable political system and its unstable financial resource led to
the emergence of several issues during the course of implementation. The results of empirical
work on this case showed that these issues accelerated the decline and the erosion process of the
area and also increased the problems for the remaining inhabitants particularly for the
community of Zoroastrians.

Unlike the case of Basij Boulevard, the regeneration scheme for Yuzdaran axis in Fahadan
district was the result of a locally-based, multi-agency partnership approach. The different role
and strategy of the central government in this regeneration program provided a basis for the
formation of a new process of regeneration for the historic environment. Reducing the central
government's involvement, expanding the authority and responsibility of the local agencies and
locally-based managers and consultants resulted in creative and unique solutions to the local
specific problems. It created a productive decision-making environment and an efficient process.
As the central government started to withdraw from its overwhelming position and deep

176
involvement, the management of this regeneration project became mainly a task for the local
authorities. The local authorities developed a partnership among all relevant organizations and
agencies. This new policy brought relatively homogeneous interests together and allowed the
mobilization of the local resources. According to the analysis in Chapter-6, the process of work
enhanced: (a) transparency, because information, priorities, strategies and actions were open to
all stakeholders; (b) accountability, because by sharing in decisions, partners were accountable to
each other; (c) efficiency, because information was based on local knowledge, shared and
decisions were taken jointly, avoiding overlap and duplication of efforts. The visions have been
complementary and mutually supportive.

The study concluded that the proper role of the central government and the appropriate place for
government action provided a basis for a stronger and closer relationship with the local
authorities. The centralization of authority and power (decision-making, planning, and
implementation) in the hands of the state made it more difficult for the local authorities to have
their concerns addressed. The central government can provide a supportive legal framework,
establish institutional structures, encourage collective actions through legislative measures,
extend collective agreements, provide basic statistics and analysis and provide administrative
support, technical assistance and advice. The regeneration program for Yuzdaran axis linked the
central and local level through a strategic partnership and matching national policy priorities
(tourism development, revitalization and regeneration of historic environment) and resources
with local knowledge, expertise and commitment.

8.3.4 Institutional Framework and Financing System

The evidence found in this research showed that in the case of Basij Boulevard project the
legislative authority, regulatory power and an absolute control over the planning system enabled
the central government and its agencies to strictly restrict the activities of other actors and
agencies in the process. The analysis of the case of Yuzdaran axis demonstrated a different
result. The strategic and planning framework encouraged cooperation among all agencies
involved that enabled them to plan and initiate action in response to their identified needs. It was
not only the rules and ideas, but the development resources also got affected by the institutional
framework of the projects. In the case of Basij Boulevard the direct access to the public
governmental resources enabled central government agencies to carry out the large-scale
redevelopment scheme. However, relying on a single-source model for financing the project
affected the implementation phase negatively. Conversely, due to limited availability and access
to the development resources, in the case of Yuzdaran axis project, the work of the local
authorities was limited to the small scale projects. Moreover, depending upon the multi-agency
model for financing the project (although more limited and within a longer period of time)
assured the consistency and continuity of implementation phase. This investigation shows that
shared authority and responsibility, collaborative management and financing (multi-agency
partnership) and strengthening local leadership are mechanisms to control the exercise of power
and procedures to utilize structural forces in a proper way.
177
8.3.5 Regeneration through Conservation

The third theme of the research emphasized on the relation between conservation and
regeneration. The research tried to realize the role and contribution of the cultural potential of the
historic cores and their element (cultural heritage and cultural activities) in the process of two
regeneration programs. The results of analysis of case studies showed that there was a sharp
contrast between these two approaches. The case studies showed that while the local authorities,
in the case of Yuzdaran axis attempted to provide an integrated strategy combining interrelated
conservation and regeneration objectives, the central government agencies on the other hand, in
the case of Basij Boulevard relied only on a physical regeneration strategy that ignored the
existence of the old and rich structure of the area. In the case of Basij Boulevard, there was a
fundamental conflict between regeneration and conservation policy. Neglecting the cultural,
social and symbolic meaning of the existing structures, the large-scale redevelopment project
destroyed the social and spatial integrity of the area. The devastation broke up long-term
developed links between the people with their environment and the physical and functional
connection between the neighborhoods. The spatial disrupt of the Zoroastrians’ district
interrupted the homogeneous social structure of their community which resulted a negative and
catastrophic impact on the socio-spatial context of the area.

The evidence found in this study showed that despite the strategy of the central government in
the case of Basij Boulevard, which created an adverse effect upon the character of the historic
core, the practical and sensitive approach of the local authorities in the case of Yuzdaran axis in
Fahadan enhanced the character of the area and thus greatly contributed to maintaining the
cultural identity of the historic core. This research revealed that physical regeneration alone
cannot tackle the broad range of problems that affect the historic cores. It needs to be part of a
wider, strategically planned set of agendas. In fact a mix of sensitive infill development, adaptive
reuse of historic buildings, and public space improvement can create an attractive and safe
environment for the residents, promote employment opportunities in deprived area, and add
further momentum to the revival of the area. Creating an integrated approach to balance between
conservation and regeneration agendas and utilizing the conservation of cultural heritage as the
catalyst for regeneration is the optimum approach towards sustainable revitalization of historic
urban fabrics.

8.4 Recommendations

This research has provided sufficient insight into the current status of urban revitalization
practices in Iran and particularly the case of Yazd city. A comprehensive methodology presented
in chapter-3 was used to grasp the various dimensions of these practices and to find out the
problems and grey areas within the process. Considering the findings of this research, the
following recommendations are made for the improvement in urban revitalization practices in
Iran and the case of Yazd city.

178
8.4.1 Identification and Formulation of Existing Practices into Defined Approaches

The findings of this research showed that almost all the initiatives that took place to revitalize the
historic cores in Iran were based on a ‘hit and trial’ process. Based on this type of practices the
outcomes and impacts of the process will be always at risk as the strategy, ideas, ambitions and
aims of the efforts are not unified in addressing the real problems and issues of the historic areas.
On the other hand, uncertainty about the nature and approach of the initiatives made the wide
range of development agencies unable to act cohesively. Although some initiatives may have
similar characteristics to the significant features of a certain approach, but they have never been
set as a pre-defined approach. Therefore, there is a need to define the optimum workable
approach for a certain context which can be followed as a guideline for revitalization effort. As a
result, the initiatives for revitalization of city centers will not be carried out in a form of an
experimental process, but they will be based on a pre-planned approach. Hence, it is
recommended that the impacts of different practices must be analyzed and the lessons learnt
from them must be extracted in order to shape and define the framework of an optimal approach
for a particular context.

The defined framework must be set as the guideline for the future practices in revitalization of
city centers. According to this recommendation, if the initiatives are taking place based on a
defined approach rather than a leap-frog process, the outcomes are more predictable, reliable and
unified for solving the problems of the historic areas. In this way, a lot of time, energy and
budget will be saved as the efforts are planned systematically and all are following clear and
consistent set of objectives. It will be also supportive to unify the acts and efforts of different
development agencies for revitalization of historic urban cores.

8.4.2 Reforms in Roles, Strategies and Interests of Development Agencies

The study showed that the development agencies involved in the process of revitalization
activities, directly affect the input and outcomes of the initiatives. The theoretical framework of
the research also defined the effective aspects of the agencies on the process of revitalization.
The results of the investigations on the case studies also revealed that the development agencies
and their structures including their ideas, rules and resources had directly or indirectly affected
the approach of initiatives and consequently their outcomes and impacts on the context. In this
regard, the study recommends certain reforms in the structure of the development agencies and
their work method. Recommendations are specifies as under:

 Transparency: Policies, Objectives, priorities, strategies, actions and plans of

development agencies either central or local, must be open to all stakeholders.

 Trust: To avoid one-way seeking of economic benefits and interests in the revitalization
practices and consider all stakeholders especially local community as the beneficiaries of
the initiatives; in this way there will be a reciprocal benefit for both.

179
 Time: Noticing the association of the local community with the context which has shaped
over the long historic period as a vital effective fact; adopting an appropriate span of time
for the gradual change in socio-spatial structure of the area and preventing radical over-
night changes.

Diagrams 8-1 and 8-2 illustrates the triangular forces which support the future structure and
work plan of the development agencies vs. the theoretical framework of the research.

Political Power

Transparency

Successful Work
plan for
development
agencies
Cultural Time Trust Economic
circumstance condition

Diagram 8-1: Triangular forces for strengthening the development agencies

Diagram 8-2: Conceptual framework of the research

180
8.4.3 Integration between Responsibilities of Central and Local Authorities

The study findings clarified that top-down policies and approaches are socially and culturally
less effective than those that have a strong local base. At the same time, it would be
inappropriate to advocate an entirely bottom-up approach. Under this model, the state’s role is to
provide a supportive legal framework, establish institutional structures, encourage collective
actions through legislative measures, extend collective agreements, provide basic statistics and
analysis and provide administrative support, technical assistance and advice. Under this mixed-
initiative model, the state provides leadership and support but leaves the essential issues to local
control. The finding of this research showed that due to the different perception of the local
authorities, their sensitivity to the local circumstances, their greater stability and their awareness
of the threats and opportunities, their decisions have been sensitive and relevant to the local
needs and priorities. It is recommended that the Local authorities must play a leading role in the
process of city centre regeneration.

8.4.4 Strengthening Local Community Participation

The major challenge for both the central government and the local authority will be a move
towards local democracy in which the citizens can take a more active role in the management of
their own environment. Although the regeneration program for the historic quarter of Fahadan
District and revitalization of Yuzdaran axis was a step forward from the previous authoritarian
policies and approaches, there is still a lack of direct involvement of the residents and
community groups in the process of decision-making, planning and implementation. Using local
knowledge and involving local people from different communities is the best way to create
sustainable urban revitalization.

8.5 Significance and Contributions of the Research

The research findings are significant in a number of ways for policy makers, urban
conservationists and for those researching on revitalization of historic urban fabrics:

 The research contributes in the field of urban revitalization and policy making by
providing a deeper understanding of different approaches towards revitalization of
historic city centers. The literature has been reviewed on varity of revitalization practices
in the world and Iran. The good practice models for urban revitalization have been
identified and the optimum approach for future practices in Iran and the case of Yazd
have been documented.

 The research has significance on methodological grounds for analyzing urban

revitalization practices. It has employed both qualitative and quantitative methods which
have wider scope for future application of methodology on the basis of research findings.

181
 The research utilized original and genuine data on the case of Yazd. It covers all aspects
of review of verity of urban revitalization activities, their outcomes and impact and
driving forces behind them. The results of analysis brought forward useful findings that
provide basis for the improvement of policy making and implementation framework of
revitalization activities. It also sets an appropriate methodology in order to analyze other
initiatives with different approaches. Although, the findings of the research are related to
Yazd in particular and Iran in general, but the findings will be helpful to other contexts
facing similar problems regarding urban revitalization of historic city centers within or
outside Iran.

 One article extracted from the research has been published in Pakistan Journal of Science
(S.Hosseini Nassab et al, 2014). Several research papers have been presented at
international seminars. Two articles are in the review process of publication in refereed
journals.

 Limited literature on urban revitalization practices is available in the developing

countries context. Few researches were undertaken in Iran and the Yazd city before this
study and the researcher is aware of their findings (Izadi, 2008; Kalantari, 2008; Hanachi
et al, 2009). This research specifically concentrates on the different approaches of urban
revitalization and the driving forces behind them. Therefore, it is a valuable addition to
the knowledge of urban revitalization of historic city centers.

182
 REFERENCES

Abdula, S. (1984) Large-Scale Development in the History of Muslim Urbanism, in Sevcenko,

M. B. (Ed.) Continuity and Change: Design Strategies for Large-Scale Urban Development.
Cambridge, Massachusetts, The Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture.

Abrahamian, E. (1982) Iran Between Two Revolutions. Princeton, Princeton University Press.

Adams, D. (2004) The changing regulatory environment for speculative house-building and the
construction of core competencies for Brownfield development. Environment and Planning A,
36, 601–624.

Adelkhah, F. (1999) Being Modern in Iran, London, Hurst & Co.

Alemi, M. (1996) Iranian Architecture: in search for a new identity. Journal of the Islamic
Environmental Design Research Centre, XVth-XVIIth.

Alker, S., Joy, V., Roberts, P. & Smith, N. (2000) The Definition of Brownfield. Journal of
Environmental Planning and Management, 43, 49-69.

Amirahmadi, H. & Kiafar, A. (1993) The Transformation of Tehran from a Garrison Town to a
Primate City: A Tale of Rapid Growth and Uneven Development. in Amirahmadi, H. &
Elshakhs, A. S. (Eds.) Urban Development in the Muslim World. New Brunswick, New Jersey,
The Centre for Urban Policy Research.

Ardalan, N. (2000) Architecture VII, Pahlavi, After World War II. In Yarshater, E. (Ed.)
Encyclopaedia Iranica. New York, Bibliotheca Persica Press.

Armanshahr Consultant Engineers (2007) Tarh- e Rahbordi-e Bafte-e Farsoude-e Yazd, Tehran,
Iran

Ashworth, G. J. & Howard, P. (1999) European Heritage, Planning and Management, Exeter,
Intellect Books.

Ashworth, G. J. & Tunbridge, J. E. (1994) The tourist-historic city, Chichester; New York, John
Wiley & Sons.

Ashworth, G. J. & Tunbridge, J. E. (1999) Old cities, new pasts: Heritage planning in selected
cities of Central Europe. GeoJournal, 49, 105-116.

Atabaki, T. & Zurcher, E. J. (2004) Men of order: authoritarian modernization under Atatürk
and Reza Shah, London/New York, IB Tauris.

Azizi, M. M. (1998) Evaluation of Urban Land Supply Policy in Iran. International Journal of
Urban Regional Research, 22, 94-105.
183
Azizi, M. M. (2005) The Challenges of Urban Development and Density in Tehran. International
Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice: Life in the Urban Landscape.
Gothenburg, Sweden.

Badr, F. & Hanachi, S. (1986) Ravand-e Taghirat-e Baft-e Ghadim va Bazzendeh sazi an dar
Iran (Process of Historic Urban Change and its Revitalisation in Iran). Faculty of Architecture
and Urban Planning. Tehran, Shahid Beheshti University.

Ball, M. (1998) Institutions in British Property Research: A Review. Urban Studies, 35, 1501-
1517.

Barakpour, N. (2005) Transition from Urban Government to Urban Governance in Iran.

International Conference for Integrating Urban Knowledge & Practice: Life in the Urban
Landscape. Gothenburg, Sweden.

Behdad, S. & Nomani, F. (2002) Workers, Peasants, and Peddlers: A Study of Labour
Stratification in the Post-Revolutionary Iran. International Journal of Middle East Study, 667-
690.

Benevolo, L. (1980) The origins of modern town planning, London, Routledge & K. Paul.

Bianchini, F. & Parkinson, M. (1993) Cultural policy and urban regeneration: The West
European experience, Manchester, Manchester University Press.

Bianchini, F., Dawson, J. & Evans, R. (1992) Flagship projects in urban regeneration. in
Healey, P., Davoudi, S., O'toole, M., Tavsanoglu, S. & Usher, D. (Eds.) Rebuilding the city:
property-led urban regeneration. London, E & FN Spon.

Boroujerdi, M. (2003) Triumphs and Travails of Authoritarian Modernisation in Iran. in Cronin,

S. (Ed.) The Making of Modern Iran: State and Society Under Riza Shah 1921-1941. First ed.
London, Routledge Curzon.

Cameron, S. & Coaffee, J. (2004) Urban Regeneration: Development of Urban Regeneration

Policy. Newcastle upon Tyne, Newcastle University.

Cameron, S. & Doling, J. (1994) Housing Neighbourhoods and Urban Regeneration. Urban
Studies, 31, 1211-1223.

Cameron, S. (1992) Housing, Gentrification and Urban Regeneration Policies. Urban Studies,
29, 3-14.

Cantacuzino, S. (1976) Can Isfahan survive? Architectural Review, CLIX, 292-301.

Carmona, M., Heath, T., OC, T. & Tiesdell, S. (2003) Public places - urban spaces: the
dimensions of urban design, Oxford, Architectural Press.

184
Cavalcanti, M. (1997) Urban reconstruction and autocratic regimes: Ceausescu. Planning
Perspectives, 12, 71-109.

Clark, B. D. & Costello, V. (1973) The urban system and social patterns in Iranian cities.
Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 99-128.

Clark, B. D. (1980) Urban Planning: Perspectives and Problems. In Blake, G. H. & Lawless, R.
I. (Eds.) The Changing Middle Eastern City. London, Croom Helm.

Clark, B. D. (1981) Urban Planning in Iran. In Clarke, J. I. & Bowen-Jones, H. (Eds.) Change
and development in the Middle East. London, Methuen.

Cleveland, W. L. (2000) A History of the Modern Middle East, Colorado, Westview Press.

CMCE (The Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe) (1975) European Charter of the
Architectural Heritage, Council of Europe.

Couch, C. & Fraser, C. (2003) Introduction: the European Context and Theoretical Framework.
In Couch, C. & Fraser, C. & Percy, S. (Eds.) Urban regeneration in Europe. Oxford; Malden,
MA, Blackwell Science.

Couch, C. (1990) Urban renewal: theory and practice, London, Macmillan Education.

Council of Europe (1975) The Declaration of Amsterdam. Amsterdam, the Committee of

Ministers of the Council of Europe.

Cullingworth, J. B. & Nadin, V. (2002) Town and country planning in the UK, New York,
Routledge.

Dehesh, A. (1994) Developmental instability in Iran: Its impact on housing since 1962. Cities,
11, 409-424.

Delafonse, J. (1997) Politics and Preservation: A Policy History of the Built Heritage, 1882-
1996, London, E & FN Spon.

De'planhol, X. (1968) Geography of Settlement. In Fisher, W. B. (Ed.) The Cambridge History of

Iran. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

De'planhol, X. (1970) The Geographical Setting. In Holt, P. M., K.S.Lambton, A. & Lewis, B.
(Eds.) The Cambridge History of Islam. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

De'planhol, X. (1992) Cities: Geographical introduction. In Yarshater, E. (Ed.) Encyclopaedia

Iranica.

Diefendorf, J. M. (1989) Urban Reconstruction in Europe after World War II. Urban Studies, 26,
128-143.

185
Dizjani, G. (2004) Rehabilitation organization of Shiraz; Projects regarding the restoration of
Shiraz’s historic cultural fabric, Abadi, 45, 87-92, Tehran, Iran.

Drury, P. & Mcherson, A. (2007) Conservation Principles, Policies and Guidance: For the
Sustainable Management of the Historic Environment. English Heritage.

Ehlers, E. & Floor, W. (1993) Urban change in Iran, 1920-1941. Iranian Studies, 26, 251-275.

Ehlers, E. (1992) Modern Urbanization and Modernization in Persia. In Yarshater, E. (Ed.)

Encyclopaedia Iranica. New York, Bibliotheca Persica Press.

Ehteshami, A. (1995) After Khomeini: The Iranian Second Republic, London and New York,
Routledge.

English Heritage (1998) Conservation-led Regeneration: The Work of English Heritage, London,
UK.

English Heritage (2000) Power of Place: The Future of the Historic Environment, London, UK.

English Heritage (2004) Heritage Counts 2004: The State of the England’s Historic
Environment. Heritage Counts. London, UK.

English Heritage (2005) Regeneration and the Historic Environment: Heritage as a Catalyst for
Better Social and Economic Regeneration, London, UK.

Ettinghausen, R. (1973) Muslim Cities: Old and New. In Brown, L. C. (Ed.) From Madina to
Metropolis: Heritage and Change in the Near Eastern City. Princeton New Jersey, The Darwin
Press.

Evans, G., Foord, J., Gertler, M. S., Tesolin, L. & Weinstock, S. (2006) Strategies for Creative
Spaces and Cities: Lessons Learned. Cities Institute, London Metropolitan University and Munk
Centre for International Studies, University of Toronto.

Fahimizadeh et al (2001) The Structure Plan for regeneration of Sang-e Siah quarter. Shiraz,
Fars Urban Development and Revitalization Corporation.

Falamaki, M. M. (1978) Seiri dar Tajareb-e Maremmat-e Shahri: az Veniz ta Shiraz (An Essay
on Urban Conservation: From Venice to Shiraz), Tehran, Vezarat-e Maskan va Shahrsazi
(Ministry of Housing and Urban Development).

Falamaki, M. M. (1987) Sheklgiri-e Shahr-ha-e Iran (Iranian city formation). In Kiani, M. Y.

(Ed.) Shahr ha-e Iran. Tehran.

Farahmand, J. (2003) Point Four. IICHS-Baharestan Electronic Journal.

186
Farmaanfarma'iyan, A. (2003) Evolution of Iranian Architecture from 1940 to 1978. Architect,
25, 129-134.

Feilden, B. M. (2003) Conservation of historic buildings, Oxford, Architectural Press.

Ganser, R. & Williams, K. (2007) Brownfield Development: Are We Using the Right Targets?
Evidence from England and Germany. European Planning Studies, 15, 603 - 622.

Ghanbariparsa, A. & Madanipour, A. (1988) A Review of Methods of Public Land Ownership

and Allocation for Housing in Iran. Planning Outlook, 31, 110-15.

Gore, T. & Nicholson, D. (1991) Models of the land-development process: a critical review.
Environment and Planning A, 23, 705-30.

Griffiths, R. (1995) Cultural strategies and new modes of urban intervention. Cities, 12, 253–
265.

Guy, S. & Henneberry, J. (2000) Understanding Urban Development Processes: Integrating the
Economic and the Social in Property Research. Urban Studies, 37, 2399-2416.

Guy, S. & Henneberry, J. (2002) Approaching development. In Guy, S. & Henneberry, J. (Eds.)
Development and developers: perspectives on property. Oxford, Blackwell Science.

Habibi, S. M. (1996) Az Sh'ar t'a Sha'hr (Analytical review of the city concept and its physical
image in the course of time), Tehran, The University of Tehran.

Habibi, S. M. (1996) Az Sh'ar t'a Sha'hr (Analytical review of the city concept and its physical
image in the course of time), Tehran, The University of Tehran.

Hajyousofi, A. (2003) The Historical Roots of Development and Programming Thought in Iran.
Journal of Social Welfare Quarterly, 2, 49-61.

Hall, P. (1993) Forces Shaping Urban Europe. Urban Studies, 30, 883-898.

Hall, S. P. (2000) Creative Cities and Economic Development. Urban Studies, 37, 639-649.

Hambly, G. R. G. (1991) The Pahlavi Autocracy: Muhammad Riza Shah, 1941-1979. In Avery,
P., Hambly, G. & Melville, C. (Eds.) The Cambridge History of Iran. Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press.

Hanachi, P. & Khademzadeh, M. (2009) Comparative analysis of urban conservation initiatives

in the World and Iran. Yazd, Iran, Sobhan-e-Noor Press.

Healey, P. & Barrett, S. M. (1990) Structure and Agency in Land and Property Development
Processes: Some Ideas for Research. Urban Studies, 27, 89-104.

187
Healey, P. (1991a) Models of the development process: a review. Journal of Property Research,
8, 219–38.

Healey, P. (1991b) Urban Regeneration and the Development Industry. Regional Studies, 25,
97-110.

Healey, P. (1992) An institutional model of the development process. Journal of Property

Research, 9, 33–44.

Healey, P. (1995) The institutional challenge for sustainable urban regeneration. Cities, 12, 221-
230.

Healey, P. (2002) Shaping city centre futures: conservation, regeneration and institutional
capacity; regeneration in Grainger Town, Newcastle, Newcastle upon Tyne, England, Centre for
Research in European Urban Environments School of Architecture Planning and Landscape
University of Newcastle upon Tyne.

Hejazi, M., Mehdizadeh Saradj, F (2014) Persian Architectural Heritage. WIT Press, USA,
Billerica.

HELM (Historic Environment Local Management) (2006) Conservation-Led Regeneration

Works.

Herbert J. Gans (1962), The Urban Villagers. The Free Press of Glencoe, Inc., The Macmillan
Company, New York.

HEREC (Historic Environment Review Executive Committee) (2006) Heritage Counts. English
Heritage. London, UK.

Hesamiyan, F. (1996) Shahr Neshini, Marhaleye Goza'r (Urbanism, the Transition Era).
Shahrneshini dar Iran (Urbanism in Iran). Tehran, Entesharat-e Agah (Agah Publishing).

Hill, D. M. (1994) Citizens and cities: urban policy in the 1990s, New York; London, Harvester
Wheatsheaf.

Hillenbrand, R. (1986) Safavid Architecture. In Jackson, P. (Ed.) The Cambridge History of Iran.
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

House of Commons (2006) Memorandum submitted by Michael J Coupe. Culture, Media and
Sport - Written Evidence. London, Culture, Media and Sport Committee Publications.

Iranmahboob, J. & Mirfardi, A. (2003) An Study of the Reciprocal Effects of the Process of
Population Growth and Urbanization in Iran 1956-1996. Population, 103-135.

Izadi, M. S. (2008) A Study on City Center regeneration; A comparative analysis of two

different approaches to the revitalization of historic city centers in Iran, Newcastle, UK.

188
Izadi, M. S. (2000) 'Ravand-e degargouni-e sazeman-e fazai-e baft-ha-e shahri dar Iran' (A
Review of the Process of Spatial Transformation in Iranian Urban Fabrics. Shardariha, 2, 14-17.

Izadi, M. S. (2001) 'Baresi-e tajarob-e maremat-e shahri dar Iran' (A Study on Urban
Revitalization in Iran). Haft Shahr, 2, 32-42.

Jalal Kamali, A., Afzali, K. (2004) The structure and old urban fabric of Kerman city;
Applicable approaches to the urban renewal and regeneration. Abadi, 45, 22-25.

Jacobs, J. (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Random House, New York.

Jokilehto, J. (1996) International standards, principles and charters of conservation. In Marks,

S. (Ed.) Concerning Buildings. Oxford, Architectural Press.

Jokilehto, J. (1999a) A Century of Heritage Conservation. Journal of Architectural Conservation,

14-33.

Jokilehto, J. (1999b) A History of Architectural Conservation, Oxford, England, Butterworth-

Heinemann.

Karimi, K. (1998) Continuity and Change in Old Cities: An analytical investigation of the spatial
structure in Iranian and English historic cities before and after modernization. The Bartlett
School of Graduate Studies. London, University College London.

Katouzian, H. (1981) The Political Economy of Modern Iran: Despotism and Pseudo-
Modernism, 1926-1979, London, Macmillan Press Ltd.

Kazemi, F. (2003) The Precarious Revolution: Unchanging Institutions and the Fate of Reform
in Iran. Journal of International Affairs, 57, 81-95.

Kheirabadi, M. (2000) Iranian Cities: Formation and Development, Austin, Texas, University of
Texas Press.

Kostof, S. (1991) The City Shaped: Urban Patterns and Meanings Through History, Bullfinch
Press; second edition (1999), Thames & Hudson, New York.

Kostof, S. (1992) The City Assembled: Elements of Urban Form through History, Little Brown,
Boston; (2005) second printing, New York, Thames & Hudson.

Lang, T. (2005) Insights in the British Debate about Urban Decline and Urban Regeneration.
Erkner, working paper (http: www. irs-net. de).

Larkham, P. J. (1996) Conservation and the city, London, Routledge.

189
Larkham, P. J. (1999) Preservation, Conservation and Heritage: Developing Concepts and
Applications. In Cullingworth, J. B. (Ed.) British planning: 50 years of urban and regional
policy. New Brunswick, N.J., Athlone Press.

Lawless, R. I. (1980) The Future of Historic Centre: Conservation or Redevelopment? In Blake,

G. H. & Lawless, R. I. (Eds.) The Changing Middle Eastern City. London, Croom Helm.

Loftman, P. & Nevin, B. (1995) Prestige Projects and Urban Regeneration in the 1980s and
1990s: a review of benefits and limitations. Planning Practice and Research, 10, 299-316.

Madanipour, A. (1994) Urban Public Space In The Middle East. In Awotona, A. (Ed.) People,
Place & Development. Newcastle upon Tyne, UK, UNUT.

Madanipour, A. (1996) Design of urban space: an inquiry into a socio-spatial process,

Chichester, Wiley.

Madanipour, A. (1998) Tehran: the making of a metropolis, Chichester, England, John Wiley.

Madanipour, A. (2003) Modernization and everyday life: urban and rural change in Iran. In
Mohammadi, A. (Ed.) Iran Encountering Globalization: Problems and prospects. London and
New York, Routledge Curzon.

Madanipour, A. (2006a) Roles and Challenges of Urban Design. Journal of Urban Design, 11,
173-193.

Madanipour, A. (2006b) Urban planning and development in Tehran. Cities, 23, 433-438.

Mahdizadeh, J., Pirzadeh-Nehugi, H., Amiri, M., Jahanshahi, M., Motlagh, M. T. & Sarafzadeh,
H. (2003) Barnameh-rizi-e Rahbordi-e Tose'e Shahri (Strategical Planning of Urban
Development), Tehran, The Ministry of Housing and Urban Development.

Majedi, H. (2003) Contemporary urbanism of Iran: Development in the Last Four Decades and
Future Prospects. Abadi(Quarterly Journal of Architecture & Urbanism), 13, 118-125.

Manley, S. & Guise, R. (1998) Conservation in the built environment. In Roberts, M. & Greed,
C. (Eds.) Introducing Urban Design: Interventions and Responses. London, Longman.

Marefat, M. (1988) Building to Power: Architecture of Tehran, 1921-1941. Massachusetts

Institute of Technology.

Marefat, M. (2003) What Makes A city Global? A Case Study of Tehran: A Global City or Not?
New Global History and the City. St.Petersburg.

Markaz-E Amar-E Iran (Statistical Center of Iran) (1986) Salnameh-ye Amari, Tehran, Markaz-e
Amar-e Iran.

190
Markaz-E Amar-E Iran (Statistical Center of Iran) (1996) Salnameh-ye Amari, Tehran, Markaz-e
Amar-e Iran.

Markaz-E Amar-E Iran (Statistical Center of Iran) (2006) Salnameh-ye Amari, Tehran, Markaz-e
Amar-e Iran.

Anderson, M. (1964), The Federal Bulldozer: A Critical Analysis of Urban Renewal, MIT-
Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts

Mazumdar, S. (2000) Autocratic Control and Urban Design: The Case of Tehran, Iran. Journal
of Urban Design, 5, 317-338.

Mozayeni, M. (1974) City Planning in Iran: Evolution and Problems. Ekistics, 38, 264-7.

MPO (2000) Law of the Third National Development Plan (2000-2005). Tehran, Iran,
Management and Planning Organization.

MPO (2005) Law of the Fourth Economic, Social and Cultural Development Plan, 2005-2009.
In Deputy for Administrative-Financial and Human Recourses Affairs (Ed.), MPO (Management
and Planning Organization).

Parkinson, M. (1989) The Thatcher Government’s urban policy, 1979-1989. Town Planning
Review, 60, 421-440.

Parkinson, M. (1996) Twenty-five years of urban policy in Britain-partnership,

entrepreneurialism or competition?. Public Money & Management, 16, 7-14.

Pearce, G. (1994) Conservation as a component of urban regeneration. Regional Studies, 28,

88–93.

Pendlebury, J. (1999) The conservation of historic areas in the UK: A case study of "Grainger
Town", Newcastle upon Tyne. Cities, 16, 423-433.

Pendlebury, J. (2000) Conservation, Conservatives and Consensus: The Success of Conservation

under the Thatcher and Major Governments, 1979–1997. Planning Theory & Practice, 1, 31-52.

Pendlebury, J. (2001) Conservation in the United Kingdom. In Pickard, R. (Ed.) Policy and Law
in Heritage Conservation. London, E. & F. N. Spon.

Pendlebury, J. (2002) Conservation and Regeneration: Complementary or Conflicting

Processes? The Case of Grainger Town, Newcastle upon Tyne. Planning Practice and Research,
17, 145-158.

Pendlebury, J. (2005) The Modern Historic City: Evolving Ideas in Mid-20th-century Britain.
Journal of Urban Design, 10, 253-273.

191
Pendlebury, J., Townshend, T. & Gilroy, R. (2004) The Conservation of English Cultural Built
Heritage: A Force for Social Inclusion?. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 10, 11-31.

Percy, S. (2003) New Agendas. In Couch, C., Fraser, C. & Percy, S. (Eds.) Urban regeneration
in Europe. Oxford; Malden, MA, Blackwell Science.

Pickard, R. (1996) Conservation in the built environment, Harlow, Essex, Addison Wesley.

Pickard, R. (2001) Management of historic centers, London, E. & F. N. Spon.

Pickard, R. (2002a) Area-Based Protection Mechanisms for Heritage Conservation: A European

Comparison. Journal of Architectural Conservation, 8, 69-88.

Pickard, R. (2002b) A Comparative Review of Policy for the Protection of the Architectural
Heritage of Europe. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 8, 349-363.

Raco, M. & Henderson, S. (2006) Sustainable urban planning and the Brownfield development
process in the United Kingdom: Lessons from the Thames Gateway. Local Environment, 11,
499-513.

Roberts, M. (1998) Urban design and regeneration. In Roberts, M. & Greed, C. (Eds.)
Introducing urban design: interventions and responses. London, Longman.

Roberts, P. (2000) The Evolution, Definition and Purpose of Urban Regeneration. In Roberts, P.
W. & Sykes, H. (Eds.) Urban regeneration: a handbook. London, Sage.

Robson, B. T., Bradford, M. G., Deas, I., Hall, E., Harrison, E., Parkinson, M., Evans, R.,
Garside, P. & Robinson, F. (1994) Assessing the Impact of Urban Policy. Inner Cities Research
Program. London, HMSO.

Rydin, Y. (2003) Conflict, Consensus, and Rationality in Environmental Planning: An

Institutional Discourse Approach. Oxford University Press.

Saedi, A. A. (2004) The Accountability of Para-governmental Organizations (bonyads): The

Case of Iranian Foundations. Iranian Studies, 37, 479-498.

Saleh, J. (2004) Property Rights Institutions and Investment. World Bank.

Salehi Milani, S. (2004) Reviewing some new approaches in urban restoration of Yazd, Abadi,
45, 52-57.

Salehi Milani, S., Bagheri Beheshti, S. (2004) Comparative Analysis of the measures undertaken
in the urban conservation of cultural and historic Axes in Isfahan. Abadi, 45, 32-39.

Salehi, H. (2000) shora-ha va ekhtiyar-e bargharari ya laghv-e avarez (City Councils and
authority to ratify or omit taxes). Shahrdariha, 2, 22-27.

192
Saunders, M. (1996) The conservation of buildings in Britain since the Second World War. In
Marks, S. (Ed.) Concerning Buildings. Oxford, Architectural Press.

Scarce, J. (1991) The Art of the Eighteenth to Twentieth Centuries: Architecture. In Avery, P.,
Hambly, G. & Melville, C. (Eds.) The Cambridge History of Iran. Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press.

Schirazi, A. (1997) The Constitution of Iran: Politics and the State in the Islamic Republic, IB
Tauris.

Sepanlu, A. (2006) Mashhad: Tajrob-e Moaser-sazi-e Markaz Shahr-e Mashhad. Tehran, Iran
Artists Organization.

Shahrokh-Zadeh, F. (1997) Majmo-e Ghavanin va Moghararat-e Ekhtesasi va morede Amal-e

Vezarat-e Maskan va Shahr Sazi va Sazmanha-e Vabasteh. Tehran, Iran.

Strange, I. & Whitney, D. (2003) The changing roles and purposes of heritage conservation in
the UK. Planning Practice and Research, 18, 219-229.

Streck, M. (2004) Mashhad. In Bearman, P. J., Bianquis, T., Bosworth, C. E., Donzel, E. V. &
Heinriches, W. P. (Eds.) The Encyclopedia of Islam. New Edition ed. Leiden, E J Brill.

Taherian, M., Fateh, G. (2004) An introduction to the evaluation of urban conservation and
regeneration plans of the historic –cultural fabrics of Semnan, Abadi, 45, 62-69.

Tajbakhsh, K. (2003a) The Fate of Local Democracy in the Islamic Republic: Decentralization,
Local Election and Reform in Iran. Iran Analysis Quarterly, 1, 5-8.

Tajbakhsh, K. (2003b) Municipal Management and Decentralization Study: Iran. The World
Bank Regional Municipal Management and Decentralization Project.

Tajbakhsh, K. (2004) Urban Knowledge and the State in Iran after Khatami. Second ASPS
Biennial Convention, "Society, History and Culture in the Persianate World. Yerevan, Armenia,
ASPS.

Tash Consultant Engineers (1994) Tarh-e Rahbordi: Barresi va Tadghigh-e Ahdaf-e Koli. Tarh-e
Nosazi va Bazsazi-e Baft-e Piramoon-e Haram Motahar. Tehran, Iran, Mashhad Housing
Development and Construction Company.

Tash Consultant Engineers (1995) Tarh-e Nosazi va Bazsazi-e Baft-e Piramoon-e Haram
Motahar. Mashhad, Iran, Mashhad Housing Development and Construction Company.

The Venice Charter for the Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites (1964) ,
Venice, Italy.

193
Tiesdell, S. & Adams, D. (2004) Design matters: major house builders and the design challenge
of Brownfield development contexts. Journal of Urban Design, 9, 23-45.

Tiesdell, S., OC, T. & Heath, T. (1996) Revitalizing historic urban quarters, Oxford, UK,
Architectural Press.

Turok, I. (1992) Property-led urban regeneration: Panacea or placebo? Environment and

Planning A, 24, 361-79.

UDRC (2004) Tarh-e Behsazi va Nosazi-e Baft-e Markazi-e Mashhad. Tehran, Iran, Urban
Development and Revitalization Company.

UDRO (Urban Development and Revitalization Organization) (2001) Objective, Program and
Projects of Urban Development and Revitalization Organization. Ministry of Housing and Urban
Development. Tehran, Iran.

UDRO (Urban Development and Revitalization Organization) (2004) Objective, Program and
Projects of Urban Development and Revitalization Organization. Tehran, Iran, Ministry of
Housing and Urban Development.

Wansborough, M. (2000) The Role of Urban Design in Cultural Regeneration. Journal of Urban
Design, 5, 181-197.

Wilber, D. N. (2000) Architecture VII. Pahlavi, before World War II. In Yarshater, E. (Ed.)
Encyclopedia Iranica. New York, Bibliotheca Persica Press.

Worthington, J. (1998) Postscript: conservation through development. In Warren, J.,

Worthington, J. & Taylor, S. (Eds.) Context: new buildings in historic settings. Oxford; Boston,
Architectural Press.

WTO (2004) Asia and the Pacific 2004. Madrid, Spain, World Tourism Organization.

Zamani, B. and M. Arefi (2013) Iranian New Towns and their Urban Management Issues: a
critical review of influential actors and factors, Cities, 30, 105-112.

Zebardast, E. (2005) Do Plans Matter? Managing a Metropolis with Two Directives for more
than a Decade; The Case of Tehran City. International Conference for Integrating Urban
Knowledge & Practice: Life in the Urban Landscape. Gothenburg, Sweden.

194
APPENDICES

195
 Appendix-A
PhD Research on Interview pro-forma A

Analytical Study of Different Approaches to the Revitalization of Iranian Historic City

Centers

(Case study: Yazd, Iran)

Interview scheduled for the Regulators (National and Local urban planners and managers)

The following is the list of the empirical questions of revitalization policies and program
evaluation in relation to implementation effectiveness conditions. The questions are the criteria
for the open-ended semi-structured interviews with urban planners, urban managers and
managerial agency members in local and national level.

Empirical Questions

A What are the major strategy and orientation of the approaches to the revitalization of
historic city centers?

1 What are the general and specific goals the revitalization programs are designed to meet?

2 What is the primary emphasizes of revitalization programs? Are they basically regeneration
programs or conservation programs?

3 How are the program’s prescribed, policies, procedures, activities and services designed to
advance the program’s general and specific goals?

4 What are the theoretical and practical bases connecting the program’s design to its goals?
Are they rational and if not how and why?

5 How may program’s design to be improved to achieve its general and specific goals?

B What are the institutional characteristics of different approaches to the revitalization

of historic city centers?

1 How was the program planned and developed? Who were the principle actors?
What were their views about the program goals and design?

2 What is the role of central government and local authorities in designing and pursuing the
programs? Do programs initiate by central government or by local authorities? In what
senses and how much any of them is involved?

196
3 Are the revitalization programs initiated and implemented by a single agency or multi
agency? In case of multi-agency program what were those agencies? And what was the role
of each?

4 Were the local people and the residents of the historic quarters involved in the process of
decision making? If yes, how?

C What are the types and levels of recourses required to design and implement the
revitalization projects? What are the economic focus and financial motivation?

1 What types of resources do the program’s design and goals require?

2 What levels of resources are needed to operate the program?

3 What are the sources of the program’s needed resources? (By the central government, local
authorities, other agencies, private sectors)?

4 How do the budgetary implication and sources of required resources affect the successes of
failure of the revitalization programs?

How do the design and implementation features of the revitalization projects were
D identified according to their context? Are the programs suited to their environment?

1 What are the demographic, social, cultural, political and economic environments in which
the programs operate?

2 How do the environments in the program operate? / How does the environment differ across
the historic quarter?

3 In what ways has the program’s environment affected its implementation/ operation and
result?

4 In what ways have variations in the program’s local environment led to variations in the
program design and operations? What implications do these variations have for the
program’s goal and results?

E Are the programs achieving desired outcomes and if not, how and why?

1 How much are the users satisfied?

2 To what degree have the users’ expectations as well as the urban setting have been
responded?
3 Are the policies achieving their goals for clients and other outcomes? If not, how and why?
How may policies performance be improved?

197
 PhD Research on Interview pro-forma B

Analytical Study of Different Approaches to the Revitalization of Iranian Historic City

Centers

(Case study: Yazd, Iran)

Interview scheduled for the Producers and Implementing Agency Officials

Name of the Agency concerned with Revitalization Project: ___________________________

Date: __________

1-How many revitalization projects have been prepared so far for the historic city center? ___

2-How many have you executed so far? ___________________________________________

3-What were the aims and objectives of launching these projects?

___________________________________________________________________________

4-Who has been the custodian of the projects?

 Organization of Cultural Heritage and Tourism

 Ministry of Housing and Urban development
 Municipality and City council
 Revitalization and Rehabilitation Company
 Any other : ____________________

5-Who has prepared and designed the project’ proposal?

 The custodian organization by itself

 Private local Consultants
 Private Consultants (Not local)
 Any other : ___________________

6- Who did finance the expenditure of implementation of the projects?

 The custodian organization by itself

 Central Government
 Local Government
 General public/NGOs
 Private sector
 Any other ____________________

198
7-what was the role of the line agencies (electricity, Gas, water) in the execution of the projects?
_________________________________________________________________

8-Was general public involved in proposal making?

i-Yes ii-No

9-If Yes, what was the level of their participation?

_______________________________________________________________________

 Via media in national level

 Via media in city level
 Via notification in community level

10-Give details of professionals working on the revitalization projects?

i-Urban designer ii- Architect iii-Conservationist

iv-Urban Planner vi-Civil engineer

11-What was the time plan for the implementation of the project? _______________________

12- In your opinion, has the project achieved its desired goals so far?

i-Yes ii-No

13-If No, what is lacking? ________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________________

14-In your opinion what are the main hurdles in the project implementation?

______________________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________________

15- Have some projects been failed in your area?

16- If yes, what are the main causes of the projects failure? _____________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

17- in your opinion do you have adequate institutional capacity to undertake revitalization
project? Yes/No

199
18- If No, what type of institutional framework is required for undertaking revitalization project?
____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

23-What are your suggestions for successful implementation of revitalization project?

______________________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________________

Name and Designation of the interviewee: ___________________________

200
 PhD Research on Interview pro-forma C

Analytical Study of Different Approaches to the Revitalization of Iranian Historic City

Centers

(Case study: Yazd, Iran)

Questionnaire for Local Resident of Revitalized historic quarter

Name of Interviewee: ______________________________ Date: __________

Disagree
Strongly

Strongly
disagree
A Use the following scale to answer the questions by stating how

Agree

agree
Fair
much you agree with the statement provided:

 Socio-economical dimension statements

1 The revitalization initiative has improved the residents’ life
style in this area.
2 The initiative has improved the social interaction among
neighbors in this area.
3 The transformation of land uses has increased the
attractiveness of living in this area.
4 Security has improved after improvement in this area.
5 Entertainment services for the residents have been improved.
6 Educational and training services for the residents have been
improved.
7 The local residents were involved in the process of decision
making and implementation of revitalization projects.
8 The decision regarding revitalization of this area was shared
with the local residents before implementation.
9 The interventions occurred in the area have increased the
income level of residents.
10 The revitalization of this historic quarter increased the jobs
opportunities.
11 The tourists’ flow has been increased after the revitalization
of the area.

12 The interventions have flourished the business market of the

area.
13 The land prices have increased as a result of revitalization.

14 Number of shops has increased during the revitalization

process.

201
  Physical dimension statements

1 The road network and parking facility have improved with

revitalization.
2 More open-public spaces such as parks, green areas and
gathering spaces have been provided.
3 The revitalization process has improved the conservation of
salient features of the area.
4 The initiations have increased the housing facilities.

5 Infrastructural services (water supply, sewerage, electricity,

Sui gas) have improved with revitalization process.
6 The interventions have improved the quality of architectural
character of the area.

B Answer the following questions in brief, expressing yourself as much as possible in the
space provided:
1 Did the interventions occurred affect you and your family negatively or positively? Yes/No?
If no,
why?...........................................................................................................................................
....................................................................................................................................................
....................................................................................................................................................
....................................................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................................
2 Are the interventions achieving desired goals? Yes/No? if not, how and why?
....................................................................................................................................................
....................................................................................................................................................
....................................................................................................................................................
....................................................................................................................................................
................................................
3 Which problem do you face while living in this area?
....................................................................................................................................................
....................................................................................................................................................
....................................................................................................................................................
....................................................................................................................................................
................................................
4 What are your suggestions regarding further improvement in this area?
....................................................................................................................................................
....................................................................................................................................................
....................................................................................................................................................
....................................................................................................................................................

202
 Appendix-B
PhD Research on Interview pro-forma C

Analytical Study of Different Approaches to the Revitalization of Iranian Historic City

Centers

(Case study: Yazd, Iran)

Questionnaire Results for Local Resident of Revitalized historic quarter

Case studies Surveys Result Shesh- Fahadan

Badgiri Districts
Comparative Analysis Districts

 Social dimension statements Score out of 5.00

1 The revitalization initiative has improved the residents’ life 1.55 3.39
style in this area.
2 The initiative has improved the social interaction among 1.38 2.86
neighbors in this area.
3 The transformation of land uses has increased the 2.15 3.20
attractiveness of living in this area.
4 Security has improved after improvement in this area. 1.75 2.51
5 Entertainment services for the residents have been improved. 1.66 3.43
6 Educational and training services for the residents have been 1.85 2.10
improved.
7 The local residents were involved in the process of decision 1.43 2.06
making and implementation of revitalization projects.
8 The decision regarding revitalization of this area was shared 0.87 2.85
with the local residents before implementation.
PERSEPTION’S TOTAL AVERAGE VALUE 1.58 2.80
 Economical dimension statements Score out of 5.00
1 The interventions occurred in the area have increased the 2.30 2.86
income level of residents.
2 The revitalization of this historic quarter increased the jobs 2.94 2.90
opportunities.
3 The tourists’ flow has been increased after the revitalization 2.47 4.17
of the area.
4 The interventions have flourished the business market of the 2.80 3.05
area.
5 The land prices have increased as a result of revitalization. 4.61 2.26
6 The developments of the historic quarter have caused the 3.23 2.47
property market to flourish.
7 Number of shops has increased to serve the tourism industry. 2.13 2.96
PERSEPTION’S TOTAL AVERAGE VALUE 2.92 2.95

203
  Spatial dimension statements Score out of 5.00

1 The road network and parking facility have improved with 2.03 3.15
revitalization.
2 More open-public spaces such as parks, green areas and 1.80 3.82
gathering spaces have been provided.
3 The revitalization process has improved the conservation of 1.12 4.37
salient features of the area.
4 The initiations have increased the housing facilities. 2.20 2.37

5 Infrastructural services (water supply, sewerage, electricity, 2.65 2.77

Sui gas) have improved with revitalization process.
6 The interventions have improved the quality of architectural 0.93 4.16
character of the area.
PERCEPTION’S TOTAL AVERAGE VALUE 1.97 3.51

Social Dimensions

Table 6.1: Social Cohesion and Sense of belonging

The revitalization initiative has improved the 1.55 Shesh-Badgiri Districts

residents’ life style in this area.
3.39 Fahadan Districts

The initiative has improved the social 1.38 Shesh-Badgiri Districts

interaction among neighbors in this area.
2.86 Fahadan Districts

The transformation of land uses has increased 2.15 Shesh-Badgiri Districts

the attractiveness of living in this area.
3.20 Fahadan Districts

COMMUNITY FEEDBACK REGARDING SOCIAL COHESION & SENSE OF BELONGING

Pattern Key Less than 1.99 Between 2.00-2.74 More than 2.75

204
Table 6.2: Vital public realm & Livable historic urban quarter

Security has improved after improvement in 1.75 Shesh-Badgiri Districts

this area.
2.51 Fahadan Districts

Entertainment services for the residents have 1.66 Shesh-Badgiri Districts

been improved.
3.43 Fahadan Districts

1.85 Shesh-Badgiri Districts

Educational and training services for the
residents have been improved. 2.10 Fahadan Districts

COMMUNITY FEEDBACK REGARDING PUBLIC REALM & LIVABILITY

Pattern Key Less than 1.99 Between 2.00-2.74 More than 2.75

Table 6.3: Community participation & Involvement

The local residents were involved in the 1.43 Shesh-Badgiri Districts

process of decision making and
implementation of revitalization projects. 2.06 Fahadan Districts

The decision regarding revitalization of this 0.87 Shesh-Badgiri Districts

area was shared with the local residents before
implementation. 2.85 Fahadan Districts

FEEDBACK REGARDING COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION & INVOLVMENT

Pattern Key Less than 1.99 Between 2.00-2.74 More than 2.75

205
Economical Dimension

Table 6.4: Income level & Quality of Life

The interventions occurred in the area have 2.30 Tal & Zoroastrians
Districts
increased the income level of residents.
2.86 Fahadan Districts

The revitalization of this historic quarter 2.94 Tal & Zoroastrians

Districts
increased the jobs opportunities.
2.90 Fahadan Districts

2.80 Tal & Zoroastrians

Districts
The interventions have flourished the business
market of the area.
3.05 Fahadan Districts

COMMUNITY FEEDBACK REGARDING INCOME LEVEL & QUALITY OF LIFE

Pattern Key Less than 1.99 Between 2.00-2.74 More than 2.75

Table 6.5: Tourism and Vitality revenue

The tourists’ flow has been increased after the 2.47 Shesh-Badgiri Districts
revitalization of the area.
4.17 Fahadan Districts

Number of shops has increased to serve the 2.13 Shesh-Badgiri Districts

tourism industry.
2.96 Fahadan Districts

FEEDBACK REGARDING TOURISM & VITALITY REVENUE

Pattern Key Less than 1.99 Between 2.00-2.74 More than 2.75

206
Table 6.6: Land price & Property market

The land prices have increased as a result of 4.61 Shesh-Badgiri Districts

revitalization.
2.26 Fahadan Districts

The developments of the historic quarter have 3.23 Shesh-Badgiri Districts

caused the property market to flourish.
2.47 Fahadan Districts

FEEDBACK REGARDING LAND PRICE & PROPERTY MARKET

Pattern Key Less than 1.99 Between 2.00-2.74 More than 2.75

207
 Appendix-C
List of Interviewees
The following table introduces a list of interviewees participated in the oral knowledge of the
research in Iran which carried out in summer 2011, 2012 and 2013:

Name Status Date, time & place of

interview
1 15.07.2011, Tehran,
Tehran university, School
Mohammad Saeid Izai Member of academic board, of fine arts
Tehran University, executive 04.06.2012, Tehran,
manager UDRO UDRO
11.07.2013, Tehran,
Tehran university, School
of fine arts
2 Mohsen Habibi Member of academic board, 05.06.2012, Tehran,
Tehran University, Head of Tehran university, School
Urban Design Department of fine arts

3 Mehdi Hodjat Member of academic board, 12.06.2012, Tehran,

Tehran University Interviewee’s office
4 Reza Abouyee Member of academic board, 17.07.2012, Yazd,
Isfehan University Interviewee’s office
10.06.2011, Yazd,
Interviewee’s office
5 Mohammad Reza Member of academic board, Yazd 10.08.2013, Yazd, Yazd
Noghsan Mohammadi University, Consultant of Basij University, Architecture
Project, Urbanist Department
6 Mohammad Hosein Member of academic board, Yazd 12.07.2012 & 03.7.2013,
Masoudi University, Consultant of Basij Yazd, Interviewee’s
Project office
7 Kazem Mondegari Member of academic board, Yazd 17.07.2013, Yazd,
University, The former head of Shamseh Consultant
Yazd ICHO Engineers
03.07.2012, Yazd, Yazd
University, Architecture
Department
8 Nariman Farhza Member of academic board, Yazd 18.07.2013, Yazd, Yazd
University, Consultant of various University, Architecture
urban projects in old city Yazd Department
9 Mohammad Hasan Malek The former executive manager of 20.07.2013, Yazd,
Sabet YUDRC Maskansazan Company
10 Ali Sarvari Local real estates, Basij 23.07.2013, Yazd, Office

208
 Boulevard area, Yazd of Interviewee, Basij
Boulevard
11
Mohammad Heydarzadeh Founder of Coin and Currency 08.08.2013, Yazd, main
Museum in Yazd hall of Coin and
Currency Museum
12 Ali Reza Sherafat Former Mayor of Yazd 11.08.2013, Yazd,
Maskansazan Office

13 Mohammad Reza Owlia Member of academic board, Yazd 06.06.2012, Yazd,

University, The former executive Interviewee’s office
manager of ICHO
14 Bahman Rostamji The former Resident of Basij 1.07.2012, Yazd,
Boulevard Interviewee’s residence
15 Hamid Kalantari The former Mayor of Yazd 21.06.2013, Tehran,
Tehran Municipality
16 Abuzar Saadi Old resident of Fahadan District 04.7.2013, Yazd,
Fahadan Bazaar

209