Chapter 6

Impact of Floods on Livelihood and Income Generating

Activities

6.1. Introduction
The assessment of disaster impact involves preparing estimates of the economic value of loss, cost
of reconstruction, and the expenses for disaster mitigation measures in future (Petrucci 2012). It
covers direct, indirect, and intangible loss and its impact on environment and society. It was
mentioned in the last chapter that the loss and destruction caused by flood vary with factors like
season and timing of floods, location of damaged on the embankment and walking roads, location
of river encroachment, status and condition of the drainage system, existing livelihood dependency,
and prior experience of flood. The loss and destruction due to floods directly affects livelihood and
income generating activities of people (see figure 6.1; 6.2). However, the factors causing flood
disaster do not lead to crisis of livelihood at every affected place.
Figure 6.1
Impact on Livelihood

Loss and Destruction Impact on Livelihood

• Time and season of flood

• Duration of flood (Short period and long period)
• Types of natural hazards with flood
• Factor responsible for causing floods
• Livelihood dependency of the affected villagers

Source: Field Notes

Flood that occurs during summer is more destructive than that occurs in the rainy season (see table
6.1). Though loss and destruction by flood is less during the monsoon, it severely affects income
generating activities of some villagers. Many villagers plan for their income generating activities

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before the monsoon starts. They take the Dadan41 (advance money for labour work) from
contractors and boat owners before the season begins. It is difficult for them to get non-agricultural
work during monsoon in their village without prior contract. If somebody leaves the job, then only
there is a possibility for others to get that job.
Table 6.1
Relation between Season of Flood and Destruction of Livelihood
Season (with Types of Characteristics Types of Loss Measures for Livelihood
Bengali Natural of Flood Water Reduction of Loss Activities
Months) Hazards and Recovery
Summer Storm/ Heavy salt Increased Dhoyani during the Matir kaaj
(Baisakh to cyclone, content salt content monsoon, (earthworks),
mid-Asard) heavy in submerged dependency on pre monsoon
rain soil which is alternative migration
harmful for livelihood, Dadan
cultivation (But there is no loss
of expenses for
cultivation)
Rainy (Mid Heavy Less salt content Loss of seed Dhoyani after flood Preparation
Asard to mid rain, bed, loss of and Possibility of of seedbed,
Bhadra) strong plantations, cultivation Cultivation
high tides and loss of Fishing
Dadan
Autumn Storm, Less salt content Loss of crop Wait till monsoon Fishing and
(mid Bhadra heavy and money for Dhoyani Migration
to Kartik) rain, spent for its
strong cultivation
high tides
Winter Storm High salt Loss of Rabi -- Fishing,
(Agrahayan content crop Migration,
to Magh) Daily wage
Spring Strom High salt -- Wait till monsoon Daily wage,
(Falgun to content Migration
Chaitra)
Source: Field Notes

The impact of flood varies with the timing of flood. Flood that occurs at night is more destructive
than daytime. It becomes severe during spring tide due to increased tidal height. The average height
of tide is almost the same throughout the year, except it increases during the flood season (i.e.,

41
Dadan: Agricultural labourers take money (Dadon) from landowning families prior to monsoon season.
The ‘dadan’ provides assurance to the labourers to get job from a particular landowner during the cultivation
and harvest. Dadan is also a security deposit for landowners to get labourers during the cultivation and
harvest.
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August to October). Often, strong tidal waves sap and breach the earthen embankment and cause
saline water floods. Though saline water flood destroys the existing livelihoods, it also creates new
sources of livelihood that include brackish water fish and crab. These new livelihood sources are
not equally distributed and not all the people have equal access it. The present chapter explores the
impact of loss and destruction caused by floods on livelihood and income generating activities of
people in Sundarban region.
Figure 6.2
Understanding of Loss of Livelihood and its Experience

• Accessibility and capability to use existing resources Understanding the

(existing source of livelihood) loss of livelihood
• Accessibility and capability to use alternative sources of
livelihood or positive outcome of the floods
• Experience and realization of the loss of livelihood The factors causing
• Dependency on existing source of livelihood flood, losses and
• Dependency on alternative source of livelihood destruction

Source: Field Notes

6.2. Impact of Loss and Destruction on Livelihoods Activities

Embankments in riverside hamlets are vulnerable to destruction. Though there are physical factors
causing vulnerabilities, delayed repair and reconstruction of damaged embankments also causes
floods for extended period. Villagers in these hamlets with damaged embankments experience
flood two times in a day. Chronic flood destroys the conventional or existing sources of livelihood
as well as alternative sources of livelihood. In this section, the impacts of loss and destruction due
to floods on livelihood are discussed for the following main categories of livelihoods: (a) human
resource based livelihoods; (b) natural resource based livelihoods; (c) physical resource based
livelihoods; and (d) monthly income and monetary asset based livelihoods.

6.2.1. Impact of Floods on Human Resource Based Livelihood

Loss of People: Children and elderly villagers are most vulnerable during floods, as they cannot
walk or move on their own during emergency. Strong tidal waves wash away many of them and if
they are drowned, family members do not wait to rescue and help them in order to avoid further
loss. This incident is illustrated by a case:
Case: Radheshyam Jana, 65 of Hatkhola lives close to the embankment. In the absence of
his elder brother, he had the additional responsibility of the brother’s family. When they

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 came out from their home, the walking road was already flooded. Strong tidal wave
washed away his son while they were crossing the crevices. His wife requested him to
find their son, but he refused to go back to avoid the loss of other family members.
Luckily, his son found a safe place and came back to join the family later. (Source: Field
Notes, on 10-05-2010 at Hatkhola)

Due to their physical conditions, elderly villagers are unable to adjust to the changed conditions
during flood and after flood. During floods, the highest number of loss of life is among children
and the elderly, as they easily fall sick due to the wet conditions, severe shortage of food, loss of
immunity, and food poisoning.

Impacts on Loss of Skill, Knowledge, and Innovation: Traditional skills, knowledge, and practices
remain unused as people migrate to find alternative source of livelihood. Therefore, traditional
sources of livelihood are threatened (see figure 6.3). The farmers gradually gain experience for
cultivating particular types of crops. They share their knowledge with others and get monetary
benefit. Sometimes, farmers also barter crops and vegetables in return of their service. However,
once they lose their agricultural land, they become daily wage laborers and they do not utilize their
knowledge. Similarly, many oarsmen of country boat cannot use their knowledge after they settle
in interior parts of the village.
Figure 6.3
Practice and Production

Practice More production and

alternative production

Expertise
Knowledge and • Reduction of flood impacts
innovation (desalinization)
• Livelihood opportunity
(Farmers, oarsman, fishermen,
fisheries, net makers)

Source: Field Notes

Impact on Arts, and Craft: Wood and clay based art is the source of livelihood for many villagers.
After flood, the demand for their goods reduces drastically and this causes economic crisis for

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them. Nevertheless, many artists practice their art as a subsidiary source of income and avoid
migration in search of alternative source of livelihood (see figure 6.4).

Jatra42 (open theatre) is very popular in villages. Actors take part in Jatra for their own emotional
and intellectual satisfaction and due to their attachment and commitment with the art. Though
actors are dependent on agriculture and daily wage work for their livelihood, acting provides an
extra source of income. However, flood-affected villagers remain busy with their daily
requirements and hardly get time for acting at night. Many Jatra groups have stopped their
activities and many clubs have closed down after chronic floods in the village. There is crisis of
actors, lack of investment, and reduced demand of Jatra in flood-affected areas.

Figure 6.4
Loss of Cultural Activities

Knowledge, practice, expertise

Subsidiary Mental satisfaction

source of Art, craft, play
income Extra source of earning
Income generating
activities

Source: Field Notes

Many clay artists (Patua43) have been practicing their art since last two generations in Sundarban.
These artists do not belong to Karmakar or Kumbhakar44 caste. Many of them migrate to make

42
Jatra: ‘Jatra’ means journey. Originally it comes from Sanskrit word Yatra. Jatra is a form of folk theatre in
Bengal. It is a form of a open theatre popular in Orissa, Bihar, Assam, Tripura, and other places where
Bengali speaking people live in the Indian sub-continent. Jatra is a musical theatre, which flourished during
the Bhakti movement in Bengal (1476-1534 AD). Initially, religious stories were enacted in Jatra, but the
stories become secular and mixed with socio-political issues with changing socio-political phenomena.
Though Jatra was initially rural-centric, it entered into the unban culture during Bengal Renaissance and
Indian theatre movement. The language of the plays is very simple and it reaches the heterogeneous
communities. Male actors mainly dominated Jatra and they even played female roles. Later female actors too
joined. Presently, a large number of professional Jatra companies are based in Chitpur, Kolkata. Jatra season
starts after Durga Puja (October) and continues until monsoon (July). The Jatra is similar to other Indian folk
theatre form like the Nautanki of Uttar Pradesh, the Tamasha of Maharashtra and the Bhavai of Gujarat.
43
Patua: The word ‘Patua’ comes from the Bengali word of ‘Pota’ which means engraver. The Patua
community in West Bengal is renowned for making and painting idols of Hindu god and goddess. They are
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clay idols. The season for clay art works starts from early August and lasts until the end of January.
The main reasons for artists to engage in idol making are low investment and good profits. The
place of migration of these artists depends on their capability of investment in the pottery. In most
cases, they migrate along with their wives and children, who help them in their work. They work
individually or as employees of private pottery-owners depending on availability of space,
distance, and customers. Artists earn a good amount of money during festival season and many of
them have taken it up as a subsidiary source of earning. Making idols of Gods and Goddess for
village temple is the matter of honor for them, but they cannot make idols in village after flood,
because affected villagers cut their budget for celebrating festivals.

6.2.2. Impact on Natural Resource Based Livelihoods

Impact of Loss of Land: Losing agricultural land is a permanent economic loss and it is frequent
event for villagers living in riverside hamlets. The loss of land occurs in two ways: (a) loss of
physical area of the islands and (b) decreasing market value of land. Embankments shift rapidly
towards the village, so landless and homeless villagers at riverside hamlets shift to safer locations.
A large number of villagers still live close to or on the embankment as they do not have the
capability to buy land at safe places.

The process of erosion of landmass has been taking place over a long time. It was first seen during
the mid 20th century and increased in the late 20th century (see table 6.3, 6.4). As a result,
landowners from riverside hamlets slowly lose their land and most of them become landless and
homeless as well. Once the affected families lose their lands, they have to give up dependence on
agricultural land as their traditional livelihood. Most of the affected villagers take up alternative
livelihood options due to this reason.

The market value of the agricultural land in flood-affected hamlets goes down because of the
increased vulnerability of river encroachment. Sometimes, nobody is willing to buy the land and
market from these hamlets value of the land becomes zero. The devaluation of land thus becomes
the economic loss of the landowner. Using the land for non-agricultural activities prevents the
devaluation of land; sometimes the market value of land remains constant because of this

mainly Hindu but there are some Muslim Patuas too. As the making idols of god and goddess were
commercialized, people from other castes also started making the idols during the festival season.
44
Karmakar or Kumbhakar is a lower caste community in West Bengal.
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possibility. Increasing purchasing capacities of the migrant villagers to buy the land also help
maintain value of land. Though river-encroached land is valueless, some farmers continue to pay
tax on the land to order to get compensation in future. Fishermen who use the land for catching or
drying fish have to pay a certain amount of money to land owner. The devaluation of land helps
landless villagers to buy land at a cheaper rate, which they use to construct homes despite
vulnerability such human to river encroachment.
Table 6.3
Loss of Landmass
Name of the Island Loss of Landmass in sq. km.
1986 1996 2009
Sagar 4.191 2.818 1.711
Jambu island 1.696 1.104 0.202
Mausuni island 0.572 0.510 0.100
Namkhana island 1.771 1.758 0.993
Louthian island, Dakshin 0.543 1.84 1.214
Surendranagar, and Dhanchi
Haliday and its adjacent island 0.299 0.349 0.003
Bulchery and Kalas 1.521 1.605 0.376
Dalhausi and Bhangaduri island 0.826 0.777 0.540
Total 11.419 10.501 5.145
Source: Hazra et al. 2002
Table 6.4
Changing Population in Submerged Villages in Sundarban

Name of Villages Population Population Population Population

1961 1971 1981 1991
Gobordhanpur, Pathar 939 1414 1551 1589
Pratima
Khasimara, Ghoramara 367 123 0 0
Lohachara, Ghoramar 628 374 220 0
Bishalakshipur, Sagar 25 0 0 0
Source: Census of India 1991

Land ownership is an important parameter to understand the impact of loss of land. The landless
families were distributed the vested agricultural land45 after abolition of the landlord system.

45
Vested agricultural land: As per the West Bengal Land Reform Act 1955, a Rayat cannot hold more than
‘ceiling area’ (it is 2.5 standard hectare for a unmarried rayat, 5.00 standard hectare for five member family
and it should not be exceed 7.00 standard hectare for more than five member family). The land exceed that
the ‘ceiling area’ is identified as illegally occupied land or vested land. These lands are distributed to poor
people and given right to cultivate.
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Therefore, many villagers hold Rayat46 land and many hold Patta47. The price of the Patta land is
lesser than Rayat land, so landless villagers of flood-affected hamlets prefer to purchase the Patta
land. Farmers cannot sell Patta land, so the owner hands over the ownership to the landless
families at cheaper rate. Many sharecroppers in the flood-affected hamlet stop giving the share to
the landowner and cultivate permanently. Therefore, it becomes complex to understand who
actually loses the land.

Impact of Loss of Land on Aquaculture and Availability of Fish: Aquaculture is one of the
important livelihood activities, which includes aquaculture in fresh water as well as in brackish
water. Brackish water aquaculture is more popular due to the chronic saline water inundation.
Brackish water aquaculture is carried out in areas adjacent to embankments and on riverbanks by
removing mangrove trees and constructing dykes parallel to embankment. Brackish water
aquaculture is mainly tide-fed and commercial. There are facilities and opportunity to increase the
production of fish in saline water fishery but they are not availed because of rapid land erosion.

Farmers engage in fresh water pisciculture for self-consumption as well as commercial purpose.
These piscicultures are very close to embankment and are connected by small pockets or Chauko to
ponds. Fresh water fish cannot survive after saline water inundation and brackish water fishes48 are
pushed out of the pond after inundation. Despite the risks, villagers engage in fresh water fishery. It
is easy to recover the loss of carp species after floods, but local fish species are not easy to recover
because seeds of these fish species are hardly available in research centres. Fresh water shrimp is
cultivated for commercial purposes in some ponds. So, if commercial pisciculture is affected
owners suffer huge monetary loss.

46
Rayat: As per the West Bengal Land Reform Act 1955, a person or an institution who holds the land
bellow ‘ceiling area’ for any purpose is called Rayat. The rayats are not permitted to dig and making the
bricks and tiles but it is purchable and can be used as mortgage. These holdings or lands of the rayat are also
called Rayat agricultural land.
47
Patta: Bargadar means a person under the system known as Barga, Adhi or Bhag activities cultivate the
land of another person on condition of sharing the produced crop to that person mainly Zamindar. These
socio-economically and politically deprived Bargadars were forced to live in fear of eviction by the
landlords. ‘Operation Barga’ of West Bengal Government provided legal rights of security tenure to the
Bargadar to continue cultivation for longer period. The legal certificate of these land is called as Patta and
these land are locally called as Patta land.
48
There are some brackish water fish species which survive into fresh water.
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Saline water floods destroy freely available local fish, tortoise, and other aquatic species, which
affect the income opportunity of villagers. This loss reduces the consumption of freely available
fishes resulting in lack of protein in diets of villagers. Most of the villagers buy available small size
saline water fishes or simply cannot afford to buy any fish.

Families maintain big fish for a long time, even if they do not engage in commercial aquaculture.
The big fishes are an important asset for the family that provides good economic benefits. Hence,
loss of big fish is severe economic loss for the affected families. Therefore, villagers from the
frequently flood-affected hamlets do not maintain big fish to avoid the risk of loss. Many local
species of fishes disappear for a long time after flood. The impact of loss of fish becomes severe
during the river encroachment, as it causes permanent loss of fish production and income
generation in the affected villages. Villagers who work as labourers and night guards in
commercial aquaculture enterprises become jobless after floods.

Impact of Damage to Fresh Water Sources: The impact of loss of access to fresh water depends
on the water sources and their utilization. The impact of loss of non-availability of fresh water is
severe during the summer season because tube wells are the only source of fresh water. Limited
supply of fresh water affects domestic activities. Generally, women are responsible for collecting
safe drinking water and they face severe difficulties in finding it after floods. The severity crisis of
fresh water mainly depends on the distance between alternative sources of fresh water and the
affected hamlets. There are a good numbers of tube wells in flood-affected hamlets, but increased
demand of fresh water keeps them occupied. In such situations villagers are forced to wash clothes,
take bath using saline water, and use fresh water only for the final wash. Villagers use saline water
for domestic use due to high level of demand on tube wells and their distance from their houses,
though use of saline water is unhygienic, and results in the outbreak of communicable water-borne
diseases. People also start drinking less water after floods, and this affects their health. Elderly
villagers claim that they used to drink saline water mixed with tamarind during the early phases of
settlement. Brackish water and salt water is not safe for drinking because it causes dehydration.
Safe drinking water must have less than 250mg of salt per liter of water (Ibaraki 2007).

Impact of Damage to Ponds: Pond is the lifeline of the village because it supplies fresh water for
all types of domestic end uses. Many a times, villagers are able to save the ponds during flood and
some owners allow others to use the pond, but the problem starts when people misuse or overuse.

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Therefore, many owners do not allow affected families to use from their ponds water. Using the
pond for generating livelihoods depends on the size and storage capacity of the pond.

Villagers could get the ponds on short-term lease. Farmers use the pond water for producing fish or
cultivating red chili and Boro paddy49. Floodwater pollutes the fresh water, and fresh water fishes
die and brackish water fishes escape due to floods. This results in loss for the villagers who take the
ponds on lease. Though there is loss of agricultural production and fresh water fish, after the floods
the owner can use the same pond for brackish water fish for short period. The loss is compensated
to some extent by brackish water fish production.

The distance of drainage channel from the ponds is an important factor attending the extent of loss.
Not all ponds are connected with the drainage channels to drain saline water after flood.
Neighboring landowners allow affected farmers to drain stagnant water, through their agricultural
land during the rainy season. But nobody gives permission for drainage of saline water during the
summer. This is because of the risk of salinization of their lands.

Though fresh water is required for domestic purposes, it is equally if not more important for Paan
Baruj (betel vine)50 owners. Though a betel leaf plant is more resistant to salinity than other plants,
it requires lot of fresh water to clean the layer of silt and wash the plant after flood. Villagers are
often able to save their betel vine, but not the pond. Though they save the betel vine, they cannot
produce betel leaves because of the loss of water. Therefore, betel vine owners immediately
remove saline water from their pond after flood and fill those ponds with fresh water purchased
from the non-affected hamlets.

Impact of Damage to Canal: Originally, canals were part of estuary, which are converted into
canal by closing the mouths of the estuary. Therefore, if the canal has connection with river, the

49
Boro Paddy: The Bengali word ‘Boro’ is derived from Sanskrit word ‘Borob’. This means paddy
cultivation in low laying areas after the harvest of Kharif paddy. Boro paddy is cultivated during November
to May by the support of supplementary irrigation facilities from residual water sources after the monsoon.
Boro paddy is mainly cultivated moisture areas of West Bengal, Orissia, Assam, Bihar and coastal and delta
region. As the productivity is high, farmers get ample amount of paddy during the rabi season.
50
Paan Baruj: The word ‘Paan’ is derived from the Sanskrit word ‘Pana’. This means ‘feather, leaf’. The
Paan or betel leaf is an evergreen creeper used as mild stimulator with areca nut and tobacco; it also has
medicinal value. Paan is cultivated in South and South-East Asia. In Bengali, betel vine is called as Paan
Baruj or Baruj. Paan Baruj is a specific type of plantation garden made of bamboo sticks and shaded by
paddy straw and coconut leaves. The plants grow up with the support of sticks and protected by strong wind
and direct sunshine.
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water becomes saline. Fresh water canals are main sources of irrigation and fresh water fish
species. Ponds dry up due to overuse of water during the summer season, but water in canals
remains where local fish species, plants, algae and other living bodies nurture. Most of these canals
are public property and villagers use these properties for getting free fish, water hyacinth (used as
fodders), and for conducting other income generation activities. Loss of canal water ends
agricultural activities during the summer season, and villagers migrate in search of jobs.

Impact of Loss of Agricultural Livelihoods on People: Agriculture is the main source of

livelihood of many villagers in flood-affected hamlets. Loss of agricultural livelihoods is caused by
the loss of landmass, destruction of agricultural crops, lowering of agricultural productivity, and
impossibility or non-viability of agricultural activities (see figure 6.5). Loss of agriculture based
livelihoods have different impacts on affected villagers and it is dependent on extent of their
involvement in agricultural production and distribution. The loss of agriculture livelihoods cause
impact on sources of income, assets, and stocks of agricultural products and the skills and
knowledge related to agricultural activities.
Figure 6.5
Effects on Agricultural Livelihood

• Loss of agricultural land • Loss of assets

• Reduction in the • Loss of stock of agricultural
productivity of products
agricultural land Loss of • Loss of sources of income
• Loss of agricultural crops agricultural
• Reduction in food
livelihood consumption
• Loss of different
agricultural products • Increased expenses to purchase
• Impossibility or non- foods and daily goods
viability of agricultural • Loss of skills and knowledge
activities of agriculture

Source: Field Notes

If there is agricultural production then a group of villagers earn livelihood by participating in the
production and distribution process (see figure 6.6). Whether villagers have agricultural land or not
are directly and indirectly dependent on cultivation, harvest, trading, and process of agricultural
crops (see figure 6.7). Therefore, the impact of loss of agriculture is multidimensional.
Landowners suffer loss of agricultural livelihood because of their high dependency on land.
Dependency on landowners for their livelihoods equally affects landless and agricultural labourers.
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Landowners think that ‘Jaar Aaj O Nai Tar Kaal O Nai’ (there is nothing to lose tomorrow, if you
do not have anything to lose today) and they consider themselves to be the most affected even
compared with landless villagers.

Figure 6.6
People Dependents on Production of Food Grains

• Farmers
• Agricultural labourers (male and female
labour groups)
People dependent • Fertilizer traders
on food grain • Food grain traders (grain collectors and grain
production stockiest)
• Owners of power tiller and tractor
• Owners of the pump sets
• Rickshaw pullers
• Husking machine owners
• Rice traders
• Trader of paddy straw
Source: Field Notes

Generally, landless families seasonally migrate in search for job during the post-cultivation season,
but the migration becomes permanent after flood. This is mainly because of unavailability of
agricultural labour work in the village. The women from these families also earn money by being
involved in subsidiary agricultural activities, but the loss of subsidiary agricultural activities
reduces the total earning of their families.

Figure 6.7
Impact of Loss of Agricultural Production

• Loss of earning of land owner

• Loss of earning of agricultural
• Loss of agricultural labourers (male and female)
land Loss of • Loss of earning of villagers
• Loss of agricultural agricultural dependent on agriculture and
productivity production related activities (rickshaw
• Loss of crops pulling, agricultural instruments)

Source: Field Notes

Loss of locally grown and sold crops stops supplies to local village market in affected hamlets.
Other unaffected villages and islands supply the shortfall and requirement of the people from
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affected villages and this leads to increase in prices, forcing people from affected villages to spend
more than in unusual food budget.

Impact of Loss of Red Chili Production: Red chili is an important commercial Rabi crop in this
region and many farmers cultivate chilies by taking land on lease. Loss of red chili production also
affects financial transaction among the cultivators, traders, and private moneylenders (see figure
6.8). Farmers are directly involved in the cultivation, while others villagers also work in the
production process and earn livelihoods. Plucking red chili is an important livelihood activity for
women, children, and elderly people. There is a symbiotic relationship between cultivators and
labourers. As the farmers cannot finish the work individually, they provide an opportunity to
labourers to earn money. Women work part-time during the mornings and afternoon because many
of them remain busy in catching Meen (tiger prawn seeds) during the same season. Labourers get
wage as per the amount of red chili they pluck. Some of the labourers have land, but all land pieces
are not suitable for chili cultivation. Therefore, they prefer plucking red chilies, which fulfills their
requirement of chilies. Some of them also stock dry red chili and sell it during off-season. Small
cultivators do not hire labourers and they help each other, but big cultivators are fully dependent on
labourers. The symbiotic relationship among the farmers and workers helped both to earn their
livelihood. Plucking red chili is a small income generating activity during the Rabi season; but
summer flood destroys the production and both landowners and agricultural labourers lose their
livelihood.
Figure 6.8
Impact of Loss of Red Chili

• Loss of commercial crops and

monetary transaction
• Loss of purchasing capacity/power
among the cultivators
Loss of Red • Loss of trading of dry chili
• Spending extra money for buying
Chili
dry chili
• Loss of income

Land owner Cultivator Workers

Source: Field Notes

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Impact of Loss of Pulses: Producing pulses is an important source of income; the pulses produced
are Khesari (Grass pea) and Mung beans. Apart from being a source of livelihoods, producing
pulses also takes care of a family’s need for dietary protein. Labourers working for production
barter their wage for raw pulses and they rarely have to buy pulses from the market. Loss of pulses
crops leads to protein deficiencies and loss of income for the labourers and farmers. If they buy
pulses from the market, they buy Khesari or sometimes lentil because it is cheap. As the price of
small fishes is equal to that of pulses, they prefer to buy fish. Pulses are not the major food items
for villagers. They eat pulses if they get it as wage for their labour, so loss in production means the
shortage in protein supply to the family diet.

Impact of Loss of Agriculture on Daily Wage Labourers: Four types of villagers are dependent on
agriculture. The following is brief discussion on how they are affected due to floods.
(i) Big landowners, who hire labourers for cultivation. They may also engage in others non-
agricultural income generating activities, but such villagers with large land ownership are very less
in number after the abolition of the landlord system.
(ii) Medium land owning farmers, are those who work on their own lands and cultivate by taking
help from agricultural labourers, but they do not work on others’. This type of farmers have multi
agricultural activities that give them enough income. The profit from agricultural production is
sufficient for them to satisfy earn their livelihood needs and to pay wages to the labourers. These
farmers may also have non-agricultural activities as support for livelihood.
(iii) Small landowning farmers, work in their own fields as well as on others’ field. They are the
main work force in the village and are involved in diverse livelihood activities. The livelihoods of
these people are dependent on the availability of resources, right to use these resources, and
capability to use these resources. They work as daily wage labourers, migrant workers, mesons,
carpenters, fishermen, rickshaw pullers, local traders, and are also involved in local politics.
Though these farmers have alternative livelihood activities, agriculture is their major activity,
which provides them food and income. Male and female members of these families are the main
labour force and sometimes children and elders help them with livelihoods and income generating
activities.
(iv) The number of labourers who do not have agricultural land. They take land on lease during the
Rabi crop season from landholding farmers and start production. The main purpose of taking land
on lease is to produce food grains and commercial crops by using labour force from their home.

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The main characteristic of these farmers is that the male members of the family frequently migrate
in search of jobs and female members engage in livelihood activities in the village.

Thus, big and medium land owning families are job providers and small land owning families and
landless farmers are the job seekers in the village. Irrespective of the land’s size, commercial
agricultural activities require labour from other families. The destruction of agricultural crops
affects the existing agricultural activities and medium land owning families join the existing labour
force at reduced wage rates.

The daily wage labourers in riverside hamlets are more in numbers as compared to those in the
interior parts of the village. River encroachment directly reduces land holding in river side hamlets
making a large number villagers landless. The lack of alternative livelihood options or inability to
undertake alternative livelihood activities force them to work as daily wage labourers in the village
or in the neighboring villages.

Daily wage labour work is the most diverse source of income. The availability of job and
employability depends on the physical capability and expertise the person has. Earthwork is easily
available in the villages and most of the labour force is engaged in this job. Even though there is
loss of income after floods, opportunity for labour work increases during the reconstruction phase.
Due to mass migration after flood, sometimes there is scarcity of labour as well. In such scenario,
female labourers are engaged to finish urgent work.

Impact on Fishing: Rapid land erosion and river encroachment creates pressure on the livelihood
of villagers near the riverside hamlets. As a result, some of the affected villagers engage in fishing
to meet the livelihood needs. Fishing requires prior experience, expertise, and fishing equipments;
so all affected villagers cannot opt for this. Though fishing is not directly affected due to river
encroachment or floods, rapid river erosion forces fishermen to find alternative sites for fishing and
as a harbour.

A large number of villagers take up fishing as an alternative source of livelihood after floods, as a
result, shallow water fishing is affected. Profit in shallow water fishing depends largely on the
market price of fish. Villagers who are fully dependent on fishing have to continue to catch fish
even after market price go down. Increase in number of villagers depending on fishing after flood
causes increased pressure on livelihood of the fishermen and also reduces the catching area and
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forces them to go to high in risky areas for catching fish. Loss of boats and fishing nets due to
strong tidal waves is very common during the flood. It is difficult for many fishermen to repair
their boats and buy new net, so they have to look for alternative livelihood options.

6.2.3. Impact of Loss of House on People

House is a complex physical asset that has links with livelihoods, health, education, security, and
socio-economic status of the family. It also represents the socio-cultural background of a family
(Barakat 2003). Traditionally, intensity of disaster is measured by the numbers of casualties and the
number of house destroyed (Comerio 1997). Most of the houses in Sundarban are mud houses and
covered with thatched or clay pan tiles. Thatched house represents the lower economic status of a
family. Mainly poor families live in poorly built houses that are vulnerable to destruction during
flood (Morrow 1999:4). The locations of these houses are also more vulnerable.

Most of the economically weaker families lose their houses because of their locations and the
materials used for construction (Kaitilla and Yambui 1996; Mileti and Gailus 2005:497). Disaster
also causes shortage of decent and good house (Kaitilla and Yambui 1996). Destruction of house is
a social as well as an economic loss. The low height of houses in Sundarban makes them
vulnerable to destruction during floods.

The loss and destruction of houses during flood causes temporary and permanent homelessness.
River encroachment causes permanent loss of both the house and land. Affected villagers get
support to construct temporary shelter at a safe place; but the families near the shelter may or may
not allow them to stay for long time. These landless villagers do not find alternative places to stay
and keep on shifting. Many of them live on the embankment or on roadside for many years because
of their incapability to buy land at safer place for constructing a house. Despite being enlisted for
Indira Awas Yojona, they cannot construct their houses because of unavailability of land. The
villagers in the interior parts also lose their house due to floodwater that remains stagnant for long
time. However, they go back to their place and reconstruct the house again once the water recedes.

The destruction of house also causes loss of earning, as the male members of the affected families
do not go out for jobs before making proper house for the family (see figure 6.9). Sometime,
female members of the family do not allow male members to go out during flood. Villagers lose
earning during floods as those who have migrated come back home. This is illustrated by the
following case:

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 Case: Madhu Jana (33yrs old, Gobordhanpur) has lost his house during cyclone-Aila, 2009,
and presently he has been staying at the roadside. This year he had to build a house with
Jawes Pillars and go out to look for livelihood. He could not afford to wait for government
support because he has a three months old son, seven years old daughter and elderly
mother. (Source: Field notes on 09-07-2011)
Villagers construct houses by spending their life’s savings and use external support to improve
quality of their houses. If flood destroys their house, it causes big loss.

Figure 6.9
Impact of Loss of House

Damage and Repair or • Delayed migration

Floods destruction of construction • Loss of wage
house of new house

• For small kids

• Safety for women
• Proper house to protect family from
another flood event

Source: Field Notes

6.2.4. Impact of Loss of Stocks

Villagers keep a stock of food grain, spices, fodder, firewood, and fish. The main purpose of this
stock is to use it during the crisis and to sell it during off-season to earn more. Paddy, rice, pulses,
spices, fruits, and fish are the main food materials kept in stock for future use. The loss of stock of
food grain immediately causes crisis of food in the affected families. Loss of agricultural
production and stock of food affects the nutrition of villagers (Fothergill et al. 1999).

Impact of Loss of Food Stocks on Livelihood: The landowning families process paddy to get rice
to consume in entire year and stock it for the future. Processing paddy into rice has two benefits:
(a) farmers get good return by selling rice as compared to paddy, and (b) husk is used for fodder.
During off-season, they sell the extra rice to get good return. The loss of stocked rice causes loss of
food and of earning (see figure 6.10). The poor families hardly store rice for the whole year. They
buy rice as per their requirement for a day or week and therefore, for them the loss of stock
happens rarely.

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Villagers also stock dry red chili to get good income during off-season; so loss of this stock causes
the loss of income. The impact of loss of red chili stock on farmers and workers are different
because workers collect red chili in lieu of their wage. Therefore, loss of red chili stock becomes
the loss of wage and loss of extra earning opportunities. There are also traders who are involved in
trading of red chili throughout the year, but they stop their business after flood.

There are families with elderly couple who are totally dependent on agricultural production and
they earn their livelihood by selling crops, vegetables, and fish in the market. Nevertheless, they do
not have anything to sell to get their food and other materials after floods. They start using their
monthly interest from fixed deposit, as they do not have any alternatives. They continue to
withdraw money every month for their survival and even lose their deposit.
Figure 6.10
Impact of Loss of Food Stock

Loss of food stock

• Crisis of food
• Loss of food grain
• Crisis of seeds
• Loss of seeds
• Buying food for consumption
• Loss of processed food
• Buying seeds for cultivation
• Loss of cooked food
• Loss of monetary gain by
• Loss of fish stock
selling the extra food grain,
seeds and spending extra
amount for buying the food
Loss due to damage
and being washed
away with tidal wave

Source: Field Notes

6.3. Impact on Non-Agricultural Activity

Though agriculture is the main source of livelihoods, villagers are also involved in different non-
agricultural activities. This depends on their individual capability and technical knowledge about
the jobs. There are villagers who are dependent on non-agricultural activities as the primary source
of income.

6.3.1. Impact on Petty Businesses

Petty businesses are an important non-agricultural source of income in the village. Mostly, villagers
engage in trading daily materials that require very small capital. Usually, big traders of agricultural
products come from outside and villagers work as their representatives and earn commission.
Losing agricultural land compels people to start a business in the village, but the business does not
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run smoothly after flood because of reduced purchasing capacity of the affected villagers. As a
result, traders either stop trading or shift to other place to continue their business.

6.3.2. Impact on Medical Practitioners

Villagers prefer to go to local quacks for consultation, as they are available at any point of time and
provide treatment on credit. Some families pay the fee when male members come back from
outside and sometimes it is paid annually. The quacks themselves own medicine shops and
therefore getting medicine is not a problem. There are four types of medicine practitioners:
allopathic, homeopathy, ayurvedic, and traditional healers. Most of them do not have any degree
but practice as a local doctor. The ayurvedic and traditional healers are home-based while most of
the allopathic and homeopathy medicine practitioners are home-based and also have private
chambers at market place. Though all quacks are dependent on their profession for their
livelihoods, some also have agricultural lands. There are also doctors who come from other villages
to practice medicine and settle in the village where they get enough patients. All the medicine
practitioners have their permanent patients and therefore every doctor earns an average income in a
month. The income of a doctor depends on the number of patients and their capability to spend
money for health. Though the villagers of flood-affected hamlets are prone to water and vector
borne diseases, they cut their health expenditure due to loss of agricultural production. As a result,
the total income of the medicine practitioners decreases after flood. The villagers of chronic flood-
affected areas shift to a safer location due to rapid land erosion and river encroachment. So, quacks
lose their earning because of shifting of the affected villagers to a safer place. As the people move
to safer place, the quacks doctors also move to the place close to their patients.

6.3.3. Impacts on Fertilizer Shop Owners

There are chemical fertilizer shops in village. After agricultural activities are discontinued due to
floods. Most local traders of chemical fertilizer either close their businesses or shift to another
place. Some traders do not leave the place immediately after flood and continue their trading,
though the income is less. They engage in daily wage work during the daytime and open their shop
only in the evening. Those who stop their business migrate in search of job.

6.3.4. Impact on Grocers

Flood-affected villagers move towards the interior parts of the village. There are two types of
affected villagers: (a) the villagers who lose their entire land and who stay at roadside and (b) the
land-holding villagers. The landless villagers settle at a safer place where they find livelihood. The
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grocer is dependent entirely on villagers because they are the customers. The total number of
customers is reduced when the affected villagers shift to a safer place, leading to loss of income.
The loss also results from migration of landless villagers to safer place and tendency to avoid to
pay back the credit to the grocers. Usually, villagers do not go too far from the affected area
because of the increased prices of lands and their dependency on local livelihoods. Therefore,
grocers shift their shops to safer place close to the area where people shift to avoid loss of
customers and to avoid competition with other traders in the market. The grocer also experiences
severe loss of business after flood due to the loss of purchasing power and reduced consumption of
the affected villagers. Often, the wives cut their household expenses while their husbands migrate
in search for jobs.

6.3.5. Impact on Trading of Fishing Net

Though there is migration after flood, local fishing net traders get more demand for nets. The
demand for thread in local market becomes higher than readymade fishing nets because people
usually buy nets from wholesale markets. The increased availability of fish after flood is the main
reason for increase in demand for fishing nets and threads. Therefore, the fishing net traders make
good business after flood.

6.3.6. Impact on Fish Trading

There are local traders who buy fish from the villagers and sell it in local as well in the wholesale
markets. There is also demand for fresh water fish in the village, so local traders buy fresh water
fish from the wholesale market and sell it in local market. Fish traders make profit due to plenty of
supply of saline water fish from the affected villages and for supplying fresh water fish to the
villages.

6.3.7. Impact on Rickshaw Pulling

There are two types of van rickshaws: (a) cycle rickshaw and (b) motor rickshaw. Villagers invest
money in rickshaw as per their capability. The rickshaw pullers are landless or small land holding
farmers. Therefore, rickshaw pulling could be the primary or secondary source of income. Most of
cycle rickshaw pullers are landless but the pullers of motor rickshaw may have small landholding.
Though they have regular earning, they find it hard to manage expenses due to increased price of
food grains and vegetables. The small land holding families are partially dependent on rickshaw
pulling, but they become fully dependent on the rickshaw after flood. Most of the motor rickshaw

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pullers used to go out for earning money before purchasing the rickshaw, but once they bought a
rickshaw, they stopped migration.

6.3.8. Impact on Business of Agricultural and Husking Machine Owners

Mechanization of agricultural activities made many farmers buy machines for cultivation. Land
holding farmers use the machines for their own use and also for earning money by renting them out
to others. There are farmers who commercially utilize these machines for earning money by renting
out throughout the year. Though very few husking machines are used during the post-flood phase,
most of the power tillers, tractors, and other agricultural machineries are not used. Therefore,
opportunities for earning of these villagers are lost after flood.

6.3.9. Impact on Blacksmith Work

Blacksmiths lose their livelihood after flood because of their business is making agricultural
implements. Losing agricultural production causes difficulties at home, and therefore, farmers do
not spend money on buying iron implements. Once agricultural work starts, the blacksmiths start
getting orders for agricultural implements. Though blacksmith could earn money by making iron
products required for housing construction, it is not possible for them as most of the houses are
Kuchha.

6.3.10. Impact on Tailoring Work

Earning from tailoring work is not sufficient for tailors, but many of them are still dependent on
this. Tailoring is the secondary source of livelihood because many the tailors have small
agricultural land. Most of the tailoring shops are at the market place and they earn their livelihood.
Though there is economic crisis in the flood-affected area, earning does not suffer because they
have also customers from non-affected villages.

6.3.11. Impact on Carpentry Works

Though carpenters depend on carpentry, many of them also have a small agricultural land to
produce food grain. Carpentry work is home-based and they get remuneration on daily basis. There
are also carpenters who work on contract basis to finish the job. There is less demand of carpentry
work in general, but construction of new houses provides them an opportunity to earn money.
Despite scarcity of employment in flood-affected villages, carpenters get good work opportunity to
construct new houses after disaster. The demand for roof makers depends on types of house and

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their roofs. Thatched houses require special construction skill, which is not known to carpenters
who are expert in making roofs of pan-tiles.

6.3.12. Impact on Private Money Lending Business

Private money lending business is the most profitable business in village. Lenders lend money
against mortgage of valuable materials, utensils, precious metals, ornaments, and land registration
certificates. The price of mortgaged materials is almost double of the borrowed amount. In many
cases, borrowers cannot pay back money before the deadline and the lenders retain mortgaged
materials. Private money lending business is practiced in different ways: (i) Money is lent against
mortgage and monthly monetary interests are paid to the lenders. The interest rate, which is usually
higher than bank, is calculated by simple interest. (ii) Lenders take agricultural land as mortgage
and until the money is returned, the lender cultivates the mortgaged land.

Traditionally, the first type of money lending business is practiced in the village, but the landless
flood-affected villagers prefer the second type. However, often the villagers of flood-affected area
do not have anything to mortgage because saline water affected land is valueless to the lenders. In
such cases, villagers mortgage precious metals and utensils. The private money lending business
increases after flood because of the increased requirement of loan by the affected villagers for
purchasing food grains, repairing and making new houses, and managing expenses to migrate.
Affected villagers often lose their resources and household materials that are mortgaged before.

6.3.13. Impact on Caste Based Socio-Cultural Occupation or Britti

There are villagers who are dependent on their traditional caste based socio-cultural occupation or
Britti. Though they have agricultural land, Britti is an important source of income. The job and
income of these villagers is based on social festivals (such as marriage, first feeding, and others) in
the village. There is difference between Britti and non-Britti (the job that should not be done by the
people from a particular caste) sources of income for villagers belonging to a particular caste. The
earning from the traditional source of income depends on the number of total families and their
capacity to perform social festival. Often flood-affected villagers do not accept any service after
flood to perform social festival because of the livelihood crisis. As a result, villagers break the rules
of the society and engage in non-Britti sources of earning as it provides enough support to the
villagers.

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Impacts on Hindu Priests: The few Brahmin families settled in Sundarban perform their
traditional caste based social profession. It is the local landlord who brought them from other
districts. They gave permission to continue their traditional livelihood activities and practicing
astrology. Often, Brahmin became the royal priest of the temple built by the local landlord. They
also were given land for farming. Though the Brahmin families have agricultural land, they rarely
engage in farming. Usually, they hire labourers to do the agricultural work. When the agricultural
activity is stopped due to chronic floods in the village, the flood-affected villagers stop inviting
priests to perform social festivals. As a result, Brahmin families have lose their traditional source of
earning. These families then started fishing for livelihoods and villagers accepted their engagement
in these new activities, which are not usually done by Brahmins families.

Impact on Barbers: Presently, barbers have commercialized their traditional livelihood activities
by setting up shops with modern equipments in the market. They also modified their services as per
the requirement of villagers. They find safer places close to their sources of income depending on
the number of customers. Increased migration of villagers reduces the number of customers, which
affects total earning of the barbers and hence, they work in multiple places to earn adequate
income.

6.4. Discussion
Most of the villagers are directly and indirectly dependent on agricultural lands and cultivation for
their livelihoods. There are non-agriculture based livelihoods, but they need special skills and
technical knowhow. Sometimes, socio-cultural status of people also provides traditional sources of
income. Though access to livelihoods resources and their ownership explain the vulnerability and
capability of people (Chambers 1989; Kumar et el. 2009), dependence on these sources of
livelihood is important for understanding the level of vulnerability. Most of the poor families have
low agricultural land holding and limited access to natural resource. Daily survival of these people
is highly dependent on agricultural lands and other informal sources of livelihoods. Therefore,
impact of disaster is not only dependent on access to sources of livelihoods but also on the level of
dependency on these sources of livelihoods. Most of the villagers depend on multiple sources of
livelihoods which include agriculture, agricultural labour work, rickshaw pulling, earthwork, daily
wage labour work, and seasonal migration. Those who depend only on one source of livelihood,
face difficulties after to losing their sole sources of livelihood. As the villagers are highly
dependent on natural resources, they become vulnerable to disaster because of their limited ability

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to manage the situation (Flint and Luloff 2005:399). Therefore, farming families of Sundarban in
chronic flood-affected villages are unable cope with crisis of livelihood.

Impact of flood on land owning families is not static. The impacts of chronic flood on these
families cause reduction of their dependency on land. Though these families are able to access
agricultural land, they have limited agricultural production to cope with disaster. As a result,
chronic floods and river encroachment aggravate their vulnerability. The overall finding in this
regard is that the disadvantaged groups of villagers are highly vulnerable to the loss of livelihood
sources, but this does not mean that all people in disadvantaged communities are vulnerable to
disaster (Zahran et al. 2008). It mainly depends on the livelihood strategies and their capabilities to
reduce the impact of disaster.

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