In search of the origin of complex phonotactic patterns in

Spanish loanwords in Nasa Yuwe

Esteban Díaz Montenegro & Shelece Easterday

Laboratoire Dynamique du Langage (CNRS & Université Lumière Lyon 2)
SSILA Annual Meeting
3 January 2019
INTRODUCTION: NASA YUWE

Formerly known as Páez

Language isolate
Colombian Andes
Major dialects (map with dialects)
N speakers
communities now fully bilingual in Nasa Yuwe
and Spanish
INTRODUCTION: PROBLEM

Some Spanish loanwords in Nasa Yuwe feature word-initial phonotactic patterns that do
not occur in the original forms:

Spanish Nasa Yuwe

/kapiˈtan/ /kpiˈtan/ ‘captain’
/koˈsina/ /ˈksina/ ‘kitchen’
vowel deletion > complex onsets
/ɡaˈnaɾ/ /ˈknaj/ ‘win’
/peˈkado/ /ˈpkal/ ‘sin’
resulting onsets include typologically
/asaltaˈdoɾ/ ̃ ʲaˈtul/
/sⁿd ‘assailant’
rare sequences, e.g. /kp/
/esˈpejo/ /ˈspexu/ ‘mirror’
/seˈɾeno/ /ˈslenu/ ‘humidity’
/umˈbral/ /ˈmblal/ ‘threshold’
INTRODUCTION: PROBLEM

In rare cases, loanwords are adapted to have

Typically reported crosslinguistic patterns of more complex phonotactic patterns through
phonotactic adaptation of loanwords processes of vowel deletion:
include simplification of phonotactic
patterns through consonant deletion or French Moroccan Arabic
vowel epenthesis:
/diʁɛksjɔ̃/ /drksju:n/ ‘direction’
/ekʁase/ /krˤazˤa/ ‘crush’
English White Hmong Shona
(Chtatou 1997: 116)
/bʌs/ /mbă/ /b̤azi/
Spanish Moroccan Arabic
/tɹʌk/ /cʰùá/ /tiroko/
/espia/ /spia/ ‘spy’
/keɪk/ /kʰê/ /keke/
/enfermero/ /frmiro/ ‘nurse’
(Uffmann 2015: 648) (Sayahi 2005: 260)

‣ Could Nasa Yuwe be another such case?

INTRODUCTION: PROBLEM

Nasa Yuwe has many contemporary native words But some complications …
with complex word-initial phonotactic patterns:
Many Sp. loans with segmental
Sp. loan Analogous native
adaptations but not vowel deletion:
in NY NY pattern
/kpiˈtan/ /kpinda/ ‘guava’ Sp. NY
/kaˈnoa/ /kaˈnuwe/ ‘canoe’
/ˈksina/ /ksemba/ ‘ten’
/liˈmon/ /ʎiˈmun/ ‘lemon’
/ˈknaj/ /knaʔsa/ ‘young woman’
/koˈtʃ͡ ino/ /kuˈtʃ͡ i/ ‘pig’
/ˈpkal/ /pkʰakʰe/ ‘gather’
/ˈspexu/ /spẽʔtʰ/ ‘cut’

/ˈslenu/ /ʃlala/ ‘passionfruit’ And vowel deletion is not productive

in very recent loans:
Sp. NY
/kaˈseta/ /kaˈseta/ ‘kiosk’
INTRODUCTION: RESEARCH QUESTION

What is the source of complex phonotactic patterns in Spanish loans

in Nasa Yuwe?

(i) typologically rare phonotactic adaptation at the time of borrowing

(ii) result of vowel deletion at a later stage in the language, alongside

processes also affecting native forms
METHODS
LOANWORD STUDY
• exhaustive extraction of Sp. loanwords
from NY dictionaries, databases
Gerdel & Slocum (1983)
Slocum (1986)
Gerdel (1990)
Oveido et al. (1991)
Huber & Reed (1992)
Rojas Curieux (1998)
PEBI-CRIC (2005)
Jung (2008)
Rojas Curieux et al. (2014)
Díaz Montenegro (2019)
• coded all words for phonological
processes affecting phonotactics in
initial syllable(s)
HISTORICAL STUDY
• examined NY linguistic data spanning the
period between 1755 and the present day
Del Castillo i Orosco & Uricoechea (1877 [1755])
Pittier de Fábrega (1907)
Lehmann (1945)
Nachtigall (1955)
Rojas Curieux & Landaburu (1999)
PEBI-CRIC (2005)
Díaz Montenegro (2019)
• noted historical processes similar to
those observed in loanword study, either
in Sp. loanwords or native NY words
RESULTS: LOANWORD STUDY
• 242 Spanish loanwords collected
• 74 showed phonotactic modifications in initial syllable(s)

Phonological processes creating complex onsets:

Deletion of initial material > CC onset Interconsonantal V deletion > CC onset

(12 words) (37 words)

Sp. /esˈkoba/ > NY /skuba/ ‘broom’
Sp. /maˈnwel/ > NY /nwel/ ‘Manuel’
Sp. /alwaˈsil/ > NY /lwasil/ ‘sheriff’
Deletion of initial material > CCC onset
(1 word)
Sp. /kuˈtʃ͡ iʎo/ > NY /ktʃ͡ iʎ/ ‘knife’
Sp. /kapiˈtan/ > NY /kpitan/ ‘captain’
Sp. /peˈkado/ > NY /pkal/ ‘sin’
Sp. /moˈlino/ > NY /mʎinu/ ‘mill’
Sp. /liˈmosna/ > NY /lmuʃnu/ ‘alms’

Sp. /esˈkwela/ > NY /skwela/ ‘school’

RESULTS: LOANWORD STUDY
• 242 Spanish loanwords collected
• 74 showed phonotactic modifications in initial syllable(s)

Other relevant processes affecting initial phonotactics:

Insertion of initial C > C onset

Deletion of initial material > C onset
(22 words)
Sp. /manˈteka/ > NY /ndeka/ ‘fat, butter’
Sp. /oˈbexa/ > NY /piːʃaː/ ‘sheep’
Sp. /kasteˈʎano/ > NY /ʎiːnu/ ‘Castilian’
(4 words)
Sp. /aˈmiɡo/ > NY /namiku/ ‘friend’
Sp. /oɾˈno/ > NY /julnu/ ‘oven’
Hiatus resolution > onset unchanged
(2 words)

Sp. /maˈestɾo/ > NY /mestlu/ ‘teacher’

RESULTS: LOANWORD STUDY

Deleted vowel/syllable is unstressed in all

but one case.
Complex onsets in Sp. loanwords,
by frequency

/k/-initial (19 words):

(condor counterexample?)
kmb ks kn kp kjt knd ktʃ͡ kl kʎ kw

/s/-initial (16 words):

In 47/70 words, the deleted vowel/ sp sl sk st sndj sm sɲ sj skw

syllable immediately precedes the
stressed syllable. other patterns (13 words):
pk pl tk mbl mnd mʎ nw lm lw jw
RESULTS: HISTORICAL STUDY

• Loanwords: 17 of the Spanish loanwords whose contemporary forms have

phonotactic adaptations are attested in the historical Nasa Yuwe documents.

• Native Nasa Yuwe: dozens of words whose contemporary forms have complex
initial phonotactics are attested in the earliest Nasa Yuwe document, usually
with simpler phonotactics.
 HISTORICAL STUDY: LOANWORD CHANGES

Spanish 1755 1907 1910-30 1935 1952-3

present
form (Del Castillo i Orosco) (Pittier de Fábrega) (Lehmann 1945) (de Wavrin) (Nachtigall 1955)

seˈɲoɾa seˈɲola siˈjũla ~ ˈsjũla

xaˈbon kaˈpon kaˈpon ˈkpun
xoˈse koˈse ˈkse
koˈmadɾe komale ˈkma:le
ɡiˈneo kneia ˈkneɲa
kaˈmisa kmisa kumiˈsa ˈkmisa
kuˈtʃ͡ iʎo ktʃ͡ iʎ tʲiʎ ˈktʃ͡ iʎ ~ ˈtʃ͡ iʎ
pekaˈdo pekaˈdo ˈpkal
konfeˈsaɾ kmbeˈsaja ˈkmbeːsaː
koˈsina ˈksina ˈksina
seˈβoʎa seˈβoʎa ˈspuʎa
saˈpato ˈspato ˈspaːtu
 HISTORICAL STUDY: LOANWORD CHANGES

Spanish 1755 1907 1910-30 1935 1952-3

present
form (Del Castillo i Orosco) (Pittier de Fábrega) (Lehmann 1945) (de Wavrin) (Nachtigall 1955)

eslaˈbon ʃlapon ʃlaːpun

kasteˈʎano kasteˈʎano ʎinu

oˈbexa ˈpiʃa pi:ʃa:

manˈteka nteˈka mndeka ~ ndeka

aniˈmal niˈmal niˈmal

➡ Little direct evidence for phonotactic change in loanwords, but initial unstressed
syllable/vowel deletion likely took place between 1755-1907.
 HISTORICAL STUDY: NATIVE NASA YUWE CHANGES

1755 1907 1910-30 1935 1952-3

present
(Del Castillo i Orosco) (Pittier de Fábrega) (Lehmann 1945) (de Wavrin) (Nachtigall 1955)

‘twist’ spoˈndo ˈspundu

‘young woman’ kweˈnas ˈknaʔsa
‘plantain’ toˈlo ˈtlu

‘passionfruit’ ʃilal ʃlaˈla

‘kick’ suˈwẽtʰ swẽnd
‘wife’ neˈjo ˈndju
‘stick’ βiˈtõ ɸʲtũ
‘pass downwards’ se-ˈkẽw ˈskʰẽw
‘CAUS-punish’ ka-paˈŋɡo ˈk-pãʔ
‘IMP play’ me ˈtoka ‘IMP-start’ ˈm-takʰ
 HISTORICAL STUDY: NATIVE NASA YUWE CHANGES

1755 1907 1910-30 1935 1952-3

present
(Del Castillo i Orosco) (Pittier de Fábrega) (Lehmann 1945) (de Wavrin) (Nachtigall 1955)

‘drink’ iˈtoŋɡj tuŋɡj ~ tundj

‘spread’ aˈtotʰe tutʰe

‘child’ aˈlotʃ͡ lutʃ͡

‘come back’ iʃaˈwẽnd ʃwẽnd

‘sound’ ikiʃaw kʃaw

➡ Evidence for initial unstressed syllable/vowel deletion in native

words, taking place sometime between 1755 and present.
RESULTS: HISTORICAL STUDY

What is the source of complex phonotactic patterns in Spanish loans

in Nasa Yuwe?

(i) typologically rare phonotactic adaptation at the time of borrowing

(ii) result of vowel deletion at a later stage in the language, alongside

processes also affecting native forms
DISCUSSION
Nasa Yuwe has, in recent history, undergone processes of pretonic vowel/syllable
deletion which have changed the onset patterns of the language. Similar processes
have been historically documented or reconstructed for many other languages:

e.g. Lezgian (Nakh-Daghestanian, Azerbaijan & Russia) see also:

Recent historical pretonic vowel deletion: Mojeño Trinitario (Arawakan)

ʃutˈq’unun > ˈʃtq’unun Sie (Austronesian)
‘press out’
Bribri (Chibchan)
Former canonical syll. structure: CV(C)(C)
Tataltepec Chatino (Otomanguean)
Current canonical syll. structure: (C)(C)CV(C)(C)
(Haspelmath 1993)

But recall that 168/242 of the Spanish loanwords were not phonotactically modified.
➡ why not?
PHONOTACTICALLY UNMODIFIED LOANWORDS

88/168 phonotactically unmodified Spanish loanwords have phonological properties

disfavoring initial vowel/syllable deletion:

Already CC-initial
Monosyllabic 
 (15) Initial stress
words (78)
(8) cinco mil
dios banco dulce loco
Juan bayo Felix lunes
bus clavija
cruz freno Biblia guacho
hoz trapiche manga ramos
juez tuerto bollo haba mazo rucio
miel jueves plátano cabra hilo mesa sebo
cien cielo caja huerta misa tabla
clavo Carmen jáquima música toro
fiesta caso lápiz padre viga
e.g., cedro leche patio
andas zorro
cera lima queso
ánima
Sp. trapiche > NY /klapitʃ͡ i/ ‘fiddle’ chande llave
año
chonta
Sp. lima > NY /ʎima/ ‘lime’ banca … and more

Sp. viga > NY /picas/ ‘beam’

31 phonotactically unmodified Spanish
loanwords are otherwise phonologically
adapted to Nasa Yuwe patterns

altar costilla pisón

alverja eucalipto Pitayó
Anas examinar sacristán e.g.,
artesa gurbia Saulo
barsino limeta servier
Sp. altar > NY /alˈtal/ ‘altar’
cabildo limón soldado Sp. pisón > NY /piˈsun/ ‘ram’
calzones mellizo sortija
canoa paila Sp. cochino > NY /kuˈtʃ͡ i/ ‘pig’
cavar pasear
cinchar pelota
cochino peón
costal perdonar
 49 phonotactically unmodified Spanish loanwords
are (partially) phonologically unadapted to
Nasa Yuwe patterns.

Abel César Jambalo padrino

Abraham correa Jesucristo pantalón
e.g., almud creer lámpara patrón
amarillo Cristo libro policia
Sp. arroba > NY /aroba/ ‘weight measure’ apodo derecho lindero polvora
Sp. infierno > NY /infiernu/ ‘hell’ arroba fiestero madrina preso
barco geografía maestra primo
Sp. visitar > NY /visitaĩ-/ ‘visit’ café grabadora mamá resguardo
calabozo hechicería María ropa
caldera herencia mercado sacerdote
cárcel hora metros San Isidro
carta infierno nochebuena vara
visitar
31 phonotactically unmodified Spanish 49 phonotactically unmodified Spanish loanwords
loanwords are otherwise phonologically are (partially) phonologically unadapted to
adapted to Nasa Yuwe patterns Nasa Yuwe patterns.

altar costilla pisón Abel César Jambalo padrino

alverja eucalipto Pitayó Abraham correa Jesucristo pantalón
Anas examinar sacristán almud creer lámpara patrón
artesa gurbia Saulo amarillo Cristo libro policia
barsino limeta servier apodo derecho lindero polvora
cabildo limón soldado arroba fiestero madrina preso
calzones mellizo sortija barco geografía maestra primo
canoa paila café grabadora mamá resguardo
cavar pasear calabozo hechicería María ropa
cinchar pelota caldera herencia mercado sacerdote
cochino peón cárcel hora metros San Isidro
costal perdonar carta infierno nochebuena vara
visitar
31 phonotactically unmodified Spanish 49 phonotactically unmodified Spanish loanwords
loanwords are otherwise phonologically are (partially) phonologically unadapted to
adapted to Nasa Yuwe patterns Nasa Yuwe patterns.

altar costilla pisón Abel César Jambalo padrino

alverja eucalipto Pitayó Abraham correa Jesucristo pantalón
Anas examinar sacristán almud creer lámpara patrón
artesa gurbia Saulo amarillo Cristo libro policia
barsino limeta servier apodo derecho lindero polvora
cabildo limón soldado arroba fiestero madrina preso
calzones mellizo sortija barco geografía maestra primo
canoa paila café grabadora mamá resguardo
cavar pasear calabozo hechicería María ropa
cinchar pelota caldera herencia mercado sacerdote
cochino peón cárcel hora metros San Isidro
costal perdonar carta infierno nochebuena vara
visitar

* Likely introduced in 20th century

 BILINGUALISM AND LOANWORD ADAPTATION

Level of bilingualism in a community “[t]he difference between the most and the
may influence how loanwords are least distorted depends not so much on
adapted. time as on the degree of bilingualism.”
(Poplack et al. 1988)
(Haugen 1950: 216)

Lower rates (community bilingualism) Higher rates

native substitution less phoneme adaptation

erratic substition more phonemic importation
code switching

LaCharité & Paradis (2005): Quebecois French

San Giocomo (2009) , Lev-Ari et al. (2014): Nahuatl

➡ We examined ethnohistorical data on

language policies and probable or reported
rates of Nasa Yuwe-Spanish bilingualism.
LINGUISTIC POLICIES AND SPANISH-NASA YUWE BILINGUALISM

DON JACINTO MOSCAY ASKS


FOR RECOGNITION TO SPANIARDS,
FIRST CATECHISM IN PÁEZ 
 FINALLY RECEIVED BY DON

P. Juan de Rivera JUAN TAMA

1650

1613 circa 1740

1637 1700

JESUITS ARRIVE TO 
 COLONIAL SYSTEM IS IMPLANTED


LEY DE RESGUARDOS
GUANACAS IN PÁEZ TERRITORY (TIERRADENTRO)
 LINGUISTIC POLICIES AND SPANISH-NASA YUWE BILINGUALISM

“CASTELLANIZACiÓN”

SPANIARDS LEAVE PÁEZ TERRITORY
Carlos V – Spanish Crown Reforms

1755 1767 1820

1761 1779

VOCABULARY AND CATECHISM BY JESUITS ARE EXPELLED FROM INDEPENDENCE FROM


EUGENIO DEL CASTILLO I OROSCO NUEVA GRANADA SPANISH KINGDOM
LINGUISTIC POLICIES AND SPANISH-NASA YUWE BILINGUALISM

“CONCORDATO” CHURCH – STATE COLOMBIAN STATE ALLOWS

AGREEMENT FOR INDIGENOUS PEOPLES SIL ENTRANCE

19TH 1900s – 1950s 1971

1887 1962

WARS AND POLITICAL 
 FIRST ACADEMIC STUDIES ON CRIC INDIGENOUS 


INSTABILITY PÁEZ LANGUAGE ORGANIZATION IS CREATED
LINGUISTIC POLICIES AND SPANISH-NASA YUWE BILINGUALISM

LOCAL AND INDIGENOUS STUDIES ON FIRST DETAILED SOCIOLINGUISTIC

PÁEZ (CRIC, CCELA, JUNG) STUDIES ON NASA YUWE

1978 1991 2010s

1980s 2000s

“ETNOEDUCACIÓN” NEW CONSTITUTION INDIGENOUS MEDIA AND

EIB POOLICIES MULTICULTURALISM IMPLANTED EDUCATION MATERIALS
CONCLUSIONS

Complex phonotactic patterns in Sp. loanwords in NY were produced not at the time of
borrowing but as a result of general pretonic vowel/syllable deletion processes that
dramatically altered (and continue to alter?) the syllable patterns of the language.

These processes likely took place during the period XXXX-XXXX (what is our exact time
window?)

Many unadapted words either have phonological patterns disfavoring initial syllable/
vowel deletion, or have been borrowed recently.

Since XXXX, Spanish bilingualism has become prevalent in most (all?) NY communities,
resulting in less phonotactic and even segmental adaptation of Sp. loanwords and more
code switching.
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EXTRA: SLIDE ON QUECHUA LOANS?