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To cite this Article Haynes, Jeffrey(2009)'Conflict, Conflict Resolution and Peace-Building: The Role of Religion in Mozambique,
Nigeria and Cambodia',Commonwealth & Comparative Politics,47:1,52 — 75
To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/14662040802659033
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040802659033
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Commonwealth & Comparative Politics
Vol. 47, No. 1, 52– 75, February 2009
and Cambodia
JEFFREY HAYNES
Department of Law, Governance and International Relations, London Metropolitan University
world, and make conflict more likely. On the other hand, many religious
traditions also have core beliefs that theoretically can help develop a peaceful,
multicultural world. For example, Christianity features the notion of non-
violence. The faith’s founder, Jesus, insisted that all people are children of
God, and that the test of one’s relationship with God is whether one loves
one’s enemies and brings good news to the poor. As St. Paul said, ‘There is
no Jew or Greek, servant or free, male or female: because you are all one in
Jesus Christ’ (Galatians 3: 28).
In terms of contemporary conflicts, three forms involving religion are
common: religious ‘fundamentalisms’; ‘religious terrorism’, especially invol-
ving ‘failed’ states, such as Afghanistan, Iraq, or Somalia; and controversies
surrounding ‘the clash of civilisations’ thesis (Huntington, 1996; Appleby,
2000; Gopin, 2000; Juergensmeyer, 2000, 2005; Haynes, 2003, 2007a,
2007b).
First, various religious ‘fundamentalisms’ are associated with religious and
political conflicts in various parts of the world (Marty & Appleby, 1993, 1994,
1995). Although often individually distinctive, many religious fundamental-
isms share a common characteristic: believing themselves to be under threat,
followers adopt a ‘set of strategies, by which [these] beleaguered believers
attempt to preserve their distinctive identity as a people or group’ in response
to real or imagined attacks from non-believers who, they believe, are trying to
draw them into a ‘syncretistic, areligious, or irreligious cultural milieu’ (Marty
& Appleby, 1993: 3). In such a context, fundamentalists’ ‘defence of religion’
can develop into social or political offensives with domestic and/or inter-
national ramifications.
Second, ‘failed’ states may provide the circumstances that encourage con-
flicts linked to religious terrorism (Juergensmeyer, 2005). Examples of recent
and current failed states in the developing world include: Cambodia, Iraq,
Somalia, and Afghanistan (Haynes, 2005c: 224– 243). Such states are very
unstable environments lacking effective central government, circumstances
that are often conducive to the development of secular or religious terrorism.
Circumstances prevailing in failed states may encourage people to turn to
Religion in Mozambique, Nigeria and Cambodia 55
religion as a result of a feeling that their existential security is threatened. In
addition, absence of effective central government provides circumstances con-
ducive for international religious terrorist groups, such as al-Qaeda, to thrive;
in some cases, failed states – including Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia – have
all become ‘safe havens’ in recent years for al-Qaeda, a launching pad for their
attacks (Burke, 2004, 2006). For example, Gunaratna (2004) avers that
Al-Qaeda has cells in up to 60 countries worldwide, dispensing money and
logistical support and training to radical Islamist groups in numerous countries,
many of which are geographically distant from the failed state, including
the Philippines and Indonesia (also see Haynes, 2005a: 224–243; Howard &
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Sawyer, 2004).
Third, the US academic Samuel Huntington first presented his ‘clash of
civilisations’ in an article published in 1993, followed by a book in 1996.
His main argument was that, following the end of the Cold War, a new,
global clash was under way that, replacing the four decades long conflict
between liberal democracy/capitalism and communism, was a new fight
between the (Christian) ‘West’ and the (mostly Muslim, mostly Arab)
‘East’. The core of Huntington’s argument was that after the Cold War the
‘Christian’ democratic West found itself in conflict especially with radical
Islam, a political movement concerned with changes in the political order,
united by antipathy to the West, and inspired by anti-democratic religious
and cultural dogma encapsulated in the term ‘Islamic fundamentalism’, a
key threat to international stability. Christianity, on the other hand, was said
by Huntington to be conducive to the spread of liberal democracy. In evidence,
he notes the collapse of dictatorships in southern Europe and Latin America in
the 1970s and 1980s, followed by the development of liberal democratic pol-
itical norms (rule of law, free elections, civic rights). These events were
regarded by Huntington as conclusive proof of the synergy between Christian-
ity and liberal democracy, both key foundations of a normatively desirable
global order built on liberal values. Others have also alleged that Islam is
inherently undemocratic or even anti-democratic. For example, Fukuyama
(1992: 236) suggests that Islamic ‘fundamentalism’ has a ‘more than super-
ficial resemblance to European fascism’.
However, it is one thing to argue that various brands of political Islam have
qualitatively different perspectives on liberal democracy than some forms of
Christianity, but quite another to claim that Muslims en masse are poised to
enter into a period of conflict with the West. That is, there are actually
many ‘Islams’ and only the malevolent or misinformed would associate the
terrorist attacks with an apparently representative quality of a single idea of
Islam. Moreover, the 11 September atrocities – as well as subsequent bomb
outrages, do not appear to have been carried out by a state or group of
states or at their behest, but by al-Qaeda, an international terrorist
56 Jeffrey Haynes
organisation. For example, despite energetic US attempts, no definitive proof
was found to link the regime of Saddam Hussein in Iraq with either Osama bin
Laden or al-Qaeda.
In sum, around the world various recent and current contemporary conflicts
have religious components. What they also have in common is a close link
between religion and identity politics.
Table 1. Ethnic and religious fragmentation in Africa, Asia and Latin America
Ethnic Religious
Region Country fragmentationa fragmentationb
Leone, and Uganda, have experienced recent serious civil conflict. During
the 1990s there was also serious civil conflict in Burundi and Rwanda, and
in the early 2000s, Somalia: in the first two countries the main cause was
ethnic rivalry – Hutu versus Tutsi – while in Somalia it was a result of
inter-clan2 discord, not ethnic or religious contest per se. Yet none of these
three countries appears in Table 1 in relation to the ethnicity criterion and
only Rwanda is notable for ‘religious fragmentation’. In short, developing
countries with apparently the most serious ethnic and religious divisions are
not necessarily those that experience serious civil conflict. Its likelihood
may be linked to whether governments manage to deal with effects of
widespread, rapid, destabilising social and economic changes that affect
both local power structures and societal, including religious, groups.3 For
example, the post-colonial Indian republic inherited a Western-style demo-
cratic political system following independence in 1947. Post-colonial Indian
governments have sought rapidly to develop the country’s economy via a
process of industrialisation. The country is notable for its religious diversity –
including, Islam, Hinduism, Sikhism, Christianity, Jainism and Buddhism –
as well as ethnicity and caste factors. Yet, despite occasional outbreaks of
sometimes serious inter-religious conflict between either Hindus and Sikhs,
or Hindus and Muslims, governments in India have for the six decades of
independence generally managed to maintain relatively effective national
order. During 2008, however, there was not only a series of bombings ascribed
to ‘Muslim extremists’, but also Hindu zealots’ targeting of Christians in
the eastern state of Orissa. For some commentators, these events suggested
that India’s democratic system was under serious threat, undermined by the
activities of assorted religious extremists and terrorists (Associated Press,
2008; Carvalho, 2008)
Finally, in relation to Latin America, Tokatlian (2006) identifies in several
regional countries – including Colombia, Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, and even
Brazil, Argentina and Venezuela – growing signs of ethnic fragmentation
and associated conflict. In no regional case, however, is religious fragmenta-
tion a source of societal conflict.
60 Jeffrey Haynes
In conclusion, religious and ethnic identities may be important sources of
conflict in the developing world especially in contexts of societal fragmenta-
tion, although the data do not allow us to predict accurately: (1) where such
conflicts will occur or, (2) when they do, what circumstances make their
resolution more or less likely.
in helping to resolve conflicts and put peace back on the agenda? While the
evidence is mixed in this regard (Appleby, 2006), it is the case that in some
African conflicts faith-based organisations have met with success. Perhaps
the most illustrative case of this type of peacemaking was the mediation by
the Catholic organisation Sant’Egidio, credited with playing a key role in
ending the civil war in Mozambique in 1992.
1993. The death toll included about 1,000 killed in a series of pitched
battles in May 1992 when Christian Katafs fought Muslim Hausa and
Fulani. Churches were destroyed and both Christians and Muslims killed
and injured. The political context of this religious violence was the continu-
ation of the military government, a regime that sought not to encourage
public political debates (Maier, 2001). As a result, with political parties
banned and with no legislature, public anger and frustration among Muslims
was channelled into religious issues. In effect, many ordinary Muslims were
turned into ‘fundamentalists’ in the sense that they began to perceive their
Christian countrymen and women as their chief foes, while many Christians,
fearing what appeared to them to be a growing threat from Islam, retaliated.
From the early 1990s, inter-religious violence became a common feature of
life in Nigeria, primarily involving Muslim and Christian communities. One of
the worst-hit regions was the northern state of Kaduna. Generally, Nigeria has
a high level of religious violence that claimed more than 10,000 lives during
the 1990s, and Kaduna was the main area of the deaths (Haynes, 1996: 213–
221). This led in 1995 to the founding of the Muslim – Christian Dialogue
Forum (MCDF), a charity to foster Christian – Muslim dialogue. It was the
result of the combined efforts of two former enemies – a Christian pastor,
James Movel Wuye, and a Muslim imam, Muhammed Nurayn Ashafa, both
esteemed members of their religious communities. They served as joint
national coordinators of MCDF, based in Kaduna. Both made the decision
to turn away from similar paths of violence and militancy. Instead, they
embraced non-violence, reconciliation and the advocacy of peaceful relations
between their communities, and sought to encourage others to join them in this
goal (Moix, n/d).
Three years earlier – in 1992 – relations between the two men were very
different: each tried to have the other killed in a clash in Zangon Kataf,
Kaduna state. Christian killers murdered Ashafa’s uncle, believing that the
latter was Ashafa himself; Muslim assassins hacked off Wuye’s arm and
left him for dead. Discovering their mistakes, both men saw the events as a
signal from God and henceforward they started to work together as
Religion in Mozambique, Nigeria and Cambodia 67
peacemakers. They founded MCDF and in 1999 co-authored a book, The
Pastor and the Imam: Responding to Conflict, which describes their experi-
ences and illustrates the Bible’s and the Qu’ran’s commitments to peace. A
few years later, in 2003, both were enrolled as students at the School for Inter-
national Training (SIT), participants in the peace-building institute held every
June at SIT’s Vermont campus (Wuye & Ashafa, 2005) Ashafa and Wuye
(1999: 1) wrote in their book that,
To seek to help address these issues, in March 2003, the MCDF and the US
Institute of Peace jointly promoted a five-day dialogue workshop in
Kaduna. Participants came from the Christian and Muslim communities,
with one youth leader from both faiths chosen from 30 of Nigeria’s states to
take part. The reason for focusing on the youth at this event was in recognition
that both Muslims and Christians from this age group have been responsible
for much of the religious violence in Nigeria in recent years. More generally,
the forum sought to add to the work of the Nigerian Inter-Religious Council, a
body comprising older, senior religious leaders that has consistently con-
demned Nigeria’s religious violence (http://www.usip.org/religionpeace/
programs.html). Following the Kaduna forum, plans were made to organise
further inter-faith gatherings in other parts of Nigeria.
When the workshop started, each side was adamant that the other was to
blame for religious violence in Nigeria. When it concluded, participants
agreed on a 17-point consensual declaration containing various recommen-
dations, including that:
In sum, this Nigerian case shows that when interfaith dialogue is skilfully
organised and pursued it can encourage erstwhile religious enemies, including
those who have personally been involved in conflict, to work together towards
peaceful accommodation. This does not necessarily mean, however, that reli-
gious conflicts more generally are dealt with via such initiatives. This may be
because conflicts that appear to focus on real or perceived religious differences,
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as in Nigeria between Muslims and Christians, are also concerned with human
development issues, such as poverty – and these of course would require
sustained and devoted attention from government in order to resolve them.
took over the administration of the country in the shape of the United
Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) (Stuart-Fox, 2006).
During the UNTAC period, Cambodia became a major focus of concen-
trated peace-building activities. An initially hesitant state gradually began to
acknowledge the continued cultural, social and religious salience of Buddhism
to millions of Cambodians, recognising its popular appeal and allowing Bud-
dhism a renewed national voice. This was focused at several levels, including
the popular level, where an initiative known as the Dhammayietra, whose
central tenet was compassion and non-violence, was established. The
message of the Dhammayietra – usually translated as ‘pilgrimage of truth’ –
was the hope of peace to rebuild the war-torn country.
A Buddhist monk, Somdet Phra Maha Ghosananda,6 was the chief origin-
ator of the Dhammayietra in 1992. Earlier, in 1978, Maha Ghosananda, who
at the time was living in Thailand, was told about the large number of Cam-
bodian refugees fleeing Cambodia for Thailand as Vietnamese troops
brought the Khmer Rouge regime to an end. In response, he left his forest
monastery in order to try to assist the Cambodian refugees, many of whom
were collected in camps on the Thai –Cambodian frontier. During the next
15 years (1978– 92), he worked with refugees on the frontier, helping meet
their physical, moral and spiritual needs.
Maha Ghosananda returned to Cambodia in 1992, along with a small
number of monks who had been living in refugee camps in Thailand, in
common with thousands of Cambodian refugees. The idea of the Dhammayie-
tra drew centrally on a practice of the Buddha.7 He divided each year into
periods of retreats (which usually took place in the rainy season, a time of
restricted mobility because of climatic conditions, during which he would
teach his assembled followers) and other periods of the year, more amenable
to travel. At this time, the Buddha, accompanied by followers, would walk
from village to village not only teaching but also caring for the sick. The prac-
tice is underlined in words attributed to the Buddha: ‘Go forth, and walk for
the welfare of the many, for the happiness of many, out of compassion for
the world, for the profit, for the welfare, for the happiness of gods and
70 Jeffrey Haynes
mankind. Expound the Dhamma (teachings). Live it in its spirit and its letter’
(http://www.ghosananda.org/ppp_letters.html).
The Dhammayietra – typically an annual 45-day walk of some 650 kilo-
metres involving both monks and lay people – focused on areas that were
still often violently divided and, in some cases, where landmines were still
common. The walks would be efforts to build links between people divided
by the years of conflict. Villagers along the way of the Dhammayietra saw
it as symbolic of the return of Buddhism and Buddhist monks, as well as an
indication that peace was becoming consolidated, despite the continued hard-
ships still widely experienced years after the Khmer Rouge regime and the
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Vietnamese invasion. The purpose of the Dhammayietra was not only teaching
and ritual expression of compassion but also active listening by the monks to
popular experiences and fears. Maha Ghosananda expressed the idea of the
Dhammayietra in the following way:
Each step is a prayer, each step is a meditation, each step will build a
bridge . . . We must find the courage to leave our temples and enter the
temples of human experience, temples that are filled with suffering. If
we listen to the Buddha, Christ or Gandhi, we can do nothing else. The
refugee camps, the prisons, the ghettos and the battlefields will then
become our temples. (http://www.ghosananda.org/obituary_news.html)
Conclusion
This paper sought to give an overview of the role of religion in conflicts, conflict
resolution and peace-building in the developing world, with examples drawn
from Mozambique, Nigeria and Cambodia. Regarding conflict, we saw that
inter-religion tensions and competition were often implicated in the ‘politics
of identity’. In the second half of the paper we turned to the role of religious
individuals and faith-based organisations in conflict resolution and peace-
building in three countries: Mozambique, Nigeria and Cambodia, involving
respectively a Roman Catholic NGO (Mozambique), Protestant and Muslim
72 Jeffrey Haynes
religious and community leaders (Nigeria), and the efforts of a Buddhist monk,
Maha Ghosananda, in Cambodia. While the contexts, issues and religious faiths
and actors differed from country to country, overall they shared a common
characteristic: religious links to conflict typically receive much public attention,
while the efforts of religious peacemakers in relation to conflict resolution and
peace-building tend to get much less attention and publicity (Smock, 2004;
Appleby, 2006). However, the available evidence indicates, and this paper
would underline, that the norms, values and teachings of various religious
faiths – Christianity, Islam and Buddhism were highlighted in the paper –
can demonstrably inspire and encourage devotees to work towards resolving
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conflicts and develop peace via utilisation of explicitly religious tenets. Impor-
tantly, such positive initiatives can occur in environments commonly identified
as presenting characteristics where religion itself is seen to contribute to conflict,
such as in Nigeria and Cambodia (United States Institute for Peace, 2003).
Outcomes, however, are variable. Sometimes, faith-based organisations may
be instrumental in helping deliver and then sustain peace. More commonly,
however, such efforts see partial success – or, put another way, partial
failure – and do not unequivocally ameliorate the problem over time
(Smock, 2001, 2004, 2006; Bouta et al., 2005; Appleby, 2006). Nevertheless,
this paper provides evidence that, as a result of increased public recognition
and support and through the development of more effective peacemaking strat-
egies, conflict resolution and peacemaking skills of faith-based organisations
and religious individuals can be encouraged to develop further over time, offer-
ing the prospect of achieving undoubted potential in the future. Peacemaking
ability is likely to develop in this way when, acting under the auspices of a
religious group, individuals and groups are seen as reflective of a high moral
standing, crucially retaining credibility, and building stature, to the extent that
they can be regarded by all parties as apolitical or neutral in conflict situations.
Finally, it is important to remember that peacemaking activities are nearly
always narrowly focused on the specifics of a particular conflict, rather than
encompassing a wider focus on the bases of societal (let alone global) conflict.
In some, probably most, cases, it is inevitable that faith-based organisations will
enter a conflict situation with their attention primarily on trying to resolve its
immediate manifestations. Arguably, however, peacemaking should not only
be about the short-term achievement of peace. It should, in addition, aim to
develop restorative justice and/or the establishment of what are considered
‘right relationships’ between formerly conflicting groups through acknowl-
edgement of each other’s positions and the acceptance of accountability by
those acting on behalf of religious communities. Effective medium- and
long-term peacemaking requires that peacemakers look more closely at the
structural problems that underlie the conflict, aiming to work towards addressing
the important background issues that make future conflict more likely.
Religion in Mozambique, Nigeria and Cambodia 73
Notes
1. In this paper, the term ‘Sub-Saharan Africa’ will be shortened to Africa for reasons of
conciseness.
2. A clan is smaller than an ethnic group, a collection of families of variable overall size
often bearing the same family name, under the control of a single chieftain.
3. Such factors are certainly relevant to the serious civil conflict occurring in January 2008
in Kenya, an outbreak triggered by a very dubious presidential election result.
4. Often shortened in this section to ‘Buddhism’.
5. 95 per cent of Cambodians are Theravada Buddhists https://www.cia.gov/library/publi-
cations/the-world-factbook/geos/cb.html.
6. Maha Ghosananda, a six-time Nobel Peace Prize nominee who died in March 2007, was
Supreme Patriarch of Cambodian Buddhism, elected by the country’s Buddhist monks in
Downloaded By: [London Metropolitan University] At: 17:41 9 March 2009
1988. Maha Ghosananda spent 1965–78 in an isolated forest monastery in southern Thai-
land, devoted to meditation in silence. It was necessary for him to spend time in this
environment in Thailand as settings of comparative tranquillity did not exist in Cambo-
dia, where monasteries are located in towns and villages, implying much daily interaction
with local people.
7. Siddhartha Gautama, ‘the Enlightened One’, the founder of Buddhism, who lived
c. 563 – 483 BCE.
8. Maha Ghosananda described his form of socially engaged Buddhism in this way: ‘I was
making peace with myself . . . I was making peace with myself . . . When you make peace
with yourself, you make peace with the world.’
9. He said: ‘Listen carefully, peace is growing in Cambodia, slowly, step by step’ (http://
www.buddhistchannel.tv/index.php?id¼6,3888,0,0,1,0).
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