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Book Reviews International Studies

47(2–4) 449–465
© 2010 JNU
SAGE Publications
Los Angeles, London,
New Delhi, Singapore,
Washington DC
DOI: 10.1177/002088171104700424
http://isq.sagepub.com

Critiquing Indian Foreign Policy


Rajiv Sikri, Challenge and Strategy: Rethinking India’s Foreign Policy
(New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2009), pp. 317, ` 595.

The book under review is written by a distinguished former member of the Indian
Foreign Service, who worked as India’s Ambassador with great distinction. He is
also an erudite scholar and writer, as a reading of the book reveals. In the foreword
to the book, Chinmaya R. Gharekhan, another distinguished former ambassador,
points out quite pertinently that the objective of a nation’s foreign policy should
be to create more space and options for itself in the international arena, calling for
a high degree of flexibility and pragmatism. Sikri is modest enough not to claim
that his book is either an academic textbook or a diplomat’s memoirs. He begins
with the disclaimer that his book is simply an extended version of a monograph he
wrote during his stay at the Institute of South Asian Studies, Singapore, in 2007.
He has concentrated on India’s strategic relations and issues with emphasis on
trends rather than individual countries.
The first chapter presents a broad analysis of the contours of the twenty-first
century world. The author starts by saying that the world has been in a state of
flux for nearly two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the US claim of
victory in the Cold War. But he strongly and rightly argues that the world is not
unipolar but multipolar. One cannot agree more with him when he writes that the
US global domination is not immutable and that the rest of the world is not pre-
pared to accept the perpetual US global leadership. His sense of realism and clear
ways of expression deserve compliments. He asserts that globalization is neither
Americanization nor establishing the monopoly of the West, but it creates in-
equality. He bemoans the fact that the UN Security Council is still stuck in the
mid-twentieth century power balance and has been unable to appreciate today’s
realities. He sees US power reaching a plateau, a reality which recession hit
America represents in a way.
Sikri examines the case of ‘rising China’. He observes that its economic strides
notwithstanding, China is an imperial power and like many other empires, it will
also find it impossible to hold on to its conquered domains affecting the Chinese
role in the twenty-first century world, a point many may not share with the author.

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As regards Russia, the author feels that high oil prices have put the country on the
road to economic recovery and helped accumulate huge foreign exchange reserves,
leading it to be in a combative and chauvinistic mood. However, Russia’s assert-
iveness is constrained by a declining population, threats to its internal cohesion
and stability and a somewhat immature political system. He refers to how history
has shaped the destinies of European powers and how, despite its economic
strength, Europe is neither a major military power nor a serious global geopoliti-
cal player. But then, he forgets the fact that the European Union is in a position to
influence the global balance of power, thanks to its growing trade and strategic
linkages with the developing world.
As regards India’s role in the twenty-first century, the author asserts that the
country is more confident, ambitious and increasingly globalized and is no longer
a mere pawn on the world stage. He points out that though India would not be in
the top league of players in the coming decade; it will have to put in place policies
that will help it realize its aspiration for a place at the head table sometime later in
the twenty-first century. It would have been better if the author delineated those
policies. Further, he seems to be blind to the complex internal challenges that are
craving for solution, since only an internally strong India (along with its economic
and strategic might) would be in a position to play the role of a global player.
In the chapter on India and South Asia, Sikri refers to the baneful effects of the
politics of cultural identity in the region arising out of a collective failure to
acknowledge its distinctive personality. He makes references to the fears and sus-
picions of neighbours about India’s size and power, which has prevented them
from developing close relations with the big power. He charges that India’s poli-
cies towards its immediate neighbours over the last six decades have not proved
terribly successful and calls for a change of approach. He asserts that India cannot
hope to remain prosperous if its neighbours languish. Calling for a change of
strategy, the author says that India has to devote more time and attention to its
neighbours, allow more frequent high-level visits, telephone conversations and
informal contacts, and trade. But it is disappointing that the author stays away
from addressing the major issues in India’s relations with its estranged neigh-
bours, much less offer any solutions to them. While he observes that the SAARC
has some fundamental structural flaws, he sounds idealistic when he says that
unless the member nations share a common security perspective, it will be diffi-
cult to take economic cooperation forward. This reviewer is of the opinion that
security issues have to be de-linked from trade and economic cooperation; other-
wise, the SAARC will not be able to surge ahead.
The author describes Pakistan as India’s most difficult neighbour, its ruling
elite having a complex psychology, dominated as it is by the military, resulting in
military conflicts since 1947–48. He rules out any traditional war between the two
countries in the wake of both attaining nuclear weapon status. To him Pakistan’s
image in the world is one of being a global centre of terrorism, Islamic fundamen-
talism and nuclear proliferation. At the same time, he recognizes the need for
finding a solution to the Kashmir issue. In this context, he maintains that while

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back channel communications may have some utility in an open democratic pol-
ity like India, any major foreign policy initiative should enjoy a broad political
consensus if it is to succeed since it is ruled by a coalition government. He believes
that there cannot be any viable solution to the problem of Jammu and Kashmir
other than the status quo; one can hardly disagree with the author. This reviewer
also agrees with the author when he says that India has a strong interest in a sov-
ereign, stable and united Afghanistan and that the revival of Taliban is a matter of
deep concern for India. He raises the question as to whether it is too much to
expect that one day Iran and Afghanistan can be integrated economically with
South Asia. Some of the regional and extra-regional powers, however, would
work against such an idea.
Sikri also rightly points to the importance of Bangladesh and Myanmar, espe-
cially keeping in mind India’s north-eastern region. He refers to India’s neglect of
Bangladesh over the years and the security problems that Bangladesh has caused
to India, and pleads for an overarching coordinated mechanism to be put in place,
using the north-eastern states and different intelligent agencies to manage rela-
tions with Bangladesh. As regards Myanmar, the author sees India’s policy being
driven by the China factor. While he sees improvement over the years in India’s
relations with Myanmar, he makes a plea for inclusion of cultural, trade and secu-
rity factors in pursuing an active policy towards Myanmar to serve India’s (and
those of its north-eastern states) interests. India’s smaller neighbours such as
Sri Lanka Nepal and Bhutan have also engaged the attention of the author.
As regards China, the author says that despite the problems and tensions
between India and China, the two countries should work together on issues like
countering terrorism and fundamentalism. He, however, cautions that India’s
security concerns and the competition for influence in Asia will result in the con-
tinuation of mistrust and suspicion in the India–China relationship. By continuing
to support Pakistan, China poses one of the most complex challenges to Indian
diplomacy. As for the ASEAN, the author affirms that the ‘Look East’ policy has
strengthened the country’s relations with the countries of Southeast Asia.
The author recounts India’s support to the Palestinian cause and the kind of
balancing being done to improve its relations with Israel. According to him, the
Arabs hope that India would use its influence to moderate Israel. One wonders
whether the ruling elites have the stomach for such a diplomatic exercise. Indo-
Soviet relations reached a nadir during the days of Yelstin. The author feels that in
the phase following the disintegration of the former Soviet Union, the Russian
leaders focused on rebuilding the country’s economy and turned towards Europe
for assistance. He rightly points out that India still looks to Russia for military
hardware, nuclear energy and strategic support for a world order based on multi-
polarity. More pertinently, he emphasizes the need for Indian policy-makers to
strengthen ties with Central Asian states for oil and other related needs. He rightly
sees the emergence of a ‘New Great Game’ in Central Asia involving China and
the United States. One cannot agree more with him when he says that if India is to

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protect its vital national interests in Central Asia, it has to be a player on an equal
footing with the other major players like the US, Russia and China.
There is a detailed chapter on Indo-US relations focusing on the nuclear issue
and the signing of the Indo-US nuclear deal in the context of US nuclear non-
proliferation objectives. He clearly sees limits to a strategic partnership with the
US as no strategic relationship with the US can ever be on the basis of equality.
He recounts how interest groups in the US and India have facilitated the nuclear
deal. He takes note of the concerns expressed by the Indian leaders about the 123
agreement and bemoans the lack of political will to stand up to the US on matters
of vital national interests. He believes that the terms of strategic engagement have
been set by the US and, therefore, essentially reflects US interests. As he puts it,
‘So keen is the Indian leadership on forging a strategic partnership with the US
that it underestimates the extent to which the US too needs a better relationship
with India’ (p. 197). One hopes the sense of frankness with which the author has
written is taken note of by the Indian government.
The author attaches considerable importance to India’s energy security. He
suggests that the Indian government should work with China and other European
powers (including Russia) to work out plans to meet the country’s energy needs.
If skilfully implemented, he says, Central Asia could become the crossroads of the
new twenty-first century ‘Silk Route’ with gas and oil pipelines replacing caravan
convoys. Given its location, size and economic might, India will be very much a
part of global energy geopolitics in coming years. But all this will be possible,
believes this reviewer, only if the Indian ruling elites zealously guard and practice
independence in foreign policy decision-making and not allow themselves to be
dictated by the United States.
There is an interesting chapter on India’s economic diplomacy where the author
writes about the immense opportunities and challenges that a globalizing India
faces. He talks about the duality of inviting foreign capital, and Indian invest-
ments and foreign economic assistance. While one agrees with the author, the
point that needs to be noted is the immense competition that China poses to India
in this regard.
Writing about ‘traditions and institutions’, the author acknowledges that Indian
foreign policy has had national and international interests right from the early
years of independence and that Nehru’s foreign policy was largely personalized
with the cabinet exerting not much influence on foreign policy issues. He asserts
that if only the ideas of Veer Savarkar, Bhagat Singh, Subhas Chandra Bose and
Sardar Patel had greater influence on India’s Gandhi inspired and Nehru directed
foreign policy, it would have been imbued with greater dose of realpolitik. This is
a debatable point, especially because many believe that Nehru was a realist too.
The author remarks that Indira Gandhi too continued the personalized approach to
foreign policy; Rajiv Gandhi had an imperious style and relied less on institu-
tional structures and the chain of command and more on officials in his own
office. Sonia Gandhi, as the chairperson of the UPA, has continued the Nehru–
Gandhi legacy of personalized foreign policy formulation and execution, with

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loyalty to the Nehru Gandhi family being the watchword. These are very strong
and forthright statements indeed. While the author feels that non-Congress prime
ministers gave relatively more freedom to their foreign ministers—Morarji Desai,
V.P. Singh, H.D. Deve Gowda and A.B. Vajpayee—he rightly makes a strong plea
for strengthening institutional structures and setting up an extensive network of
centres that specialize in the study of different areas and countries. There is no
denying the fact that ad hocism in decision-making should be replaced by a pro-
fessional perspective planning in foreign policy formulation and execution.
The author argues that if India has to become a global power, it should work
with the G-8, China, South Africa, Brazil and Mexico. As regards China, he says
that India has to engage that country at many levels, eschewing its current, defen-
sive, timid and somewhat legalistic approach. To him, India’s highest foreign
policy priority must be to evolve a coordinated strategy vis-à-vis neighbours, ex-
tending to the east and beyond the west. In fact, he goes a step further and says
that if India ever gets into the UN Security Council as a permanent member, it will
be not because the Permanent-5 wants it, but because the Third World wants India
to represent it in the UN Security Council and protect the interests of developing
countries. The author deserves to be complimented for projecting a view that is
increasingly getting old fashioned, but cannot be brushed aside.
Finally, the author contends that if India has to play a global power role in the
twenty-first century, it should be the conscience keeper of the world, rediscover
the importance of Kautilya’s Arthashastra, pursue an independent foreign policy
without being pushed around and have a strategic design based on its resources
and economic-military power. Coming from a former diplomat, the book is indeed
very candid and an honest analysis of India’s foreign policy and the role it can
play in future.

P.S. Jayaramu
Department of Political Science
Bangalore University
Bengaluru
India

Indo-Iranian Views on Security


Meena Singh Roy (ed.), International and Regional Security Dymanics:
Indian and Iranian Perspectives (New Delhi: Institute for Defence
Studies and Analyses, 2009), pp. 208, Price not mentioned.
DOI: 10.1177/002088171104700425

This book contains twelve contributions to an Indo-Iranian seminar held in April


2009. The back cover states that the book ‘draws attention towards the entire

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