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Chapter 1
Introduction
While many studies on pedestrianization have been carried out, very few have
dealt with existing streets in tropical countries, particularly the Philippines, making
them pedestrian-friendly vehicle roads. Recommendations that can serve as
recommendations and creative development concepts which can be extended to other
existing roads that resolve the Filipinos' inherent characteristics when it comes to
street use
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
1.2 Rationale
Streetscape relates to the layout and circumstances of urban roadways as they
affect road users and residents nearby. Streetscaping recognizes that streets are areas
where individuals participate in different operations, including but not restricted to
traveling by motor vehicle. Streetscapes are an significant element of the public
sphere (public spaces where individuals communicate), helping to define the aesthetic
quality, identity, financial activity, health, social cohesion and chance of a
community, not just its mobility. Streetscaping (street conditions improvement
programs) may include road cross section modifications, traffic management,
sidewalk conditions, landscaping (especially tree cover), street furnishings
(commercial poles, benches, trash cans, etc.), construction fronts, and specifications
of equipment. Signage improvement is also involved (AIGA 2005; Muhlhausen
2005). Complete streets relates to road design and working methods designed to
accommodate varied users and activities securely, including pedestrians, cyclists,
motorists, users of public transport, disabled individuals, plus neighboring companies
and residents. Complete street planning acknowledges that roads often serve a variety
of tasks including transport, recreational walking, socializing, selling and living
nearby, which need to be considered and balanced in the design and management of
roads. Streetscape can have a major impact on people's perception and interaction
with their society. If street scenery is secure and inviting to pedestrians, individuals
are more likely to walk that can help decrease car traffic, enhance government health,
boost local financial activity, and attract residents and tourists to a society. Urban
roads have a variety of tasks. Streets accommodate car, public transit, bicycle and
pedestrian traffic; provide access to neighboring structures and other destinations;
provide room for business and leisure operations; and operate as linear parks.
Therefore, streetcaping must take into consideration multiple effects and balance
different scheduling goals.
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
With the planning movements and town types of their moment, streetscape
design has developed since the 1500s. From the organic city's tight winding roads to
the broad motorways of the modern era, streets remain a essential element of our
communities ' physical structure and social achievement. In the early years before the
modern era, the organic form of the town, where roads and houses were constructed
on the basis of the region's topography, was not a decision or a intentional planning
outcome, but rather the manner in which towns grew (Kostof, 1991). The fundamental
buildings that subconsciously affected a city's growth and design were the
topography, political climate and religious beliefs of the moment. It is essential to
examine the seven shifts to planned cities in organic towns as this became the moment
when the discussion about what is effective streetscape design emerged.
In the fifteenth century, Italian architect Leon Battista Alberti was one of the
first scholars to recognize the differences in street shapes and the resulting shape
influences the function, physical climate and opportunities for social interaction
within street environments (Kostof, 1991). There was a conscious shift from the grid
plan to the planned city during this time in the form of the city. In the late 1880s,
with the development of a completely new city plan, The Garden City, philanthropist
Ebenezer Howard reacted to London's deplorable living circumstances. The Garden
City was the co-operative ideal however it was not economically feasible nor
ideologically acceptable to the majority of those in power at the time. It influenced,
however, the creation of the contemporary town in which orderly growth was at the
forefront. Land use zoning, population densities, and construction heights became
statutory rules to safeguard individuals from the bad practices that led to the 1880's
slums. The shape of the contemporary town of today is a direct consequence of the
application of statutory laws as well as the effect of the car. City planners and
technicians moved from pedestrian motion to efficient vehicle motion (Hall, 1973).
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
Image 1
Kerrisdale at Vancouver
For the company community, BGC is one thing; and for those looking for a
wonderful escape in the town, it's another thing. Bonifacio Global City (BGC), also
recognized as the "Home of Passionate Minds" in Taguig, is regarded by many as a
place of quality and privileged living. This place, blistering with vividness and vigor,
a mixture of shape and function, is recognized as a real 21st century child–a modern
wonder of contemporary living inhabited with excellent minds and enthusiastic hearts.
It was a military base for the BGC. It was once part of a multi-hectare Taguig
portion obtained in 1902 by the U.S. government. The name of BGC was "Fort
Mckinley." Named after US President William McKinley, the headquarters of the
Philippine Scouts, the United States Army's Philippine Division, was Fort Mckinley.
It was made the permanent headquarters of the Philippine Army in 1957 and renamed
Fort Bonifacio after the father of the Philippine Revolution against Spain, Andres
Bonifacio. (primer.com.ph,March 2017)
The Spanish colonial go
vernment built Quinta Market i
n 1851, the same year as the To
ndo Divisoria Market. Built in
the 18th century with money
left to the city government of
Manila by businessman and
philanthropist Francisco
Image 2
Carriedo, its establishment
Bonifacio Global City at Taguig
coincided with the growth of
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
the city's industry and trade and the creation of new public markets to complement
existing sites of trade in the city center and its suburbs. Also thought to be named
after its surrounding landscape, the market initially marketed vegetables cultivated on
farms around Quiapo.
However, the original market was shoddly built and heavily damaged by
the 1863 earthquake, although commercial activity continued despite the destruction.
The market was reconstructed in 1878 according to plans by Félix Rojas, the first
architect of the Philippines. Rojas also prepared plans for the reconstruction of several
other structures that were destroyed during the earthquake, including the Church of
Santo Domingo in Intramuros. The subsequent market plans were drawn up on 18
January 1889 by Juan José de las Hervás, the successor of Rojas. At the beginning of
Image 3
1.4.2 What are the the general concept of proposed Urban Landscape.
1.4.4 What are the natural elements integrated in the Urban Landscape
that that can attract the public to walk.
1.3.4 To integrate the natural features in the CBD of the proposed Streetscape
to attract public to walk.
-This study will give an idea to the public about the perception of
Streetscape.
a) Aesthetic: is a branch of philosophy that deals with the nature of art, beauty
and taste, with the creation or appreciation of beauty: a particular theory or
conception of beauty or art: a particular taste for or approach to what is
pleasing to the senses and especially sight
b) Accessibility: in the sense considered here refers to the design of products,
devices, services, or environments so as to be usable by people
with disabilities. The concept of accessible design and practice of accessible
development ensures both "direct access" (i.e. unassisted) and "indirect access"
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
Chapter II
Methodology
This chapter presents foreign and local studies in relation on the present
study. It also includes frameworks which considered as basis of the basis of the study.
It also provides terminologies to enhance the subject being employed. In order to
understand further, the following terminologies are being defined to convey their
thoughts. This also serves as the researcher’s basis in seeking for the answers to the
problems of the research study.
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
Methodology
Theoretical Framework
ARCHITECTURAL
BUILDING
USERS
BIOPHILIC DESIGN
APPROACH
Image 4
Theoretical Framework
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
Conceptual Framework
CENTRAL BUSINESS
DISCTRICT
CITIZENS
NATURALISTIC
ENVIRONMENT
Image 5
Conceptual Framework
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
Conceptual Design
Community members expressed a desire for more appealing and comfortable roads,
with more street trees, areas for sitting and nighttime lighting to guarantee security.
This chapter discusses three ideas for improving CBD setup, especially around the
mixed-use node
Image 6
This idea uses the current curb alignments, but reconfigures the travel lanes
to include a row of diagonal parking on one side of the highway by eliminating the
turning lane center. While this system maximizes parking, this idea does not include
shared class II bike lanes and extended sidewalks. On hot sunny days, new road trees
will assist soften the corridor and give shade to pedestrians. Street trees are put in tree
grates in this system to maximize the quantity of walkable ground as there is no gain
in the width of the sidewalk. Planting islands between diagonal parking spaces to split
the lengthy rows of diagonal parking spaces and provide additional shade. New
lighting on the pedestrian scale offers added light to enhance nighttime visibility and
security and provide the ability to hang banners. In order to generate an inviting
pedestrian scale personality for the streetscape, benches, public art, and trash
receptacles should also be given along the corridor as in all three ideas. These site
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
furniture should be comparable in style and col-2 or palette, but could also provide an
chance for Imperial Avenue and the community to brand and integrate government art
into custom site furnishing items.
Image 7
Similar to Concept 1 this concept also uses the current alignment of the
brake and eliminates the center turn lane. However, this system utilizes this extra
space to add five foot wide bike lanes of Class II. This idea still has relatively broad
travel lanes at 13' each, but bike lane incorporation generates a safer atmosphere for
cyclists to move through the corridor. In order to maximize the walkable surface,
fresh road trees should be included in trees grates as in the first system.
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
Image 8
In order for the study to continue, gathered data and information should be
done in order for this study to work and to support the investigation. In collecting
data, the problem must be identified and formulate a set of questionnaires and
evaluate who are the appropriate respondents for the surveys. The selecting of
respondents will depend on the topic of the study.
Step 2. Identify the appropreite
respondents and deploy the
Step 1. Formulate questions
questionnaires
for Survey
- the respondents shall have the
- Create questionns that is
correct attribute to support the
applicable to the study
study
- Screen the questions to avoid
- destribute the questionnaire to
unnecessary question that is not
the selected respondents
much related to the study
Design Criteria
The design follows the design concept and concepts idea and makes the
design Flow smooth and in accordance with the concept to avoid confusion.
Location:
Asingan
Central
Business
District
Image 9
Proponent
Clientele
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
Chapter III
Architectural Research
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
Objectives
This study aims to identify the different problems that discourage people from
walking and present possible solutions for them. It also intends to produce
recommendations that may help improve pedestrian circulation in existing
thoroughfares and seeks to show that people will be encouraged to walk given a
pleasant environment. The study may serve as a guide for other designers in planning
pedestrian friendly walkways and streets especially in tropical countries like ours.
This will also provide local government with additional means and ideas in improving
their existing streetscapes.
The
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
study area is limited within the Makati Business District developed by Ayala
Corporation and managed by Makati Commercial Estates Association and within the
area bounded by Sen. Gil Puyat Avenue on the north, Antonio Arnaiz on the south,
EDSA, Makati Avenue and Paseo de Roxas on the east, and Amorsolo Street on the
west.
Based on the definitions set in Wikipedia encyclopedia and by the authors, Harvey
Rubenstein, John Motloch and Alan Jacobs in their respective books plus observations
made, the following parameters were arrived at and used to serve as the criteria for
having a pedestrian friendly street
3. It must be comfortable for users to walk on – must have enough shade and cover
and with well-designed and well-constructed elements
4. It must provide users with a pleasant view - well-placed street elements are great
factors in making a route enjoyable
5. It must be well-maintained.
The development of the whole Ayala area was first envisioned by Colonel
Joseph R. McMicking, a Philippine Army World War II veteran, of Scottish and
Spanish-Filipino ancestry, who married into the Roxas-Zobel-Ayala. Together with
other Ayala managers, the Ayala Master Plan, a 25-year urban development program
of a
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
new community was developed after the war. One aspect of it, popularly called for the
Ayala Avenue-Paseo de Roxas complex to be Greater Manila’s new financial and
business center,3 which later came to be known as the Makati Central Business
District. Serving as the main artery of this commercial district is the Ayala Avenue, a
180 ft. wide former runway strip, now lined with tall buildings housing most of the
banks and other big companies, and thus, becoming the “Wall Street” of the country.
From this commercial avenue radiated two mixed used developments: Legaspi
Village on the left and Salcedo Village on the right, with the Makati Commercial
Center at the south as its main anchor. The whole central business district is located at
the northwest side of Makati City, one of the thirteen cities and municipalities
comprising Metro Manila.
The 70’s and 80’s saw the mushrooming of different commercial establishments and
residential condominiums. By the early nineties, the land value in this area
skyrocketed. It was also during this time, at the height of the so-called economic
boom, that the commercial district bustled with the mass exodus of workers from
different places. As a result, traffic congestion, too much air pollution, aggravated by
construction growth and unfriendly streets, all contributed to the uninviting image that
befell this area. Traffic was so horrible that it took around 30 minutes just to traverse
the two kilometer Ayala road. It was also during this time that vehicular rerouting
started. The association of different commercial establishments and Ayala Land,
Incorporated, made allied strides on decongesting the vehicle-dominated streets,
through measures that will make walking attractive to the thousand of commuters,
employees, shoppers, visitors, business people and others that visit the place daily.4
Since a big proportion of the people are workers/commuters from nearby towns and
cities, the daytime population of the whole city becomes two times higher than that of
the nighttime. Thus, the area became almost deserted and “dead”, except for passing
vehicles, after office hours; “unsafe and unattractive” for people who stayed late or
live in the vicinity who want to walk. The Makati Commercial Estates Association
and
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
Image 12 2005 Photo of pedestrian underpass and covered walk along Paseo
de Roxas cor. Sedeno St
Did they succeed? Were the pedestrians attracted to stroll and walk? Were the traffic
problems solved? Were the plans and recommendations fully implemented?
In a 2000 survey, Arch. Salvador Tan of Ayala Land, Inc., showed that the
construction of the elevated walkways, covered walks and underpasses helps increase
pedestrian traffic volume by 200,000 on a weekday while time travel along main
routes is notably reduced into 7-10 minutes. It was also observed that the travel
distance on foot, covered by pedestrians significantly increased to 700 meters from
400 meters.
As per recent count and observation made along elevated walkway, more than
10,000 people pass this passageway alone, validating the findings that Arch. Tan
conducted. Significant number was observed during peak hours and during lunch
break (See Fig. 4). Most number of perambulators observed are coming and going
from Ayala Center up to Paseo de Roxas. Very few walk straight up to the end of the
walkway. Maybe because it will take around 10-13 minutes from Ayala Center to
reach V. A. Rufino St. “A general rule of thumb is that people will walk six to ten
minutes before they hop on a bus, dive into a subway or hail a cab”. 7 In the latest
survey made, 100% of the people interviewed prefer passing the elevated walkway
due to convenience; it is covered, has even pavement and they do not have to wait just
to cross the streets, thus, reducing travel time which confirms the previous study
made.
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
streets passed the criterion set in the study9. A portion of Paseo de Roxas, from Ayala
Avenue to Makati Avenue and a part of Makati Avenue from Landmark to Paseo de Roxas,
passed the
underground location of utility lines, all contribute to its adequacy and uncluttered look.
Sections of Legaspi, Salcedo, and Rada Streets can somehow be considered acceptable due to
the presence of wide sidewalks, absence of utility poles and uniform elevation, plus the
presence of shade trees. In this assessment all the areas considered as back street, including
Arnaiz St. failed the evaluation. Reasons for the failure are the presence of street furniture
that are improperly located like several utility boxes and communication poles all situated in
one place,10 and signage, where in some instances, totally blockading the way of the passers-
by. It was observed that people preferred to just walk on the street due to these obstructions.
Tree planting is also sparse, hence the absence of shade. At the recent evaluation made, these
streets still fail the standards laid. It would have been better if shared or unified street system
is applied especially for the back streets. In this proposal, there will be no traditional raised
sidewalks, and the road level (carriageway) and sidewalk (footway) are not rigidly defined.11
Bollards can be used as pedestrian protection. The length and distances of roads are other
major aspects that also affect the mobility and accessibility of the place. One has to go around
a block just to reach the other side of the street. Only one alley is placed in the entire district,
located along H. V. de la Costa St. cutting thru Gil Puyat St. The 1998 study also shows that
almost all the streets failed in terms of aesthetic quality for lack of coherence: a) no uniform
theme for sidewalk design; b)
different tree species are placed.
c) improvised jeepneys served
as food kiosks. This was
enhanced and somehow
corrected with the provision of
simple but similarly designed
kiosks all over the commercial
district. In terms of publicness,
it is only in the major streets
and two minor streets where
Image 15 1998 photo of improvised jeepney more social interactions were
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
hour convenience stores, sports and coffee shops, small restaurants and other commercial
outlets make the places alive. In terms of safety, 10 roaming and 30 stationary guards plus the
city policemen, patrol the whole area. Per police file, there are no records of major crime
committed in the area in the recent years.
Maintenance is generally acceptable, except for some portions of Paseo de Roxas from
Makati Avenue to Gil Puyat alongside Urdaneta Village where it is quite neglected. Some
cracked planter boxes and pavement were observed along Arnaiz St. Paseo de Roxas and
other areas contributing to the unsafeness of the place. MACEA employs around 35
maintenance people, 23 just to keep the street clean and 12 all-around repairmen.
Traffic Condition
Based on a 1997 survey, around 400,000 vehicle trips were counted along the district.
Because of this, major streets like Ayala Ave., Paseo de Roxas, Makati Ave. Arnaiz
St., and Gil Puyat have reached their saturation points. With the construction of
MRT3 along EDSA in 2000, the CBD walkway network system, the volume of traffic
along the major roads have significantly reduced, as proven also by the fact that the
number of cars using the car parks substantially lowered.
The closure and pedestrianization of a portion of Legaspi Street between Dela Rosa
and Ayala Ave., greatly eased the traffic along these streets. However, traffic
bottlenecks can still be experienced along the corner of Gil Puyat and Ayala Avenue.
Based on very recent observations done along this area, it takes around 8-10 minutes
before you can reach the corner of Paseo de Roxas coming from the corner of Gil
Puyat or a distance of around 700 meters. The on-grade level pedestrian crossing, the
ambulant vendors and the fact that the traffic flow from a major exit point, H. V. Dela
Costa St. is merging with that in Makati Avenue all contribute to the heavy traffic
being experienced in the place.
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
Image 17
Traffic congestion is still observed in major nodes like Makati Avenue corner Arnaiz St. and
another exit area like V.A. Rufino corner Amorsolo. Significantly, there are no underpasses
along these nodes and crossing pedestrians and ambulant vendors also contribute to the heavy
traffic being experienced in these areas. Fences along the sidewalks help to prevent people
from crossing anywhere although there are still some people who are strong-headed and
passing wherever they want. Ease of traffic can also be attributed to the presence of food
outlets scattered along the districts. Before their proliferation, a big percentage of people still
trooped to the commercial center during lunch hour using private cars and accessible public
vehicles. At present, most of the people especially those a little farther from the elevated
walkway and thus from Ayala Center, choose to spend their lunch hour in these places which
is within walking distances from their offices.
Summary
Based on the above study, it has been found out that the following existing conditions
discourage people from walking and thus make the street unfriendly:
1. Distance and accessibility (fences, not enough to prevent people from seeking
short-cuts)
5. Blockade by street elements like utility poles, signage, tree trunks, etc
Recommendations
• Provide midway pedestrian alleys if the block is more than 250 meters (similar to
subdivision code). Otherwise, encourage building owners to allow pedestrians to pass
through (as in the case of Tower I).
• Provide intermodal means of transportation (not only in MCBD but also in the
whole of Metro Manila or interlink the existing metro rails as planned by the Makati
City government)
• Build more accessible passageways like under and overpasses (with escalators and
covers)
2. Build more covered walks or plant more shade trees, if possible, to provide
pedestrian comfort and relief from harsh tropical climate.
3. Implement strong measures to force the utility providers to use a common pole to
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
reduce sidewalk clutter. (This has been partially applied along Pasong Tamo St. by
4. Instigate the policy regarding uniformity in sidewalk level. Sidewalk can slope
toward the road to attain the same height. Mountable curbs can be used in areas where
entry driveways are needed.
5. Widen sidewalk with a minimum clearance of 1.20 m. In some cases, sidewalk
widening can be done through apportioning part of the road allotted to parking.
Parking can be concentrated in a designated parking building. In extreme instances,
road closure can be imposed and totally pedestrianized.
6. Apply shared street principle in very narrow sidewalk and street. Bollards can be
used to protect pedestrian from vehicular flow. Use of interlocking blocks has been
found to reduce speed.
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
• Widening of sidewalks
• Uniform paving design
References
Abley, Ian & Heartfield, James. Sustaining Architecture in the AntiMachine Age.
Great Britain: Wiley-Academy, 2001. Appleyard, Donald et. al. Livable Streets. CA:
University of California Press 1981. Bednar, Michael J. Interior Pedestrian Places.
New York: Whitney Library of Design, 1989. Breuste H., Feldmann, J. & Uhlmann,
O. eds. Urban Ecology. Germany: Springer, 1998. Cutler, Laurence Stephan and
Cutler, Sherrie Stephens. Recycling Cities for People, The Urban Design Process.
Massachusetts, U.S.A.: Cahners Books Int’l., 1976. Environment Management
Bureau and DENR. The Air We Breathe. Philippines: Trimark Publishing, 2003.
Jacobs, Allan B. Great Streets. Ma, U.S.A. & London, England: The Hit Press, 2001
The Life and Career of Joseph R. Mcmicking, Chronicle. Spec. issue. 23 March
1969: 33-40 Makati: An Achievement. Progress Review, 6 October, 1962 Mougtin,
Cliff. Urban Design: Street and Square. Third Edition. Burlington, MA: Architectural
Press, 2003 Poerbo, Heru W. Defending the Sidewalk. The Case against the Street
Peddlers in Bandung. Proc. Of Great Asian Streets Symposium: Public Space 2002,
25-26 July 2002. Pushkarev, Boris with Zupan, Jeffrey M. Urban Space for
Pedestrian. England: The MIT Press, 1975. Ramati, Racquel. How to Save Your Own
Street. New York: Dolphin Books, Doubleday and Co., 1981. Research and Dev’t
Division, Environmental Management Bureau, DENR. Uptake of Air Pollutants by
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
Philippine Plants. DENR, 1979. Roberts, Marion and Greed, Clara. eds. Approaching
Urban Design. England: Pearson Education Ltd., 2001. Rubenstein, Harvey M.
Pedestrian Malls, Streetscapes, and Urban Spaces. New York, U.S.A., Toronto,
Canada, Singapore: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1992. Southworth, Michael and Ben-
Joseph, Eran. Streets and the Shaping of Towns and Cities. New York: McGraw-Hill,
1996.
context of Japanese and Chinese (de)urbanization (Sorensen 2012; den Hartog 2010).
Kunitachi, even though not yet 100 years-old, has been able to emerge as an attractive
town with a strong identity and self-consciousness, by means of preserving and
improving the quality of its streetscape. In view of Japan’s population decline and
consequent threats to the cohesion of the urban fabric, this town proves that high
quality, inclusive and versatile urban environments are key to policy-making and
design strategies to cope with the threat of deurbanization in peripheral areas.
Pujiang Town, on the other hand, represents a place which is still developing
and has yet to form its own identity and sense of community, a typical example of
Chinese newlybuilt peripheries, where attention to end users has given way to market
speculation. In such a contested environment, enclosed and exclusive spaces provided
by housing compounds (xiaoqu), which represent a continuity in the history of
Chinese urban models (Capitanio 2012:30-34), can be seen as a first step towards
community-building, to be later adjusted towards more inclusive, compact low-rise
models.The juxtaposition of these cases is not to be understood as a comparative
study, however: Kunitachi and Pujiang Town are currently experiencing different
evolutionary stages, the former is “established”, while the latter is “nascent”, they are
thus ultimately incomparable. The goal of the research was rather to identify the
factors that contributed to streetscape livability in Kunitachi and to discuss their
applicability and meaning in Pujiang Town.
Methodology
specific challenges and goals of each community (the threat of depopulation in Tokyo
and spatial segregation and environmental degradation in Shanghai) have determined
the most appropriate factors to be analyzed and the methodologies to be employed.
The analysis of each case-study is contextualized by a chapter about the most relevant
local liveability issues, and by a short historical introduction to the site.
Morphological mappings and on-site behavioural observations constituted the starting
point of the analysis for both cases. In Kunitachi the enquiry concentrated on the
quantitative and qualitative analysis of pedestrian activities and flow along its main
boulevard, carried out with Space Syntax and Gehl methods, while in Pujiang Town
the degree of enclosure and the typologies of open space were given particular
attention.
Given the caveat that liveability cannot be exhaustively framed once and for all, but
still in need of a definition for explanatory purposes, this paper advances an
operational concept and a set of three theoretical hypotheses. Liveability encompasses
ecological, social and economic issues, and, on an operational level, is shaped by
three main areas of influence, namely the built and natural environment, its
management, and the policies that regulate it. Literature (e.g. The National
Association of Regional Councils 2012) suggests that the “key elements of a liveable
city often include attractive public spaces, walkable, mixed use, higher density
neighbourhoods that support a range of green infrastructure and transport, affordable
housing.” (Ling & Yuan 2009:3) In this paper, liveability is limited to streetscape: the
characteristics of liveable streetscape were first adopted a priori from existing
literature4 (e.g. Gehl 2013; City of New York 2013), but later adapted a posteriori
based on the specificities of each location.
I) A function of time and space, i.e. it changes according to the spatial and temporal
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
II) A project, i.e. it is the result of the interplay between multifarious actors (e.g.
Brenner 2010:70).
III) A negotiation between individuals (groups, family etc.) and society, i.e. individual
interests could be sacrificed for the greater good (e.g. Tomba 2014).
Kunitachi
Concerns about liveability in Tokyo’s periphery
“The urge to create liveable cities, neighbourhoods and suburbs in Japan thus has a
rather different base than that indicated in the global cities literature: it will be driven
primarily by the imperative of attracting and retaining population.” (Sorensen
2012:216)
The anticipated aging of Japanese society will inevitably restructure Tokyo’s spatial
organization in the coming decades. One of the lowest fertility-rates in the world (ca.
1,45), a high life-expectancy (ca. 83 years) and a very modest presence of immigrants
increasing maintenance costs of public services. This could lead to the progressive
degradation of peripheral areas and their abandonment or to the ghettoization of the
elderly living there. Some scholars argue, therefore, that a growth-oriented model
should be turned into a “decline paradigm” (Ducom 2008:15) and that an era of
“deurbanization” (Onishi 2011:27) is about to start. Moreover, even though Tokyo
and its catchment area is continuing to attract residents, its growth is expected to halt
after 2020, and, due to the massive inflow of the generation born in the 1930s and
1940s, its aging will be dramatic (Moriyuki 2005:10, Masuda 2015).
“[T]rough the 1970s [...] Kunitachi had consolidated its image as a child-friendly
town known for its sophisticated culture and natural beauty”. (Molasky 2014:72)
Kunitachi (国立市) is a city ca. 30km (45 minutes) west of Tokyo Station, lying in
the so-called Tama Area. It was founded from scratch as a new town, developed by
Tsutsumi Yasujirō, business tycoon and member of the Diet, who started buying land
in the early 1920s with the vision of establishing a university town following the
model of Göttingen in Germany. When the 1923 Great Kantō Earthquake struck, he
proposed to the president of the Tokyo College of Commerce (currently Hitotsubashi
University) and of the Tokyo Higher School of Music (currently Kunitachi College of
Music) to abandon their damaged properties in central Tokyo and move to the
western, leafy suburbs, in a new town akin to E. Howard’s garden cities. In 1926 the
new Kunitachi station on the JR Chūō Line was opened, which constituted the focal
point of three radial, convergent streets, cutting-through a city grid composed of
250x75m blocks. The central artery (Daigaku-dōri), connecting the train station with
Hitotsubashi University, was conceived as a European-style boulevard, featuring
broad sidewalks lined with cherry and ginkgo trees. In regard to the town’s planning,
Tsutsumi consulted Gotō Shinpei, a high-profile statesman, who had orchestrated the
creation of new railway lines and new towns in Japaneseoccupied Manchuria as
director of the South Manchuria Railway some 20 years earlier. His planners, in fact,
following German urban design models like Mannheim, had used the very same
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
composition of three radial, convergent axes starting from the train station, overlaid
on a rectangular grid, in multiple Manchurian locations, such as Chengchun and
Fengtian (currently Shenyang) (長内敏, 2012).
The town developed slowly until the end of WWII, but, in the early 1950s, triggered
by prostitution caused by the presence of an American military base in neighboring
Tachikawa and by the demand of more infrastructure, citizens (especially
housewives), supported by the local community of professors and student, formed an
organized group with the aim of improving quality of life in the city. This group,
considered to be the origin of machizukuri (lit. town-making) practices in the country
(Sorensen 2007), applied to the Ministry of Construction for the status of “Special
Education and Culture District”, which was granted in 1952, the first of its kind in
Japan. Due to such special status, a stricter building code was enforced, banning
certain activities e.g. pachinko parlors, hotels, dance clubs etc. in the vicinity of the
station and of the university, while buildings’ maximum height was limited. Such a
strong sense of community has helped to preserve and improve liveability in
Kunitachi in the following
decades. In 2016 the city of
Kunitachi approved a new
urban code that explicitly
calls for bottom-up civic
organization to
counterbalance top-down
regulations, an approach that
is much more inclusive and
transparent than regular urban
governance practices in
Japan. The will to empower
citizens is best manifested in
the
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
open meetings and public briefings that the municipality organizes to inform the
population and gather its opinions about the current redevelopment plan of Kunitachi
station’s square, whose completion is scheduled in 2019
The
enquiry
passers-by were evenly distributed among the three radial streets, at least in the
segments closer to the station. Lastly, a morphological mapping determined the
salient characteristics of Daigaku-dōri that differentiate it from the other two arteries
(Figure 4) (Figure 4: morphological characteristics of Daigaku-dōri.): the boulevard is
44m-wide, including a 3.6m-wide sidewalk with ample room for pedestrians and
sitting space. It features abundant greenery of various height and kind, and it is lined
by a row of ginkgo biloba and one of cherry trees on each side, providing shade all
day long.
Discussion
Daigaku-dōri. Scenery in autumn on the left; scenery trees bloom in spring and
in spring in the center; eyelevel shot on the right. ginkgo turn yellow in
autumn, thus linking the
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
street with cultural traditions such as hanami and autumn leaves celebrations. Lastly,
the wide sidewalk can host a number of informal activities, most notably a row of
temporary stalls when local festivals, matsuri, are taking place (Figure 5) People like
to go to Daigaku-dōri because of its physical qualities, which have been maintained
and improved by machizukuri practices. This street is heterogenous, i.e. its origin
stemmed from a multitude of actors, and it is versatile, i.e. it can host multifarious
activities and it changes according to the seasons. It is a thick, soft “edge” that
contributes to Kunitachi’s liveability and uniqueness.
As a solution for the challenges that peripheral areas will have to face,
Doteuchi (2003:9) suggests that they “will have to differentiate themselves through
unique local characteristics. They must become a space to support lifestyles that take
advantage of the local environment [...] and culture. What the ultra-aging society
represents is an era of living the slow life in such unique communities.” Since “there
is no universal approach to land use planning for depopulating and aging society”
(Murayama 2016:79), what will happen to peripheral areas will depend on national
policy-making on the one hand, and on their own ingenuity, the capabilities of local
machizukuri movements and the natural, social and cultural assets at disposal on the
other. The suburban communities that will stand the test of time will be the ones with
the ability to do so; in this respect, Kunitachi can be considered a best practice to
learn from. congestion in the city center and uncoordinated development at the
fringes, threatening the amount of arable- and openland at disposal, and of water
resources. To tackle these problems, in 2001 the municipality decided to embrace a
decentralization policy, through the foundation of new towns in the periphery. Thus,
industrial and population growth during the 2000s took place mainly in outer areas
(Wu & Phelps 2008). Shanghai’s population is expected to increase from ca. 17,8 mil.
in 2015 to over 20 mil. in 2025 (UN Habitat 2013, 155), even though with a
decreasing growth-rate. In Shanghai, some 170.000 newcomers arrived in 2010, while
some 50.000 people have been relocated each year from the central districts towards
the periphery (Shanghai Municipality 2011). New towns, thanks to a strong top-down,
state-driven planning, their location on easy-to-compensate farmland and no
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
organized resistance, could be planned and built at a breakneck speed. Between 2000
and 2020
the government planned “to relocate more than 1.15 million people to the suburbs”
(den Hartog 2010:36).
Pujiang Town (蒲江) (south) belongs to the decentralization plan called One
City Nine Towns. In 2001 the Italian firm Gregotti Associati won an invited
competition to build an “Italian-town” in Shanghai’s southern district of Minhang.
The office was responsible for the masterplan and a small architectural
implementation in the northern part of the district, targeting high class buyers. The
rest of the town was (and is being) designed by local companies and built by a number
of different developers. When Shanghai won the bid to host the 2010 World Expo, the
municipality chose to redevelop an area on the eastern bank of the Huangpu river,
resettling industries and households located on that site. The southern part of Pujiang
was selected as the area where to relocate these people. Moreover, farmers and
peasants who used to live on Pujiang’s site were relocated to the (southern) new town
as well. Construction started in 2004 and was completed by 2006; 15.000 were the
households relocated. Northern Pujiang is thus considerably different from the
southern part: while the former aims at attracting highermiddle class, the latter
(chosen as case-study area) retains a “generic” character. Pujiang lies 15km south of
People’s Square and it can be reached by subway (completed in 2009) in 45 minutes.
Nowadays we face a heterogeneous mix of inhabitants: on the one hand there are
relocated people, on the other middle class households which are either renting an
apartment or have bought one. A considerable number of white-collar workers
decided to move here, because of proximity to work and convenient apartment prices.
Farmers, who used to live in the same area, had to abruptly adapt to live in a new
urban environment. Even though access to commercial facilities and other services for
them has improved, they generally lack enough indoor storage space and cannot grow
vegetables and raise livestock in front-yards as they used to.
the
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
former usually located along the xiaoqu’s border, the latter towards the center of the
compound, more protected from street noise and pollution and thus more expensive.
activities’
distribution and
town’s
morphology. The
color bar refers to
the total floor
space, taking into
consideration the
buildings’ number
of floors (2012).
Photographs from
left to right:
informal stall;
apartment
converted into
shop; brackets of
shops along
xiaoqu’s border.
Image 28
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
as Walmart. Much more than a shopping mall, it hosts a number of restaurants, high-
end stores, entertainment opportunities (though many of them still empty), targeting
not only customers from immediate neighborhoods, but from the whole Pujiang
Town. Though naturally a commerce-oriented spot, access is open to anyone, and,
especially during weekends, it becomes an entertainment choice for many families
with children. While being popular among younger generations, elderly’s behaviour is
noteworthy: they tend to gravitate and visit the shops along the perimeter of Walmart,
but do not seem attracted by the inner courtyard. The lack of enough services is
reflected by the conversion of ground floor apartments into informal businesses.
Occasional informal stalls can be found both inside and outside a xiaoqu.
Image 29 shows the level of accessibility and hermeticism of the case-study area. All
xiaoqu present a typical pattern, with fences (occasionally substituted by shopping
strips) and gates to regulate access. A majority of gates is patrolled by one/two
guards, checking cars driving through, but rather indifferent to pedestrians. By means
of on-site observation, everyone who did not look particularly extravagant or
potentially dangerous could enter with ease, so that locals were walking through a
xiaoqu in order to shorten walking distances. The average distance between xiaoqu
entrances is around 360 meters.
Image 30 shows the type and use of open areas. Space enclosed by fences or walls has
always been considered as a “place” in China, carrying meanings and shared values
(Hassenpflug 2010). From this point of view, it is no wonder that most outdoor
recreational activities are happening inside xiaoqu, often in landscaped areas with
lawns and trees. There can be found elderly chatting, playing or doing physical
exercises, their bikes showing that some have come from other xiaoqu. Open parks
have still to be appropriated by local inhabitants though. They are used as transitional
spaces, shortcuts, but not seen as places to be enjoyed, and, during on-site
observations, they were almost always deserted, even though their overall quality is
better than average green spaces. A large, empty plot of land beside Walmart, located
along Pujiang’s central axis, was converted into an orchard, cultivated by different
people. Similarly to enclosed open spaces, commercial streets are historically an
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
ordinary component of the Chinese city. The analyzed streets with shop brackets were
very lively, while streets bordered by fences, especially the ones located far from
underground stations or from public functions, hosted very few passers-by.
Discussion
indispensable for the genealogy of [...] public spaces” (Hassenpflug 2010:32) and that
the private sector is destined to play an everincreasing role in this process. Even
though “the enclave should be understood as the typological success formula of
market-controlled urbanization” (Mars & Hornsby 2008:187), incidentally reflecting
the traditional Chinese preference of familiar and community relationships over civic
ones, this urban model is helping to exacerbate social segregation, unless it is
gradually transformed into a more inclusive model (abandoning gates, mixing land-
uses on a finer grain, favoring low-rise but high-density typologies etc.) once a
community gains self-confidence. Xiaoqu are useful as long as they provide an
anchoring point for newly-established neighborhoods, as in the case of new towns.
China’s central government has recognized the drawbacks of the compound
archipelago in its 2016 guidelines for urban planning and construction management,
where it calls for a gradual opening of compounds by building more access roads (新
华 社 2016). These new regulations have unleashed a wave of discontent among
apartment owners, who do not want to trade their privacy and sense of security with
the public good.
Conclusions
On a theoretical level, liveability was defined, at the beginning of this paper, as being
I) a function of time and space, II) a project, III) a negotiation between individuals
and society.
II) Both Kunitachi and Pujiang Town were founded as new towns following a top-
down approach. While Kunitachi’s identity has been shaped by its citizen’s actions,
which strengthened unique streetscape features and created a strong community,
inhabitants of Pujiang Town are just beginning to appropriate their streetscape. By
initiating informal activities and transforming the town’s built space they are
gradually creating a bottom-up project that fits their needs.
III) When Kunitachi was granted the status of Special Education and Culture District,
numerous businesses relating to entertainment (dance halls, hotels, pachinko parlors,
karaoke, brothels, etc.) were forced to close, sparking a controversy between business
owners and local inhabitants. Similarly, when the Chinese Government issued new
urban regulations in 2016 regarding the gradual opening-up of gated compounds to
solve congestion and environmental issues, many apartment owners reacted angrily to
what they perceived to be an attack against their privacy and property rights. These
two examples confirm that streetscape is a contested space: to a certain degree
individual rights have to be reasonably sacrificed for the greater good. This process
can be understood as a negotiation involving multifarious actors, ideally finding a
balance between top-down and bottom-up interventions.
References
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長
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
The
municipality of Asingan has 21 barangays with a total lond area of 6,759.75 hectares
constituting around 1.26 percent of Pangasinan's 526,8.l8 hectares. As shown in Table
2 about 5,084.27 hectares comprises the rural area and the rest, 1,675.48 hectores
comprises the urbon oreo. For the urbon oreo, Barangay Domanpot hos the largest
area with 996.84 hectares while Barangay Poblacion West has the smallest area with
58.27 hectares only. While for the rural area, Barangay Carsucan Norte has the
biggest area with 773.93 hectares ond Barangay Baro hos the smallest oreo with l0l .
59 hectores.
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
Table 3
(Existing General Land Use)
Land Area
Land Use % to total
Hectares %
Built-up 414.15 6.13
Residential 354.64 5.25
Commercial 2.69 0.04
Industrial 1.09 0.02
Institutional 52.27 0.77
Parks and Playground 3.46 0.05
Special Uses 8.91 0.13
Cemetery 8.21 0.12
MRF/Sanitary Landfill 0.70
Bodies of Water 68.98 1.02
Bodies of Water 27.86 0.41
Irrigation canals 41.12 0.61
Utilities/Trandsport/Services 100.18 1.48
Water 0.17 0.003
Roads and Bridges 100.01 1.48
Agricultural (Production/Protection) 6167.53 91.24
Protected 4038.00 59.74
Rain-fed 250.00 3.70
Vegetable & Corn 1157.00 17.12
Others 722.53 10.69
Most of the built-up areas can be found in the urban core barangays; however
the rural areas are fast catching up. Most developments are seen along all types of
roads be it national, Provincial, municipal, barangay, and even the so called farm-to-
market roads.
Built-up Areas
The built-up areas remain as mixed land use where residential, commercial,
institutional, industrial and other facilities occupies approximately 41 4.15 hectares or
6.,l3 percent of the total land area of the town, on increase of 142.91 hectares or 52.67
percent higher based on the 271.24 hectares of built-up area in 2000. lt is noteworthy
that it is only 12.06 hectares or 3.0 percent more than the 402.09 hectares
proposed built-up area in 2000. The built-up areas in Poblacion East and
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
Poblacion West, Bantog and those in Ariston West near its boundary with Bantog are
of grid pattern development where urban activities tend to expand in all directions.
Special Uses
The special uses have an area of 8.21 hectares or 0.12 percent of the total land
area.
Table 4
(Total population of Old houses based on its age)
Number of old houses based on its age
Street 0-25 26-50 50-100 Total
Asingan-villasis
road
Asingan
Urdaneta road
Asingan-san
manuel road
Asingan-sta.
Maria road
Asingan-
binalonan road
(Survey Questionnaire)
Streetscape of Central Business District in Asingan
Yes No
Strongly yes _____ Strongly no _____
2. Does more parking spaces important to lighten the traffic of Central Business
District?
Yes No
Strongly yes _____ Strongly no _____
Yes No
Strongly yes _____ Strongly no _____
4. Does the natural features of Streetscape can attract the public to walk?
Yes No
Strongly yes _____ Strongly no _____
Yes No
Strongly yes _____ Strongly no _____