Pinagdaraitan: An Interdisciplinary Approach to the

Conditions of the Dumagat-Remontado of Daraitan, Tanay, Rizal

Submitted: 12th April 2018 SY.17-18; Semester II

Submitted by: Submitted to:

BASCO, Michael D. BOLANO, John Paul A.
BLANCO, Juny Ken N. RIVERA, Miguel Paulo P.
DAMPIL, Dale Angelo S. SESCON, Joselito T.
NATIVIDAD, Juan Miguel S. VICTORIA, Abi
NAVARRO, Kyle A.
MACALINO, Pierre Geoffrey L.
TORRES, Hanz Elmer D.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. Introduction
a. In the Defense of an Interdisciplinary Approach..............................................................................2
b. Experiences in the Community..................................................................................................... ....3
c. Objectives..........................................................................................................................................6
II. Community Profile
a. Sectoral Profile of the Dumagat-Remontado …………………………………………....…………8
b. Structural Analysis………………………………………………………………………………….10
III. Economic Research
a. Sustainable Livelihood Approach……………………………………………...………………….13
b. Case of Daraitan’s Handicraft Businesses…………………………………………………………28

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IV. Political Analysis:
a. Historical Background: Problem Tree Analysis……………………………………………...…….31
b. Stakeholder Analysis……………………………………………………………………………….36
V. Reflection
a. Scriptural Application………………………………………………………………………………40
b. Reflection on Commitment…………………………………………………………………………44
VI. Action Plan
a. Academic Recommendations……………………………………………………………………….46
b. Livelihood Recommendations………………………………………………………………………47
c. Policy Recommendations…………………………………………………………………………...48
VII. Sources………………………………………………………………….……………….………….59

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I. Introduction

a. In the Defense of an Interdisciplinary Approach

The three subjects – economics, political science, and theology – only when taken together,
thoroughly equips us for pursuing a proper ideation of justice. A substantive theory of justice must
always start from first adequately articulating the empirical conditions of a systemic order’s
political and economic relations. This preliminary step saves us from our biases and ideologies.
But much to the frustration of many economics students, utility maximization has been called the
name of the game in justice-seeking, with little to no discussion to whether utility could ever mean
anything more than the well-being derived from the consumption of goods and services. These
supposed core valuations continually prove to be inadequate in reflecting true individual behavior
and priorities, as the field's economic models have far too simplified social interactions. In the
effort of the scholars to create a general theory that is all-encompassing, they have acted at the
expense of its real-world applicability. Mainstream economics, as it is now, is reduced to a game
of mathematical simulations of a society that only exist in the heads of academics. The
inconsistencies of economics should then be addressed by our understanding of the underlying
power relations outlined by our history, and of how economic goods are imbued with social
meaning – to which the whole discourse of the fields of economics and political science must be
sharpened by the self-reflexivity provided by theology and its philosophies. The language of this
discourse, if it were not critical of its own core assumptions, lead to actions that erroneously
answer the wrong questions. A lack of self-reflexivity bars us from asking the right questions that
truly addresses the roots of the issue. Yet, the language of our discourse also changes how we view
ourselves with society. We have grown conceited and escapist to the responsibilities demanded to
us by societal conditions. An academic disposition towards research is biased on the detachment
of the subject towards the object it studies. It fails to account for the embodiment and emplacement
of the subject that shapes his perceptions, and ties him to a relationship with what or who he
studies. Recently Oxfam, a charity organization, released a statistic that says that the two thousand
billionaires of the world have generated profits from last year enough to have ended extreme
poverty seven times. But we don’t seem to be bothered enough with this fact to actually change
how we’re going through with our lives; it may even have been that our initial reaction has already
been an academic detachment that questioned the statistic’s validity. We see situations as objects

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 of study, rather than a subject of our concern. Even more than our capacity to enact change in the
way we intend, our capacity to be shaken should be taken with criticality. The role of theological
study here is to realign the core tenets of our economic and political sciences to the servitude of
promoting and acknowledging our humanity.

b. Experiences in the Community

The path to Barangay Daraitan was rocky and jagged, causing the jeep we rode on to shake
uncontrollably. Nevertheless, the immersion experience latches onto the Atenean, and tows them
towards a supposedly uncomfortable sphere; it infuses them into another world, and “changes you”
– as past immersion-goers would always suggest. For us, this was the world of the Dumagats: a
group of indigenous people living at the mountainsides of Tanay. But all the preliminary desk
research and briefings, which did their best to preconceive for us a desolated community that lives
in isolation from the rest of the country, failed to prepare us for the robustness of reality.
The sun was glared high at Daraitan. Most of the houses were built with wood and dried
leaves, and closer to the town center were those that used bricks and cement. Cars, though we
expect to be from tourists, lined up the dusty and undeveloped road by the river that had been a
moat for the entrance of the town. Sari-sari stores erected from the sides of it, seemingly having a
booming business. The air was torrid and dry while the sun was scorching and hot, but it seemed
that the locals were used to this climate.
The community can already make the Atenean immersion as part of their yearly tradition,
and so our visit were understandably expected by the community. Most of the locals donned soiled,
but not tattered, clothes that made them look to us as unclean. As we walked towards the agreed-
upon meeting place, the locals warmly greeted us, but we felt as though we were expected to fulfill
an unsolicited yearly promise to help the community through the immersion program. One of
locals that approached us, a woman, exclaimed that she always felt down whenever her “anaks”
– or the immersionists – would finally leave the immersion area. She emphasized how much their
community loves having Ateneans. The meeting area, where we were to initially meet our foster
families, was at two kubos located beside the river. We waited for over an hour for them to arrive,
and when they did they were very accommodating. We shared greetings and proceeded to our
respective houses.

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 The houses of our families all shared a common attribute: they were simple, yet more
closely subsistent. They lacked the common amenities that made for our own perception of
comfortable living. For example, most of their toilets were covered only by mere rice sacks, while
some of them were located outside, far from their house. Most of the circumstances of the houses
were only familiar to us through research, but most are foreign to our experiences. The families
were very hospitable and primed, a telling sign that they have encountered immersionists before.
They generously shared what they had, most especially their quick mix coffee. Coffee was offered
sparingly, but the cups they put it in was grubby. Dirt circled its rims and flies can sometimes be
found inside. Certainly, we felt uncomfortable of the uncleanliness of the utensils, but nevertheless
we were obliged by custom to reciprocate their hospitality. Although the food was cooked
sluggishly, it seemed to be the norm among the families in Daraitan. Sheeted beds were also very
uncommon among our families. The duyans or hammocks that they had in its place was a change
that we had to grow accustomed to. It wasn’t unbearable, but it was a far from what we’re used to.
We got to talk and get to know our families during our free times. These were the periods
when our nanays and tatays were not out of the house working. They all tried their best to make
us feel at home – to make us feel as comfortable as we could possibly feel. They openly talked to
us about their lives, their livelihoods, their children, and generally life in the community. One of
our tatays, however, was comparably distant from the rest. He didn’t reciprocate the openness that
we tried to affect to him, but we note that he was a single parent living alone in his house – with
all of his children, now grown-up, living somewhere else. He answered our inquiries about his life
indifferently that it almost seems that he was disinterested in the matter. What was common to
every parent, however, was how they spoke of troubles at a lightness of tone that would hint that
they’ve grown too accustomed to their hardships. On the other hand, unlike the adults, the children
were initially shy at first although they appeared curious. It took some time before they felt
comfortable with our presence; but once they did, we found that they did chores that we would not
have fathomed to do by their virtue of their difficulty. One of the children, aged fourteen, had to
bring horses across the running river on a daily basis.
Within that weekend, it happened that there were two collaborating international NGO’s
scheduled to have a medical mission at Daraitan, Tanay. It was held at the town center’s covered
courts — the only place where it could be held due to its size. We saw armed soldiers scattered
around nearby stools, shacks, and sari-sari stores, profusely sweating under the heat of the midday

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 sun, with their bimpos damp and grimed. It was curious to us that this amount of security was
deemed necessary for a simple medical mission, but we later find out that these missions were
commonly accompanied by foreigners and medical providers from the military itself. Ice scramble
vendors were posted near the court entrance, selling to the eager kids brought by their parents
lining up for the checkup.
After inquiry, we found that there were two programs taking place in the medical mission:
a medical checkup and a traditional faith healing program. The former was led by Dr. Williams,
an obstetrician and the leader of the managing NGO. His program included blood pressure tests,
dentistry, medicine distributions, and interestingly an in-house childbirth assistance. When we
asked why he chose to include childbirth assistance into the program when no one would just walk
in as if the court was where they wanted their child to be born, he laughingly remarked that
childbirth is unpredictable. “You’ll never know when you’ll need one,” he says. The other
program, a quasi-faith healing, was facilitated by a Japanese NGO. It was peculiar to us why Dr.
Williams chose to partner with this category of healing, to which he commented that the Japanese
NGO was the reason they found out about Daraitan in the first place. There seemed, however, to
be a distrust of the NGO’s among the locals; they were criticized for doing the programs just for
show. One of our tatays even told us that his blood pressure was told by the volunteers to be
worryingly “50/50’”, which is not only largely inaccurate but also almost mockingly impossible.
We also discovered that during the medical mission, a municipal hall housed a heated discussion
among the Dumagat elders and leaders, as they discussed issues on the proper allocation of funds
for upcoming festivities, and the legality of a Dumagat to sell-off the patch of land she’s lived in.
As we got nearer to our time of departure, we started feeling a pressure for us to perform
our function as economics students, and help the community. Yet it is in our specific experiences
that we are prompted to face the inadequacy of our major, and to ask how to better maneuver our
way through these issues, whose glaring implications hid a complicated mesh of values and causes.
c. Objectives
The researchers aim to properly observe, meticulously describe, and inductively analyze the sector
of the Dumagats in Daraitan, Tanay, Rizal. Specifically, the researchers aim to:
(1) Identify and characterize the assets of the Dumagats, and the threats or vulnerabilities that affect
the wellbeing of the sector;

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 Through the Sustainable Livelihood Approach, the economic context of the Dumagats is
articulated. The Dumagat’s current human capital, social capital, financial capital, physical capital,
and natural capital is determined and assessed for their lucrativeness or impotency for
opportunities in the face of the sector’s threats or vulnerabilities. This is an essential step for a
beginning groundwork to base succeeding observations, and resulting proposals.
(2) Identify and characterize the political institutions intertwined with the Dumagats, and how these
interact with other institutions

Perhaps the most noticeable form of a formal institution concerning the sector, and what David De
Vera, executive director of the Philippine Association for Intercultural Development, Inc. regards
as perhaps the most radical policy reform, is the enactment of the Indigenous People’s Rights Act
of 1997 (RA 8371) or the IPRA law. It seeks to correct historical errors, which deprived the
Indigenous Peoples from their ancestral land and domain, by restoring their rights over them. It
also enforces the 1987 Constitution mandate that the State should craft a policy “to recognize and
promote the rights of indigenous peoples/ICCs (indigenous cultural communities) within the
framework of national unity and development,” and “to protect the rights of indigenous cultural
communities to their ancestral lands to ensure their economic, social and cultural well-being.”
Thus, the IPRA should not be merely equated to the restoration of their ancestral land. Instead, its
main goal is to improve the lives of the Indigenous Peoples in an aggregate manner. The main
thrust of the IPRA is a fourfold agenda which aims to recognize and protect ancestral domain/land
rights, empower the Indigenous Peoples by giving them the right to self-governance, recognize
their culture integrity, and safeguard their fundamental human rights (such as the right to life,
development, civil liberties, political rights, nondiscrimination and the like).

Subsequently, the National Commission of Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) was created. It was
tasked to “recognise, protect and promote the rights, interests and well-being of the indigenous
peoples” and its main objectives are about recognition (Accelerated delineation and titling of
ancestral domains), sustained development of ancestral domain resources, capacity building for
self-determination and empowerment, and the integrity of indigenous culture.

On an international scale, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
is also worth mentioning. The Declaration “establishes a universal framework of minimum
standards for the survival, dignity and well-being of the indigenous peoples of the world and it

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elaborates on existing human rights standards and fundamental freedoms as they apply to the
specific situation of indigenous peoples.” Another example would be, the International Labour
Organization’s development program which is INDISCO (Interregional Programme to Support
Self-reliance of Indigenous and Tribal Communities through Cooperatives and other Self-help
Organizations).

On the other hand, there exist a plethora of formal organizations that deals with the Indigenous
Peoples sector like the Samahang Uugit sa Karapatang AgtaRemontado sa Tanay Rizal na Lupaing
Ninuno (SUKATAN), the Samahan ng mga Katutubong Agta na Ipinagtatanggol at Binabaka ang
Lupaing Ninuno (SAGIBIN), and other confederations or networks of volunteers and non-
goverment offices that may or may not include members from the indigenous peoples sector but
advocates for them like the Tuklas Katutubo, the Philippine Task Force for Indigenous People’s
Rights, and the Pambansang Kilusan ng mga Magsasaka (PAKISAMA). Considering, they protect
and promote their rights and interests, it is important to observe their actions and interactions for
examining the institutions they are under in.

Take for example the organization, SUKATAN. Its organizational structure at first can be
described as standard; its hierarchy involves a president, a vice president, a treasurer, a secretary,
a number of members in the board of trustees. However, looking closer it is more involved with
indigenous culture and also the issues the sector is currently facing. According to Mr. Orlando
Peñamante, the current president of SUKATAN, the organization was created because of the
problems experienced by the sector, which will be elaborated on later. Various chieftains were
called and deliberated with. After the organization’s formation, the village elders have higher
authority when it comes to decisions concerning land. Also, even though the higher officers are
decided via voting, the board of trustees are appointed by village elders. From these, we can infer
that though SUKATAN is an organization in of itself with its own structure and regulations, but
still subscribes to the structure of the IP community.

It is from organizations where the sector’s interaction with the IPRA law is evidently seen as
they uphold the IP rights and tackles issues that are concerned with the IPRA law. Also, because
of the multiple issues regarding the rights of the sector, which will be discussed in the next chapter,
it can be inferred that the IPRA law is not being properly implemented or adequately enforced.

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 (3) Systematically examine and appraise the internal and external factors being considered by the
Dumagat tribe of Daraitan, Tanay, Rizal, in the craftwork livelihood project;
The value chain of the craftwork livelihood project is articulated according to the following
interdependent areas that build the sustainable effectivity of the business strategy: the bargaining
power of buyers, the bargaining power of suppliers, the threat of new entrants, and the threat of
substitute products or services. Strengths and weaknesses of backward and forward linkages is
assessed in light of economic and political findings. This is an essential step for foreseeing the
performance and impact of implementing the craftwork livelihood project.

II. Community Profile

a. Sectoral Profile of the Dumagat-Remontado

Indigenous peoples refers (IPs) refers to homogeneous societies identified by self-ascription

and ascription by others. They continuously live as an organized community on communally
bounded and defined territory, usually under ownership claims since time immemorial. IPs possess
customs, traditions, and other cultural traits that are distinctive and resistant to the political, social,
and cultural inroads of colonization of non-indigenous religions and cultures. As of 2013, there
are roughly 14 - 17 million indigenous people in the Philippines. The Philippine state adopted the
term “indigenous people” with its strong territorial component as a key step toward state
recognition of ancestral domain.

The indigenous people of the Philippines have a long history of being ostracized and deprived
of land owing to the ambitious projects of government and private corporations. Many indigenous
communities still occupy what is officially state land — although this is largely contested by the
representatives of the IP communities — which makes them vulnerable to state policies that
apportion large chunks of these lands to investors. Hidden in thinly veiled justifications of
development and betterness for the larger society, the indigenous people suffer from the
implementation of the projects these investors back. To give an example, the indigenous people of
Mt. Daraitan is fearful of the effects that the dam project, hosted by the government, will bring to
their community. As with most developments made on the land of indigenous people, the project
was done without consulting the local community themselves. This is a rampant problem among

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 the sector of the indigenous people: the lack of inclusion in the discussions regarding projects that
would ultimately affect them. The history of discrimination and ostracism can be attributed to the
lack of know-how of the IP communities, which only exemplifies the importance of representative
institutions. Public and private institutions claim control over the land in the prospect of
development by politically marginalizing the IPs and abusing their relatively low literacy rates.

In the IPs struggle against dispossession, there has been a history of violence and repression
over the contestations over land and territory. These struggles are marked by intimidation on the
part of the government, police, and other private institutions that look to dissuade further actions.
This violence further marks the political marginalization of these communities and how they are
excluded from the system of governance.

There are laws dedicated to protecting the rights of the IPs and there are institutions dedicated
to representing the IP communities. The Indigenous Peoples’ Act of 1997 RA 8371 (IPRA) and
its National Commission on Indigenous Peoples is an agency tasked to recognize, protect and
promote the rights, interests and well-being of the indigenous peoples. It implements the same
programmes the previous agencies involved with indigenous peoples carried out, such as the
scholarship programmes, livelihood projects, medical missions and infrastructure projects. Its new
task is to undertake an information dissemination programme on the IPRA.

b. Structural Analysis
Being one of the few IP organizations that aggressively push for the rights of the IPs,
SUKATAN attempts to become their voice and representation to the general public. Two months
ago, from February 17 to 25, the Dasal at Ayuno laban sa Cha Cha, para sa Demokrasya Pag-
amin, Pagtitika, Pagababago at Pagkakaisa, a 9 day fasting protest about the issue on the changing
of the 1987 constitution, was initiated by the Pambansang Kilusan ng Mga Samahang Magsasaka
(PAKISAMA). PAKISAMA is a national confederation of small farmer, fishers, indigenous
peoples, rural women and youth organizations, which SUKATAN is a part of. Through this space,

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SUKATAN was able to give a face to their people. According to Ebong Penamante, the president
of SUKATAN, they cannot afford to remain silent and be continuously exploited and abused.
Being able to join and engage in discourse allows them to voice out their own standpoint on
societal issues, most especially those that concern them.

The main formal institution that SUKATAN uses as its fulcrum to press for their rights is the
IPRA, which seeks to correct historical errors that deprived the Indigenous Peoples from their
ancestral land and domain by restoring their rights over them. It also enforces the 1987 Constitution
mandate that the State should craft a policy “to recognize and promote the rights of the indigenous
peoples/ICCs (indigenous cultural communities) within the framework of national unity and
development,” and “to protect the rights of indigenous cultural communities to their ancestral lands
to ensure their economic, social and cultural well-being.” However, as stated earlier, the law is not
being fully implemented which leads to various problems inside and outside the community. As
highlighted by our SLA analysis, the number one threat for the IPs of Daraitan is the Centennial
Dam, which blatantly violates the IPRA. In addition, some areas and rest houses near the Tinipak
are supposedly owned by private individuals, some of them even foreigners. One of our foster
parents pinpointed one particular hut and talked about how it was owned by a foreigner as a
personal vacation spot.

The IPRA also upholds the right of IPs to self-governance and empowerment. This allows the
IPs to use their tribal system as their political structure. Barangay Daraitan is composed of multiple
sitios and each sitio has one ruling chieftain. These chieftains, along with other community leaders
such as SUKATAN’s leader President Ebong Penamante, make up what is called the IPS or
Indigenous Political Structure. The members of the IPS discuss and make decisions on issues,
policies, and projects concerning the entire community. They have one representative for public
relations but all decisions are made as a collective body.

However, even within the IPS, there is a clear division between the elders and the youth leaders
- there is often a conflict between the perspectives and views of the opposing generations. The
elders are described as conservative and hard to convince, but have a large influence because
majority of the members of the IPS are elders. In addition, they are held in high regard because
they are typically seen as the most experienced members of the community. For instance, as

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mentioned earlier, the issue regarding their play which was supposedly held every year during the
fiesta season was heavily contested amongst the members of the IPS. The youth wanted it to push
through because it represents their identity and culture. On the other hand, the elders were hesitant
because of how much it would cost, which was said to be roughly around Php 30,000. According
to President Ebong Penamante, it would not cost much relative to the amount of funds that the
elders have, but it was still a hotly contested issue. Fortunately, after numerous meetings, the elders
finally agreed to the project.

The young members of the IPS are definitely the minority of the group; however, they are
gradually growing in size. Historically, most of the tribal members consisted of old people. But in
the current context, the structure is becoming more intergenerational. Some of the youth leaders
in Daraitan include Ebong Penamante and the chieftain of sitio Manggahan. Thus, it is inevitable
that some form of conflict will arise due to the different backgrounds and standpoints of the
members of the IPS. However, this diversity should be seen in another light - using the framework
of deliberative democracy, multiple standpoints will bring about a better decision making process
because it will be more reflective of the entire community. In this manner, their differences should
be seen as an avenue for a deeper deliberation and discourse which will encompass the views of
the entire community.

To have a better grasp on this matter, it is best to define what deliberative democracy is. John
Dryzek and Simon Niemeyer define it as “the field of political inquiry that is concerned with
improving collective decision-making. It emphasizes the right, opportunity, and capacity of
anyone who is subject to a collective decision to participate (or have their representatives
participate) in consequential (or must have some influence) about that decision.” In essence, this
means that every member of the community has the right to not only voice out their opinion on
political matters but also be heard and have some impact in the deliberation process.

Another aspect of deliberative democracy that is relevant to improving the political structure
of the community is the way communication should take place. In the early phases of the field,
deliberation followed “a very specific form of rational argument in favour of the common good”.
However, the contemporary understanding allows for a broader form of communication. Dryzek
and Niemeyer say that any kind of communication that is capable of inducing reflection is

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acceptable. It should also be non-coercive, should strive to link personal viewpoints to larger
principles, and should try to make sense to others who do not share the speaker’s framework. Thus,
informal ways such as sharing personal stories or even gossip is acceptable as long as it does not
threaten, force, command, and mislead others. It should be oriented towards the truth and the good.

Deliberation is not just about communicating what one thinks, but listening to what other
people have to say. Having an open mind and willing to understand and engage with alternative
positions, especially those that differ from one’s own standpoint, is integral to deliberative
democracy. The members of the community should be understood but also attempt to understand;
it is a cyclical process which will hopefully lead into better decisions as a collective unit.

In the context of the IPS in Daraitan, hints of deliberative democracy can actually be seen. The
leaders of each sitio and other relevant organizations come together and deliberate amongst
themselves as representatives of their sub-group. And to some extent, they communicate and listen
to one another in the manner which deliberative democracy would ideally prefer it to be. However,
there is always room for improvement and having a grasp of the concepts of deliberative
democracy may refine their political structure into a better space for discourse and improve their
collective decision making.

Other notable institutions that influence Daraitan include the local municipality. The growth
of tourism in Daraitan opened more work opportunities for the Dumagat-Remontados, but its
potential was eventually noticed by the local municipality. Several legal formalities in the tourism
industry of Daraitan were implemented such as a tax cut for the local government unit and an ID
implementation for tour guides. Regarding the ID implementation, there are two types of IDs: the
white card and the green card. The white card holders are called extras while the green card holders
are called regulars, and the way the system works is that the green card holders have priority over
all the tourists while the white card holders can only get the excess. This privilege allows the green
card holders to take away the tourists/customers of the white card holders. For instance, if the
green card holder just came back from the summit and saw a white card holder with a group of
tourists, the green card holder may opt to replace the white card holder - he will get to enjoy another
full payment of 500 Php in exchange of his service while the white card holder will be left hanging

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 without work. This shows how advantageous it is to get a green card since the regulars have control
over most of the demand.

Thus, getting a green card seems like a requirement if one wants a stable job as a tour guide.
Unfortunately, applying for one is a long and arduous process. The applicant has to attend multiple
seminars and training sessions even if he is a local and is extremely familiar and intimate with the
area. He also has to get a medical certificate from the local health center for 180 Php. According
to the SUKATAN leaders, they view it as a way to make more money because they only use a
stethoscope to check on the applicant.

III. Economic Research

a. Sustainable Livelihood Approach
The Sustainable Livelihood Framework was used to review the issue of the vulnerabilities
and assets of the community of Daraitan. To account for participant-observer bias, the approach
was conducted at three stages. The first stage involves a preliminary assessment. The second stage
retrieves the own assessments of the community. The final stage is a readjustment of the
preliminary assessment to the new assessments of the community themselves. This provides for a
more accurate depiction of the assets and vulnerabilities of Daraitan that is neither biased to the
perspective of its researchers, nor to its target community, and instead a collaboration between the
two.
First Stage: Preliminary Assessment
At the first stage, the researchers ranked the assets, and identifying the vulnerabilities of
the community based only on their own experiences and knowledge about Daraitan. This stage
was done an hour prior conducting the second stage. It also came: a week after a five-hour in-depth
interview with the industry leader of the craftwork business in Daraitan; two weeks after the
researcher’s own three-day immersion in the area; and a month after a one-hour interview with the
SUKATAN president. The result of this preliminary assessment is as follows:

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 PRELIMINARY ASSESSMENT
Human Capital
10
9
8
7
6
5
Natural Capital 4 Social Capital
3
2
1

Physical Capital Financial Capital

As a preliminary assessment, the researchers have noted a low average of 4.6 for the total ranking
of Daraitan community’s assets.
• First, Daraitan’s human capital is ranked as 4 because the researchers believed that both the
Dumagats and non-indigenous people have finished only from elementary to secondary education,
with no lucrative work specialization beyond that of crafting brooms and furniture.
• Second, Daraitan’s social capital is ranked as 6 because the researchers believed that both the
Dumagats and non-indigenous people have numerous community support-organizations, the help

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 of both the National Commission on Indigenous People (NCIP) and national indigenous people
laws, and as well as a regular stream of NGOs injecting charity work into the community. But
these benefits are mitigated by inter-group disputes, some distrust with visiting NGOs, and
corruption in the local government and the NCIP.
• Third, Daraitan’s financial capital is ranked as 2 because the researchers believed that both the
Dumagats and non-indigenous people have a low access to regular wages, credit, and low interest
rates. Yet at this stage, it is on this field that the researchers had the least experience and knowledge
of.
• Fourth, Daraitan’s physical capital is ranked as 3 because the researchers believed that, even
though the non-indigenous people enjoy bare cemented houses with roofs made of galvanized iron
sheet, the Dumagats endure small bamboo-wooden houses with nipa roofs. Access to the
community suffer from unpaved rocky roads, and the monopoly of a private wooden bridge that
charges 30 to 50 pesos for the entrance of private vehicles. Still, the roads inside the community
are well-paved, and enjoy structures such as covered courts and municipal halls.
• Fifth, Daraitan’s natural capital is ranked as 8 because the researchers believed that the
community’s close access to Mt. Daraitan provides for the growth of many of its livelihoods
through the environment’s use and non-use value. For use value, the craftwork business routinely
extract raw materials from the mountain without worrying much for the levels of supply. For non-
use value, the tourism business rely on the aesthetic value of the mountain’s forest and streams to
attract local hikers coming from Metro Manila. For many hikers in Metro Manila, Batangas comes
to be the prime location for weekend hikes. But Mt. Daraitan comes to be a close contender due to
its own aesthetics and closeness to the metro.
A preliminary assessment of Dumagat’s assets reveal that their most lucrative attributes lie both
on their access to natural capital, and on their social capital – showing high solidarity within each
inner groups, but low cooperation between groups. On the other hand, the vulnerabilities of
Daraitan affecting the maximization of these two assets were listed as follows:
• First are the corrupt government units. The locals commonly express their grievances over their
municipal leaders. The municipality of Tanay, and the barangay government unit of Daraitan has
been barring funds (through constricted bureaucracies) and licenses (through political bias)
necessary for alternative livelihoods for the Dumagats. The sector has also been subject to
questionable politicking during election seasons – having some Dumagat representatives, for

15
 example, expelled from their positions for suspicions of supporting political challengers. In terms
of aid, donations and funds coming from the national government are chipped off by the local
government units (LGUs) for high-valued goods, and then repackaged to make these efforts be
mistakenly credited to the current political elite. The National Commission on Indigenous Peoples
have also been reported by the locals to be siphoning up to around 50% of the funds allocated for
the Dumagats.
• Second are self-interested private groups and lack of collaboration. Even in terms of private
efforts, a common sentiment among the Dumagat leaders have been that Daraitan has become a
stage for virtue-signaling by various NGOs, with secondary concerns for actual effectivity. A
recent medical mission in Daraitan, for example, has been wrought with fraudulent medical
assessments, and even faith healing by two international NGOs. IP Cultural education had to be
pushed forward to address the non-indigenous community’s stigma around the Dumagats. Yet,
even within the Dumagats own line of authority, a skewed sense of solidarity bars legitimate
individual concerns be addressed privately, and unhealthy competition (“lamangan”) among the
sector’s advocacy groups have been a cause of unproductive efforts.
• Third is the coming of the Centennial Dam Project. The government is pushing for the
construction of the Laiban dam, a 113-meter-high CFRD with a capacity of 1,800 MLD. The
Laiban dam will be constructed in upper Kaliwa River in Barangay Laiban, beside Daraitan,
Tanay, Rizal. The Centennial Dam Project, will affect several communities all over Sierra Madre,
mostly IPs. These communities will be moved to an area that may be ill-fit to their established way
of life.
The nature of these vulnerabilities lie heavily in the field of political science, rather than economics
or cultural studies. The Dumagat’s, and its community’s, poverty situation cannot be understood
fully only from their economic material condition. Yes, the Dumagats have land and natural
resources at their disposal for economic growth, but the underlying power relations that lay these
assets and the sector vulnerable make up the root of the concerns. A more in-depth assessment of
these assets and vulnerabilities will be expounded on by the second and third stage.

Second Stage: Self-Assessed Rankings and Standards

At the second stage, it was first formulated so that the main objective was to articulate the
difference in the standards used by the researchers from the community’s own when assessing

16
Daraitan’s assets and vulnerabilities. The locals would be asked to assess their own community’s
assets, and express their grievances over the dangers that loom their town. It was first assumed that
a great difference in the numerical ranking for each asset, when the shape of the pentagon remains
relative the same, would not be a reflection of a deficiency in the understanding of the researchers,
but rather a difference in standards. But the final findings of this stage say otherwise. Both
differences in the pentagon’s shape, and numerical ranking for each asset pointed to blind spots in
the researchers’ grasp of Daraitan’s situation.
The researchers combed the town from its margins to the center for respondents. An
interview-tally type of data gathering was used in favor of printed surveys not only to ensure that
the respondents understood the survey, but also to ensure an in-depth discussion between the
researchers and the locals arising from a more involved correspondence. Deducting the individuals
that only provided qualitative assessments, there were 29 respondents that provided rankings of
the community’s assets, and articulated the vulnerabilities of the community. The qualitative
explanations of these valuations were also noted for each respondent. For assets, the quasi-
quantitative ranking of the community’s assets would serve to shape the pentagon, while the
qualitative explanations would serve to help reveal the standards of the community in assessing its
own assets and vulnerabilities. The result of these self-assessments is as follows:

17
 SELF-ASSESSMENT
Human Capital
10
9.5
9
8.5
8
7.5
7
6.5
6
5.5
5
4.5
Natural Capital 4 Social Capital
3.5
3
2.5
2
1.5
1

Physical Capital Financial Capital

From the locals’ own self-assessments of the Daraitan community’s assets, the researchers have
collated a high average of roughly 6.83 for their total ranking.
• First, Daraitan’s human capital is ranked as roughly 7.16. This rating is due to two main
mitigating factors commonly expressed by the respondents. The main factor is that the respondents

18
 believe that the jobs their people have low skill requirements. The common examples they would
use are farming, construction, and renting. Moreover, they mention that their people have low job
experience, and have only finished elementary or secondary schooling. Some respondents would
add that these shortcomings are due to the inherent laziness of individuals. The counter factor is
that the respondents believe that even though education is a necessary condition for success, it is
not sufficient. They take a higher prime on the craftiness or resourcefulness (“diskarte”) of their
people.
On more directly conflicting points: there are still some of those that believe that their workers are
good enough and don’t need any more training or education. For these respondents, they say that
children are good indicators of this since they aren’t lagging behind in the quality of education.
But again, this last sentiment is countered by a few responses that said that those who are able to
achieve a high degree of education don’t return to their community to help. These conflicts are
best represented by two the two competing values for the Mode in the distribution of observations.
Though the Mode rating is 5, it is closely followed by 8 ratings.
• Second, Daraitan’s social capital is ranked as 7.5. This rating is due to a common theme of an
overpowering number of helpful individuals over an acknowledgement of the presence of some
nefarious elements. Even while the respondents say that the community is very helpful, they
mention it still lack of solidarity. Not everyone receives help; there are sometimes undue biases on
how help is distributed. This point is reiterated on the issue of NGOs. Some respondents believe
that the NGO’s do give substantial help to the community, but they also mention that there are
times when people fight over getting access to this aid.
On more directly conflicting points: while there are those that say that they rely on government for
aid, there also those that mention that they rely instead on NGOs. While there are those that say
that the relationships between the Dumagats and their groups are unwell, there are also those that
mention that they are united. While there are those that say that the community is being disrupted
by the presence of the Dumagats, there also those that mention that the Dumagats are a welcome
entity in the community. But these conflicts are reflected by the distribution of observations.
Though 8 is the Mode rating and the distribution is heavily right leaning, the distribution shows a
convex curve with a minor density of observations between the ratings of 2 to 4.
• Third, Daraitan’s financial capital is ranked roughly as 6.4. This rating is due to two main
mitigating factors commonly expressed by the respondents. The main factor main factor is that the

19
 respondents all agree to the ease of access to private loans. A lot of individuals are willing to lend,
and have made a business out of lending. There have been associations as well that aid the locals
with their finances as well, such as Angat Sa Hirap (ASHI) group. Some have even mentioned a
common access to a “card”, to which the researchers could only assume to be a debit or credit card
due to a similarity in function. It should be noted, however, that even though the locals say that
the interest rates are low, when asked to expound, they mention rates that reach up to 20%. This
fact is better coupled with the observation of how respondents have told that loans are usually for
the short-term, with a few even considering six months to be a long-term plan. On another point,
some of them say that formal loans are not easily put out, especially those that come from the
government. Respondents remark the trouble of having to go through numerous documentations.
The counter factor for these easily accessible loans is that the respondents believe that they have
an irregular stream of wages, more often depending on the volume of what they sell or the length
of period they are employed. Yet despite this, there are those that said they are still able to save
money for their children’s education, and cases of emergencies. Moreover, some of them believe
these lower wages are enough to be considered as a livable wage due to its higher purchasing
power given the cheaper provincial price rates of goods and services. Some of the goods, mostly
vegetables, don’t even have to be bought and can be acquired by request.
• Fourth, Daraitan’s physical capital is ranked as roughly 5.38. This rating is due to a common
sentiment that public utilities are scarce. Many respondents believe that not only is drinking water
hard to come by, it is also been a source of various diseases, especially those that cause
gastrointestinal problems. Due to the lack of formal channels, many have resorted to getting water
from either the river or wells. Many, even of those who have are connected to a direct pipeline,
say that the supply of water is not continuous and is limited. On the other hand, many criticize how
slow infrastructures, specifically roads, are being constructed. Some believe that extra effort comes
only when it is necessary – when situations have become drastic. Respondents have remarked that
the roads have become so underdeveloped that it has been difficult for them to access medical care
in times of emergencies. Yet even if they reach the local health center on time, equipment are more
often either few or totally lacking; and so they resort to going further into the city and avail there
of medical services instead. Moreover, some have noted the lack of equipment and mechanical
apparatuses that would help them in their livelihoods. Few expressed the inconsistent supply of
electricity. But despite all these, there are still those who are happy that the roads are at their sorry

20
 state. They say that they prefer bad roads so that landlords can’t enter their community, and try to
grab their lands.
• Fifth, Daraitan’s natural capital is ranked as roughly 7.73. All of the respondents held nature to
a very high regard. The respect for the forest and land can be immediately recognized. Majority of
the respondents believe that nature is the main source of their livelihoods, such as handicraft,
tourism, and farming. They believe that nature is what attracts tourists to their community; and
when tourists come, businesses, even beyond that of tour guides, are usually stronger as well.
Surrounding eateries and retail stores see a higher volume of sales with a higher influx of tourists.
Some of the respondents continued to note that the banning of illegal logging helped protect the
forests. Yet in terms of natural calamities, the respondents near the center of town, expressed that
it wouldn’t be a huge concern for them when floods would arrive since their homes are at a higher
ground elevation, and their day-to-day living is not dependent on the things that they farm. On the
other hand, the respondents who lived farther away from the town center, expressed their fear for
storms since they are dependent on the yield of their crops, and they are also situated closer to the
river and lower on the ground.
The locals’ own self-assessments of the Daraitan community’s assets reveal that their most
lucrative attributes lie both on their access to natural capital, and on their social capital – noting an
overpowering number of helpful individuals amidst nefarious elements. Human capital also come
as a close contender, highlighting the people’s wit despite low formal education. On the other
hand, the vulnerabilities of Daraitan affecting the maximization of these assets were collated as
follows:

Threats and Vulnerabilities Frequency Urgency

(Out of 29 Respondents) (1st to 3rd; Highest to Lowest)
Centennial Dam Project 26 1.375 Average
Storms and Floods 15 1.913 Average
Loss of Land 6 2.5 Average

• First is the coming of the Centennial Dam Project. Given 29 respondents, it’s been mentioned as
grievance 27 times, while having it generally at the first of a listing of three for the urgency per
respondent. Many of them were concerned that the dam would lead to their displacement, either

21
 by: taking away their livelihoods; taking away their land; or making the river rise up. The concern
over the dam greatly increases in frequency and urgency as the respondents come father away from
the town center. There were even two respondents from the town center that were concerned about
the dam project being stopped; they were in favor of the dam because they believed that the dam
would bring the town more visitors, and that the government would not introduce projects that
would be to the detriment of several communities.
• Second is the vulnerability to storms and floods. Given 29 respondents, it’s been mentioned as
grievance 15 times, while having it generally at roughly the second of a listing of three for the
urgency per respondent. Though there’s a general fear over natural calamities within the whole
town, the mentioned source of these damages differ depending on the geographic location of the
respondents. As the families get nearer to the center, more of them become concerned with
landslides, earthquakes, and floods from storms. On the other hand, those farther from the center
are concerned with floods, but from the rise of the river. Also note that almost none of the families
from the peripheries mentioned the fear of landslides, earthquakes, or fires. There was one situated
at the margins of the periphery and the center that mentioned earthquakes but ranked it only the
third of his greatest concerns. There were more mentions for landslides, earthquakes, or fires at
the town’s center, possibly due to their proximity to the mountain, and the density of their housing.
• Third is the threat of losing their land. Given 29 respondents, it’s been mentioned as grievance
6 times, while having it generally at roughly the third of a listing of three for the urgency per
respondent. These threats and vulnerabilities should not be taken as independent factors. They are
interconnected through similar consequences of their aggravation. For example, the building of
the dam might lead to a high rise of water levels in the river, consuming lower lands, while making
even those from a higher elevation more prone to floods at the time of storms. Loss of livelihood
is seen to be the ultimate consequence of these threats, as the value of land is taken to be
subservient only to its capacity for shelter and to generate income, such us through rent, farming,
and retail. Even so, the respondents at the center seem to be more concerned with threats that
would affect their businesses, while those farther are concerned with those that would affect their
health and security.
The nature of these vulnerabilities lie heavily in the field of development economics and
environmental science, rather than politics or cultural studies. These concerns emphasize the close
dependence of the community over their natural assets. But this close dependence also come with

22
a vulnerability to its elements. The underdevelopment of roads and public utilities , however,
should not yet be seen as an essential trade-off for maintaining the aesthetic value of Daraitan for
its tourists and indigenous people. More than anything, provisions for the safety of the locals must
be immediately established: barriers should be made to shield the community from landslides, and
floodgates should be created to readily admit excess water from the river. The call for functional
landscaping would be vital for providing these safety measures, while developing the area as a
tourist destination. A more in-depth integration of this self-assessment to the preliminary
assessment will be expounded on by the third stage.

Third Stage: Readjusted Assessments

Due to the skewed distribution of observations from stage two’s assets pentagon, they will
not be mathematically used to approximate a correcting factor for our preliminary assessments –
not to say that it was the original intent of the researchers to employ. Yet a proper triangulation of
the true situation of Daraitan cannot come solely from merely putting these two assessment
methods side by side. Instead, the qualitative data that substantiated their quasi-quantitative
measures will be used to polish and readjust the researcher’s original pentagon to produce insights
that could not have come from either assessment methods on their own.
We begin by discussing the differences between the results of the preliminary assessments
and self-assessments. The community’s self-assessments of Daraitan’s assets show both higher
ratings and a different shape for the pentagon when compared to the preliminary assessments’ own
pentagon. Difference in shape: though the two method’s rating for natural capital remains closely
the same, the community would rate their human capital and financial capital vastly higher than
the ratings made by the preliminary assessment, closing the gap of these two assets from the other
higher rated assets. Specifically in the self-assessments, the gap between natural capital, social
capital, and human capital collapsed – though still maintaining their relative hierarchy. Also, the
rating for financial capital overtook the rating for physical capital by roughly a point higher. Higher
ratings: though a difference in ratings could’ve come from a difference between the standards held
by the community and the researchers, it was found to have mainly arose from deficiencies in the
researcher’s grasp of Daraitan’s situation. Information on the vulnerability of the community to
natural calamities, and their dependence on natural resources, have been largely usurped by the
researcher’s bias in using a political-economic scope for articulating the situation of the

23
community. Yet, additional information also arose in terms of Daraitan’s financial capital and
human capital. The large availability of credit, and the role of wit in determining an individual’s
success was previously unaccounted for by the researchers. A higher rating for social capital
could’ve come from the local’s higher trust in the community they’ve already built deep
relationships and experiences with. The researchers were limited only by their a few days worth
of experiences, and a few anecdotes from key informants. It is largely more possible that the
researchers have had an exaggerated point of view of Daraitan’s destitution, than it is likely that
the local are underestimating their community’s situation through adaptive preferences.

COMPARING ASSESSMENTS
Self-Assessed Preliminary Assessment
Human Capital
10

4
Natural Capital Social Capital
2

Physical Capital Financial Capital

Still, there is a necessity to integrate the outcomes of both methods of assessment into a more
holistic depiction of the community – one that takes account of the interplay between the

24
 environmental threats of the community, and their political vulnerabilities. The result of this
integrated assessments is as follows:

INTEGRATED ASSESSMENT
Human Capital
10
9
8
7
6
5
Natural Capital 4 Social Capital
3
2
1

Physical Capital Financial Capital

As a preliminary assessment, the researchers have noted an average of 5 for the total ranking of
Daraitan community’s assets.
• First, Daraitan’s human capital is increased to 5 because even though both the researchers and
the locals believe that most of both the Dumagats and non-indigenous people have finished only
from elementary to secondary education, with no lucrative work specialization beyond that of
crafting brooms and furniture, the role of wit and resourcefulness (“diskarte”) also play a role in a
person’s capacity to work. Also, the researchers have taken into account the local’s remark that
there have been continued advancements in the quality of education in the community, partly
depicted by the addition of an 11th grade schooling readily available in Daraitan.

25
• Second, Daraitan’s social capital remains as 6 because the researchers have still better articulated
the problem of corruption and self-interest among government units, NGOs, and local groups,
despite the substantial aid of an overpowering number of helpful individuals in the community
remarked by the locals. The researchers’ reluctance to increase their rating on social capital also
come from the conflicting observations of respondents.
• Third, Daraitan’s financial capital is increased to 5. Because the researchers believed that they
had too little experience and knowledge of this situation, given the lack of even quantitative
measures, the researchers have more willingly succumbed to the valuations of the locals – though
not completely. There is an ease of access to informal sources of loans, such as those from peers,
and individuals trusted by friends. There have been associations as well that aid the locals with
their finance. But these good points are immediately counter-acted by the presence of high interest
rates, despite short-term plans and dismal default rates in the community. Access to formal sources
of credit are also barred by high bureaucracies. Moreover, there is a lack of a steady stream of
income. Yet still, the community enjoy a higher purchasing power given the cheaper provincial
price rates of goods and services, with some of the goods, mostly vegetables, being easily acquired
by request.
• Fourth, Daraitan’s physical capital is lowered to 2. Previous preliminary assessments by the
researchers about the uneven housing developments, and lack of paved roads and alternative routes
for entry, are aggravated by the locals’ account of the subpar quality and supply of public utilities
such as water, and electricity. Further anecdotes about the detrimental effects of unpaved roads to
access to medical care, and even the lack of medical and livelihood equipment also served to lower
the original rating.
• Fifth, Daraitan’s natural capital is lowered to 7. Despite the large support being provided by Mt.
Daraitan and its rivers to the livelihood of the community, such as in tourism, craftwork, farming,
and retail, the community’s overdependence on these natural resources also make them more
vulnerable to natural calamities and seasonality. Their proximity to the river exposes the
community to flash floods, and their location at the foot of the mountain exposes them to
landslides.
This integrated assessment prompts the researchers to ask: does justice for Daraitan begin when
we secure the economic stability of its inhabitants, in terms of their vulnerability to natural
calamities and unstable streams of income, or does it begin when we push for the political

26
emancipation of its marginalized sectors from corrupt local governments, and their own lack of
solidarity? The answer remains unclear, and beyond the scope of this research. Nevertheless, the
environmental-material concerns of the locals, and the political concerns of the researchers would
seem to converge at the most urgent and impactful issue mentioned by both parties – the Centennial
Dam Project. Though this issue has large political underpinnings, its impact revolve mainly on the
material conditions of the community. It holds with it a cluster of other different issues: political
representation and participation in projects that would affect the party involved; displacement from
a culturally imbibed land and way of life; and the exacerbated impact of the dam due to the lack
of floodgates, and other infrastructures, in the community.

But for the sake of accounting for only an imagined threat of the Centennial Dam Project, the issue
of a sustainable tourist development of Daraitan must be addressed. As mentioned earlier, the
underdevelopment of roads and public utilities should not yet be seen as an essential trade-off for
maintaining the aesthetic value of Daraitan for its tourists and indigenous people. Moreover, the
municipality of Tanay, and the barangay government unit of Daraitan should seize from barring
funds (through constricted bureaucracies) and licenses (through political bias) necessary for
alternative livelihoods for the Dumagats. A sustainable tourist development of Daraitan must hold
a functional landscaping that provides for safety measures against natural calamities, while
developing the area as a tourist destination. Yet, this project must be coupled with systemic
political efforts that regulates the flow of tourists, properly grants guide licenses and business
permits, and promotes the cultural integrity of the Dumagats in the area

27
b. Case of Daraitan’s Handicraft Businesses
It could already be surmised that the community’s livelihoods are reliant on a relatively
low-volume high-cost supply chain wherein their access to natural resources cannot be fully
exploited due to their low human capital (in terms of production techniques), and low physical
capital (in terms of machinery and storehouses). Operational costs are not reflected solely on their
product’s (e.g. brooms, vegetables, or repairs) higher-than-industry prices, but also on the
opportunity costs consumed by time-inefficiencies in the production process. As a working
hypothesis, it is said that the factors that could affect business decisions for the Dumagats may
revolve around the following: (1) procurement of raw materials and laborers, (2) bargaining power
among middlemen, (3) bureaucracies on business operations, (4) solidarity among business
partners, and (5) integrity of cultural identity and claims. Specifically, this section revolves around
the implications of Daraitan’s assets and vulnerabilities to the handicraft business.
Product and Supply
The handicraft business mainly provide an assortment of brooms that range from a standard
rattan-base to a personalized broom made from pure local products. The production of a twenty-
piece set of these products could last a week and up to a month depending on the type of broom
being ordered. Most of the income, however, rely on the standard brooms rather than those that
are personalized, as usually requested by tourists and recommended by local guides. Other
handicraft products involve making furniture and baskets, but their production is usually on a by-
order basis, despite yielding high profit margins. Training for crafting broom come from one
source in Daraitan: Mr. Renato Ebañez, the leading broom businessman in Daraitan. His classes
are free, and more often attracts unsolicited students. He offers them for free, and for every willing
person because of his belief that success is more about business management, rather than the
number of competitors in the market. These students are usually at the age of fifty years old,
because they’re the ones who are home-bound, and can’t see tourism as a lucrative livelihood due
to their frailer bodies. The more young-bodied, if not already in the tour guide business, would be
contracted to procure the raw materials for brooms from the mountains, in a place called Budok.
The extraction of natural resources in this area is regulated by the natural growth of the resources
themselves at a rate where the locals say that an extracted amount is already replenished within
three to four days. This extraction is costless, as no one takes private claim over these resources.
Resources necessary for broom-making include: rattan, banban, and nito. Procurement of these

28
resources are done during March; and whatever is stocked by then, is used for the whole year if
possible. There’s a high dependence on storage capacity. Storage needs good ventilation, and a
stable room temperature to avoid the build-up of moisture inside the wood. Preservation process,
on the other hand, is done through sun-drying for 7 months. Yet due to the limited number of
stockpile, capped by the available storage capacity, businesses often resort to buying the broom
stocks of other suppliers for resale. But there also necessary materials that are acquired outside the
community, and into the nearby city, such as recycled ropes, wires, and nails. The supply of these
outsourced materials are stable and readily available, but the pricing of these materials are also
unstable due to taxes and delivery costs. Thus, bulk buying is a common practice when acquiring
these materials to also reduce the cost of travelling to the city.
Currently, there are six competitors in the handicraft business in Daraitan – all taught by
Mr. Renato Ebañez, and three of which are Dumagats:
Name Unad Barera Pasè Astivesa Baby Leth Danaw
Location Near the Town Center Near the Town’s School Near the Town’s School
Price P150.00 P150.00 P150.00
Product Standard Broom Standard Broom Standard Broom
Buyers Tourists, Tourists Tourists
and Outside Resellers
Remarks Handicrafts are done for Handicrafts are done for
hobby, rather than a serious hobby, rather than a
business; thus they have serious business; thus they
lower supplies. He is not have lower supplies. She is
cooperative with Baby Leth not cooperative with Pasè
Danaw despite proximity. Astivesa despite
proximity.

Name Alex Tablo Udok Inguti Renato Ebañez

Location Far, but along the way to Near the Mountain Peaks Far from the Town Center
the Town Center
Price P150.00 P150.00* P130.00*
Product Standard Broom Standard Broom Standard and Personalized
Buyers Outside Buyers Family and Friends Locals, Tourists, and
Outside Buyers

29
 Remarks He is disabled. Handicrafts are done for
hobby, rather than a serious
business; thus they have
lower supplies. * What he
sells is the service of making
the broom. Materials are
given to him by the customer
for the production of a
broom. Surplus production
from these provided
materials are then for him to
keep and sell.
* Price can go as low as
P65.00 to P85.00. He is
the most competitive
among all other
participants in the
business, and he also has
the largest supply. He has
already made a trusted
brand image within and
outside the community.

Despite the small size and lack of competitiveness in the handicraft business of Daraitan,
the personal interests of the participants keep them from forming a total monopoly. Mr. Renato
Ebañez has already made efforts to integrate the other five businesses into his supply chain so that
he could sustainably maintain his competitive price target between P65.00 to P85.00. Integrating
all participants would increase Daraitan’s competitiveness in the handicraft business against other
suppliers such as Baguio, through its price, supply, and quality of goods.
Buyers and Demand
The brooms, as Mr. Renato Ebañez says, competes through quality first, before its cost.
Brooms should be considered as a quasi-durable good that lasts from months and up to a year. The
length of time a broom can remain functional is the measure of its quality. Buyers would rather
buy one more expensive broom that would last a year, than buy four brooms that last three months
each. Network effects are also present to a degree. Daraitan’s rattan-base brooms have been known
to be a superior good against the plastic-base brooms prevalent in the market. Marketing of
Daraitan’s products come through word-of-mouth of its own reputation, and by the experience of
the product itself. The demand for brooms come mainly form a low social class demographic. The
way that the locals explain this is by how people with large incomes have elastic preferences about
the broom as a durable product. High-income individuals perceive minute cost and durability
differences between goods as largely affordable expenses, rather than have to spend time to acquire
information about each product. There’s a strong demand in Daraitan for brooms, even for resale;

30
 and there are five main resellers that comprise the demand coming outside of Daraitan: Berting,
Gina, Michael (delivers to Manila), Louie (delivers to Tanay), and Florida. They are seen by the
suppliers in Daraitan to have an average negotiating power. The common selling price for these
outside resellers is P85.00 a piece.

There’s an uneven supply of brooms within the year; and it cannot keep up even with a
constant demand. The pressure of demand is at its strongest during October to November, when
the procurement of raw materials, especially those in the mountain, become difficult due to the
rainy season. The pressure of demand is at its weakest during May to June, on the other hand,
when the weather is good and every participant’s supply is large. Despite a constant level of
demand throughout the year, each passing year have been noted by Mr. Renato Ebañez to show an
increasing level of demand.
Overall, there is a good outlook on the growth of the handicraft business in Daraitan. The
level of broom stocks is expected to increase because of plans to increase resource extraction, and
create new storage areas. But there are still forgone developments of the business due to
uncooperative participants. Other challenges include the difficulty of extracting natural resources
because of their itchiness, and there is strong competition in the labor market. Locals, and most
especially the youth, find tourism to be a more lucrative business, and more traditional adults find
farming to be a more sustainable and easier livelihood. Yet, future growth of the craftwork business
in Daraitan is still hampered by the risk of abusive political business regulations that would seek
to badger emerging business with taxes and permits at all levels of their value chain.

IV. Political Analysis

a. Historical Background: Problem Tree Analysis
The objective of this section is to analyze the main problem using the methodology of a
problem tree. In line with the problem tree framework, the main problem, which is the
marginalization of the IP community in brgy. Daraitan will be the “trunk.” The causes are the
“roots. The effects, therefore will be the “branches” as seen below. However, to make the problem
tree easier to understand it is separated into two diagrams: branches and roots.

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32
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 The main problem is the marginalization of the IP community in the barangay. This can
be derived from five issues present in the IP community and in the IP sector in general: the problem
with the enforcement of IPRA law, the lack of political representation within the local government,
corruption within the government, the conflict of interests among fellow IP members, and the
struggle to preserve cultural heritage.
The problem with the enforcement of the IPRA law is evident in the instances of the
acquisition of ancestral lands by private individuals. Owing to the Tinipak river and Mt. Daraitan,
brgy. Daraitan has become a popular tourist spot. These creates a demand for services that cater
specifically to tourists such as hotels and restaurants. This prospect may be one of the reasons why
private individuals covet the land in the area and take measures to attain them. They may predict
the return of their investments as promising. However, the problem of the acquisition of ancestral
lands can not be attributed to these private individuals alone. There are cases where IP members
voluntarily sell their land without communal consent. This can be done through the exchange of
money or through the exchange of something the parties deems of equal value. This in turn creates
conflicts within the IP community and hampers the strives in fighting for their rights to keep the
ancestral lands.
The second problem is the lack of political representation within the local and even the
municipal government. In many cases, indigenous peoples are regarded as the minority. The
political scene is no different. Though there are some indigenous people who do end up working
in government, an interviewee said that they do not care about IP community and its particular
struggles anymore. Also, the lack of political representation can be attributed to government
support that is good, but inadequate in improving their capabilities and empowering them. One
example would be the medical mission that gave free medical check ups, tooth removal, and
medicine. Another example would be the tribal hall near the barangay basketball court that the
government built for them. Both were seen first hand by the immersionists and both are generally
good. However, they are still not adequate in empowering the IP community in terms of the
political scene. Because of this lack of political representation, they are vulnerable to those who
do have power. It will lead to difficulty in influencing government decisions that affect the IP
community locally and the IP sector nationally. It makes it difficult for them to defend their
interests. This could range from the bias of a barangay captain regarding issues in the community,

34
to the continuation of the New Centennial Water Source or the Kaliwa Dam Project that would
submerge a large area designated as ancestral land and would displace a large number of people.
Speaking of the political scene, the third problem is about corruption within the
government, more specifically how government services are being delivered. A point of interest
regarding corruption according to an interviewee is: where does the help from NGOs end up? Also,
it was said that to be a tour guide one requires a medical permit, for safety reasons. However, it
was complained that the process of acquiring a permit has been turned into a “business.” The
officials or facilitators asks for the payment but conducts improper medical assessments (limited
to merely checking the heart beat with a stethoscope). As another point of interest, an interviewee
said that bayaran or vote buying exists in the community. This is a problem because the election
may elect officials not because they promote the common good including the rights of the IP
community, but for other reasons. Though admittedly, this claim is harder to prove.
The fourth problem is lack of solidarity within the IP community. One aspect of this can
be attributed to the conflict of interests within individual members and the IP community as a
whole. As mentioned earlier, some IP members sell their land without communal consent and
creates disharmony within the IP community. It was also mentioned that not everyone approves of
the SUKATAN and their methods of pursuing indigenous people’s rights. Not only that, but even
some officials of the SUKATAN are not doing their jobs properly. These highlight the lack of
solidarity within the IP community despite the importance of such solidarity for their culture.
Perhaps one of the most recent example of disunity among fellow IP members is regarding the
play (Komedya). It is a play by IP members about IP culture and some IP members wanted to use
30,000 pesos from the tourism profits to fund the project while others did not want the funds to be
spent on matters such as a play. Regardless of the outcome of any particular conflict, discord
among fellow IP members will hinder attempts to unify the community and hinder strives toward
communal interests and benefits. Another aspect would be a lack of participation among the IP
community in general. As mentioned earlier, though the SUKATAN claims to fight for the rights
of indigenous peoples, there are IP members of the community that don’t approve of them and
don’t participate in their projects.
The fifth problem is the struggle to preserve cultural heritage. There are many factors to
this problem and the first is tourism. There is no doubt that with the development of tourism, came
many new job opportunities like being a tour guide and selling souvenirs. However, this also lead

35
 to the influx of many non-indigenous people in the community further making them the IP
community the minority group and forcing them to adapt to the changing times. Another factor
would be mainstream education. According to a report in, aspects of indigenous culture has
become difficult to maintain in the midst of mainstream education because they may be regarded
as shallow or backward in terms of modernity and as such, aspects of indigenous cultures are no
longer carried by the younger generations.1 Tangential to this, a foster parent of one member of
the group told of a story that during her youth she was bullied in school because she was different.
As a response to this form of discrimination, they no longer teach their children about their
indigenous language. Lastly, migration out of the community to pursue better job opportunities
seems to be a detrimental factor to the preservation of their cultural heritage. This is related to the
need to adapt to the changing times and what they end up leaving behind, which is more than their
homes but their culture. Together, all these factors contribute to the struggle to preserve cultural
heritage which in the future, could result in the culture “dying off.” This may well lead to future
generations finding it more difficult for them to support IP endeavors due to a cultural dissonance.
Each problem in of itself is large problem and these five problems together contribute to the
marginalization of the IP community in brgy. Daraitan. However, there is hope. The organization
mentioned earlier, SUKATAN was created because of the plethora of problems and issues faced
by many IP communities, in Daraitan and neighboring barangays. Though far from perfect, they
make concrete steps toward defending their rights and empowerment for their members. The prime
example of this would be their livelihood project regarding crafts, mainly brooms and furniture
made from natural materials found in the river or mountain.

b. Stakeholder Analysis
In conducting a social analysis of a community, it is crucial to explore and study their historical
and structural relationships. In the case of an indigenous community, their culture and values are
often characterized as heavily influencing the issues in their community. The consciousness of the
people not only reflects their culture but also largely impacts how they approach the issues they
have in the community. This was evident in our immersion experience in barangay Daraitan where

1 Episcopal Commission on Indigenous People, "Indigenous Peoples Education: “From Alienation To

Rootedness”," in Human Rights Education in Asian Schools (Osaka: Asia-Pacific Human Rights Information
Center, 2007), 116.

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after spending time with the IP community, we began to obtain a clearer picture of the problems
the community faced, and how these problems came to be and are confronted.

The IP community have historically faced issues regarding the rights and use of their ancestral
land. Because of the importance of tradition and heritage in the IP community, the subject of their
ancestral domain is a sensitive one and often lead to conflicts with both outside parties and within
the community itself. For the IP community, their ancestral land is sacred and should only be used
by and traded between the IP. However, the Philippine government and several private businesses
have since pressured the community for rights to access their land. Here we can see that there is a
lack of respect for the rights of the IP community. Despite the Indigenous People Rights Act that
states that the government must respect the rights of the IP community to their ancestral domain
and must protect them, there is a clear conflict of interest between the two parties that ultimately
ignores the IPRA.

According to the community in Daraitan, the planned construction of a nearby dam in their
ancestral domain by the Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System (MWSS) would not only
destroy their source of water and food but also their source of livelihood. Despite this, the plans
for the construction of the dam persist although the IP community have pushed for its cancellation.
The IP community seeks for their rights to be respected and for such a project to be cancelled as it
not only harms their way of life but also disrespects their rights as a people. They ultimately feel
marginalized as these plans are set into motion with little regard for their well-being, especially
considering how the dam is supposed to be in service of Metro Manila instead of their area. The
IP community of Daraitan have a deep connection with their land. Their ancestral domain was
passed on to them for generations and as such, they believe it is their duty to protect it.

One solution proposed to resolve the issues of the IP community with the Philippine
government and private businesses is to have more political representation for the IP community.
The IP community in Daraitan needs a political representative who would push for their rights to
be respected and for the government to give aid to their community. The IP community ultimately
seeks equal and fair treatment from the government. Without proper representation, IP
communities such as Daraitan will continue to be marginalized. For now, the community stands
in solidarity with each other in order to have their concerns addressed however the community
seeks and needs someone to work within the political sphere and stand in solidarity with them to

37
have their voices heard. While some government officials may act in defense of the common good
of IP communities such as Daraitan, they may not be able to fully understand their situation as
they lack the necessary insight into their lives as an IP community. The IP community of Daraitan
have a unique system of values and cultural beliefs that must be taken into account when
addressing their issues.

Due to the lack of political representation for the IP community, there is ultimately a lack of
necessary protection for the IP community, a persistent marginalization of their people and
inadequate government support. While the IPRA heavily focuses on respecting the rights of the IP
community, it also promises that the government will provide support to the IP so that they may
develop as the country develops as well. However, even as urban areas such as Manila develop,
the IP communities of the country remain among the poorest. One possible cause is the allocation
of resources is focused more towards the development of urban areas instead of rural areas such
as Daraitan. This focus towards urban areas is especially evident with the creation of the centennial
dam that would divert water resources from rural communities such as Daraitan to supply more
water to Metro Manila as a “redundant” dam. For IP communities, their rights have essentially
been ignored to favor the urban areas where economic activity is more active. Even if the
government is able to establish projects in IP communities such as Daraitan, these often lack proper
facilitation. Government projects established for IP communities often suffer in areas such as
Daraitan due to the area’s isolation from government offices. In travelling to Daraitan, the roads
are worn down and the area itself is far into the mountain. Daraitan is not an easily accessible
location and so government officials often struggle to implement their policies and projects in
these areas.

These issues with the government can be seen as connected to another similar issue in Daraitan
which is that there is a general lack of participation among the IP community. There is a profound
disconnection between the IP community and the Philippine government where both parties should
work together in order to effectively implement projects for the community. The IP community is
ultimately the target for these projects yet they often have little to no consultation with regards to
these projects. Some of these projects are even seen by the community as in conflict with their
cultural beliefs and traditions which the government often neglects. For development projects and
policies to be effective in these areas, the IP must be consulted and take an active role in its

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implementation. The IP community ultimately leads a communal way of living wherein they place
their trust in their own members. The government is an outside agent that the IP community
ultimately do not trust as they are “foreign”. They often see the projects the government
implements in their community without their consultation as threatening their cultural heritage as
they do not believe their culture was taken into account. While the government may believe they
are establishing projects for the common good of the community, they neglect to treat the IP as
active agents who must be included in the decisions that would affect their lives. In order to have
the cooperation of the IP community, the government must not only respect their rights and cultural
heritage but also include them in the formulation of projects and policies that would impact their
lives.

Another major issue in Daraitan is the conflict in the community with regards to selling their
ancestral lands to outside parties. As mentioned, the heritage of the IP community is important in
their culture. Their ancestral domain is regarded as sacred and the community forbids its sale to
outside parties as these lands were passed on to the IP community for their use only. However,
some members of the IP community have begun to look towards the sale of their ancestral lands
as a source of profit. According to these members, if the ancestral land was given to their family,
they should be able do anything they want with it as it is their property. One probable cause for
this issue may be with regards to the change in their aspirations that may now deviate from the
norms of their IP community. The IP community in Daraitan strongly believe in living a simple
life. Their culture dictates that a “good” life is not one of wealth but one where the person is helping
in the community, living harmoniously with nature and maintains their spiritual connection to their
land. However, with the arrival of new social values in the larger society, the outlooks of some
members of the IP community have begun to shift towards ambition for wealth. They no longer
seek a simple life but instead seek to own property and accumulate wealth. For them, it is simply
inadequate to live such a life free of material wealth and have begun to look towards their ancestral
lands as a source of profit. Here, it is evident their conflicting views of what is a “good” life
ultimately influences the decision to sell their land. While the IP community have long led a
communal lifestyle, some have begun to consider that they should prioritize themselves and give
themselves a “good” life.

39
 These changes in ambition are also characteristic of their struggle to protect their cultural heritage.
Their ancestral lands are sacred to them however with the changing times, some members, as
mentioned, have begun to plan to sell their ancestral lands to outside parties. In attempting to
industrialize Daraitan, a major conflict comes in the form of retaining the cultural identity of the
Dumagat. Some elders in Daratian have even forgotten aspects of their culture with the changing
times. With the arrival of modernity, aspects of cultural identity often get lost. The goal of the
Dumagats is then to achieve economic growth while maintaining their cultural heritage. However,
as mentioned, this will be complicated as the process of modernizing and industrialization, often
associated with economic growth, include opening borders to investors and potentially sacrificing
ancestral lands. The IP community had previously voiced their negative opinions towards modern
practices, education, values (the aforementioned accumulation of wealth) and sacrificing ancestral
land. Essentially, the culture of the IP community is integral to any plans for development in the
area and must be taken into account even if it would lead to complications as it is simply their
identity as a people to have these values and beliefs.

V. Reflection

a. Scriptural Application
The first creation story accounts for the creation of mankind and the dominion given to him
over the land and all other creatures. In Gen. 1:28-31 it says, “God blessed them, and God said to
them, “Be fruitful and multiply, and fill the earth and subdue it; and have dominion over the fish
of the sea and over the birds of the air and over every living thing that moves upon the earth.”
God said, “See, I have given you every plant yielding seed that is upon the face of all the earth,
and every tree with seed in its fruit,; you shall have them for food. And to every beast of the earth,
and toe very bird of the air, and to everything that creeps on the earth, everything that has the
breath of life, I have given every green plant for food. And it was so. God saw everything that he
had made, and indeed, it was very good. And there was evening and there was morning, the sixth
day.”

God gave the earth to humans so that they can live a dignified life. A dignified life necessitates
a sustainable ability to survive and in the context of the modern world this entails a sustainable

40
livelihood. In a world where goods and services, some which are necessary for surviving, are
bought by money, the impact of a sustainable livelihood has on living a dignified life can not be
more emphasized. God asks us to have dominion over the earth insofar as we see the land as
accommodating our survival; insofar as we get what is necessary in order to survive. When God
talks about giving humans every plant yielding and every tree with its fruit for food, what He is
trying to emphasize is that the land is for us to utilize to ensure that we live according to His will
— that is in a dignified manner.

One of the main problems that was discussed throughout the entirety of this paper was the
marginalization of the Dumagats. They are not given enough avenue to represent themselves in
certain issues, one of which was the construction of the Centennial Dam. The livelihoods of the
people of Daraitan largely depend on their land; farming, handicrafts, and even tourism depend on
the availability — and appeal — that their land brings forth. To them, the land of Daraitan is a
space where they could survive and live a dignified life. They are able to operate with the
livelihoods that they are cultured and practiced in. When the Centennial Dam was constructed, it
was already mentioned that the people of Daraitan — the primary stakeholders of this project —
was not consulted. The primary motivation for the construction of dams is for the use of the general
public, in this case Metro Manila. The dam was constructed to ensure that those in the Metro are
able to acquire this amenity, although it is important to note that it is not a necessity. Unlike those
living in the Metro, the people of Daraitan depend on the land not as an amenity but rather as a
necessity.

Returning to the point of Genesis, it can be paralleled such that the people of Daraitan are denied
access to their livelihood simply by limiting the avenues in which they can operate. God gave
humans dominion over the earth and all that resided in it that was not human because humans were
meant to live co-habitly with them. When God said He has given every green plant for food, it can
be conceived that He wanted to ensure that every living human had access to food. He wanted to
make sure that everyone was able to acquire of this because it is a necessary function for living.
The dam was constructed to serve the general public, but it failed to take into account the fact that
it would affect the people of Daraitan. In fact, most of interviewees did not mention the aspect of
ancestral domain or land but rather they mentioned how the construction of the dam will displace

41
their houses and take away their livelihoods. They were more concerned with the perceivable
future than whatever tradition they held from their past.

The dominion that man held over the land and all other living creatures was given by God so
that man is truly living under His image and likeness. Subduing the earth is understood as ruling
the animal kingdom and the earth below us, but what this chapter in Genesis implies is that man
needs both the living creatures and the earth. When in Gen. 2:7 it says, “Then the Lord God formed
the man of dust from the ground and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life, and the man
became a living creature” it shows that man was made in equal footing with all the other living
creatures in Earth. Humans were made from the same dust as the birds of the sky and the creatures
of the land, but God breathed air into man’s lungs which emphasizes man’s relationship with Him.
Man did not create the land nor does man have absolute dominion over it; that is not what was
meant in Genesis. The earth humans stand on accompanies them in their living, but in this case the
earth outlives the man. According to this, the land of Daraitan is neither possessed by the Dumagats
nor the government or any other private institution. However, since the livelihoods of the
Dumagats are necessarily tied to this land – being as it is a necessary circumstance for them to
function – taking it away will also be a form of stealing.

In the later part of Genesis, the creation story is reiterated onto Noah and his sons. I Gen. 9:1-2
it states, “God blessed Noah and his sons and said to them, “Be fruitful and multiply and fill the
earth. The fear of you and the dread of you shall be upon every beast of the earth and upon every
bird of the heavens, upon everything that creeps on the ground and all the fish of the sea. Into your
hand they are delivered.”. The key word to note in this iteration is ‘deliver’. The dominion over
every creep on the ground and every fish of the sea was delivered into the hands of Noah and his
sons. The semantics of having something delivered already primarily implies non-ownership. The
structure of the passage above is also telling of the responsibility given to mankind in the given
dominion. Taking into account the context of this chapter, the fear the passage talks about is not
absolute totalitarianism rule but rather an obligation to rule responsibly. When dominion was
delivered to the hands of man, God entrusted us with His creation. Humans have inherited the
earth; by definition, inheritance presupposes a previous owner. Indigenous people believe that they
inherit their land from their ancestors, and this is not a far cry from how mankind inherits the earth
from God.

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 This notion is also present in Ps.8: 6-8, “You have given him dominion over the works of your
hands; you have put all things under his feet, all sheep and oxen, and also the beasts of the field,
the birds of the heavens, and the fish o the sea, whatever passes along the paths of the seas.”.
Dominion is the ability to exert power over a certain domain; to have dominion is to have control.
When the passage above talks about how all things were put under his feet, it emphasizes how
humans have been given the ability to not only utilize these resources but also to culminate and
develop. To have dominion does not only entail the existence of power, it also necessitates a
responsibility for the more powerful. Looking at the development towards the land of the
indigenous people of Daraitan, the idea of dominion was misinterpreted. While it is presupposed
that the project was proposed for the benefits of the people in Metro Manila, the project planners
have the responsibility to perceive the operation in hindsight. The dominion of man over land
entails that man is responsible in making sure the fruits of the hearth are not depleted primarily
because it was purposed for the whole of humanity. When God gave man this dominion, it was not
specific to an individual or a group of people but rather it encompasses the whole of creation. It
was not man who was given food but rather the whole of humanity.

The exclusion of the IPs from the proposed dam project clearly violates the CST Principle of
Universal Destination of Goods and Private property. Although, as stated earlier, that the dam
would most likely improve the lives of an exponentially larger population (Metro Manila), it failed
to take into consideration the negative externalities the IPs would have to face if it were to be
implemented and subsequently built. The Universal Destination of Goods and Private Property
asserts that all people have the right to share in the goods of the earth “God destined the earth and
all it contains for the use of every individual and all peoples.” (Gaudium et Spes, 69) Hence,
depriving one small group for the sake of many is not justifiable according to this principle. Every
human being, regardless of their cultural and socioeconomic status/background, must be equally
considered and involved in decisions about the distribution of the goods of the earth. It must be for
the good of all.

b. Reflection on Commitment
“Experience is the best teacher”, the rusty old saying goes. Living in the houses of our nanays
and tatays in the area allowed us to see and experience a different image of home, one that most

43
of us were unfamiliar with. We initially surmised that it was due to the disparity in our monetary
conditions — they are poor and we are not. It moved us to ask whether we would have managed
to live a happy and content life under the same circumstances, or if we would have succumbed to
the undesirability of the situation. Our hesitations made us realize that we had an undeniable
attachment to material things. It was difficult to fathom a life without a phone in our hands, a
television screen in front of our eyes, or a game console at the tips of our reach. It was difficult to
imagine our lives without these amenities because of how much value we put in them. The kind
of life that we have in our own society perpetuates this valuation of material things precisely
because we are able to communicate with similar people. We share a sphere of shared identities
under an atmosphere of high material valuation.
While listening to the Dumagats explain their issues regarding the protection of the lands, we
realized that they identify with their land; they share a communal identity tied to the earth below
them. They get most of their means from their land: the wood they use to cook, the food they eat,
and the natural resources they avail of for their crafts. The tremendous respect they put on their
land enables them to sustain it and protect it from depletion and man-made circumstances. It led
us to think about how we take for granted the food on our table — things we have more than
enough of. It made us recognize our ignorance whenever we complained about food or the hands
that prepared them. We came to realize how disconnected we are with the things that sustain us.
This made us reflect on what we should consider as important. It is ironic how our disconnect with
those near us is contrary to our claim that we are more connected than ever. We were moved to
think about our roots— things that we have ignored in the past — for they now appear more visible.
The Dumagats have long been struggling to preserve and protect their lands. It is difficult
enough to fend off those who illegally acquire parts of the ancestral domain, but another huge
problem has been placed at the forefront of this struggle. The Centennial Dam Project is expected
to impact multiple portions of the protected lands, effecting a displacement to the community due
to the consequential floods. In this arduous resistance against the project, however, some of the
community members have either traded or sold portions of their lands to both public and private
entities. This was one of the contestable points in their discussions: some of the community
members were willing to sell their lands while the others wanted to deny these transactions as per
the IPRA Law which disallowed it. These conflicts gave rise to dissidence within their community,
affecting their ability to coordinate with each other in dissuading future proprietors from taking

44
their land — the land that they believe to be the source of their communal identity. For the
Dumagats to lose their land is parallel to the destruction of an entire identity.
The discord and division prevalent within their communities — along with the steady
stream of takeovers of their land — suggests that their communal identity is at risk. This internal
conflict is hampering their ability to make strides in their efforts to combat the acquisition of
their lands. It is important to ask, however, if the fault solely belongs to those who desired to
sell these lands. Should the blame solely be pinned on them for prioritizing immediate needs
— such as food, school tuition, and health services — over something they are not attached to?
We believe that it is wrong to blame people for choosing in accordance to their circumstances
— they did not have complete control over this. The position they reside in — one which
coerces them in choosing immediacy over eventuality — is not entirely their choice. The
question surfaces, “How did they arrive at this point?”. They sold their lands because they
found their immediate needs as more pressing issues. We realized that this issue is multi-faceted
and should not simply be attributed to poverty — poverty is not an origin, but rather a
contingent. Those that chose to sell their land did it out of necessity. They were poor and they
needed to attend to their circumstances than to care for their culture. Their opportunities for
success are limited owing to the structures that propagate their inability to finish their education.
They were either unable to afford proper schooling or discouraged from attending it due to
discrimination from fellow students and teachers. Their roles in social and political affairs are
diminished due to these circumstances and we believe there is no possible way to justify this
line of thinking. The complicated interplay of poverty, education, discrimination, and internal
conflicts lead to the further complications. This destabilizes their relations and entraps them in
their predicament — being in a marginalized situation.
Our group believes that the Dumagats are most hurt when conflict arises within their community
because it diminishes their ability to unify. It would be difficult to continue their endeavors on
halting land acquisitions if disputes within the community continue to be prevalent. The need for
discourse and community participation is now, more than ever, timely and important. It is difficult
to achieve victory if a side is fighting on two fronts. The Dumagats will need to reintegrate
themselves towards one goal if they want to continue to make strides, and avoid having conflicts
amongst themselves. The iteration of the importance and sacredness of their lands — being as it is
the source of their communal identity — would be an essential discussion.

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 The situation made us realize the importance of discussion. It is not just to discover answers, but
rather it is to rekindle our relationships with other people. We could not help but recognize our
hand in this system of marginalization. The various forces interplayed in their issues are ultimately
also contingent to our own propagation of it. We continuously perpetuate the various injustices
that the Dumagats experience even through the structures that we consider invaluable. We
subscribe to the prejudice against uneducated people, regarding them as lesser cases of progression
and greater cases of hopelessness. Our penchant for privilege comes from our attachment to
material things, but we realized that this disposition is not only misguided but also wrong.
A person does not need to be a Christian to recognize right from wrong. Anyone could
have suggested the tackling of the ‘land problem’, but it takes rigorous evaluations of context and
facts to properly assess the right solutions. This is difficult because we need to take a step back
and look at the situation from the outside. It would have been easy for us to quickly create a
solution to the problems of Daraitan without taking proper caution to its and its community’s
context without delving deeper into context. Through proper analyses, we realize that the condition
of Daraitan is a suppressing circumstances for all its peoples: no one deserves to be put in a position
that can coerce them into opposing their values. We believe it to be a great injustice against the
Dumagats since their land is a necessity for a dignified life. Furthermore, it is theirs by law.
Through this experience, we are moved to revisit — recalibrate if we must — our inclinations,
values, and principles. Our reflections lead us to reevaluate our normal tendencies and consider
the circumstances that we help propagate. We must consider the contingencies of our privileged
participations in social and political structures. While we must not consider ourselves as saviors,
it is important to give clarity to these situations if we can. Maybe it is through these processes are
we able to truly help the right causes.
VI. Action Plan

a. Academic Recommendations

The researchers recommend that further interviews and focus group discussions be held with
members of the community and the barangay unit to have a deeper understanding of the narratives
and counter-narratives present at the individual level in the community. An example of a counter-
narrative cited in the paper is the reluctance of some community members in joining the
SUKATAN organization. Owing to the limited timeframe of the research, the factors of this

46
 mistrust can not be articulated. The political structure of the barangay in the study is lacking since
the statements given by members of the community seemed to circumvent or either avoid the topic
of the barangay or the IPS altogether.

Another recommendation that can be given as to further understand the situation of the
community would be further research into the feasibility of the walis tambo business of the
community as, again, given the limited timeframe and nature of the research, the researchers were
not able to look further into the topic.

Lastly, the researchers recommend that future studies involved with the praxis program of the
university build upon the framework of previous studies as there seems to be a disconnect between
previous studies. With the current system, it seems as though the community merely becomes an
object of study instead of a subject for concern. This is not only inherently ennobling, but also
almost reduces each previous study into nothing more than busywork.

b. Livelihood Recommendations

The first recommendation that the researchers would like to make regarding the walis tambo
business in the community would be to unite the community or, at the very least, the walis tambo
makers under one business. As it stands, the lack of solidarity is detrimental to the growth of the
business for two reasons. The first of which would be the fact that if the business continues to
grow, as separate entities, the walis tambo makers will not be able to shoulder the business
requirements. An example of such requirement would be business taxes which will eat into the
profit margins of the community and possibly sink the business. The second reason would be the
fact that, as separate entities, these walis tambo makers cannot produce the same amount of
finished goods given and as competitors, they start to eat into each other’s businesses.

Another recommendation that can be made would be improvements to the value chain of the
walis tambo business. Through the process of interviewing Mr. Renato Ebañez, the researchers
realized that there was a lack of a proper value chain in the business meaning that there seems to
be no formal process for the making of the walis tambos. The current system relies on the chance
that individuals in the community are travelling in order to either deliver finished goods or collect
materials. Given this, the researchers propose proper measures such as set schedules for gathering
materials and the delivery of finished goods in order to optimize the processes in the business. One

47
 other improvement that must be made is the formalization of the costs and wages that go into the
business. Based on the same interview, there seems to be no specific cost for the materials and
they seem to not include a salary in the costing of the product. Given this issue, there will be a
difficulty with expansion as it will be necessary to pay employees a formalized wage, which at the
time the system does not support.

c. Policy Recommendations

There seems to be a problem with the identity of the community as a whole. Individuals present
in the community seem to subscribe to their own identities while forgetting the shared identity that
is present within the Dumagats and Remontados. Given this, the researchers recommend that the
community preserve their culture through formal recordings of things that can be considered as
culture, such as their native language and customs. These recordings may help foster a sense of
community and a shared identity that may drive the members of the community to work together.

One other recommendation that may be made would be to follow the framework of deliberative
democracy. As stated earlier in the paper, deliberative democracy is a field of political inquiry that
is concerned with with improving collective decision making. The idea of deliberative democracy
says that as long as the form of communication is non-coercive, it must be listened to. Given the
disunity and lack of solidarity present within the community, a start to solving some of the issues
present within the community would be to listen to each other. The framework further states that
it is not enough for people to passively listen, people need to actively engage points presented and
attempt to come to a solution together.

One concrete way that deliberative democracy can be practiced within the specific context of
the Daraitan community is to possibly hold forums between the IPS and the common people within
the community. Given the idea of the IPS or the Indigenous Political Structure, which is a group
of leaders of the various communities in Barangay Daraitan, it may be wise to hold some forums
between these leaders and their constituents in order to achieve proper political representation, that
is much lacking in the indigenous peoples’ community.

48
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