Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
RANDOM NOTE: The goal is not to make it fast, the goal is to make it stick.
SEC. 1- Legislative Power vested in the 2 Houses. Except to the extent reserved to
the people through Initiative or Referendum
The legislative power shall be vested in the Congress of the Philippines which
shall
consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives, except to the extent reserved
to
the people by the provision on initiative and referendum.
SUBSTANTIVE LIMITATIONS:
Story: Activist priest with megaphone who is hated by Congress.
A general who wants funds to be transferred to his office.
The general knows the priest because the priest is assigned to his unit
in the armed forces and is being paid for by the government
The general jealous of the priest because his church is tax free. The
general will not be granted tax exemption by Congress. Nor can Congress grant him
royalty or nobility he so desires.
Sec. 28 (3)- ADE rule-- all lands, buildings, and improvements, actually, directly,
and exclusively used for religious, charitable, or educational purposes shall be
exempt from taxation.
Sec. 28 (4)- No Tax exemption except if concurred to by majority of All Members of
Congress
Sec. 30- No law shall be passed increasing the appellate jurisdiction of the
Supreme Court as provided in this Constitution without its advice and concurrence.
Sec. 31- No law granting a title of royalty or nobility shall be enacted.
1 from EDUCATION, SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, ARTS, CULTURE, AND SPORTS Article XIV
Sec. 4 (3)- Tax exemption for non-stock and non-profit educational institution (no
ADE)
PROCEDURAL LIMITATIONS
(Yay only 3)
Story: A motorcycle rider nicknamed ATR hurriedly leaves the House of
Representatives because he has to read 3 books on public calamity or emergency
ATR, Riders, and 4 readings
From Article XIV: EDUCATION, SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, ARTS, CULTURE, AND SPORTS
Sec. 4 (2): The provisions of this subsection shall not apply to schools
established for foreign diplomatic personnel and their dependents and, unless
otherwise provided by law, for other foreign temporary residents.
EXCEPTIONS:
1. People- More like reservation because legislative powers lie originally
wiith the people
2. President- Emergency Powers
3. President- Tariff
4. Administrative bodies- Power of Subordinate Legislation An administrative rule
in the nature of subordinate legislation is designed to implement a law by
providing its details, and before it is
adopted there must be a hearing under the Administrative Code of 1987. When an
administrative rule substantially adds to or increases the burden of those
concerned, an administrative agency must accord those directly affected a chance to
be heard before its issuance.
5. Local Government Units
PEOPLE (DELEGATION)
Sources for the following: RA 6735
BAR QUESTION:Is “people power” recognized by the 1987 Constitution? Explain fully.
(2003 Bar Question)
SUGGESTED ANSWER:
“People power” is recognized in the Constitution.
Article III, Section 4 of the 1987 Constitution guarantees the right of the people
peaceable to assemble and petition the government for redress of grievances.
Article VI, Section 1 provides that legislative power in relation to initiative and
referendum is reserved for the people
Article VI, Section 32 of the 1987 Constitution requires Congress to pass a law
allowing the people to directly propose and enact laws through initiative and to
approve or reject any act or law or part of it passed by Congress or a local
legislative body.
Article XIII, Section 16 of the 1987 Constitution provides that the right of the
people and their organizations to participate at all levels of social, political,
and economic decision-making shall not be abridged and that the State shall, by
law, facilitate the establishment of adequate consultation mechanisms.
INITIATIVE
is the power of the people to propose amendments to the Constitution or to propose
and enact legislations through an election called for the purpose.
Story:
HUNGER
People are hungry.
So registered voters want to take action.
They want to propose amend the constitution. To add a provision about the right to
feed
They want to propose to enact a legislation that makes it a crime to allow people
to get hungry
They want to propose to enact a regional, provincial, city, municipal, or barangay
law, resolution, and ordinance at the same time to combat hunger.
They don't want an indirect initiative. They don't trust the Congress and local
legislative bodies to act. They much rather do the proposal than to propose any
legislative body.
They need 10% of the total number of registered voters, of which every legislative
district is represented by at least 3% of the registered voters thereof.
But for the Constitutional amendment, they need 12% of the total number of
registered voters. It's the year 1993, so they can do it as its after 5 years from
the ratification of the 1987 Constitution.
They were readying the signatures when a young law student tells them that there is
yet to be any implementing law relating to an initiative to amend the Constitution.
He cited Santiago vs COMELEC wherein the court stated:
"R.A. No. 6735 is incomplete, inadequate, or wanting in essential terms and
conditions insofar as initiative on amendments to the Constitution is concerned.
Its lacunae on this substantive matter are fatal and cannot be cured by
"empowering" the COMELEC "to promulgate such rules and regulations as may be
necessary to carry out the purposes of [the] Act."
Because RA 6735 is lacking in terms and condition regarding initiative to amend the
Constitution, a delegation to the COMELEC regarding initiatives to propose
amendments to the Constitution is void.
But a lawyer seemingly corrects the law student and cites Lambino vs COMELEC
wherein Ten justices reiterated that RA 6735 is sufficient and adequate as an
enabling to amend the Constitution through a people’s initiative. Chief Justice
Artemio V. Panganiban and Justices Consuelo Ynares-Santiago and Adolfo S. Azcuna
joined their dissenting colleagues — Senior Associate Justice Reynato S. Puno, and
Justices Leonardo A. Quisumbing, Renato C. Corona, Dante O. Tinga, Minita V. Chico-
Nazario, Cancio C. Garcia, and Presbitero J. Velasco, Jr. — in ruling that RA 6735
suffices as an enabling law to implement the constitutional provision on people’s
initiative.
The law student however counters this again by saying that the Lambino case refused
to revisit or reverse the Santiago ruling:
According to Section 4(3), Article VIII of the Constitution, a doctrine of law laid
down in a decision rendered by the Supreme Court en banc may not be reversed except
if it is acting en banc. The majority opinion in Lambino v.Commission on Elections
(505 SCRA 160 [2006], refused to re-examine the ruling in Santiago v. Commission on
Elections (270 SCRA 106 [1997], because it was not
necessary for deciding the case. The Justices who voted to reverse the ruling
constituted the minority.
He also advised them that Constitutional revisions cannot happen through people's
initiatives, only Constitutional amendments which has yet to have an implementing
law.
The Lambino initiative constituted a revision because it proposed to change the
form of government from presidential to parliamentary and the bicameral to a
unicameral legislature. Thus, the people’s initiative as a mode to effect these
proposed amendments was invalid
So the people now agreed that there is little chance that their initiative to
propose a Constitutional amendment will be successful. However, they will still try
as the current Supreme Court may rule that RA 6735 is indeed enough s it is not
clear whether it is unconstitutional or not.
Nevertheless, they shall continue. They already informed the COMELEC who shall set
a special registration at least three weeks before a scheduled initiative or
referendum according to Sec. 6 of RA 6735.
For the enactment of their national statutes, the people are aware of the
prohibitions:
(a) No petition embracing more than one (1) subject shall be submitted to the
electorate;(this prohibition is not shared with a local initiative) and
(b) Statutes involving emergency measures, the enactment of which are specifically
vested in Congress by the Constitution, cannot be subject to referendum until
ninety (90) days after its effectivity.
They are also aware of the elements of a valid petition for a people’s initiative
are the following:
1. At least twelve per cent (12%) of the registered voters, of which every
legislative
district must be represented by at least three per cent (3%) of the registered
voters in it,
should directly sign the entire proposal; and
2. The draft of the proposed amendment must be embodied in the petition
(Lambino v. Commission on Elections, 505 SCRA 160 [2006]).
They are also aware that this battle in the local level may be won without a DIRECT
initiative but with an INDIRECT one:
Not less than two thousand (2,000) registered voters in case of autonomous regions,
If no favorable action thereon is made by local legislative body within thirty (30)
days from its presentation, the proponents through their duly authorized and
registered representative may invoke their power of initiative, giving notice
thereof to the local legislative body concerned.
However, because no favorable action was taken, they had no choice but to gather
the votes for an initiative.
The good thing for local initiatives is that two or more propositions may be
submitted in an initiative, unlike in national legislations.
As well as limitations on the local legislative bodies if they ever feel like being
evil:
Any proposition or ordinance or resolution approved through the system of
initiative and referendum as herein provided shall not be repealed, modified or
amended, by the local legislative body concerned within six (6) months from the
date therefrom, and may be amended, modified or repealed by the local legislative
body within three (3) years thereafter by a vote of three-fourths (3/4) of all its
members: Provided, however, That in case of barangays, the period shall be one (1)
year after the expiration of the first six (6) months
In short, the time to modify the local law is within 6months-3years and for
barangays it shall be 6months-1year
ALAS, the time has come that the people have been waiting for, the results of the
voting:
1. The initiative on the Constitutional amendment garnered 53% of all registered
voters but was declared void nevertheless because the Supreme Court declared that
there is yet to be an adequate and complete implementing law on the matter. It
could have been effective as to the day of the plebiscite.
2. The initiative on a national statute garnered the majority of votes and was thus
effective fifteen (15) days after certification and proclamation by the Commission.
The President does not like this but he has no choice, repeal of a national law
or passage of a law through initiative and referendum cannot be vetoed by the
President.
3. The initiative on the local ordinances on all levels were also successful and
was also effective fifteen (15) days after certification and proclamation by the
Commission.
The people are enjoying their victory against hunger. Now their next step is to
conduct an initiative that will enact an implementing law for initiatives on
Constitutional amendments.
REFERENDUM
is the power of the electorate to approve or reject a legislation through an
election called for the purpose. It may be of two classes, namely:
This is initiated by legislative bodies and is barely used because it needs money
and it is unpredictable as legislators have their own agenda which they can control
through voting within their ranks and not through the people. (opinion)
PRESIDENT (DELEGATION)
TARIFF POWERS
The Tariff and Customs Code grants such stand-by powers to the President
EMERGENCY POWERS
Story:
In times of World War III
Congress authorized by law
the President
for 30 days
with restrictions such as: not contrary to the Bill of Rights or the Geneva
Convention
to make exercise powers of law-making necessary and proper to carry out a declared
national policy: to defend the nation
Unless sooner withdrawn by resolution of the Congress, such powers shall cease upon
the next adjournment thereof.
Relate this to: Article XII Sec. 17- National Economy and Patrimony
In times of national emergency, when the public interest so requires, the State
may,
during the emergency and under reasonable terms prescribed by it, temporarily take
over or direct the operation of any privately owned public utility or business
affected
with public interest.
Article XII Sec. 17 is an extension of the Emergency Powers provision (Sec. 23(2)
Article VI) and must comply with the procedure prescribed therein.
The "State" referred to in Artcile XII Sec. 17 is Congress who shall delegate such
powers to the President.
COMPLETENESS TEST
-The law must be complete in all its essential terms and conditions when it leaves
the legislature so that there will be nothing left for the delegate to do when it
reaches him except enforce it.
SENATE:
SEC. 4-TERM
The term of office of the Senators shall be six years and shall commence, unless
otherwise provided by law, at noon on the thirteenth day of June next following
their
election.
No Senator shall serve for more than two consecutive terms. Voluntary renunciation
of the office for any length of time shall not be considered as an interruption in
the
continuity of his service for the full term for which he was elected.
The purpose of the continuity of the life of the Senate is intended to encourage
the maintenance of Senate policies as well as guarantee that there will be
experienced members who can help and train newcomers in the discharge of their
duties. In addition, in case of resignation, death, permanent disability, removal
from office, or resignation of the President and Vice-President, the Senate
President shall act as President.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of not more than two hundred
and fifty members, unless otherwise fixed by law, who shall be elected from
legislative districts apportioned among the provinces, cities, and the
Metropolitan Manila area in accordance with the number of their respective
inhabitants, and on the basis of a uniform and progressive ratio, and those who,
as provided by law, shall be elected through a party-list system of registered
national, regional, and sectoral parties of organizations.
2. The party-list representatives shall constitute twenty per centum of the total
number of representatives including those under the party list. For three
consecutive terms after the ratification of this Constitution, one-half of the
seats allocated to party-list representatives shall be filled, as provided by law,
by
selection or election from the labor, peasant, urban poor, indigenous cultural
communities, women, youth, and such other sectors as may be provided by law,
except the religious sector.
4. Within three years following the return of every census, the Congress shall
make a reapportionment of legislative districts based on the standards provided
in this section.
Discussion:
So the Senate has 304 seats
243 from congressional districts
61 from party-list representatives
The increase from 250 to 304 has been the result of apportionment laws, the
validity of which is a justiciable question because it has to abide with Section
5(3): contiguous, compact, and adjacent territory AND 250 thousand population for
each city (initial).
Each city with at least 250k shall be entitled to at least one seat. Each province
regardless of inhabitants is entitled to at least one seat.
For the first 3 terms after the 1987 Consitution's ratification, 1/2 of seats for
party-list representatives should be sectoral representatives.
ESSENCE:
The underlying principle behind the rule for apportionment is the concept of
equality of representation, which is a basic principle of republicanism. One man’s
vote should carry as much weight as the vote of every other man
2. Each city with a population of at least 250,000 shall have at least one
representative.
Each province, irrespective of the number of inhabitants, shall have at least
one representative.
4. Population is only one of among many determinants such as income. There are also
other factors:
The factors mentioned during the deliberations on House Bill No. 4264, were:
(a) the dialects spoken in the grouped municipalities;
(b) the size of the original groupings compared to that of the regrouped
municipalities;
(c) the natural division separating the municipality subject of the discussion from
the reconfigured District One; and
(d) the balancing of the areas of the three districts resulting from the
redistricting of Districts One and Two
Fun fact: The Constitutional Commission in creating 200 initial districts, had to
consider "all protests and complaints formally received".
"Taking into account the mandate that each city with at least 250, 000 inhabitants
and each province shall have at least one representative, we first allotted one
seat for each of the 73 provinces, and each one for all cities with a population of
at least 250, 000, which are the Cities of Manila, Quezon, Pasay, Caloocan, Cebu,
Iloilo, Bacolod, Cagayan de Oro, Davao and Zamboanga. Thereafter, we then
proceed[ed] to increase whenever appropriate the number of seats for the provinces
and cities in accordance with the number of their inhabitants on the basis of a
uniform and progressive ratio. "
-Commissioner Davide
Notable Case:
Mariano vs COMELEC-- 250k minimum is only for the initial legislative districts,
not additional.
The Mariano case limited the application of the 250,000 minimum population
requirement for cities only to its initial legislative district. In other words,
while Section 5(3), Article VI of the Constitution requires a city to have a
minimum population of 250,000 to be entitled to a representative, it does not have
to increase its population by another 250,000 to be entitled to an additional
district.
From its journal, we can see that the Constitutional Commission originally divided
the entire country into two hundred (200) districts, which corresponded to the
original number of district representatives. The 200 seats were distributed by the
Constitutional Commission in this manner: first, one (1) seat each was given to the
seventy-three (73) provinces and the ten (10) cities with a population of at least
250,000; second, the remaining seats were then redistributed among the provinces,
cities and the Metropolitan Area "in accordance with the number of their
inhabitants on the basis of a uniform and progressive ratio.
PARTY-LIST- 20%
Qualifications:
No person shall be nominated as party-list representative unless he is a natural-
born citizen of the Philippines,
a registered voter,
a resident of the Philippines for a period of not less than one (1) year
immediately preceding the day of the election,
able to read and write,
bona fide member of the party or organization which he seeks to represent for at
least ninety (90) days preceding the day of the election,
and is at least twenty-five (25) years of age on the day of the election.
In case of a nominee of the youth sector, he must at least be twenty-five (25) but
not more than thirty (30) years of age on the day of the election. Any youth
sectoral representative who attains the age of thirty during his term shall be
allowed to continue until the expiration of his term.
NOTE: Incumbent sectoral representatives in the HoR who are nominated in the party-
list system shall not be considered resigned.
REGISTRATION: 90 days
Under Section 5 of RA No. 7941, an applicant for registration has to file with the
COMELEC, not later than ninety (90) days before the election, a verified petition
stating its desire to participate in the party-list system as a national, regional
or sectoral party or organization or a coalition of such parties or organizations.
A party-list group’s previous registration with the COMELEC confers no vested right
to the maintenance of its registration. In order to maintain a party in a
continuing compliance status, the party must prove not only its continued
possession of the requisite qualifications but, equally, must show its compliance
with the basic requirements of the law
-Cocofed-Philippines Coconut Producers Federation, Inc. v. COMELEC
Right to Information!!!
The COMELEC has a constitutional duty to disclose and release the names of the
nominees of the party-list groups, in accordance with Sec. 7, Art. III of the 1987
Constitution on the right of the people to information on matters of public concern
as complemented by the policy of full disclosure and transparency in Government
-Bantay RA 7941 vs. COMELEC
REASONING:
Sec.7. The right of the people to information on matters of public concern shall be
recognized. Access to official records, and to documents, and papers pertaining to
official acts, transactions, or decisions, as well to government research data used
as basis for policy development, shall be afforded the citizen, subject to such
limitations as may be provided by law.
Complementing and going hand in hand with the right to information is another
constitutional provision enunciating the policy of full disclosure and transparency
in Government. We refer to Section 28, Article II of the Constitution reading:
Sec. 28. Subject to reasonable conditions prescribed by law, the State adopts and
implements a policy of full public disclosure of all its transactions involving
public interest
We feel that this approach gets around the mechanics of sectoral representation
while
at the same time making sure that those who really have a national constituency or
sectoral constituency will get a chance to have a seat in the National Assembly.
These sectors or these groups may not have the constituency to win a seat on a
legislative district basis. They may not be able to win a seat on a district basis
but
surely, they will have votes on a nationwide basis
-Cayetano Monsod, framer
Indisputably, the framers of the 1987 Constitution intended the party-list system
to include not
only sectoral parties but also non-sectoral parties. The framers intended the
sectoral parties to
constitute a part, but not the entirety, of the party-list system. As explained by
Commissioner
Wilfredo Villacorta, political parties can participate in the party-list system
“[F]or as long
as they field candidates who come from the different marginalized sectors that we
shall
designate in this Constitution.”
Mr. Monsod expressed the difficulty in delimiting the sectors that needed
representation. He was of the view that reserving seats for the marginalized and
underrepresented sectors would stunt their development into full-pledged parties
equipped with electoral machinery potent enough to further the sectoral interests
to be represented. The Villacorta group, on the other hand, was apprehensive that
pitting the unorganized and less-moneyed sectoral groups in an electoral contest
would be like placing babes in the lion's den, so to speak, with the bigger and
more established political parties ultimately gobbling them up. R.A. 7941
recognized this concern when it banned the first five major political parties on
the basis of party representation in the House of Representatives from
participating in the party-list system for the first party-list elections held in
1998 (and to be automatically lifted starting with the 2001 elections). The
advocates for permanent seats for sectoral representatives made an effort towards a
compromise — that the party-list system be open only to underrepresented and
marginalized sectors. This proposal was further whittled down by allocating only
half of the seats under the party-list system to candidates from the sectors which
would garner the required number of votes. The majority was unyielding. Voting 19-
22, the proposal for
permanent seats, and in the alternative the reservation of the party-list system to
the sectoral groups, was voted down.
It is sufficient that the political party consists of citizens who advocate the
same ideology or
platform, or the same governance principles and policies, regardless of their
economic status
as citizens.
The major political parties are those that field candidates in the legislative
district elections.
Major political parties cannot participate in the party-list elections since they
neither lack “well-
defined political constituencies” nor represent “marginalized and underrepresented”
sectors.
Thus, the national or regional parties under the party-list system are necessarily
those that
do not belong to major political parties. This automatically reserves the national
and regional
parties under the party-list system to those who “lack well-defined political
constituencies,”
giving them the opportunity to have members in the House of Representatives.
Such sectoral wing of a major political party must have its own constitution, by-
laws, platform
or program of government, officers and members, a majority of whom must belong to
the sector
represented. The sectoral wing is in itself an independent sectoral party, and is
linked to a major
political party through a coalition.
This linkage is allowed by Section 3 of R.A. No. 7941,
which provides that “component parties or organizations of a coalition may
participate
independently (in party-list elections) provided the coalition of which they form
part does not
participate in the party-list system.”
PARAMETERS:
1. Three different groups may participate in the party-list system: (1) national
parties or
organizations, (2) regional parties or organizations, and (3) sectoral parties or
organizations.
2. National parties or organizations and regional parties or organizations do not
need to
organize along sectoral lines and do not need to represent any “marginalized and
underrepresented” sector.
3. Political parties can participate in party-list elections provided they register
under the
party-list system and do not field candidates in legislative district elections. A
political
party, whether major or not, that fields candidates in legislative district
elections can
participate in party-list elections only through its sectoral wing that can
separately register
under the party-list system. The sectoral wing is by itself an independent sectoral
party,
and is linked to a political party through a coalition.
4. Sectoral parties or organizations may either be “marginalized and
underrepresented” or
lacking in “well-defined political constituencies.” (ideology-based) It is enough
that their principal
advocacy pertains to the special interest and concerns of their sector. The sectors
that are
“marginalized and underrepresented” include labor, peasant, fisherfolk, urban poor,
indigenous cultural communities, handicapped, veterans, and overseas workers. The
sectors that lack “well-defined political constituencies” include professionals,
the elderly,
women, and the youth.
5. A majority of the members of sectoral parties or organizations that represent
the
“marginalized and underrepresented” must belong to the “marginalized and
underrepresented” sector they represent. Similarly, a majority of the members of
sectoral
parties or organizations that lack “well-defined political constituencies” must
belong to the
sector they represent. The nominees of sectoral parties or organizations that
represent the
“marginalized and underrepresented,” or that represent those who lack “well-defined
political constituencies,” either must belong to their respective sectors, or must
have a
track record of advocacy for their respective sectors. The nominees of national and
regional parties or organizations must be bona-fide members of such parties or
organizations.
6. National, regional, and sectoral parties or organizations shall not be
disqualified if some of
their nominees are disqualified, provided that they have at least one nominee who
remains
qualified.
Story:
No needs. Ang baisay nlng ni Carpio vs Panganiban ang story.
NOTE: In computing the additional seats, the guaranteed seats shall no longer be
included because they had already been allocated at on seat each to every two-
percenter. Thus, the remaining available seats for allocation a “additional seats”
are the maximum seats reserved under the party-list system less th guaranteed
seats. Fractional seats are disregarded in the absence of a provision in RA 7941
allowing for a rounding off of fractional seats.
2nd Round:
Proportion of votes received by the first party
ADDITIONAL SEATS
Equal to or at least 6% Two (2) additional seats
Equal to or greater than 4% but less than 6% One (1) additional seat
Less than 4% No additional seat
Priest
Anarchist
Foreigner
Foreign financer
Violates rules
Untruthful statements
1 year non-existence
2 preceding election- Participation and 2% votes
Story:
SERVICE
But change the age to 25 and specify the registered voter in the district (except
party-list). Also change the residency to not less than one(1) year
SEC. 7- TERM
The Members of the House of Representatives shall be elected for a term of three
years which shall begin, unless otherwise provided by law, at noon on the thirtieth
day of June next following their election.
No Member of the House of Representatives shall serve for more than three
consecutive terms. Voluntary renunciation of the office for any length of time
shall
not be considered as an interruption in the continuity of his service for the full
term
for which he was elected.
NOTE: It must be noted that in accordance with the above provisions, there is no
prohibition against the receipt of allowances by the members of Congress.
SEC. 11:
A Senator or Member of the House of Representatives shall, in all offenses
punishable by not more than six years imprisonment, be privileged from arrest while
the Congress is in session. No Member shall be questioned nor be held liable in any
other place for any speech or debate in the Congress or in any committee thereof.
NOTE!
Judge is allowed to issue a warrant
What is prohibited by the immunity is the enforcement of the warrant
-Sir Guillen
RE-ELECTION DOES NOT PROVIDE THAT CONVICTED LAWMAKERS CAN GET OUT OF JAIL AND
ATTEND LEGISLATIVE SESSIONS AND MEETINGS PENDING APPEAL
It can be seen from the foregoing that incarceration, by its nature, changes an
individuals status in society. Prison officials have the difficult and often
thankless job of preserving the security in a potentially explosive setting, as
well as of attempting to provide rehabilitation that prepares inmates for re-entry
into the social mainstream. Necessarily, both these demands require the curtailment
and elimination of certain rights.
Premises considered, we are constrained to rule against the accused-appellants
claim that re-election to public office gives priority to any other right or
interest, including the police power of the State.
-People vs Jalosjos
EVEN IF YOU ARE NOT CONVICTED, THE JALOSJOS RULING STILL APPLIES IF THE CRIME IS
NONBAILABLE
In this case, petitioner Antonio Trillanes sought from the Makati RTC leave to
attend Senate sessions and to convene his staff, resource persons and guests and to
attend to his official functions as Senator. He anchored his motion on his right to
be presumed innocent, and claims that the Jalosjos ruling should not be applied to
him, because he is a mere detention prisoner and is not charged with a crime
involving moral turpitude. The Makati RTC denied the motion. Elevating the matter,
the Supreme Court denied Trillanes’ petition on the ground that Sec. 13, Art. Ill
of the Constitution, explicitly provides that crimes punishable by reclusion
perpetua are nonbailable. The Court further said that the presumption of innocence
does not necessarily carry with it the full enjoyment of civil and political
rights.
-Trillanes IV vs Pimentel
LAWMAKERS CAN ONLY BE PUNISHED BY THEIR PEERS IF THEIR ACTIONS ARE PRIVILEGED
The Rules of the Senate itself contains a provision on Unparliamentary Acts and
Language that enjoins a Senator from using, under any circumstance, "offensive or
improper language against another Senator or against any public institution." But
as to Senator Santiago's unparliamentary remarks, the Senate President had not
apparently called her to order, let alone referred the matter to the Senate Ethics
Committee for appropriate disciplinary action, as the Rules dictates under such
circumstance. The lady senator clearly violated the rules of her own chamber. It is
unfortunate that her peers bent backwards and avoided imposing their own rules on
her
TIME OF SESSION
From 4th Monday of July until 30 days before the opening of its next regular
session (4th Monday of July next year) exclusive of weekends and legal holidays.
-Art. VI Sec. 15
Second part is forbidden: OFFICE CREATED OR EMOLUMENTS INCREASED DURING THE TERM HE
WAS ELECTED
He can never hold this type of office. Thus, forbidden.
NOTES:
-After such term, and even if he is re- elected, the disqualification no longer
applies and he may therefore be appointed to the office
-Prohibition does not apply if the increase in salary applies to all offices. i.e.
salary standardization law.
OTHER INHIBITIONS:
SEC 12 found above
SEC 14- BAR FROM APPEARING PERSONALLY AS COUNSEL, BAR FROM FINANCIAL INTEREST, BAR
FROM INTERVENING IN GOVERNMENT MATTERS FOR HIS BENEFIT
No Senator or Member of the House of Representatives may personally appear as
counsel before any court of justice or before the Electoral Tribunals, or quasi-
judicial
and other administrative bodies. Neither shall he, directly or indirectly, be
interested
financially in any contract with, or in any franchise or special privilege granted
by the
Government, or any subdivision, agency, or instrumentality thereof, including any
government-owned or controlled corporation, or its subsidiary, during his term of
office. He shall not intervene in any matter before any office of the Government
for
his pecuniary benefit or where he may be called upon to act on account of his
office.
EMPHASIS ON PERSONALLY
Since the practice of law covers a widerange of legislative activities (Cayetano v.
Monsod, G.R. No. 100113, Sept. 3, 1991)
Senator or member of House of the Representatives is allowed to engage in other
aspects of the law practice such as the giving of legal advice to clients,
negotiating
contracts in behalf of clients which necessitates legal knowledge, preparation of
documents and similar others.
-Pineda book
DISQUALIFICATIONS:
SEC 13- FORBIDDEN AND INCOMPATIBLE OFFICE
SEC 14- BAR FROM APPEARING PERSONALLY AS COUNSEL, BAR FROM FINANCIAL INTEREST, BAR
FROM INTERVENING IN GOVERNMENT MATTERS FOR HIS BENEFIT
Punishment for violating Sec. 14- Suspension and not disbarment. Jurisprudence
holds that suspension is approporiate for unlawful practice of law
QUORUM DEFINITION:
Such number which enables a body to transact its business and gives such body the
power to pass a
law or ordinance or any valid act that is binding. In our constitution, it is
required that the quorum be
a majority of each house.
COERCIVE JURISDICTION
In computing quorum, members who are outside the country and, thus, outsidof each
House’s jurisdiction are not included. The basis for
determining the existence of a quorum in the Senate shall be the total number of
Senators who are within the coercive jurisdiction of the Senate.
-Avelino vs Cuenco
The members of the Congress cannot compel absent members to attend sessions if the
reason of absence is a legitimate one. The
confinement of a Congressman charged with a non-bailable offense is certainly
authorized by law
and has constitutional foundations.
-People vs Jalosjos
Each house may punish its members for disorderly behavior and, with concurrencof
2/3 of all its
members, suspend, for not more than 60 days, or expel a member.
-Art VI Sec. 16
1. No bill passed by either House shall become a law unless it has passed 3
readings on separate days.
2. Printed copies of the bill in its final form should be distributed to the
Members 3 days before its passage
3. Upon the last reading of a bill, no amendment thereto shall be allowed.
4. The vote on the bill shall be taken immediately after the last reading of a
bill.
5. The yeas and nays shall be entered in the Journal
^ANY VIOLATION HERE WILL RESULT TO THE BILL's PASSING BEING VOIDED
The restrictive interpretation urged by petitioners that the President may not veto
a provision without vetoing the entire
bill not only disregards the basic principle that a distinct and severable part of
a bill may be the subject of a separate veto
but also overlooks the Constitutional mandate that any provision in the general
appropriations bill shall relate
specifically to some particular appropriation therein and that any such provision
shall be limited in its operation to the
appropriation to which it relates (1987 Constitution, Article VI, Section 25 [2]).
In other words, in the true sense of the term,
a provision in an Appropriations Bill is limited in its operation to some
particular appropriation to which it relates, and does not
relate to the entire bill.
2. Executive impoundment –
Refusal of the President to spend funds already
allocated by Congress for specific
purpose. It is the failure to spend or
obligate budget authority of any type
-Philconsa vs Enriquez
On the other hand, an item veto, or partial veto, is the power of a President to
nullify or cancel specific provisions of a bill, usually a budget appropriations
bill, without vetoing the entire legislative package.
The Senate and the House of Representatives shall each have an Electoral Tribunal
which shall be the sole judge of all contests relating to the election, returns,
and
qualifications of their respective Members. Each Electoral Tribunal shall be
composed of nine Members, three of whom shall be Justices of the Supreme Court to
be designated by the Chief Justice, and the remaining six shall be Members of the
Senate or the House of Representatives, as the case may be, who shall be chosen on
the basis of proportional representation from the political parties and the parties
or
organizations registered under the party-list system represented therein. The
senior
Justice in the Electoral Tribunal shall be its Chairman.
NATURE
- INDEPENDENT, IMPARTIAL, NON_PARTISAN BODY---SINGULAR PURPOSE
The SET/HRET is an "independent, impartial and non-partisan body attached to the
legislature and specially created for that singular purpose."
Through Article VI, Section 17, the Constitution segregates from all other judicial
and quasi-judicial bodies (particularly, courts and the Commission on Elections)
the power to rule on contests relating to the election, returns, and qualifications
of members of the Senate (as well as of the House of Representatives). These powers
are granted to a separate and distinct constitutional organ. There are two (2)
aspects to the exclusivity of the Senate Electoral Tribunal's power. (1) The power
to resolve such contests is exclusive to any other body. (2) The resolution of such
contests is its only task; it performs no other function.
-David vs SET
POWERS
-ORIGINAL JURISDICTION OVER CONTESTS RELATING TO THE ELECTION, RETURNS, AND
QUALIFICATION OF ELECTIVE OFFICIALS
-RULE-MAKING POWERS
The judgments of these tribunals are not beyond the scope of any review. Article
VI, Section 17's stipulation of electoral tribunals' being the "sole" judge must be
read in harmony with Article VIII, Section 1's express statement that "[j]udicial
power includes the duty of the courts of justice . . . to determine whether or not
there has been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of
jurisdiction on the part of any branch or instrumentality of the Government."
Judicial review is, therefore, still possible (Not through the SC's appelate
jurisdiction. Review is limited to determination of grave abuse of discretion).
-David vs SET
DETERMINATION OF JURISDICTION
Determination of jurisdiction of tribunal in election contest:
a. Validly proclaimed
b. Taken oath
c. Assumed office
-Reyes vs. COMELEC
As long as the three requisites are present, the tribunal has jurisdiction even
over party-list representative (Jovito Palparan Case). It does not matter how a
member is elected – in the legislative district or party – list election.
SO, the COMELEC should rule/decide before Proclamation, Oath, and Assumption for
their efforts have actual worth.
NOTE: HRET HAS JURISDICTION IN QUESTIONS THAT AFFECT THE QUALIFICATION OF A PARTY-
LIST CONGRESSMAN (LIKE IF HE IS EXPELLED FROM THE PARTY-LIST)
The petition for Lico's expulsion from the House of Representatives is anchored on
his expulsion from
Ating Koop, which necessarily affects his title as member of Congress. A party-list
nominee must
have been, among others, a bona fide member of the party or organization for at
least ninety (90)
days preceding the day of the election. Needless to say, bona fide membership in
the party-list group
is a continuing qualification x xx. Under Section 17, Article VI of the
Constitution, the HRET is the
sole judge of all contests when it comes to qualifications of the members of the
House of
Representatives. Consequently, the COMELEC failed to recognize that the issue on
the validity of
petitioner Lico's expulsion from Ating Koop is integal to the issue of his
qualifications to sit in Congress
NOTE: DISLOYALTY TO A PARTY IS NOT A GROUND FOR EXPULSION FROM THE TRIBUNAL
HRET and SET members enjoy security of tenure; their membership may not be
terminated except for a just cause such as the expiration of congressional term,
death, resignation from the political party, formal affiliation with another
political
party, or removal for other valid causes
-Bondoc v. Pineda and Tanada vs Cuenco
It is aptly noted in the first of the questioned Resolutions that the framers of
the Constitution could not have been unaware of the possibility of an election
contest that would involve all 24 Senators-elect, six of whom would inevitably have
to sit in judgment thereon. Indeed, such possibility might surface again in the
wake of the 1992 elections when once more, but for the last time, all 24 seats in
the Senate will be at stake. Yet the Constitution provides no scheme or mode for
settling such unusual situations or for the substitution of Senators designated to
the Tribunal whose disqualification may be sought. Litigants in such situations
must simply place their trust and hopes of vindication in the fairness and sense of
justice of the Members of the Tribunal. Justices and Senators, singly and
collectively.
-Abbas vs SET
WAIT FOR THE HOUSE OR SENATE SUBMIT THE HRET OR SET LIST BEFORE COMPLAINING OF NO
PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION
Thus, even assuming that party-list representatives comprise a sufficient number
and have agreed to designate common nominees to the HRET and the CA, their primary
recourse clearly rests with the House of Representatives and not with this Court.
Under Sections 17 and 18, Article VI of the Constitution, party-list
representatives must first show to the House that they possess the required
numerical strength to be entitled to seats in the HRET and the CA. Only if the
House fails to comply with the directive of the Constitution on proportional
representation of political parties in the HRET and the CA can the party-list
representatives seek recourse to this Court under its power of judicial review.
Under the doctrine of primary jurisdiction, prior recourse to the House is
necessary before petitioners may bring the instant case to the court. Consequently,
petitioners’ direct recourse to this Court is premature.
The instant petitions are bereft of any allegation that respondents prevented the
party-list groups in the House from participating in the election of members of the
HRET and the CA. Neither does it appear that after the May 11, 1998 elections, the
House barred the party-list representatives from seeking membership in the HRET or
the CA. Rather, it appears from the available facts that the party-list groups in
the House at that time simply refrained from participating in the election process.
The party-list representatives did not designate their nominees even up to the time
they filed the instant petitions, with the predictable result that the House did
not consider any party-list representative for election to the HRET or the CA. As
the primary recourse of the party-list representatives lies with the House of
Representatives, ‘the Court cannot resolve the issues presented by petitioners at
this time.
-Pimentel vs HRET
NOTE: APPEAL TO THE HOUSE FIRST BEFORE THE SC-- THIS IS WHEN THE PROPORTIONAL
REPRESENTATION REQUIREMENT IS NOT MET
Under the doctne of primary administrative jurisdiction, prior recourse to the
House is necessary before the petitioners may bring the case to the Supreme Court.
-Pimentel vs HRET
COMMISSION ON APPOINTMENTS
2) Where there are more than two political parties represented in the Senate, a
political party/coalition with a single senator in the Senate cannot
constitutionally claims seat in the Commission.
(If there are 23 majority senators and only 1 minority, that 1 minority is entitled
to a seat in the CA by force of circumstance for being the lone minority
-Tanada vs Cuenco)
VOTING RULES:
30 session days
majority
Chairman only votes when tie
SEC 19- SET HRET and CA Constitution- 30 days after election of Senate President
and House Speaker
Chairman's or majority's call-- kha khaaa!
Powers of Congress
1. Legislative inquiries and oversight functions
2. Non-legislative
a. Informing function
b. Power of impeachment
The Senate or the House of Representatives or any of its respective committees may
conduct inquiries in aid of legislation in accordance with its duly published rules
of
procedure. The rights of persons appearing in or affected by such inquiries shall
be
respected.
The heads of departments may upon their own initiative, with the consent of the
President, or upon the request of either House, as the rules of each House shall
provide, appear before and be heard by such House on any matter pertaining to their
departments. Written questions shall be submitted to the President of the Senate or
the Speaker of the House of Representatives at least three days before their
scheduled appearance. Interpellations shall not be limited to written questions,
but
may cover matters related thereto. When the security of the State or the public
interest so requires and the President so states in writing, the appearance shall
be
conducted in executive session.
Why? Because the Senate is not a continuing body. The present Senate under the
1987 Constitution is no longer a continuing legislative body. It has 24 members, 12
of whom are elected every 3 years for a term of 6 years each. Thus, the term of
12 Senators expires every 3 years, leaving less than a majority of Senators to
continue into the next Congress since the Rules of Procedure must be
republished by the Senate after every expiry of the term of the 12 Senators.
NOTE! A MERE FILING OF CHARGES DOES NOT BAR INVESTIGATION IN AID OF LEGISLATION.
The mere filing of a criminal or administrative complaint before a court or a
quasi-judicial body
should not automatically bar the conduct of legislative investigation. Otherwise,
it would be
extremely easy to subvert any intended inquiry by Congress through the convenient
ploy of
instituting a criminal or an administrative mplaint. Thus, the Vice Chairman of SCB
is not
correct in refusing to attend the vestigation proceeding on the ground that
criminal and civil
cases involving the same issues are pending in courts.
-Standard Chartered Bank vs Senate
QUESTION HOUR
KINDS OF OVERSIGHT:
1. SCRUTINY-to determine economy and efficiency of the operation of government
activities.
2. INVESTIGATION- Sec. 21
3. SUPERVISION- which connotes a continuing and informed awareness on the part of a
congressional committee regarding executive operations in a given administrative
area
LEGISLATIVE OVERSIGHT
A statutory provision requiring the President or an administrative agency to
present the proposed implementing rules and regulations of a law to Congress
which by itself or through a committee formed by it, retains a "right" or "power"
to approve or disapprove such regulations before they may take effect, is a: (2012
BAR EXAMS)
a. legislative encroachment;
b. legislative veto;
c. legislative oversight;
d. legislative scrutiny.
SUGGESTED ANSWER:
(B) And (C) Abakada Guro Party List Vs Purisima, 562 Scra 251
It Is Suggested That Either (B) Or (C) May Be Accepted As A Correct Answer
NON-LEGISLATIVE POWERS
Informing function
Impeachment
a. To act as national board of canvassers for President and Vice President. (Art.
VII, sec. 4).
c. To concur in the grant of amnesty by the President. (Art. VII, sec. 19).
d. To initiate through the House of Representatives and, through the Senate, to try
all
cases of impeachment against the President, Vice President, the Members of the
Supreme Court, the Members of the Constitutional Commissions and the Ombudsman,
for culpable violation of the Constitution, treason, bribery, graft and corruption,
other
high crimes, or betrayal of public trust. (Art. XI, secs. 2-3).
INFORMING FUNCTION
IMPEACHMENT POWER
c. Referred to the proper committee within 3 session days from its inclusion;
d. The committee, after hearing, and by majority vote of all its members, shall
submit its report to the House of Representatives together with the corresponding
resolution;
g. A vote of at least 1/3 of all the members of the House of Representatives shall
be necessary either to affirm a favorable resolution with the Articles of
Impeachment of the committee or
override its contrary resolution.
[(1987 Constitution, Art. XI, Sec. 3 (2-3)]
and
NOTE: When the President of the Philippines shall be impeached, the Chief Justice
of the Supreme Court shall preside,
otherwise the Senate President shall presidin all other cases of impeachment
The Senate has the sole power to try and decide all cases of impeachment
[1987 Constitution, Art. XI, Sec. 3(6)].
Hence, judgment in an impeachment proceeding is normally not subject to judicial
review.
EXCEPTION: Courts may annul the proceedings if there is a showing of a grave abuse
of discretion or non-compliance with the procedural requirements of the
Constitution
2. ONE-YEAR BAR RULE-- INITIATED WHEN A VERIFIED COMPLAINT IS FILED AND REFERRED TO
THE COMMITTEE ON JUSTICE
An impeachment case is the legal controversy that must be decided by the Senate
while an impeachment proceeding is
one that is initiated in the House of Representatives.
For purposes of applying the one-year bar rule, the proceeding is initiated or
begins when a verified complaint is filed and referred to the Committee on Justice
for action.
-Francisco v. House of Representatives