Sie sind auf Seite 1von 74

Stifter und Mäzene sind aus der Geschichte der Religionen nicht weg-

Stifter und Mäzene und ihre Rolle in der Religion


zudenken. Doch was wissen wir über sie und welche Bedeutung mes-
sen wir ihnen bei?

In diesem Band werden Heiligtümer, Klöster, theologische Hoch-


schulen, Malereien, Manuskriptkolophone, Schenkungsurkunden,
Stifterbilder und Inschriften aus verschiedenen außereuropäischen
Kulturen und Zeitepochen (6. bis frühes 19. Jahrhundert) analysiert.
Die Beiträge zu China, Zentral-, Südost- und Südasien, zum Nahen
Osten und zu Afrika geben Aufschluss über das universalhistorische
Phänomen des Stiftens, sei es in Form von Unterhaltsstiftungen und
Landschenkungen, sei es in Form von Texttradierungen, Kirchen-
gründungen oder Stiftungen für das Seelenheil. Dabei zeigt sich, wie
eng das Stiften mit den sozialen, kulturellen und politischen Struktu-
ren der jeweiligen Gesellschaften und Zeiten verknüpft ist und wie es
sich mit diesen Strukturen wandelt.

Stifter und Mäzene


und ihre Rolle in der Religion
Von Königen, Mönchen, Vordenkern und Laien
Harrassowitz
in Indien, China und anderen Kulturen

www.harrassowitz-verlag.de Herausgegeben von Barbara Schuler


Harrassowitz
Stifter und Mäzene und ihre Rolle in der Religion
Stifter und Mäzene
und ihre Rolle in der Religion
Von Königen, Mönchen, Vordenkern und Laien
in Indien, China und anderen Kulturen

Herausgegeben von Barbara Schuler

2013
Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden
Gedruckt mit Unterstützung der Gustav Prietsch-Stiftung.

Bildnachweis: Stifter auf einem Wandgemälde. Museum für Asiatische Kunst,


Kunstsammlung Süd-, Südost- und Zentralasien, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin ‒
Preußischer Kulturbesitz, MIK III 9283.

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Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the internet
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© Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden 2013
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ISBN 978-3-447-06945-8
Der Gustav Prietsch-Stiftung
und all jenen Förderern, die die Wissenschaft unterstützen
Inhalt

Vorwort.............................................................................................................................. IX

Barbara Schuler
Stifter und Religion: Eine Einführung ............................................................................... 1

Ostasien

Amy McNair
Patronage of Buddhist Buildings and Sovereignty in Medieval China:
Four Cases from the Northern Wei Dynasty ...................................................................... 19

Zentralasien

Peter Zieme
Stifter und Texte von der Seidenstraße
nach Zeugnissen des altuigurischen Buddhismus .............................................................. 43

Südostasien

Volker Grabowsky
Buddhistische Klosterstiftungen in Lan Na und Lan Sang (14. bis 17. Jahrhundert) ......... 59

Südasien

Annette Schmiedchen
Stiftungen zum Unterhalt buddhistischer Klöster in Indien (1. bis 10. Jahrhundert) ......... 99

Oskar von Hinüber


Felsbilder, Bronzen, Handschriften und Kultgegenstände:
Die Könige von Palola als Stifter einer buddhistischen Kultur .......................................... 117

Naher Osten

Jan-Peter Hartung
Schulen, Netze, Traditionen:
Zur Institutionalisierung von Wissen in der persophonen Welt der Frühen Neuzeit.......... 135
VIII Inhalt

Monika Dahncke
Ein Stiftungskomplex in der Islamischen Welt:
Wer stiftete die theologische Hochschule Madresse Madare Schah in Isfahan/Iran?......... 149

Afrika

Alessandro Bausi
Kings and Saints:
Founders of Dynasties, Monasteries and Churches in Christian Ethiopia .......................... 161

Illustrationen ...................................................................................................................... 187

Literaturverzeichnis ........................................................................................................... 205

Autorinnen und Autoren .................................................................................................... 229

Indizes ................................................................................................................................ 233


Vorwort
Dieses Buch enthält Beiträge, die auf eine interdisziplinäre Vortragsreihe an der
Universität Hamburg im Rahmen des Allgemeinen Vorlesungswesens im Sommer-
semester 2011 zurückgehen, organisiert von der Herausgeberin des vorliegenden
Sammelbandes. Ziel der Vortragsreihe war es, über die Grenzen einer einzelnen
Kultur hinaus, länder- und regionsspezifische Aspekte des Stifter- und Mäzenaten-
tums verständlich zu machen. Der Sammelband vereinigt daher Beiträge von Wis-
senschaftlern, die sich mit Ost-, Zentral-, Südost- und Südasien, dem Nahen Osten
und Afrika beschäftigen.
Die Aufsatzsammlung bietet die Möglichkeit eines Vergleichs von unterschiedli-
chen, aber auch konvergierenden Kultur- und Religionsmustern, die das universal-
historische Phänomen ‘Stiften’ in außereuropäischen mittelalterlichen Kulturen be-
gleiteten. Neben Anregungen für die asien- und afrikabezogenen Disziplinen soll
zugleich die Grundlage für eine vergleichende Perspektive der Erforschung des
Stiftertums erbracht werden.
Gemeinsam ist den Beiträgen die Darstellung der Epochengrenzen überschrei-
tenden Idee des Stiftens. Dabei bleibt der erfasste Zeitraum begrenzt. Er ist aber in
jedem Fall ausreichend genug, um grundlegende Entwicklungstendenzen verfolgen
zu können. Vollständigkeit ist nicht angestrebt. Zum einen ist sie praktisch nicht zu
leisten, zum anderen ist sie methodisch nicht gewollt, denn worum es geht, ist, die
Grundmuster aufzuzeigen, denen die Stifterpraxis folgte, und den Einfluss, den die
Religionen dem Stifter- und Mäzenatentum verdanken.
Ich habe mich für eine Anordnung der Beiträge entschieden, die nicht nach Reli-
gion, sondern nach Region zuordnet. So wird der Leser nicht thematisch, sondern
geographisch von Ostasien bis nach Afrika geführt. Es konnten hierfür acht Autoren
– auch neue, nicht an der Vortragsreihe beteiligte Beiträger – gewonnen werden.
Der erste Beitrag von AMY MCNAIR über “Patronage of Buddhist Buildings and
Sovereignty in Medieval China: Four Cases from the Northern Wei Dynasty” (386–
534) analysiert die Stifterpraxis einer Dynastie, unter welcher der Buddhismus Staats-
religion wurde. Die Nördliche Wei Dynastie gehört zu jenen Dynastien, die sich das
Konzept der göttlichen Herrschaft (devarāja) im indischen Buddhismus, aber auch
seine Kosmologie für ihren Aufstieg zunutze machten. McNair liefert dem Leser
nicht nur ein vielschichtiges Portrait der gestifteten kaiserlichen Monumente, sie be-
zeugt auch die politischen Ziele und Selbstdefinitionen der kaiserlichen Stifter, die
mit der gestifteten buddhistischen Architektur verfolgt wurden. Dass die Nördlichen
Wei das Reich nach dem Fall der Han Dynastie (deren Staatsideologie der Konfuzia-
nismus war) auf neue ideologische, legitimatorische und ordnungspolitische Grund-
lagen stellen wollten, darf wohl als sicher gelten: mit ihnen als buddhistische Herr-
scher im Zentrum des Universums und repräsentiert als Buddhafiguren. Der Beitrag
X Vorwort

zeigt, wie nützlich es sein kann, auch andere Zeugnisse als Texte über die gesell-
schaftliche Realität des Stiftertums heranzuziehen.
PETER ZIEMEs Beitrag “Stifter und Texte von der Seidenstraße nach Zeugnissen
des altuigurischen Buddhismus” behandelt zentralasiatische Modelle des Stiftens
vom 10. bis 14. Jahrhundert, eine Epoche, in der die türkstämmigen Uiguren ein
Uigurisches Königreich bildeten und der chinesische Buddhismus gegenüber dem
indischen Buddhismus an Einfluss gewann. Der Autor verdeutlicht, welche ent-
scheidende Rolle die Innen-Außen-Ordnung (Religion-Königreich) für das Stifter-
wesen hatte. Er verweist auf Kolophone, Lobpreisungen und Wandbilder, die das
Spenden als ein zentraler Aspekt in dieser Ordnung bezeugen. Seine Ausführungen
anhand von Beispielen altuigurischer Texte und Stifterbilder zeigen gleichsam die
Besonderheit der zentralasiatischen Adaptionskultur, d.h. die Aufnahme, Integration
und lokale Interpretation buddhismusähnlicher Modelle des Spendens und Stiftens
durch den Manichäismus und das Christentum (syrisch-nestorianische Ausrichtung),
bis hin zu einer gesamtregionalen Übernahme der Idee der Übertragung von Ver-
dienst auf andere. Auf ein religionsübergreifendes Konzept des Spendens weist auch
seine Untersuchung der gebräuchlichsten Termini für ‘Gabe’.
VOLKER GRABOWSKY untersucht in seinem Beitrag “Buddhistische Klosterstif-
tungen in Lan Na und Lan Sang (14. bis 17. Jahrhundert)” das bislang wenig er-
forschte Stiftungswesen in zwei Thai-Lao Königreichen. Der Autor verdeutlicht
anhand von Steininschriften, welche entscheidende Rolle Könige oder Angehörige
der Königsfamilie bei buddhistischen Stiftungen und Klostergründungen durch die
Übertragung von Landrechten und die Schenkung von Arbeitskräften (sowohl indi-
viduelle Familien als auch ganze Dörfer) spielten. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei nicht
nur die sichtbare Manifestation buddhistischen gerechten und universellen König-
tums (dharmarāja, cakravartin), sondern auch der Gedanke der Siedlungsexpansion,
des religiösen Prestigegewinns und der politischen Einflussnahme durch den Aufbau
eines Geflechts loyaler religiöser Einrichtungen. Diese Praxis der Legitimation kö-
niglicher Herrschaft weist der Autor in beiden Königreichen vor allem im 15. und
16. Jahrhundert nach. In seiner umfassenden Dokumentation der Stiftertätigkeit
wertet er nicht nur eine umfangreiche Urkundensammlung aus und veranschaulicht
durch Tabellen die Vielfalt der Aspekte des Stiftungsvorgangs, sondern berücksich-
tigt gleichzeitig auch kulturhistorische Fragestellungen.
ANNETTE SCHMIEDCHEN stellt in ihrem Aufsatz “Stiftungen zum Unterhalt bud-
dhistischer Klöster in Indien (1. bis 10. Jahrhundert)” eine weitere herausragende
Stifterkultur vor. Hierzu dienen ihr als Hauptquelle Inschriften, sowohl Steinin-
schriften als auch Kupfertafelurkunden. Seit den ersten Jahrhunderten n. Chr. sind in
Indien Stiftungen belegt, die den Unterhalt buddhistischer Klöster sichern sollten.
Zunächst sind überwiegend Privatpersonen, ab dem 6. Jahrhundert jedoch zuneh-
mend auch Könige als Stifter nachweisbar. Untersucht werden von der Autorin die
Motive der verschiedenen Stifter ebenso wie die Zweckbindungen, die mit den Stif-
tungen verbunden waren. Dabei werden nicht nur regionale und periodische Unter-
schiede der Stiftungstätigkeit zugunsten buddhistischer Klöster in der Zeit vom 1.
Vorwort XI

bis zum 10. Jahrhundert diskutiert, sondern auch Vergleiche zu anderen zeitgenössi-
schen religiösen Stiftungen in Indien gezogen. Bemerkenswert ist die nachweisliche
Förderung von Religionen, zu denen sich die Stifter selber nicht bekennen.
OSKAR VON HINÜBER untersucht in seinem Beitrag “Felsbilder, Bronzen, Hand-
schriften und Kultgegenstände: Die Könige von Palola als Stifter einer buddhisti-
schen Kultur” hauptsächlich am Beispiel von Bronzen und Manuskripten aus dem
Gebiet von Gilgit (spätes 6. bis frühes 8. Jahrhundert) die Bedeutung, welche die
Herrscher aus der Bhagadatta-Familie für die Kunst des Nordwesten Indiens hatten.
Die Gilgit-Birkenrinden-Manuskripte, die in einer 1931 entdeckten mittelalterlichen
Bibliothek überlebt haben, nennen in ihren Kolophonen Namen der Palola Herr-
scher. Weitere Namen dieser Herrscherfamilie sind auf den Bronzeinschriften zu
finden. Manuskripte, Bronzen und Felszeichnungen werden vom Autor verglichen.
Während die Ikonographie der Felsbilder, die offensichtlich auf nichtadlige reisende
Laien zurückgehen, weitgehend klar ist, bleibt jene der Bronzen uneindeutig. Der
Autor hält es für wahrscheinlich, dass die buddhistischen Palola Ṣāhis ihre eigene
Ikonographie für ihre Stiftungen zu entwickeln trachteten. Die kunsthistorische Er-
schließung der Bronzen ist nicht zuletzt wegen ihrer Stifterdarstellungen von erheb-
lichem Interesse für die transkulturell-vergleichende Stifterforschung.
Für die Welt des Islam geht JAN-PETER HARTUNG in seiner Untersuchung “Schu-
len, Netze, Traditionen: Zur Institutionalisierung von Wissen in der persophonen
Welt der Frühen Neuzeit” dem Zusammenhang zwischen höfischer “Patronage” und
Prozessen intellektueller Traditionsbildung in der indo-persischen Welt des 14. bis
frühen 19. Jahrhunderts nach. Dem Autor gelingt dabei der Nachweis, dass es in
Indien Stifterbestrebungen gegeben hat, denen an einer kulturellen Persianisierung
in Form der Fortführung bestehender islamisch-philosophischer Denktraditionen aus
dem Iran in Südasien gelegen war. Wie der Autor aufzeigt, hatte die Kommentar-
produktion und nicht zuletzt die strategische Nutzung sozialer Netzwerke bei der
Durchsetzung solcher Bestrebungen besonderes Gewicht. Dabei identifiziert er die
Landsmannschaft, den Gelehrtenstammbaum und das Verdienstprinzip als idealtypi-
sche und besonders bedeutsame Muster der Patronage. Andererseits weist der Autor
gleichsam darauf hin, dass das Mäzenatentum und die damit einhergehende Förde-
rung von Gelehrten und Literaten auch immer unter dem Aspekt eines temporären
politischen Kalküls zu sehen ist.
Im Beitrag “Ein Stiftungskomplex in der Islamischen Welt: Wer stiftete die The-
ologische Hochschule Madresse Madare Schah in Isfahan/Iran?” behandelt MONIKA
DAHNCKE (ROSCHANZAMIR) eine fromme islamische Stiftung aus dem frühen 18.
Jahrhundert, die aus einer theologischen Hochschule (Madresse Madare Schah) be-
stand und durch einen angrenzenden Basar und eine Karavanserei finanziell abge-
sichert war. Unter Heranziehung und Übersetzung einer zeitgenössischen persischen
Quelle (in Teilen von Lutfullah Hunarfar herausgegeben) nimmt sie Bezug auf die
Einweihung und behandelt die Frage der Stifterperson.
Im letzten Beitrag befasst sich ALESSANDRO BAUSI mit dem Thema “Kings and
Saints: Founders of Dynasties, Monasteries and Churches in Christian Ethiopia”.
XII Vorwort

Vor dem Hintergrund der Tatsache, dass das Christentum Mitte des 4. Jahrhunderts
in Äthiopien Fuß gefasst hat, werden Stiftungspraktiken aus verschiedenen Jahrhun-
derten vorgestellt. Hier stützt sich der Autor auf Forschungsergebnisse, denen unter-
schiedliche Quellenkorpora zugrunde liegen. Inschriften, Manuskripte, Heiligenle-
genden und Chroniken, aber auch Stiftungsdokumente, Kunstwerke und nicht zuletzt
die orale Überlieferung dokumentieren die lange Tradition der Fundatoren und
Mäzene im christlichen Äthiopien. In der Untersuchung wird anhand einiger beson-
derer Fälle auch dem Zusammenhang von Stifterpraxis und Totengedenken bzw.
Königskonzept nachgegangen.
Für die Umschrift der außereuropäischen Sprachen folgen die Beiträge (falls
nicht anders vermerkt) den in den jeweiligen Fächern geltenden Konventionen. Der
Nachweis der Abbildungen zu den Beiträgen findet sich in geographischer Anord-
nung gegen Ende des Bandes.
Für den Buchumschlag habe ich ein zentralasiatisches Stifterbild gewählt. Es soll
die Aufgabe andeuten, vor der ein moderner Zeitgenosse steht, wenn er sich mit
alten Kulturen beschäftigt. Denn nicht nur die Erfahrung und Einseitigkeit der eige-
nen Zeit und Kultur sind zu überwinden, sondern auch die Lücken des Quellenmate-
rials.
Mein herzlicher Dank gilt allen, die dazu beigetragen haben, dieses Buch zu rea-
lisieren. Danken möchte ich an erster Stelle den Autorinnen und Autoren, ganz be-
sonders aber auch den Förderern, deren Unterstützung die Durchführung der Vor-
tragsreihe und die Veröffentlichung dieses Buches erst möglich gemacht hat. Ich
danke dabei vor allem der Gustav Prietsch-Stiftung in Hamburg. Ihr und all den
Stiftern und Förderern, die ihre Unterstützung in den Dienst der Wissenschaft stel-
len, ist das Buch in Anerkennung gewidmet. Ein besonderer Dank gilt auch dem
Museum für Asiatische Kunst in Berlin für die Überlassung des Titelbildes und nicht
zuletzt der Leitung des Harrassowitz Verlags für das Interesse am Thema.

Hamburg, im März 2013 Barbara Schuler


Kings and Saints:
Founders of Dynasties, Monasteries and Churches
in Christian Ethiopia'

Alessandro Bausi

ABSTRACT: The vision of kings and monks acting as the patrons and founders of churches and
monasteries is a familiar one in the history of Christian Ethiopia. Saints' lives and chronicles,
donation acts, oral traditions, and artistic works and craftsmanship widely document a process
that has characterized the area since Christianity was introduced in the middle of the fourth
century CE. Intriguingly, however, there are a few cases where it is possible to discern ances-
tral practices or alternative types of kingship behind these acts of patronage and donation.

Introduction
Considered in terms of the longue duree as defined by the Annales School, 'found-
ing' or 'donating' works of art was a common practice in the highlands of Christian
Ethiopia. Naturally, the various members of the elite (kings, monks, and nobles) each
had a specific role to play in this process. Albeit to a more limited extent, however,
this practice can also be traced to pre-Christian times.
There exist numerous examples of artistic production due to patronage by roy-
alty, nobles or even private individuals. 1 These form the basis for the popular image
of Ethiopia as a land of Christian Oriental art, or, if contrasted with Byzantine and
Western models as some would prefer, its degeneration. These works of Ethiopian

* I am grateful to Gianfranco Agosti, of the Sapienza University of Rome, Giovanni Alberta


Cecconi, of the University of Florence, and Richard WestalI, of the Pontificia Universita Grego-
riana, for the opportunity to discuss some of the ideas and themes treated within the present pa-
per. I am also grateful to the latter for his aid in revising the English of this article. Of course,
the usuai disclaimers apply. Transcriptions and spellings in quotations have not been normal-
ized.
Balicka-Witakowska, Ewa, "Donors," in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, Volume 2: D-Ha, ed. Sieg-
bert Uhlig (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2(05), 191b-193a. See also Chojnacki, Stanislaw, "A
Hitherto Unknown Foreign Painter in 18th Century Ethiopia: The Master of Arabic Script and
His Portraits of Royal Donors," Africa (Roma) 40 (1985): 577-610; Chojnacki, Stanislaw, "Les
portraits des donateurs comme sources de l'histoire politique, religieuse et culturelle de
I'Ethiopie du XIIe au XIXe siecle," in Nubica et Aethiopica IV/v [vormals Nubica}: Sonderteil,
Athiopien gestern und heute, Akten der I. Tagung der Orbis Aethiopicus Gesellschaft zur Er-
haltung und Forderung der athiopischen Kultur, ed. Peter Nagel and Piotr O. Schol (Warszawa:
ZAS / PAN, 1999),621-647.
162 Alessandro Bausi

art have been dealt with in numerous exhibition catalogues as well as art history
monographs dedicated to paintings, illuminated manuscripts, crosses, icons, and
church architecture. Moreover, some studies have focus sed specifically upon pat-
ronage and maecenatism. 2 Court patronage in the seventeenth and eighteenth centu-
ries has likewise been the subject of detailed investigation. 3 Similarly, foundation of
various capitals in the course of Ethiopian history, including that of Addis Ababa in
1886, has been examined. 4
As regards more recent times, research has focussed upon the outlook, education
and social life of traditional painters active in the churches of present-day Addis
Ababa. This has shed light upon market conditions, the social identity of patrons (a
marked increase in foreigners, as opposed to Ethiopians), and changing attitudes
(e.g. style, ascetic practices while engaged in painting, and the painter's power over
the patron).5 Attempts have also been made 6 to depict the dynamics of commission,
patronage and artistic production as exemplified by "religious paintings, books and
paraphernalia of metal" and the accompanying "inscriptions that identify the donor
who gave the object to a church or monastery": as Neal Sobania and Raymond
Silverman have rightly remarked, "Historically the focus of scholars has been on
those donors who were members of royal families or of noble birth". It was for this

2 Heldman, Marilyn H., The Marian Icons of the Painter Fre $eyon: Study in Fifteenth Century
Ethiopian Art, Patronage and Spirituality (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1994), focusing on art
production in the crucial period of King Zar'a Ya'qob (1434-1468), the 'Constantine of Ethio-
pia' and the fundamental(ist) refonner in religious matters par excellence; Balicka-Witakowska,
Ewa and Michael Gervers, "Monumental Ethiopian Tablet-Woven Silk Curtains: A Case for
Royal Patronage," The Burlington Magazine 138 (June 1996): 375-385, on silk curtains do-
nated to churches from the seventeenth century onwards, at the initiative of Ethiopian kings.
Recent exhibitions (e.g. Barbieri, Giuseppe and Gianfranco Fiaccadori, eds, Nigra sum sed
Formosa: Sacro e bellezza del/'Etiopia cristiana, Ca' Foscari Esposizioni 13 marzo - 10 mag-
gio 2009 (Vicenza: Terra Fenna, 2(09)) have consciously aimed to reassert the pre-eminence of
this component of Ethiopia. They do so in polemic with other approaches that are purportedly
more 'politically correct' or 'up-to-date'.
3 Berry, LaVerle, "Gondare-Style Architecture and Its Royal Patrons," in Proceedings of the
First International Conference on the History of Ethiopian Art, Sponsored by the Royal Asiatic
Society, Held at the Warburg Institute of the University of London, October 21 and 22, 1986,
ed. Richard Pankhurst (London: The Pindar Press, 1989), 123-130.
4 Garretson, Peter, A History of Addis Ababa from Its Foundation in 1886 to 1910 (Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz, 1998). See also Pankhurst, Richard, History of Ethiopian Towns from the Middle
Ages to the Early Nineteenth Century, and History of Ethiopian Townsfrom the Mid-Nineteenth
Century to 1935 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1982, 1985).
5 Johnson, Edwin, "Patronage of Contemporary Ethiopian Orthodox Painting in Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia," in Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference on the History of Ethiopian Art,
Addis Ababa, 5-8 November 2002, ed. Birhanu Teferra and Richard Pankhurst ([Addis Ababa]:
Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa University, 2003),173-184.
6 Sobania, Neal and Raymond Silvennan, "Patrons and Artists in Highland Ethiopia: Contempo-
rary Practice in the Commissioning of Religious Painting and Metalwork," in Proceedings of
the xVh International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Hamburg July 20-25, 2003, ed. Sieg-
bert Uhlig et al. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006),469.
Kings and Saints: Founders of Dynasties, Monasteries and Churches 163

reason that they tried to "understand fully the role of commissioning and giving of
such objects to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church" by using "six case studies to ex-
amine the reasons less well-off Christians also commission and give such items to
churches, and to argue that they have always done so".
In fact, however, the documentation for donation and foundation by ordinary
people in earlier periods is not altogether satisfactory. This is so, even though ano-
nymity affected many more writers than founders. As Getatchew Haile has ob-
served:
The fact that the authors of a good many G;}';}Z works are not known is one
of the frustrations that one encounters in the study of that language's litera-
ture. From the standpoint of these unknown authors, the idea of remaining
anonymous has well-defined advantages. One reaps the fruits of modesty by
not presenting oneself as an author of religious books, which are believed to
be composed through divine inspiration. An author may pray, when starting
his composition, for such inspiration, but it is beyond modesty to claim that
his prayers have been answered.?
Documents such as that of manuscript EMML8 1706, folia SOr-v, which was exam-
ined by Getatchew Haile, furnish us with information regarding both the authors of
literary works and the founders of churches. However, they remain the exception
rather than the rule.
Sobania and Silverman, to resume, use the present-day evidence "of the inscrip-
tions found on contemporary religious objects" to arrive at a far-reaching conclu-
sion:
[W]hile there may have been an element of prestige or recognition in the
commissioning of a painting or cross of precious metal, the spiritual dimen-
sion of presenting a gift to the church was, and is, open to all Ethiopian
Christians. And for a church to perform the daily liturgy and celebrate each
saint's day required not only painting, icons and processional crosses, but re-
ligious books, prayer sticks, sistra, drums, vestments, chalices and patens.
And each and everyone of these objects was the donation of an individual
whose spiritual motivation was no different from that of an emperor or Ras
[official ofthe highest rank].9
It is apparent that these authors tend to treat as the same historical and documentary
evidence which, in the case of Ethiopia, can provide us with a more nuanced histori-

7 Getatchew Haile, "Builders of Churches and Authors of Hymns: Makers of History in the Ethi-
opian Church," in Etudes ethiopiennes. Volume I: Actes de la X' conference intemationale des
etudes ethiopiennes, Paris, 24-28 aout 1988, ed. Claude Lepage (Paris: Publication de la So-
ciete fran~aise pour les etudes ethiopiennes, 1994), 369.
8 EMML: Addis Ababa and CoJlegeville, MN, Ethiopian Manuscript Microfilm Library.
9 Sobania and Silverman, "Patrons and Artists in Highland Ethiopia," 477.
164 Alessandro Bausi

cal insight. Thus, it comes as no surprise that they do not venture back in time prior
to the fifteenth century.

A Look into the Early Past


Although perhaps less visually gratifying, lesser known historical monuments may
be worth mentioning because the concepts of 'donation' and 'foundation' are no less
relevant to their interpretation. By the sixth century CE, the kingdom of Aksum was
already an integral part of the Christian world. This can be seen from the testimony
of Cosmas Indicopleustes (Top., III, 65-66). A widely travelled monk and the author
of the Topographia christiana, he was present in the town of Adulis "at the begin-
ning of the reign of the Roman Emperor Justin I [518-527 CEl" (Cosm. Indic., Top.,
11, 56). Consequently, he was able to observe at first-hand the preparation 'of the vic-
torious expedition that the Aksumite king Kaleb / 'Ella ' A~beQa led in South Arabia
against the Jewish king of I:Iimyar Yiisuf 'As'ar Ya1'ar / Dii Nuwas. Capable of
military intervention on the other side of the Red Sea, the kingdom of Aksum ex-
tended over an area where civilization had existed continuously since the early first
millennium BCE, in the regions that today correspond to the highlands of Eritrea
and Northern Ethiopia.
It is precisely in this earlier, formative period that epigraphic dedications in the
Sabaic language furnish evidence for foundations in a form identical to that of con-
temporary ones in South Arabia. It should be remarked, however, that within the
diminutive corpus of some 200 Sabaic inscriptions (as opposed to the more than
10,000 South Arabian inscriptions known so far in South Arabia) there are some
striking features. For instance, the verb 'to offer, to dedicate' (hqny)lO is in fact fol-
lowed in some inscriptions (so-called 'B-group') by the preposition l-, a construc-
tion that is extremely rare in South Arabian. This and other linguistic as well as
physical aspects of the dedications, e.g. poor workmanship, have been interpreted as
evidence for the linguistic and cultural differentiation of the Ethiopian authors of the
South Arabian inscriptions of Ethiopia from authentic South Arabians. Hence, they
have been taken as a sign of the early emergence of an independent and autonomous
civilization.!!
Amongst the authors of these dedications to South Arabian deities there figure
the king (mlk) and especially the mukarrib (mkrb, as in the case of the inscription
RIE no. 8)!2 of D'MT, which is in fact the only political entity of Pre-Aksumite

10 Beeston, Alfred et aI., Sabaic Dictionary (English-French-Arabic) / Dictionnaire sabeen (an-


glais-franr,;ais-arabe) (Louvain-Ia-Neuve: Peeters, Beyrouth: Librairie du Liban, 1982), 106
("accll- IRy Inscr Nami 106 n. 35"); Conti Rossini, Carlo, Chrestornathia arabica meridionalis
epigraphica (Roma: Istituto per 1'0riente, 1931),232-233 ("consecravit", "dicavit").
11 Muller, Waiter W., "Sabaic Inscriptions in Ethiopia and Eritrea," in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica,
Volume 3: He-N, ed. Siegbert Uhlig (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2007). 156a-158a.
12 RIE: Bemand, Etienne, Abraham Iohannes Drewes, and Roger Schneider, Recueil des inscrip-
tions de l'Ethiopie des periodes preaxoumite et axoumite: Introduction de Francis Anfray,
Tome I: Les Documents, Tome II: Les Planches, 2 vols (Paris: Academie des Inscriptions et
Kings and Saints: Founders of Dynasties, Monasteries and Churches 165

Ethiopia known to date. In the past scholars thought that these people were at the
same time political and religious figures ('king-priests') 13. This theory is no longer
accepted. The mukarrib has been conclusively identified as a king acting in his func-
tion of chief of a (con)federation of tribes with essentially practical and executive
prerogatives. 14

The Aksumite Pre-Christian and Christian Phase


The 'Kingdom of Aksum' was named after its capital city in Northern Ethiopia, which
is in present-day Tegray. Starting in the first century CE, the kingdom is mentioned
by various sources. However, its political zenith only came in the period lasting
from the third to the seventh centuries CE. The kingdom represented a well-rooted
Semitic civilization that was increasingly penetrated by the Greek culture that had
been circulating along the shores of the Red Sea since the Hellenistic age. Near-
Eastern South-Arabian, African and Asiatic components together contributed to its
emergence. From the third century CE, at the latest, Greek inscriptions (until the
fifth century) and legends on coins (until the seventh century) attest to the use of
Greek as well as Ethiopic (which is also known as Ancient Ethiopic or Ge'ez).
An extraordinary dedication from this period is attested by the Greek inscription
of the second part of the so-called Monumentum Adulitanum, or Adulitana secunda
(RIE no. 277), which is quoted by Cosmas Indicopleustes in the Topographia chris-
tiana. Although it poses a number of unresolved problems, the inscription played an
important role in nineteenth-century historiography. It provided a case-study for
scholars such as Barthold Georg Niebuhr (1776-1831) and 10hann Gustav Bernhard
Droysen (1808-1884), who discussed the key concept of 'Hellenismus' both as a
linguistic and as a cultural and historical concept. IS The Greek text ends with the
statement of an unknown Ethiopian Aksumite king as follows:
I am the first and only of the kings my predecessors to have subdued all these
peoples by the grace given me by my mighty god Ares, who also engendered
me. It is through him that I have submitted to my power all the peoples
neighbouring my empire, in the east to the Land of Aromatics, to the west to
the land of Ethiopia and the Sasou; some I fought myself, against others I
sent my armies. When I had re-established peace in the world which is sub-

Belles-Lettres, Diffusion de Boccard, 1991); Bernand, Etienne, Recueil des inscriptions des pe-
riodes pre-axoumite, Tome Ill: Traductions et commentaires, A. Les inscriptions grecques (Pa-
ris: Academie des Inscriptions et des Belles Lettres, Diffusion de Boccard, 20(0).
13 For example, by the historian Taddesse Tamrat, "Feudalism in Heaven and on Earth: Ideology
and Political Structure in Medieval Ethiopia," in Proceedings of the Seventh International
Conference of Ethiopian Studies, University of Lund, 26-29 April 1982, ed. Sven Rubenson
(Addis Abeba: Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Uppsa1a: Scandinavian Institute of African Stud-
ies, East Lansing: African Studies Center, Michigan State University, 1984), 195-200.
14 De Maigret, Alessandro, Arabia felix: Un viaggio nell'archeologia dello Yemen (Milano:
Rusconi, 1996), 190-192.
15 Canfora, Luciano, Ellenismo (Bari: Laterza, 1995), 15 ff.
166 Alessandro Bausi

ject to me I came to Adulis to sacrifice for the safety of those who navigate
on the sea, to Zeus, Ares and Poseidon. After uniting and reassembling my
armies I set up here this throne and consecrated it to Ares, in the twenty-sev-
enth year of my reign. 16
A similar statement occurs in the inscription of King Sembruthes, where the foun-
dation of a monument is also mentioned: "King of the kings of the Axoumites, the
great Sembrouthes founded, in the twenty-fourth year of the great king". 17
The foundation and dedication of a monumental throne to Greek deities by an
unknown Ethiopian sovereign who ruled for twenty-four years is eloquent testimony
to the profound Hellenization of Aksum. It also furnishes a useful heUlistic model
for the broader notion of Hellenism as a lasting phenomenon in the Orient and Near
East, well beyond the events immediately following upon the passage of Alexander
the Great.
The language of the inscription by this anonymous king of Adulis continued in
use until the eve of the conversion of 'Ezana, who has left us inscriptions testifying
to his claims to divine ancestry. In fact, there "were also rows of monumental gran-
ite thrones in Aksum, which seem to have borne metal statues dedicated to pre-
Christian deities like 'Astar, Bal)er, Madr and Mal)ram, and to have incorporated at
the sides and back large panels bearing inscriptions". 18
Statues of gold (one), silver (one) and bronze (three) were offered by King
'Ezana (RIE nos. 1851-11 and 270, nos. 185 bis 1-11 and 270 bis). The foundation of
a throne (manbar) is mentioned in an inscription by the same king (RIE no. 188),
where it is followed by sacrifices of animals (lOO cows) and people (50, of unspeci-
fied gender) in honor of Mal)rem, father of the king and the god of war. A similar
statement about a throne also occurs in another inscription. This, however, belongs
to the early Christian phase and it is here that monotheism of a sort appears for the
first time (RIE no. 189):
And I set up a throne here in Shado by the might of the Lord of Heaven who
has helped me and given me supremacy. May the Lord of Heaven reinforce
my reign. And, as he has now defeated my enemies for me, may he continue
to do so wherever I go. As he has now conquered for me, and has submitted
my enemies to me, I wish to reign in justice and equity, without doing any

16 Munro-Hay, Stuart, Aksum: An African Civilization of Late Antiquity (Edinburgh: Edinburgh


University Press, 1991),222-223.
17 BacrtAriJc; El( ~acrw;Olv A~OlIlEt'riOv J.t£yae; LEll~pOUGr]e; KU9EiopUcrE, (£roue;) l(0 LEll~pou90u
llEYUAOU ~acrw;Ole;. 'Founded' to be understood as 'placed, established, dedicated'. On Sem-
brouthes and his inscription, Fiaccadori, Gianfranco, "Sembrouthes 'Gran Re', (DAE IV 3 =
RIl~th 275): Per la storia del primo ellenismo aksurnita," La Parola del Passato 59 (2004), 103-
157; Fiaccadori, Gianfranco, "Greek Inscriptions in EthioiaJEritrea," in Encyclopaedia Aethi-
opica, Volume 3: He-N, 158a-159b.
18 Munro-Hay, Stuart, "Aksum: History of the Town and Empire," in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica,
Volume 1: A-C, ed. Siegbert Uhlig (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2003), 175a.
Kings and Saints: Founders of Dynasties, Monasteries and Churches 167

injustice to my peoples. And I put this throne which I have raised under the
protection of the Lord of Heaven, who has made me king, and that of the
Earth (Meder) which bears it. And if anyone is found to root it up, deface it
or displace it, let him and his race be rooted up and extirpated. They shall be
cast out of the country. And I have raised this throne by the power of the
Lord of Heaven. 19
While some of these inscriptions can be considered to commemorate offers as well
as foundations, the first explicit mention of a church's foundation comes with King
Kiileb in the sixth century CE. In the course of narrating the complex events con-
nected with the Ethiopian presence and occupation of South Arabia by means of an
expedition, Kaleb / 'Ella 'A~bel)a commemorates the construction of a church in
I;IMYR (RI£; no. 191.35): "and I founded a church (chapel) in I:Iimyar" (wtklk mqds
bbmr).20 This is the first securely documented royal foundation of a church, even
though churches must have been founded previously in Aksum and elsewhere by
initiative of the kings. Tradition, for example, maintains that the cathedral of Ak-
sum, or the church of Saint Mary Sion ($eyon), was a royal foundation. However,
the present instance is the first one to be securely attested within the historical rec-
ord. Under his alternative name of 'Elesboam', the same historical King Kiileb is
portrayed as actively engaged in founding churches. Such is his representation in the
Byzantine Acts of Saint Gregentius, which probably date to the tenth century even
though they clearly make use of much earlier materials. In this account the saint
inaugurates the churches that Kiileb had built:
In the town of Negra he also built a very beautiful church in the name of the
holy and life-giving Resurrection at a place called Nephoth. He also con-
structed another church in the name of the most holy Mother of God at ta
Tademeros; and he built another one in the name of the holy martyrs and the
glorious Arethas close to his house, at a place which had been a most won-
derful garden before. Similarly he constructed the great church in Tephar in
the name of the holy Trinity close to the palace, where the bloodthirsty king
of the Hebrews had dwelt, and another one in the middle of Dana, a main
street which was so called, in the name of our holy Lady and Mother of God
Maria, and another one at the western gate of the city in the name of the holy
Apostles. And he constructed three churches in the town of Akana, one of the
Saviour in the name of his Ascension, one of the prophet John, the Baptist
and Precursor, and another church in the name of the holy apostle Thomas. In
the town of Atarph, in Legmia, Azaki and louze and in the other towns he
scattered his armies, and pressing the local people into service he erected

19 Munro-Hay, Aksum, 229.


20 It should be noted that Ethiopian names frequently make use of the root 'to plant' (tkl) as well
as the word 'foundation' (masarat, from which also a denominal verb is formed).
168 Alessandro Bausi

holy churches everywhere, making his grand men the overseers of these
works?l
Subsequently, the bishop and the king approached one another and embraced. Then
the king invited the bishop to complete the work that he himself had begun:
[He] took the bishop and went away to inaugurate the churches he had built
for the Lord. Now when first the noble churches in the town of Negra had
been consecrated by the most holy bishop Gregentios, the king took him,
went to the town of Akana and inaugurated the churches there as well; and
tlle divine Gregentios appointed a priest for every church, when he passed
through and consecrated it, and installed him in the divine sanctuary. Then
they came to Atephar and Legmia, consecrated the divine shrines and were in
good cheer. And thereafter they went through all the surrounding towns, and
having inaugurated and consecrated the holy precincts, they came to Tephar,
the residential town of the Homerites, and having rested some days, they also
established the adorable houses there and lived in joy and gladness, rejoicing
and celebrating feasts. 22
King KiHeb also engages in an unusual form of patronage that is a spectacular dis-
play of piety and devotion: he dedicates his crown to the church of the Holy Sepul-
chre in Jerusalem. 23 According to a widespread hagiographical tradition of the sixth
century, his crown was hung on display in that church. 24 The donation probably also
constitutes an early allusion to the relationship between Jerusalem and Ethiopia. As
is well known, an important Christian Ethiopian community flourished there in later
centuries, and still exists to this day.2s
King Kaleb's dedication of his crown did not remain without sequel. Rather, it
was imitated within the framework of the complex ideological relationship between
the Aksumite and Post-Aksumite periods. Many centuries later King Iyasu I (r.
1682-1706) performed a similar dedication. 26 After having fallen ill and while pray-
ing to God, he made a vow, broke his crown and donated it to the mountains and to

21 Berger, Albrecht, with a contribution by Gianfranco Fiaccadori, Life and Works of Saint Gre-
gentios, Archbishop of Taphar: Introduction, Critical Edition and Translation (Berlin, New
York: WaIter de Gruyter, 2006), 394-395 (Bios 9.143-160).
22 Berger and Fiaccadori, Life and Works, 396-397 (Bios 9.179-189).
23 Haas, Christopher, "Mountain Constantines: The Christianization of Aksum and Iberia," Jour-
nal of Late Antiquity 1.1 (2008): 101-126, underlines the 'patronage' of 'Ezana as a key-factor
in the Christianization of Aksum.
24 Fiaccadori, Gianfranco, "I1pocrOlJltc;, non npoolJltc;: Efeso, Gerusalemme, Aquileia (Nota a IEph
495, I S.)," La Parola del Passalo 58 (2003): 182-249.
25 Pedersen, Kirsten Stoffregen, "Jerusalem," in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, Volume 3: He-N,
273a-277a. See also the classic Cerulli, Enrico, Etiopi in Palestina: Storia della comunitii eti-
opica di Gerusalemme, 2 vols (Roma: La Libreria dello Stato, 1943, 1947).
26 It is worth adding that this murdered king of the Solomonic dynasty is formally venerated as a
martyr and as a saint.
Kings and Saints: Founders of Dynasties, Monasteries and Churches 169

the plains. In so doing, he was imitating the donation made by Kaleb after his victo-
rious expedition in South Arabia more than one millennium before:
"If I die here," he said, "bury me on the island of Me~ral;1a, where my mother,
my children and my relatives are buried. But if God gives me health, I will
return to Gondar". Aiming at this, he preferred to remain there, at Aringo,
making charitable donations and distributing all his wealth to the poor and
needy. He did not hold back any of his wealth, and went so far as to break the
crown that he wore, so as to donate it to the churches of the mountains and
plains. 27
The survival of 'late antique paradigms' that this example suggests merit further in-
vestigation. Pioneering work has been done in some contributions dedicated to the
figure of the 'Ethiopian monastic holy man' as a decisive social factor in medieval
Ethiopia. 28 The parallel might seem forced. Still, it is patently justified by a large
corpus of hagiographicalliterature. If carefully analyzed, this corpus constitutes im-
portant historical evidence for the mentalites and social relations of the time as well
as for the dynamics of foundation and donation. This literature is imbued with topoi
and ideological elements that go beyond a merely typological relationship with Late
Antiquity.

The Role of the Kingship


Rooted in a late antique context, the ideology of foundation and patronage that is
visible in Ethiopia in the medieval and premodem periods is intimately tied to the
person of the king and reflects his institutional and ideological role. Apart from a
few misunderstandings,29 the monograph by Eike Haberland 30 remains a useful start-

27 Guidi, Ignazio, Annales Iohannis I, 'Iyasu et Bakaffa, 4 vols (1903, reprint Louvain: Secretariat
du CorpusSCO, 1960--1961), vo!. 3 (text), 61, vo!. 4 (trans!.), 60. See also Conti Rossini, Carlo,
"Iyasu I re d'Etiopia e rnartire," Rivista degli Studi Orientali 20 (1942): 65-128. The parallel
has been noted by Marrassini, Paolo, Lo sceUro e la croce: La campagna di 'Amda $eyon I
contro I' /fat (J 332) (Napoli: Dipartimento di Studi e Ricerche su Africa e Paesi Arabi, Istituto
Orientale di Napoli, 1993),24, fn. 9.
28 Kaplan, Steven, The Monastic Holy Man and the Christianization of Early Solomonic Ethiopia
(Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1984). The incomparable model, of course, are the numerous con-
tributions by Brown, Peter, The World of Late Antiquity: From Marcus Aurelius to Muhammad
(London': Thames and Hudson, 1971); Brown, Peter, Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity
(London: Faber and Faber, 1982); Brown, Peter, Authority and the Sacred: Aspects of the
Christianisation of the Roman World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Brown,
Peter, Glen W. Bowersock, and Oleg Grabar, eds, Interpreting Late Antiquity: Essays on the
Postclassical World (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard Univ. Press, 2001); Brown,
Peter, Poverty and Leadership in the Later Roman Empire (Hanover, NH: Univ. Press of New
England, 2002), and many others; see also Bowersock, Glen W., Empires in Collision in Late
Antiquity (Waltham, Mass.: Brandeis University Press, Historical Society ofIsrael, 2012),1-28.
29 Such as the erroneous identification (due to a fashionable, but simplistic, interpretation of the
so-called 'Glaser-Conti Rossini hypothesis') of the Semitic heritage of Ethiopian civilization
with the South Arabian phase, which both have to be clearly distinguished one from the other.
170 Alessandro Bausi

ing-point for analysis. Haberland challenged the hypothesis, that was current when
he wrote, that Ethiopian kingship (whether carried by Southern Arabian immigrants,
or spread from there into Africa, or being Egypt-Meroe its point of origin) played a
crucial role in the development of African kingship. Within this framework, he crit-
icizes the hypothesis that, "[n]o less than other higher cultural developments in
Africa, kingship appears to originate from impulses emanating from the Ancient
Near East", since "Southern Arabian influences seem much less significant than had
been assumed heretofore", as evinced by various elements. But "[o]ne must not com-
mit the error of equating the state of Aksum of the first centuries of the Christian era"
(first to seventh centuries) "with medieval Ethiopia" (twelfth to sixteenth centuries).
Whereas the former enjoyed a relatively sophisticated urban culture withi~ a broader
late antique context and was actually integrated with the Mediterranean world, the
latter displays signs of the objective decay of material culture. In accordance with
this perspective, Haberland considered the elements of Christian Oriental culture
present in medieval Ethiopian civilization as those of a 'superstructure' with very
limited importance and superficial impact in comparison with other actually
'African' components. His conclusion was as follows:
The biblical prototype was so effective that the Ethiopian kings considered
themselves more than mere spiritual successors to the kings of Juda but un-
dertook to construct a genealogical kinship with them. This concept was well
rooted in the Orient in myth and legend since ancient days and crystallized
from 1270 on into that famous "myth of empire" which became known under
the name kebra nagast and which has since then remained the Magna Charta
of Christian Ethiopian monarchy.
As a matter of fact, historical reality seems to have been quite different. The emer-
gence and the very origin of the Honour of Kings (Kebra nagast, more often trans-
lated as "Glory of Kings" are still subjects of scholarly debate. 3l In its purest form,

On this complex problem, see the discussion of Marrassini, Paolo, "Ancora sulle 'origini' eti-
opiche," in Studi in onore di Edda Bresciani, ed. Sandro Filippo Bondi et al. (Pisa: Giardini
Editori e Stampatori in Pisa, 1985), 303-315.
30 Haberland, Eike, Untersuchungen zum iithiopisehen Konigtum (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner,
1965), 317ff. Similarly also Taddesse Tamrat, "Feudalism in Heaven," 195.
31 Marrassini, Paolo, "K:lbrli Nliglist," in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica. Volume 3: He-N, 364a-368a.
Also Beylot, Robert, La Gloire des rois ou I'Histoire de Salomon et de la reine de Saba (Tum-
hout: Brepols, 2008); Bowersock, Glen W., "Helena's Bridle and the Chariot of Ethiopia," in
Antiquity in Antiquity: Jewish and Christian Pasts in the GreeD-Roman World, ed. Gregg Gard-
ner and Kevin L. Osterloh (Tiibingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008), 383-393; Getatchew Haile, "The
Kebrii NiigiiSt Revisited," Oriens Christianus 93 (2009): 127-134; Debie, Muriel, "Le Kebra
Nagast ou La Gloire des rois: Vne reponse apocryphe aux evenements de Najran?," in Juifs et
ehretiens en Arabie aux V et Vr siecles: Regards croises sur les sources. Le massacre de
Najran II, ed. Joelle Beaucamp, Fran,<oise Briquel-Chatonnet, and Christian Julien Robin (Pa-
ris: Association des Amis du Centre d'Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance, 2010). 255-278;
Bowersock, Glen W., "Helena's Bridle, Ethiopian Christianity and Syriac Apocalyptic," in Stu-
Kings and Saints: Founders of Dynasties, Monasteries and Churches 171

this work tells the story of the Israelite origin and descent of the royal, so-called Solo-
monic, dynasty of the Ethiopians. The work is far more complex than Haberland's
description of it as the Magna Charta of Ethiopian kings. In fact, there is no evidence
that it was first composed under the auspices of the dynasty that ruled from the
thirteenth century (1268170) until IJayla SelHise. Rather, it was probably com-
missioned by a local dynasty of the North. Moreover, contrary to what subsequent
Solomonic historiography reports, the preceding ZagWe dynasty also claimed Israel-
ite descent. Haberland 32 goes on to underline a purported "chaos" in the dynastic
succession that was allegedly due to "the old view of the epiphany of the royal cha-
risma which made regulations of succession unnecessary". He claims that this was
particularly apparent in the case of King Lalibala, "where we also find a notable
association of the king with an African symbol of royalty, the bee". In fact, the 'Af-
rican kingship' noted by Haberland seems to surface in the ZiigWe dynasty to which
Lalibala belongs and represents a quite specific and determined facet liable to a
complex interpretation. However, it needs to be stressed that this appears to be a
very special case.

The ZagWe Founders


The ZagWe dynasty, flourished between the twelfth and thirteenth century. On the
other hand, Ethiopian tradition asserts that the dynasty flourished earlier, as of the
tenth century. With the exception of the first rulers, this dynasty is almost entirely
represented by 'kings-as-saints'. The kings-as-saints of the ZiigWe dynasty are cred-
ited with the foundation and endowment of extraordinary monuments. For instance,
they are said to have created the famous rock-hewn churches of Lasta, which lie
immediately to the South of Tegray and are considered to be one of the most dis-
tinctive artistic products of the Ethiopian Christian civilization. The ZagWe dynasty
is also the first for which definite artistic objects can be attributed to historical per-
sonalities. One recent and extremely interesting example is that of the inscribed
processional cross of King Tantaweddem. 33
As remarked there exists a lively debate as to the kings' status as saints. The rec-
ollection of their merits and good services towards the church and clergy has been
adduced as a reason for their sanctification, as in many cases in medieval Europe. 34

dia Patristica XliV-XLIX, Papers Presented at the Fifteenth International Conference on Pa-
tristic Studies Held in Oxford 2007, ed. Jane Baun et aI., vo!. XLV (Leuven et al.: Peeters,
2010),211-220.
32 Haberland, Untersuchungen, 320.
33 Very interesting from a linguistic point of view, for it displays uncommon features, the inscrip-
tion reads as follows: 'Who has served this sign of the cross, is me, King Salomon, son of
Muriira and my name is Tantaweddem', (zanta ma'taba za'aqnayku 'ana Salomon neguS wald
Muriirii wasemeya Tan!iiweddem), see Chojnacki, Stanislaw in collaboration with Carolyn
Gossage, Ethiopian Crosses: A Cultural History and Chronology (Milano: Skira editore, 2006),
pI. xvii, figs. 36-39.
34 Derat, Marie-Laure, "Du BegWena au Lasta: Centre et peripherie dans le royaume d'Ethiopie du
172 Alessandro Bausi

Indeed, Yernrebanna Krestos (the king-priest par excellence of the ZagWe dynasty,
who is thought to have been early identified as the ante litteram 'Prester John' of
Ethiopia), Na'akkweto La'ab, and especially Lalibala were all great builders. The
last named, in fact, was so important as to have given his name to the famous town
where the incredible monolithic rock-hewn churches were carved. Yet, other Ethio-
pian kings likewise displayed their piety as founders and constructors of churches,
donors of benefits for the clergy, and patrons of art. Consequently, there is no reason
to think that the piety of the ZagWe kings was superior to that of the Solomonic
kings. The ZagWe did show a commitment to church building and their strict adher-
ence to orthodoxy is shown by their early observance of the 'Christian Sabbath'
praised by King Lalibala in an inscription on an altar-throne (manbara tiibot)?5
However, it seems overly positivistic to think that these things were the only reason
for their sanctification, even as a response to those contesting their legitimacy to
rule. Lastly, the ZagWe were also considered usurpers. How could they be sanctified?
Paolo Marrassini has extensively studied the subject and formulated an interesting
explanation. 36 Pertinent is a passage from the hagiography of King Yernrebanna
Krestos:
The following day, he ordered his retinue and said: "Come, let us hunt wild
animals". They rejoiced and followed him where he was going, and said:
"The mind of the king has changed, and now he wants to go hunting like the
previous kings! And after that he will come back to our table, and he will
take many wives, as we have told him, because, look, he has begun to hunt
wild animals. As for us, we are very sorry because of this fact, as he is a
priest· king, and he lives in loneliness according to the monastic habit,
whereas we were wondering what to do. But now the Lord has visited us, and
has started for us the custom of the kings!" But others said: "He is a good
man, and there is nobody who makes war under him; the people of Rom obey

XIII au XVI e siecle," Annales d'Ethiopie 24 (2009): 65-86; Derat, Marie-Laure, "Les donations
du roi Uilibala: Elements pour une geographie du royaume chretien d'Ethiopie au tournant du
XIIe et du XIIIe siecle," Annales d'Ethiopie 25 (2010): 19-42; Derat, Marie-Laure, "The ZilgWe
Dynasty (I I_13 th Centuries) and King Yernrei).anna Krestos," Annales d'Erhiopie 25 (2010):
157-196. Moreover, see the forthcoming article by Fiaccadori, Gianfranco, "ZagWe," in Ency-
clopaedia Aethiopica, Volume 5: Y-Z, ed. Alessandro Bausi in cooperation with Siegbert Uhlig
(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, in preparation).
35 Bosc-Tiesse, Claire, "Catalogue des autels et meubles d'autel en bois (tabot et manbara tabot)
des eglises de Lalibala: lalons pour une histoire des objets et des motifs," Annales d'Ethiopie
25 (2010): 55-101.
36 Marrassini, Paolo, "A Note on Zagwe Kingship," Paideuma 36 (1990 = Festschrift E. Haber-
land): 185-190; Marrassini, Paolo, "Un caso africano: La dinastia Zague in Etiopia," in Tracce
dei vinti, ed. Sergio Bertelli and Pietro Clemente (Firenze: Ponte alle grazie, 1994), 200-229;
Marrassini, Paolo, Il Gadla Yernrei).anna Krestos: Introduzione, testa critico, traduzione (Na-
poli: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1995). See also the interesting hypotheses by Misjugin, V.
M. and Sevir B. Chemetsov, "Sledy archajceskich norm prava v 'Zitii car Lalibaly (Efjopija)',"
Africana: Afrikansk(j etnograficeskij sbornik 14 (1984): 142-175.
Kings and Saints: Founders of Dynasties, Monasteries and Churches 173

to him, and certainly not because of his spear, but because of his prayer! And
we are quiet in his reign, and the Lord sent us the rain at every moment; with
His help there has been also satiety for his retinue; why are you insulting
such a king?" so said men that the Holy Spirit made speak. And because of
this man is proud, if he dominates elephants, rhinos, buffaloes, lions, leop-
ards, mighty and terrible dragons, but out of the clean animals five creatures
only will suffice to him, and these are cows, sheep, goats, chickens, and bees;
and out of the unclean another five, which are camel, horse, ass, dog and cat
[ ... ].37

It appears from this passage that yet another reason, and not necessarily the least, for
the sanctification of the ZagWe kings may have been the sacral nature of their king-
ship. Much more 'African' than their Solomonic successors, who were mainly con-
cerned with hunting and warfare, the ZagWe kings brought peace and prosperity. A
parallel exists in European medieval kingship, where royal sanctity found that a pre-
existing conception of the 'sacred' furnished excellent terrain on which to establish
itself.

The Solomonic Founders


Some churches constructed in the same style as the ZagWe ones appear to have been
erected by kings of the following dynasty, who claimed to be descended from Solo-
mon. This, for example, is the case of Gannata Maryam, which is not far from
Lalibala. This church was originally dedicated to Saint Libanos (Mata ') by the first
ruler of the new Solomonic dynasty, Yekunno Amlak. The church is all the more
interesting since that church dedicated to the same saint in the Lalibala complex is
the only one named for an Ethiopian saint. An inscription accompanying a wall
painting in the church records:
In giving thanks to God, it is I who has (this church) built, (I,) Yekwenno
Amlak whom God made king by his (good) will. My father, Nel;1yo
Bakrestos, was an agent for me for to have [lit: and has] this church built in
the name of Mata'. May God have mercy upon me in the Kingdom of
Heaven with my fathers Mal;1ari Arnlak and Nel;1yo [Bakrestos]. Amen. 38
The formula recording the foundation of the church begins with a phrase that already
appears in 'documentary texts emanating from the ZagWe court: '[i]n giving thanks'
(ba 'akk"ateta etc.). This formula recurs in subsequent centuries as one of the most
common introductions to royal deeds (donation acts) defining benefits in favour of
churches and monasteries. But it was a part of the Aksumite heritage. It already

37 Marrassini, "A Note on Zagwe Kingship," 186; Marrassini, Il Gadla Yemrel;lanna Krestos, 16.
38 Getatchew Haile, "Who is Who in Ethiopia's Past, Part 3: Founders of Ethiopia's Solomonic
Dynasty," Northeast African Studies 9.1 (1987): 4. See also Bausi, Alessandro, La 'Vita' e i
'Miracoli' di Libiinos, (Lovanii: In aedibus Peeters, 2(03), vol. 2 (trans.), xxi-xxii.
174 Alessandro Bausi

appears in the inscription RIE no. 192.1 by the son of King Kaleb, W'ZB, "In
thanksgiving to the Father, to the Son and to the Holy Spirit" (b'ktth l'bm wwldm
wmfs [qdslm), which is the same one that mentions the establishment/foundation!
erection of a throne (RIE no. 192.38 wtklk mbr ws! mlthm).
Whether or not we agree with Haberland in considering it superficial, the same
continuity also manifests itself in other aspects of civilization, such as the cult of
certain saints of the universal Church. To cite a particular instance, Saint Cirycus
appears to have played an important role since early times and is frequently repre-
sented as the patron of important characters. It is not an accident that, according to
the Acts of Saint Iyasus Mo 'a, the last ZligWe king was killed in the church of Saint
Cirycus (Qirqos in Ethiopic), where he had appealed in vain for assistance. The
passage from the hagiography ofIyasus Mo'a runs as follows: .
Then King Yekwenno Amlak proceeded towards the country of Bage Medr.
He found there his ZagWe enemy in the land of Ansata, which is part of the
land of Gayent. And he killed him in the courtyard of the church of Qirqos.
Actually the ZagWe king entered the church of Saint Qirqos and said: "I place
myself under your protection, 0 Qirqos!", while King Yekwenno Amlak said:
"Do not put [him] under protection, against me, 0 Qirqos! because ZagWe has
reigned without his father [i.e. he reigned while his father was not king]". He
was killed by the hands of Yekwenno Amlak. 39
The apparent importance of Cirycus (Qirqos) is confirmed by one of the few statis-
tics available: Qirqos is the saint to whom churches are entitled most frequently in
earlier times, and the absolutely most frequent if we do not consider biblical figures,
e.g. Yol)annes (John the Evangelist) and Arba'tu Ensesa (the Four [Heavenly] Ani-
mals representing the Evangelists):40 which also reconfirms the profound rooting in

39 Kur, Stanislas, Actes de lyasus Mo 'a abbe du couvent de St-Etienne de ijayq, 2 vols (Louvain:
Secretariat du CorpusSCO, 1965), vol. 1 (text), 28, vol. 2 (trans1.), 23.
40 Stitz, Volker, "Distribution and Foundation of Churches in Ethiopia," Journal of Ethiopian
Studies 13.1 (1975): 11-36. For one of the earliest representations of Qirqos in illuminated
manuscripts, see Bosc-Tiesse, Claire, "Saintete et intervention royale au monastere Saint-Etienne
de l;Iayq au tournant du XIII' et du XlVe siecle: L'image de Iyasus Mo'a dans son Evangile,"
Oriens Christianus 94 (2010 [2011]): 210-211. The name of Cyriacus (KYPIAKO~) is attested
in a recently discovered funeral Greek inscription from Aksum for a child deceased at the age
of ten years, see Fiaccadori, Gianfranco, "Nuova iscrizione greca da Aksum," La Parola del
Passato 62 (2007): 70-76: Fiaccadori would tend to rule out any relationship or confusion
between Cirycus and Cyriacus, which, to the contrary, I would not take for granted. Ms
Vitagrazia Pisani is conducting a research for a PhD dissertation focusing on all aspects of the
veneration of Saint Cirycus in Christian Ethiopia. According to hagiographic traditions, a
certain Cyriacus is credited with the introduction of Christianity in Nagran, South Arabia, in the
Ethiopic Acts of Saint Azqir, see Conti Rossini, Carlo, "Un documento suI cristianesimo nello
Iemen ai tempi del re Sara\:lbTI Yakkuf," Accademia nazionale dei Lincei, Rendiconti della
classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche ser. 5a , 19 (1910): 705-750; Robin, Christian
Julien, "Nagran vers l'epoque du massacre: Notes sur \'histoire politique, economique et
Kings and Saints: Founders of Dynasties, Monasteries and Churches 175

the late antique context (cult of saints) of earlier Ethiopian Christianity. Subsequently,
there occurred a shift towards the veneration of the Virgin Mary and local, Ethiopian
saints (e.g. Takla Haymiinot).
In keeping with the 'Israelite pattern' of the Ethiopian Solomonic kingship, the
so-called Royal Chronicles are annalistic narratives of the major events of the reigns.
They consistently depict and portrait the king according to the biblical literary ideal
type. Consequently, they are often hagiographic or epic in style. In some cases this is
taken to extremes. For example, the Chronicle of 'Amda Seyon resembles a homily
even from a formal point of view. Among the various activities normally associated
with the king (with a major role naturally attributed to hunting and/or making war)41
some can be actually considered manifestations of 'founding' and maecenatism. It
appears that the king is always portrayed as imbued with pietas. This is evident in
various items: his prayers (whether directly or through others such as monks and
priests) and fasting, offerings to the royal chapel as well as to churches and
monasteries that are personally visited by the king, and his good relationship with
the clergy, as is attested in innumerable passages. 42 Sometimes visits, offerings or
the celebration of masses are associated with a special relationship between the king
and an ecclesiastical institution. This is no surprise, in view of the strongly theocrat-
ic character of the Ethiopian monarchy.

institutionnelle et sur l'introduction du christianisme (avec un reexamen du Martyre d'Azqfr),"


in luifs et chretiens en Arabie aux V' et vr siixles: Regards croises sur les sources, Le
massacre de Najran II, ed. Joelle Beaucamp, Fran~oise Briquel-Chatonnet, and Christian Julien
Robin (Paris: Association des Amis du Centre d'Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance, 2010), 94-
95.
41 So also in Byzantium, see Patlagean, Evelyne, "De la chasse et du souverain," Dunbarton Oaks
Papers 46 (1992 = Homo Byzantinus: Papers in Honor of A. Kazhdan, ed. Anthony Cutler and
Simon Franklin): 257-263. Marrassini, "A Note on Zagwe Kingship," 185, writes, "There is no
doubt that [ ... ] the activity par excellence is war; with war 'nous abordons reellement la fonc-
tion sacree du roi, car [... ] elle est la guerre sainte' . In short, the Ethiopian king must be the first
warrior of his country. But the values of war are virtually identical with those of hunting: hunt-
ing is 'une preparation a la guerre', it is 'le premier des exercices royaux', where the 'fonction
sumaturelle' of the king manifests itself; or rather, the actual value it has in the Ethiopic texts
has to be ascribed to the same 'Verdienstkomplex', and it is tied to the heroic character of the
Ethiopian monarchy, the original feature of the ceremonial hunt in African kingship being al-
most totally obliterated". See further Caquot, Andre, "La royaute sacrale en Ethiopie," Annales
d'Ethiopie 2 (1957): 212, and HaberJand, Untersuchungen, 81,123,145,146.
42 As observed by Marrassini, La sce/tro e la croce, 24-25, and a bit more generally, by Pank-
hurst, Richard, "'Fear God, Honor the King': The Use of Biblical Allusion in Ethiopian Histori-
cal Literature, Part I," Northeast African Studies 8.1 (1986): 11-31; "Part 11," Northeast African
Studies 9.1 (1987): 25-88, who has looked for and amassed from the narratives interesting ma-
terials echoing biblical passages. The clergy, in turn, assists the king in his campaigns with
prayers or prophecies and sometimes at the cost of their life.
176 A1essandro Bausi

Saints as Spiritual and Material Founders


Founding churches was the duty and privilege not only of kings, but also of monks
and saints. As a rule, this activity was connected to the foundation of a religious
monastic community. In fact, the evangelization of a given area is usually repre-
sented by the hagiographic narratives as entailing the construction of a building.
Consequently, the foundation activity of saints was oriented towards founding a
community both in spiritual terms (the people constituting the community) and in
material terms (the building used by the community). This latter might also involve
the construction of buildings, usually churches, which were not principally used by
the community of the founder. Often the saint built a church where a tree - a place
often used for pagan cults - had been cut down.43 The theme is extremely important
and involves that of Ethiopian monasticism as a whole, but it can not be adequately
dealt with here. 44

Founders of Texts and Manuscripts


The Kebra nagast was produced or compiled thanks to the initiative of a local dyn-
asty in Entarta, rather than the Solomonic dynasty.45 Various documents attest to
this. Too complicated to be discussed in detail here, this fact tells us something
about the importance that the nobility attributed to the patronage of literary activity
in terms of the production of manuscripts and texts.
Prior to the Emperor tlayla Sellase, probably no one better displayed this attitude
towards the creation of texts and manuscripts 46 than did King Zar'a Ya'qob (1434-

43 Marrassini, Paolo, Gadla Yohannes Mesraqawi: Vita di Yohannes I'Orientale, Edizione critica
con introduzione e traduzione annotata (Firenze: Istituto di Linguistica e di Lingue Orientali,
Universita di Firenze, 1981), Ixxxi-Ixxxii.
44 On Ethiopian monasticism, see Cerulli, Enrico, "n monachismo in Etiopia," in II monachesinw
orientale, Atti del Convegno di Studi Orientali che sui predetto tema si tenne a Roma, sotto la
direzione del Pontificio Istituto Orientale, nei giorni 9, 10, 11 e 12 aprile 1958 (Roma: Pont.
Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, 1958),259-278 (English: "Monasticism in Ethiopia," trans.
Arietta Papaconstantinou, in Languages and Cultures of Eastern Christianity: Ethiopian, ed.
Alessandro Bausi (Famham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2012), 355-370); Lusini, Gianfrancesco, "Le
monachisme en Ethiopie: Esquisse d'une histoire," in Monachismes d'Orient: Images, echanges.
influences, hommage a Antoine Guillaunwnt, ed. Florence Ju1lien and Marie-Joseph Pierre
(Turnhout: Brepols, 2011),133-147.
45 The same dynasty probably surfaces more than one century later in the impressive portrait in
manuscript paintings depicting the prince Yernl).aranna Egzi' and his wife. The prince is repre-
sented in the attire of an equestrian military saint, which is a clear sign of the ideological sig-
nificance of hagiographic texts. See Chojnacki, Stanislaw, "A Note on the Costumes in the 15th
and Early 16th Century Paintings," in Ethiopian Studies Dedicated to Wolf Leslau on the Occa-
sion of His Seventy-Fifth Birthday November 14th, 1981 by Friends and Colleagues, ed. Stani-
slav Segert and Andras J. E. Bodrogligeti (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1983), 521-553, and
Bausi, Alessandro, "Su alcuni manoscritti presso comunita monastiche dell'Eritrea [1. Dabra
Maryam]," Rassegna di Studi Etiopici 38 (1994 [1996]): 46, figs. 6-7.
46 Haile Gabriel Dagne, "The Scriptorium at the Imperial Palace and the Manuscripts of Addis
Ababa Churches," in Proceedings of the Eighth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies,
Kings and Saints: Founders of Dynasties, Monasteries and Churches 177

1468). This ruler commissioned the compilation of theological works pertinent to


contemporary concems,47 as well as the copying, sending and disseminating of a
number of manuscripts, both at home and abroad. For example, there is the famous
case of a manuscript of the Vatican Library, Borg. Aethiop. 2, which was sent by
King Zar'a Yii'qob to the Ethiopian monastic community of Jerusalem with an ac-
companying letter. 48 In another instance, the harsh reaction of the monks of the
Dabra Bizan community reveals the significance attached to the royal donation of a
manuscript to a monastic community. Cognizant of the text's implications, they did
not hesitate to censure the most critical passages by erasing and washing off, which
is the most widespread means of deletion. 49 This took place even though the manu-
script had been given to the abbot of the community during the king's visit, for the
passages in question dealt with controversies between the king and the monastic
community. 50 It is yet another example of the resistance that peripheries often op-
posed to central authority.
Among later examples of literary patronage, the most important is certainly the
compilation of royal chronicles promoted by Daggiizmiic ijayla Mikii'el Esate
(1753-1809/10) and thus usually called the 'ijaylu compilation' or 'ijaylu recen-
sion'. He sponsored the reorganization of the great royal annals, and for this we have
also the philological evidence for the existence of a very concrete and historical
archetype. 51 Similar cases can be proved for the foundation of churches that were
endowed with manuscripts, the provenance and descendants of which can also be
philologically traced. 52

University of Addis Ababa, 1984, Volume 2, ed. Taddese Beyene (Addis Ababa: Institute of
Ethiopian Studies, 1989),215-224.
47 Derat, Marie-Laure, "Les homelies du roi Zar'a Ya'eqob: La communication d'un souverain
ethiopien du XV e siecle," in L'ecriture publique du pouvoir, ed. Alain Bresson, Anne-Marie
Cocula, and Christophe Pebarthe (Bordeaux: Ausonius, 2005),45-57.
48 Grebaut, Sylvanus and Eugenius Tisserant, Bybliothecae apostolicae vaticanae codices manu
scripti recensiti iussu Pii Xl Pontificis maximi, Codices Aethiopici Vaticani et Borgiani, Bar·
berinianus orientalis 2, Rossianus 865, 2 vols ([Citta deI Vaticano:] In Bybliotheca Vaticana,
1935-1936), vo!. I (I. Enarratio codicum), 779-781.
49 Crisci, Edoardo, "'Ratio delendi': Pratiche di riscrittura nel mondo antico," Aegyptus 83 (2003):
53-80.
50 Bausi, Alessandro, "Su alcuni manoscritti presso comunita monastiche dell'Eritrea [11. Dabra
Bizan]," Ra~segna di Studi Etiopici 39 (1995 [1997]): 30-31, figs. 1-6.
51 Kropp, Manfred, "La reedition des chroniques ethiopiennes: Perspectives et premiers resultats,"
Abbay 12 (1983-1984): 49-72; Kropp, Manfred, Die iithiopischen Konigschroniken in der
Sammlung des Diiggazmac ijaylu: Entstehung und handschriftliche Oberlieferung des Werks
(Frankfurt a.M. et a1.: Lang, 1989); Marrassini, Paolo, "Studi sui testa dell a 'Cronaca' di 'Amda
Seyon, I: 11 manoscritto Riippel (Stadt- und Universitatsbibliothek Frankfurt am Main MS 38),"
Egitto e Vicino Oriente 7 (1984): 137-161, "11. La stemma," Egitto e Vicino Oriente 8 (1985):
127-150.
52 For example, the missionary 10hann Ludwig Krapf (1810-1881) visited the churches of Anko-
bar in the first half of the nineteenth century and the manuscript copies effected during that time
are today to be found in Tiibingen. The Vorlage of the Krapf manuscripts served as a model to
178 Alessandro Bausi

Foundation of Ecclesiastical Benefits


The liberal and symbiotic attitude of the monarchy towards the Church caused kings
and queens frequently to make endow churches and monasteries with donations
consisting of rights to land-use. These donations might take the form of a public
oath, as is the case for a famous episode narrated in the Acts of Saint Marqorewos
(Gadla Marqorewos):
In the name of the Father, of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, One God. We
will write the history of the delivery of lands and regions of our father
Marqorewos from the hands of our king Dawit [ ... ]. The King said to Gawar,
his court administrator: "Bring me the papers I gave you". He brought the
papers as the king had ordered, and the king called the prefect 'of Sarawe,
Dabasina Egzi', and he read in front of him [the names of] those lands, which
were eighty-five in number. Our king Dawit gave those lands to our father
Marqorewos, saying: "Let them belong to you and your sons forever!". And
then he said: "Let the fire be those lands boundary, and their centre a paradise
for you!". He sent the royal horn players and they travelled through them
from one boundary to the other to the sound of horns, and after three weeks
they came back. 53
The following passage from the Acts of Saint Anorewos, on the other hand, helps to
understand an important institution of Christian Ethiopia which is intimately tied to
founding and building as well as to the land tenure system:
Then he called Zakaryas, and told him: "So, my son, show me the boundaries
of my land, so that, from your inheritance [rest] it become inheritance for me
and my sons". Zakaryas answered to him saying: "Yes, abbii, let's make a
covenant [kidan]". Then they made a covenant, that Anorewos was the father
and Zakaryas the son. And Zakaryas gave land as inheritance to our father,
that it be inheritance for him and for his sons after him. Then our father, the
chosen of the Lord, lived in that monastery being vigilant and in asceticism. 54

traceable manuscripts, which share the same sub-archeytype. See Bausi, Alessandro, "The
Manuscript Tradition of the Ethiopic Qalemenfos. A Short Note," Rocmik Orientalistycmy 59.1
(2006 = Wiiliittii Yohanna. Ethiopian Studies in Honour of Joanna Mantel-Niecko on the Occa-
sion of the 5(jh Year of Her Work at the Institute of Oriental Studies, Warsaw University, ed.
Witold Witakowski and Laura Lykowska, Warszawa: Elipsa, 2(06): 47-57.
53 Conti Rossini, Carlo, Vitae Sanctorum Indigenarum, I: Gadla Marqorewos, 2 vols (1904,
reprint Louvain: Secretariat du CorpusSCO, 1961), vo!. 1 (text), 44, vo!. 2 (trans!.), 57; also
translated by Conti Rossini, Carlo, Principi di diritto consuetudinario dell'Eritrea (Roma: Ti-
pografia dell'Unione editrice, 1916),405. See also Lusini, Gianfrancesco, "ScIitture documen-
tarie etiopiche (Dabra Del]ubiin e Dabra Sege, Sarii'e, EIitrea)," Rassegna di Studi Etiopici 42
(1998 [1999]): 13-14.
54 Conti Rossini, Carlo, Acta S. Ba$alota Mikii'el et S. Anorewos, 2 vols (1905, reprint Louvain:
Secretariat du CorpusSCO, 1961), vo!. 1 (text), 80-81, vo!. 2 (trans!.); the text in square brack-
Kings and Saints: Founders of Dynasties, Monasteries and Churches 179

These benefits could be either temporary or permanent. The attribution of land to the
church could take a variety of forms, in part depending upon the complex and vari-
ous structure of the land tenure systems. Such documents are an expression of social,
economic, and political factors, and sometimes display remarkable formal complex-
ity.55
What is important is that the benefits, which are clearly to be understood as
foundations in the proper sense (the Islamic institute of the waqfbeing a good com-
parison), were conditioned by the accomplishment of precise tasks and services by
the ecclesiastical institution. In the felicitous formula proposed by Manfred Kropp, it
was a matter of 'land for service'. 56 These services might include assistance for pil-
grims and the poor, or religious ceremonies under certain circumstances. Of course,
the same institutions (i.e. churches and monasteries) might be privately endowed
with lands long after their foundation, especially to assure the commemoration of the
donor after his death and to enable him the more easily to reach Paradise.
In the passage above, the donor is indicated as the 'son' of the church repre-
sentative, Saint Anorewos in this case, who is the 'father' and the beneficiary ('in-
cumbent'). The father-son-relationship is reversed here, as in Late Antiquity, where
the 'father-son relationship' was that between the donor and the recipient, and the
donor was actually the tropheus, the 'nourisher'. 57

ets has been integrated. See also Conti Rossini, Principi, 104--105,376-380.
55 However, as usual, looking at case-studies in other fields allows us to fonn an idea of what kind
of problems there are. The classic and still very stimulating book by Bloch, Marc, Les carac-
teres originawc de l'histoire ruralefram;aise (Oslo: H. Aschehoug, Leipzig: Harrassowitz et al.,
1931; new posthumous edition, 2 vols, Paris: A. Colin, 1952-1956), provides a useful tenn of
comparison and a less standardized view of land tenure system in Europe, where the so-called
individual property of land is a late achievement of the eighteenth century. This topic is rapidly
developing in Ethiopian Studies: in order to get an overview, consider Crummey, Donald, Land
and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia: From the Thirteenth to the Twentieth Cen-
tury (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000); Bausi, Alessandro, Gianni Dore, and Irma
Taddia, eds, Materiale antropologico e storico sui 'rim' in Etiopia ed Eritrea / Anthropological
and Historical Documents on 'rim' in Ethiopia and Eritrea (Torino: L'Harmattan Italia, 2000);
Wion, Anals and Paul Bertrand, "Production, Preservation, and Use of Ethiopian Archives
(Fourteenth-Eighteenth Centuries)," Northeast African Studies 11.2 (2011): vii-xvi, with sev-
eral contributions by other authors in the same monographic issue of the journal; Bosc-Tiesse,
"Saintete et intervention royale," and more references in Bausi, Alessandro, "WangeHi Warq,"
in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, Volume 4: o-x, ed. Siegbert Uhlig in cooperation with Ales-
sandro Bausi (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2010), 1130b--1132a, where further contributions are
listed, especially by Manfred Kropp. Lastly, see his most recent work, '''Gesondert, gestiftet
und geheiligt' - Hierapolis in Athiopien: Zur Deutung des Namens Aksum," Oriens Christianus
94 (2010 [2011]): 176-198, which points towards an explanation of the name of Aksum with
the meaning of 'foundation' .
56 Kropp, Manfred, "Land for Service or rim ante litteram: The Case of Church Land at Dabra
Estiranos (!:layq)," in Materiale antropologico e storico sui 'rim' in Etiopia ed Eritrea / An-
thropological and Historical Documents on 'rim' in Ethiopia and Eritrea, ed. Alessandro
Bausi, Gianni Dore, and Iona Taddia (Torino: L'Harmattan Italia, 2000), 115-122.
57 Brown, Peter, Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire (Madison,
180 Alessandro Bausi

The resulting benefit of the right to land exploitation becomes inalienable and
permanent. However, there is the stipulation that the church survive as a building
and that all the services and tasks related to it continue to be performed thanks to a
benefactor, a successor (the right remains within the family) or, in time, someone
delegated to provide oversight. In our text, the formal relationship is governed by an
agreement, which in saint's lives assumes the name of kidiin, 'covenant' (joedus in
the translation).58

The Institution of Commemoration (tazkiir)


Tazkiir literally means 'commemoration'. It is a key term for foundation and dona-
tion with a view to the commemoration of the dead and the accompanying of that
person's soul in the immediate afterlife. This is a well-defined and special religious
service that is notoriously fraught with difficulties. It is believed that prayers per-
formed by the living can alleviate the sufferings of the souls of the dead. 59
Commemoration takes place on specific dates and involves a banquet that is meant
to thank and remunerate the priests and the community who have prayed for the
deceased. Although the affluent and powerful regularly did so, anyone might secure
his own commemoration (tazkiir) by donating land to a church or monastery. From
the Solomonic period onwards, such donations are frequently recorded in written
form in manuscripts as deeds or documents.
It is worth noting that there are probably pre-Christian ancestral roots for this
important and seemingly Christian institution. The term tazkiir, in fact, appears in
inscriptions of the Aksumite period and outside any Christian context. This is the
case with the four text inscriptions of Safra, which are probably to be dated to the
third century CE. There it occurs twice (RIE no. 183). However, there is disagree-
ment as to the interpretation of the obscure text.
Moreover, the term's appearance in two inscriptions that are even more obscure
and figure among the earliest documents of the Ge'ez language has been discussed
in an important contribution by Lanfranco Ricci. 60 Ostraka on limestone, the two
inscriptions are extraordinary and furnish early evidence for the important institution

Wisconsin: Wisconsin University Press, 1992), quoted from the Italian translation, Potere e
cristianesimo nella tarda antichita. trans!' Marilena Maniaci (Bari: Laterza, 1995), 119; Veyne,
Paul, Le pain et le cirque (Paris: Le Seuil, 1976),271-327.
58 Similar institutions, with different rules, apply to the civil sphere, where services, donations and
benefits are governed by a complex relationship of giving and taking. Of course the church as
well as other institutions can also be endowed with other benefits which are subject to different
rules.
59 Mersha Alehegne, "Tazkar," in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, Volume 4: O-X, 881b-882b; Wion,
Anais, "Onction des malades, funerailles et commemorations: Pour une histoire des textes et
des pratiques liturgiques en Ethiopie cbretienne," Afriques 3 (2011), last modified January 17,
2012, accessed March 30,2012, URL: http://afriques.revues.orgl921.
60 Ricci, Lanfranco, "Iscrizioni paleoetiopiche," in Semitic Studies in Honor of Wolf Leslau on the
Occasion of His Eighty·Fifth Birthday November 14th, 1991, ed. Alan S. Kaye (Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz, 1991), 1291-1311.
Kings and Saints: Founders of Dynasties, Monasteries and Churches 181

of the funeral banquet to commemorate the deceased. Coming from Matara, an im-
portant Aksumite town in present-day Eritrea, they were examined, unfortunately
outside of their archaeological context. They are known only on the basis of photo-
graphic documentation. One is also adorned with a human face, which is most likely
to be interpreted as representing the person being commemorated. The editor does
not specify whether these inscriptions are two sides, i.e. front and back, of one and
the same piece of limestone, something that seems to me to be quite probable. The
inscriptions date to some point between the first and the third century CE.
Interpreting as funerary agape the tazkiir mentioned in these inscriptions, Ricci
also recognised the intimate links of the tazkiir with the institute of legacy and the
entire complex of social life of Semitic people of the Northern Ethiopian highlands.
In this, he was following a suggestion previously made by Carlo Conti Rossini, who
attributed the institution of tazkiir to a Cushitic (Agaw) substratum. 61 Conti Rossini
maintained that tazkiir was strictly related to the inheritance right. According to
custom, funding and participating in a commemoration formally permits a person to
lay claim to an inheritance. 62 Although considering tazkiir an ancient constituent
element of the social life of the highlands of Ethiopia, Ricci leans towards connect-
ing it with the South Arabian heritage instead. 63

61 Conti Rossini, Principi, 293-294.


62 In a way this recalls certainly the well-attested practice in contemporary societies: Cardinal
Ratzinger commemorated - celebrated mass for - John Paul II and he succeeded him as Bene-
dict XVI; and the same - as is well known - happened for many political leaders.
63 A similar concept has been clearly expressed by Kropp, Manfred, '''Der Welt gestorben': Ein
Vertrag zwischen dem athiopischen Heiligen Iyyasus-Mo'a und Konig Y;lkunno-Amlak iiber
Memoriae im Kioster I:Iayq," Analecta Bollandiana 116 (1998): 304-305: "In der athiopischen
Religiositat und Kultur hat der tiizkar (wortlich 'Gedenken') verschiedene Wurzeln. Die eine ist
die mit der iibrigen Christenheit gemeinsame der memoriae des liturgischen Gedenkens. Diese
gilt zum einen den Personen der Gottheit, der Gottesmutter und den groBen Heiligen, deren Ge-
denktage mit Messen, aber auch weltlichen Festen gefeiert werden. Zum anderen ist dies aber
auch das liturgische Gedenken an den einfachen (verstorbenen) Glaubigen und fiir dessen See-
lenheil. Dieses kann in besonderer Form durch Stiftungen und Geschenke an die Kirche erlangt
werden; verbunden damit sind oft auch karitative Werke, wie Armenspeisung, etc. [ ... J Die an-
dere Wurzel ist vorchristlichen, heidnischen Ursprungs, gehort in ihrer Ausformung zum ge-
meinsamen kulturellen Erbe der VOlker Nordostafrikas. Es handelt sich um viele, zu festgeleg-
ten Zeitpunkten nach dem Tod abgehaltene Gedenk- und Festmahler, deren Aufwand von der
sozialen Stellung des Toten und seiner Farnilie bestimmt wird. Dazu werden Verwandte und
Freunde, der Kierus, aber auch Arme und Bediirftige eingeladen. Typische Aufwendungen sind
Brot, Sauce und Bier; dazu kommen Gebiihren an die Kirche (fiir das liturgische Gedenken)
und andere Geschenke. Christliche Elemente sind somit in das urspriingliche heidnische Ritual
eingeflochten. Fiir reiche Familien ist dies zugleich Demonstration des sozialen Status. Tiizkar
ist somit eine Pflicht der Angehorigen des Verstorbenen. Fiirsten und Konige pflegten aber
durch besondere Schenkungen an Kirchen und Kioster bereits zu Lebzeiten fUr die Durchfiih-
rung ihres tiizkar zu sorgen."
182 Alessandro Bausi

The Institution of the Covenant (kidiin)


The other key term to occur is that of 'covenant' (kidiin), or 'pact'and 'agreement'.
In Ethiopian hagiographic literature, as we saw in the passage above, it designates a
solemn promise given by Jesus Christ to a saint to the benefit of the latter's faith-
ful. 64 It in fact performs a mediating function within specific circumstances, e.g. just
prior to death and at the culmination of a saint's activity or in other contexts typical
of the 'holy man'. The kidiin also contains "detailed directives to the faithful as to
how the latter should venerate and honour the saint".65 Among other pious acts,
there is the celebration of the saint's tazkiir. This entails the solemn commemoration
of the saint's name in "prayers, pilgrimage to the saint's grave, charitable deeds in
his name etc. the writing of the saint's Acts also being included". N arrati9n of mira-
cles, on the other hand, gave examples of the extremely negative consequences that the
faithful might suffer for failing to commemorate the saint. As remarked by Taddesse
Tarnrat, in analysing feudal society, this may well be considered as a 'heavenly replica'
of the traditional patron-vassal relationship existing on the earth. 66
Therefore, in the Christian context, covenant (kidiin) is related to commemora-
tion (tazkiir) since the latter is one of the forms whereby covenant is fulfilled. The
saint intercedes through Jesus Christ according to his own covenant. By celebrating
the commemoration of the saint, the pious and devout person can hope to enjoy the
benefical effects promised and granted by the covenant.

The Institution of the Banquet (geber)


A remarkable and specific case of 'feeding' as 'patronising' and 'donating' in the
Ethiopian context was that of the banquet (geber) offered by the king. Manfred
Kropp has convincingly characterized the 'royal banquet' as the quintessential dis-
play of royal wealth and power. This analysis depends upon use of a precious text,
the Rule of the Banquet (Ser'ata geber), which probably dates to the fifteenth cen-
tury at the least. As Kropp writes, "[The royal banquet is] one of the most important
portrayals of royal wealth and power [ ... ] As a social manifestation it belongs to the
idea of conspicuous consumption which plays an important economic role in medie-
val Ethiopia".67

64 The saint par excellence is the Virgin Mary, who acts in more than one text as the protagonist
of the "Covenant of mercy" (Kidiina mebrat): Weninger, Stefan and Ewa Balicka-Witakowska,
"Kidana m;>J:rrat," in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, Volume 3: He-N, 396b-399a
65 Kur, Stanislaw and Denis Nosnitsin, "Kidan," in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, Volume 3: He-N,
394a-395b. Note that, as stated above, the commemoration (tiizkar) is celebrated not only for
saints.
66 Taddesse Tamrat, "Feudalism in Heaven."
67 Kropp, Manfred, "The Ser'am Gebr: A Mirror View of Daily Life at the Ethiopian Royal Court
in the Middle Ages," Northeast African Studies 10.2-3 (1988): 51; Also Kropp, Manfred, "The
Ser'ata Gebr: A Mirror View of Daily Life at the Ethiopian Royal Court in the Middle Ages,"
in Proceedings of the Eighth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, University of Addis
Ababa. 1984. Volume 1, ed. Taddese Beyene (Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies,
Kings and Saints: Founders of Dynasties, Monasteries and Churches 183

For a correct interpretation of this special banquet as a social institution, it is


necessary to consider the meaning of geber, not only as a 'banquet', but also as
'tribute' and 'corvee'.
The underlying meaning of G[;}br] [ ... ] ([ ... ] G;}';}Z lit. 'act', 'work', 'work-
manship', 'produce', 'tribute', 'force', 'compulsion', 'necessity', 'banquet',
'feast') lies in the field of acting, doing, making. However, in the historical
record its use has two primary, at first glance highly contrasting, meanings:
'tax' or 'tribute', 'rent', and 'banquet' 'feast'. [ ... ] From one angle, the hold-
ing of feasts was dependent on the prior receipt of tribute; from another
angle, feasts were occasions for the re-distribution of tribute. In its first sense
of the payment of tribute or taxes, it is closely related to the associated words
gdbbar 'tributary' and gdbbare 'farmer'. This, in turn, reflects the fact that
the historic Ethiopian society and the state associated with it, were rooted in
the land, in agrarian relations. The great court feasts were institutions, which
brought together everyone involved in the court and dependent on it - the
payers and the receivers of tax and tribute - in such a manner as to re-enforce
the relations of inequality on which the regular payment and receipt of tax
and tribute relied. [ ... ] G[;}br] as tax/tribute made possible the holding of
G[;}br] as banquet. Banquets or feasts were held by the royal court and by
great notables, whose courts mirrored those of the naguS. 68
Even in this instance, and as a conclusion, it may not be too far-fetched to recall
parallels which go back to Aksumite times. The extremely problematic passage
concerning the dislocation or deportation of Bega tribes, which is narrated in the so-
called pseudo-trilingual inscription of King 'Ezana (R/E nos. 1851-11 and 270, nos.
185 bis 1-11 and 270 bis),69 could be explained as a reflection of the desire to show
the king's munificence, generosity and humanity, probably in respecting an agree-
ment.
Aeizanas, king of the Aksumites, the Himyarites, Raeidan, the Ethiopians,
the Sabaeans, Silei (Salhen), Tiyamo, the Beja and Kasou, king of kings, son

Frankfurt a.M.: Frobenius Institut, lohann Wolfgang Goethe Universitat, 1988),219-229. The
text is an invaluable source for our knowledge of the daily life in the royal camp. We know for
instance that also parchment had a special place where it was kept and stored, see Kropp, "The
Ser'ata gebr," 79, I. 5 (§ 12,2).
68 Tsegaye Berhanu and Donald Crummey, "G;)b;)r," in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, Volume 2: D-
Ha, 723b-725b. See also Derat, Marie-Laure, "Le banquet royal en Ethiopie au XV e siecle: Fis-
calite et festivites," in Cuisine et societe en Afrique: Histoire, saveurs, savoir-faire, ed.
Monique Chastanet, Fran~ois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar, and Dorninique luhe-Beaulaton (Paris:
Karthala, 2002), 41-52.
69 These two pseudo-trilingual inscriptions consist of a set of three inscriptions each: one Greek
version in Greek script, one Ge'ez version in South Arabian script, and one Ge'ez version in
unvocalized Ge'ez script. The six resulting texts are almost identical. The phenomenon proba-
bly attests the wide propagandistic purpose and use of this text.
184 Alessandro Bausi

of the unconquered god Ares. Since the people of the Beja rose up, we sent
our brothers Saiazana and Adefan to fight them. When these had taken arms
against the enemy, they made them submit and they brought them to us with
their dependents, with 3112 head of cattle, 6224 sheep, and beasts of burden.
My brothers gave them meat and wheat to eat, and beer, wine and water to
drink, all to their satisfaction whatever their number. There were six chiefs
with their peoples, to the number of 4400 and they received each day 22,000
loaves of wheat and wine for four months, until my brothers had brought
them to me. After having given them all means of sustenance, and clothed
them, we installed these prisoners by force in a place in our land called
Matlia. And we commanded again that they be given supplies; and we ac-
corded to each chief 25,140 head of cattle. In sign of recognition' to he who
engendered us, the unconquered Ares, we have raised statues to him, one of
gold, one of silver, and three others of brass, to his glory.70
It is rather tempting to connect the statement of the pagan king, who claims to be the
son of Ares, with the expectations of a late antique climate, where munificence,
generosity, and humanity were presented as important values and key factors in a
changing society looking for stability and new balances. 71 Actually very little has
been done to explain ancient traditional Aksurnite practices in the light of late
antique background. At the same time, however, we know so little of the ideology of
the Aksumite rulers and also of the Aksurnite kingdom, apart from a few key events.

70 Mumo-Hay, Aksum, 224-225.


71 It is impossible to provide even an indicative bibliography. In addition to the classic work of
Veyne, Le pain et le cirque (curiously enough, on p. 12, citing the example of Ethiopia in as-
serting the specificity of the historian's task as opposed to that of the sociologist), and the con-
tributions of Peter Brown quoted above, see: Lepelley, Claude, Les cites de l'Afrique au bas-
Empire, 2 vo1s (Turnhout: Brepols, 1979-1981); Giardina, Andrea, "Cariti\ eversiva: Le dona-
zioni di Melania la Giovane e gli equilibri della societa tardoromana," Studi Tardoantichi 2
(1986): 77-102; Cecconi, Giovanni Alberto, "Un evergete mancato: Piniano a Ippona," Athe-
naeum 76 (1988): 371-389; Caillet, Jean-Pierre, L'evergetisme monumental chretien en Italie et
a ses marges: D'apres l'epigraphie des pavements de mosaique, IV-VIr siecle (Roma: Ecole
fran«;aise de Rome, 1993); Cecconi, Giovanni Alberto, Governo imperiale e elites dirigenti
nell'Italia tardoantica: Problemi di storia politico-amministrativa (270-476) (Como: New
Press, 1994); Roueche, Charlotte, "Benefactors in the Late Roman Period: The Eastern Em-
pire," in Actes du )( Congres International d'epigraphie grecque et latine, Nfmes, 4-90ctobre
1992, ed. Michel Christol and Olivier Masson (Paris: Universite de Paris I - Pantheon Sor-
bonne, 1997),352-368; Haensch, Rudolph, "Le financement de la construction des eglises pen-
dant l' Antiquite tardive et l'evergetisme antique," Antiquite Tardive 14 (2006 = Economie et
religion dans l'Antiquite Tardive, Colloque de Bordeaux, 21-22 janvier 2005, Ausonius, Insti-
tut de recherches sur l'Antiquite et le Moyen Age, ed. Eric Rebillard and Claire Sotinel): 47-58,
and other essays in the same volume; Slootjes, Danielle, The Governor and His Subjects in the
Later Roman Empire (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2006). On the subsequent history of evergetism,
see Anastassiadis, Anastassios, "Les peregrinations de l' evergetisme en Mediterranee orientale
du XVIIIe au xxI" siecle: Ethique chretienne, technologie de gouvernement et concept histo-
riographique," Le Mouvement Social 234 (2011): 45--62.
Kings and Saints: Founders of Dynasties. Monasteries and Churches 185

Consequently, it is not yet the time to draw specific conclusions. Rather, one should
never forget the importance of the distance opposing centre and periphery, and all
the dynamics therein involved.
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- . "A Cup of Cold Water: Folios of a Nestorian-Turkic Manuscript from Kharakhoto." In
Jingjiao ~~: The Church of the East in China and Central Asia, hrsg. von Roman Malek
und Peter Hofrichter, 341-345. Sankt Augustin: Institut Monumenta Serica, 2006.
- . "Caitya Veneration - An Uigur Manuscript with Portraits of Donors." Journal of Inner
Asian Art and Archaeology 2 (2007): 165-172.
de Zilva Wickremasinghe, Don Martino, Hg. Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vo!. 1. London: Oxford
University Press, 1912.
Autorinnen und Autoren

ALESSANDRO BAUSI studierte Klassische Philologie und Vergleichende Indoeuropai-


sche und Semitische Linguistik an der Universitat Florenz und promovierte am Isti-
tuto Universitario Orientale in Neapel im Fach Athiopische Philologie. Er ist Profes-
sor fUr Athiopistik am Asien-Afrika-Institut, Universitat Hamburg und Direktor des
Hiob Ludolf Zentrum ftir Athiopistik. Seine Forschungsschwerpunkte sind Sprache,
Literatur und Handschriften des alten und mittelalterlichen Athiopien. Er ist Autor
zahlreicher Publikationen und Herausgeber der Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, der Rei-
hen Aethiopistische Forschungen und Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orien-
talium, Scriptores Aethiopici und der Zeitschrift Aethiopica: International Journal
of Ethiopian and Eritrean Studies.

MONlKA DAHNCKE (ROSCHANZAMIR) wurde mit einer historisch-politischen Dis-


sertation zu "Iran in Napoleonischer Zeit" an der Universitat Hamburg promoviert,
wo sie die Facher Iranistik, Islamwissenschaft und Klassische Archaologie studierte.
Sie war an der Universitat Isfahan, der Pahlavi-Bibliothek des Hofministeriums in
Teheran und am Eurasien-Archiv des Hamburger Museums fUr Volkerkunde tatig
und wirkte als Kuratorin der Bumiller-Kollektion islamischer Bronzen in Mtinchen
und am Museum Bamberg. Zu ihren Forschungsschwerpunkten gehoren Typologien
frtihislamischer BronzegefaBe. Sie ist Autorin einer Reihe von Aufsatzen in persi-
scher Sprache und VerOffentlichungen in den "Mitteilungen des Hamburger Muse-
ums fUr Volkerkunde".

VOLKER GRABOWSKY studierte Geschichte an der Christian-Albrechts-Universitat


zu Kiel und der Universitat Chiang Mai und habilitierte sich an der Universitat Ham-
burg im Fach Geschichte und Kulturen Stidostasiens. Er ist Professor ftir Sprache
und Kultur Thailands (Thaiistik) am Asien-Afrika-Institut, Universitat Hamburg.
Der Schwerpunkt seiner Forschung liegt auf dem Gebiet der Geschichte und Kultur
der Tai-VQlker im nordlichen Stidostasien und in Siidwestchina, insbesondere ihrer
Manuskriptkulturen. Zu seinen wichtigsten Monographien zahlen: Bevolkerung und
Staat in Lan Na: Ein Beitrag zur Bevolkerungsgeschichte Siidostasiens (Harrasso-
witz: Wiesbaden, 2004) und (mit Renoo Wichasin) Chronicles of Chiang Khaeng: A
Tai Lii Principality of the Upper Mekong (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2011).

JAN-PETER HARTUNG studierte Indologie, Philosophie und Zentralasienwissenschaf-


ten in Leipzig, promovierte im Fach Religions-lIslamwissenschaft an der Universitat
Erfurt und habilitierte sich an der Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat
Bonn. Er ist Senior Lecturer der Islamwissenschaft (Study of Islam) an der School
230 Autorinnen und Autoren

of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London. Sein Forschungsbe-


reich ist die muslimische Geistesgeschichte seit der Frlihen Neuzeit, mit Schwer-
punkt auf Slidasien. Zu seinen zahlreichen Publikationen gehOren: Viele Wege und
ein Ziel: Leben und Wirken von Abii l-lfasan 'All Hasanl Nadwl (1914-1999)
(Wlirzburg: Ergon, 2004); Mitherausgeber von Court Cultures in the Muslim World:
Seventh to Nineteenth Centuries (London: Routledge, 2011); im Druck: A System of
Life: Mawdudi and the ldeologization of Islam (London: Oxford University Press).

OSKAR VON HINDBER studierte nach Tlibingen und Erlangen an der Universitat
Mainz, wo er promovierte und sich habilitierte. Er war sukzessive Professor fUr
Indologie an der Iohannes Gutenberg-Universitat, Mainz und der Albel1-Ludwigs-
Universitat, Freiburg. Er ist Mitglied der Akademie der Wissenschaften und der
Literatur, Mainz; Associe etranger (Membre de l'Institut), Academie des Inscrip-
tions et Belles-Lettres, Paris; Korrespondierendes Mitglied der Osterreichischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien. Seine Arbeitsgebiete sind mittelindische his-
torische Sprachwissenschaft, altindische Kulturgeschichte, Handschriftenkunde und
Epigraphik. Zu seinen VerOffentlichungen gehoren: Das altere Mittelindisch im
Oberblick (Wien: Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 22001);
Indiens Weg in die Moderne: Geschichte und Kultur im 19. und 20. fahrhundert
(Aachen: Shaker, 2005); "The Foundation of the BhikkhunIsatpgha: A Contribution
to the Earliest History of Buddhism," Annual Report of the International Research
Institute for Advanced Buddhology 11 (2008): 2-29; Kleine Schriften, hrsg. Harry
Falk und WaIter Slaje (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2009) (Helmuth von Glasenapp-
Stiftung Band 47).

AMy McNAIR studierte in Oregon, Washington und Chicago und promovierte in


Kunstgeschichte an def University of Chicago. Sie ist Professorin flir Chinesische
Kunstgeschichte an der University of Kansas und Hefausgeberin von Artibus Asiae.
Ihr Forschungsschwerpunkt sind Studien zu Politik und Mazenatentum in der Kunst
des mittelalterlichen China, mit Schwerpunkt Kalligraphie und buddhistische Skulp-
turen. Zu ihren neueren Publikationen gehoren: Donors of Longmen: Faith, Politics,
and Patronage in Medieval Chinese Buddhist Sculpture (Honolulu: University of
Hawai'i Press, 2007) und "Looking at Chinese Calligraphy: The Anxiety of Ano-
nymity and Calligraphy from the Periphery," in Looking at Asian Art (Chicago:
Paragon Press, 2012). Gegenwiirtig arbeitet sie an einer Obersetzung zum chine-
sischen Catalogue of the Imperial Painting Collection in the Proclaiming Harmony
Era aus dem 12. Iahrhundert.

ANNETTE SCHMIEDCHEN wUfde mit einer Dissertation zum Thema "Untersuchungen


an Dorf-, Land- und Geldschenkungsinschriften zugunsten buddhistischer Kloster in
Nordindien vom 5. bis 8. Iahrhundert" an def Humboldt-Universitat zu Berlin pro-
moviert, wo sie das Fach Indologie studierte. Sie habilitierte sich an der Martin-
Luther-Universitat Halle-Wittenberg mit einer Arbeit unter dem Titel "Inschriften-
Autorinnen und Autoren 231

kultur und Regionaltradition im frtihmittelalterlichen Maharashtra: Legitimation


politischer Herrschaft und offizielles religioses Patronat unter den koniglichen Dy-
nastien der Riil?trakiitas, Siliihiiras und Yiidavas vom 8. bis 13. Jahrhundert". Sie ist
derzeit in einem kulturtibergreifenden Forschungsprojekt zu mittelalterlichen Stif-
tungen an der Humboldt-Universitat zu Berlin tatig. Ihre Forschungsschwerpunkte
sind alte und friihmittelalterliche Geschichte Indiens sowie Sanskrit-Epigraphik. Ihre
Corpus-Edition der Inschriften der Maitraka-Dynastie von Gujarat wird 2013 unter
dem Titel "The Inscriptions of the Maitrakas of Valabhl (6th to 8th Centuries):
Texts, Translations, Glossary" bei Harrassowitz erscheinen.

BARBARA SCHULER studierte Indologie mit Schwerpunkt Tamilistik an den Univer-


sitaten Heidelberg (Siidasien-Institut), Madurai und Chennai (Siidindien), Hamburg
und unter David Shulman an der Hebrew University of Jerusalem und promovierte
am Asien-Afrika-Institut der Universitat Hamburg. Sie war Geschaftsftihrende Direk-
torin des Zentrum fUr Buddhismuskunde an der Universillit Hamburg. Ihr gegen-
wartiges Arbeitsgebiet sind Studien zur Geschichte der Emotionen in der Literatur
des mittelalterlichen Siidindien; zu ihren Forschungsschwerpunkten gehOren femer
Text- und Ritualstudien in lokalen siidindischen Traditionen und visuelle Anthro-
pologie. Sie ist Autorin und Herausgeberin von Publikationen zu diversen Themen,
darunter: Of Death and Birth (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2009); "On the Transfer of
Ritual in a Local Tradition: Some Observations," in Ritual Matters, hrsg. Christiane
Brosius und Ute Hiisken (London: Routledge, 2010), 172-198; "Was wird erinnert?
- Gewalt und Ruhm als Erinnerungssignaturen," in Gottinnen und Heilige,
Heldinnen und Herrscherinnen in Asien und Afrika, hrsg. Tatiana Oranskaia und
Barbara Schuler (Hamburg: Peter Lang, 2011), 135-158; "The Dynamics of
Emotions in the Ritual of a Hot Goddess," in Nidan: An International Journal for
the Study of Hinduism 24 (2012): 16-40.

PETER ZIEME studierte an der Humboldt-Universitat zu Berlin Iranistik und Turko-


iogie, promovierte mit einer Untersuchung zu Schrift und Sprache der manichaisch-
tiirkischen Turfantexte und habilitierte si ch an der Berliner Akademie der Wissen-
schaften zum Thema "Untersuchungen zur alttiirkischen Dichtung". Er ist Honorar-
professor an der Freien Universitat Berlin. Seine Forschungsschwerpunkte sind die
Turfantext~ und die alte Kultur der Tiirkvolker. AIs Leiter der Arbeitsstelle "Turfan-
forschung" der Berlin-Brandenburgischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (vormals
Zentralinstitut fiir Alte Geschichte und Archaologie) hat er in der Reihe "Berliner
Turfantexte" sowie in Zeitschriften und Sammelbanden zahlreiche Textmaterialien
aus den zentralasiatischen Turfanfunden publiziert.
Indizes

Orts- und Personennamen sind in der in den Beitrligen belegten Form iibernommen.

Ortsverzeichnis
Addis Ababa, 162 Jerusalem, 168, 177
Aksum, 164-167, 170, 174n.40, 179n.55 Junnar, 101
Andhra Pradesh, 106
AthiopienJEthiopia, 161, 163, 164, 165, Kat:ilieri, 107
168,169,170,172,178,181,182 Kamataka, 106
Ava, 71 Khorat-Plateau, 60, 61, 75n. 58, 79
Awadh,145 Kirti,45
Ayutthaya, 61, 62, 63, 79n. 73 Kucha, 43, 44

Ban Pae (District Corn Thong, Provinz Lampang, 68,81,82,84,85,86


Chiang Mai), 70, 71 Lamphun, 64n. 12,66,67,68,69,77,82,
BeliirlBolor, 122, 131 83,85,86
Bhiirhut, 100, 118, 119 Lan Na, 12,59,62-66,71,72,73,74,
Bihar, 106, 108, 109 78-80
Binyang-Zentralgrotte, 30, 32, 39 Lan Sang, 59, 60, 61, 62-63, 65-66, 72-
Bodhgaya, 107 76, 79, 80
Laos, 10,59,60,61,67,74
Chaliang, 63 Llistii,171
Chiang Mai, 59, 60, 63, 64, 69, 70, 71, 77 Luang Prabang, 63, 65
Chiang Rai, 65, 67, 71, 77, 78n. 67, 81- Luoyang, 20,24,28,31,36,37, 39
82,84,87-88
Chiang Saen, 64, 71, 76, 77, 83 Madhya Pradesh, 106, 108
Chotan, 44, 51 Magadha,23
Matarii,181
Datong,22 Mogao-Grotten, 44
Dunhuang,43,51,52
Nalandii, 107, 108, 112
Entarta, 176 Nan,69
Eritrea, 164, 181 Niisik, 101

Gilgit, 119, 120, 121, 129, 131 Oasenstaaten, 43


Gujarat, 104, 105, 107, 108, 109, 113 Orissa, 106, 109, 113

J::limyar, 164, 167 Piitaliputra, 19,21,22


Phayao, 65,66,69,77,81-88
Isfahan, 139, 143-145, 149, 151-157 Phitsanulok, 63
Phrae,66,69,81,87
234 Indizes

Pingcheng,19,20,22,23,26,30,37 Tegray,165
Tibet, 131
Riijagrha, 19,23
Xaraxoto, 46
Siifrii, 180
Siinci, 100, 107, 118 Yarxoto,54
SiidarabienlSouth Arabia, 164, 167, 169, Yungang,19,22,27,28,30,40
174n.40,181
Sukhothai, 61, 64, 66, 76

Personenverzeichnis
Abbas,Schah, 156, 157 Gami, 'Abd ar-RaJ:lman, 137, 138
Adgii SlI]gur, 53 Gavan, MaJ:lmiid-i, 137, 138
Alp Y(a)gan, 53 Gawnpiiri, MaJ:lmiid ibn MuJ:lamrnad
Asoka, Konig, 15n. 45, 19-23,39,99, 'Umari, 139, 140
100 Godard, Andre, 152, 153, 154
'Astar, 166
Avicenna, 141, 144 Haberland, Eike, 169, 170
tIayla Selliise, Konig, 171, 176
Ba\:.ter,166 tIaylu (J:Iayla Mikii'el Esate),
Bu;acuk,55 Daggazmiic, 177
Bimbisiira, Konig, 19,23 Helian Bobo, 25, 40
Hoschjar, Aqa, 155
Chatun Abadi Isfahani, 'Abd al-Hossein, Hu, Kaiserinwitwe, 20, 37
154 Hunarfar, Lutfallah, 151n. 6, 153, 154
Cirycus (Qirqos), Heiliger, 174
Cosmas Indicopleustes, 164, 165 Ibn 'Arabi, MuJ:lyi d-Din, 138
rbn Sina, Abii 'An:, 141, 142, 144. Siehe
Daowu, Kaiser, 19,20,22,23,25,26,27, auch Avicenna
29,30 Inancl Bilga T(a)I]rim Adgii Tognl, 54
Dastaki, Giyii~ ad-Din, 138 lngu, Failalliih ibn Fayzallah, 137
Davani, Galal ad-Din, 137, 138, 145 Iyiisu I, Konig, 168
Dede Chatun, 155 Iyasus Mo'a, Heiliger, 174
Devapala, Konig, 107,113
Dhanyasena,54,55 Kiileb/,Ella 'A~be\:.ta, Konig, 164, 167-
Dharmanandin, 54 169, 174
Dhida Saraya, 76 Kamal, Aqa, 155
Dieulafoy, Marcel, 156 Kiu Sun, 53
Droysen, Iohann Gustav Bernhard, 165 Kumiirajiva, 8, 24
al-Dschazajeri, 'Abd ar-Rahim, 154 Kutadrrus AJp SlI]gur, 53
Kutlug SII]gur, 53
El Ogriinmis T(a)I]rim, 54
'Eziina, Konig, 166, 168n. 23, 183 Liilibalii, Konig, 171, 172, 173
Leria, Giovanni Maria, 75
Faguo,27,39 Libiinos (Mat1['), Heiliger, 173
Faxian, 21, 22, 39, 106, 113
Fu Jian, 25, 39 Miigha,48
Indizes 235

Mal)r;)m, 166 Sultan Hossein, Schah, 151-153, 156,


MangalahaI11siica, K6nigin, 128, 129 157
Mariam Begum, 156, 157 Surendriiditya, Palola Siihi, 122, 127, 131
Miiang Kaeo, K6nig von Lan Na, 64, 67- Suriyavongsa, K6nig von Lan Sang, 76
69, 77, 79 Siiryavarman I, 61
Muhammad Baqir, Arnir, 154, 155. Siehe
auch Muhammad Baqir al- Taftiiziini, Sa'd ad-Din, l37, 145
Madschlisi, Mullah Tantaweddem, K6nig, 171
Muhammad Baqir al-Madschlisi, Mullah, Tanyao, 19,26-27,29,40
156 Thawat Punnothok, 72
Mulla. ~adrii, 144, 145, 146, 147. Siehe Tilok, K6nig von Lan Na, 12n. 37, 62-65,
auch ~adrismus 68, 77
Trailok, K6nig von Ayutthaya, 63
Na'akkweto La'ab, K6nig, 172
NadirSchah, 151, 157 Vis un, K6nig von Lan Sang, 65
Nam Cor, 53
Nandivikramadityanandi, Palola Siihi, Wencheng, Kaiser, 19,26-29
121, 122, 12~ 125, 129 Wisutthatewi, K6nigin von Chiang Mai,
Niebuhr, Bartho1d Georg, 165 70
Wiirfel, Kurt, 152, 153
Ogul SllJgur, 53 W'ZB,174

Parichan Chanum, 153 Xin Changqing, 22, 40


Penth, Hans, 60n. 2, 66 Xuanwu, Kaiser, 20, 30-31, 36, 37
Xuanzang, 106, 108-109
Sam Fang Kaen, K6nig von Lan Na, 66,
77 Yao Xing, 23-26, 40
Saraki,51 Yekunno Amlak, K6nig, 173
Sembruthes, K6nig, 166 Yernrel;tanna Krestos, K6nig, 172
Setthatirat, K6nig von Lan Sang, 65, 76 Yijing, 111-112
Shixian,26 Yoshimura Rei, 29,40
Sihiilavi, QU!b ad-Din, 145 Yumsak,53
Siilhota, Stifter in Chilas, 125-127 Yiisuf ' As' ar Yat' ar/Dii Nuwas, K6nig,
Siriizi, $adr ad-Din, 143. Siehe auch 164
Mullii Sadrii Yuthitthira, Gouverneur von Phayao, 69
Siriizi, Siih Fatl;talliih ibn I:Iabiballiih, l38,
139, 147 Zar'a Ya'qob, K6nig, 176-177
Siyiilkoii, 'Abd al-I:Iakim, l39, 140 Zeinab Begum, 153
Song Minqiu, 23, 40 Zhao Vide, 22, 40
Soper, Alexander, 29
as-Suhravardi, Sihiib ad-Din Yal;tyli, l38

Sachverzeichnis
Ackerbau, 45 Acts of Saint /yasus Mo 'a, 174
Acts of Saint Anorewos, 178 Acts of Saint Marqorewos, 178
Acts of Saint Azqir, 174n. 40 'Adilsiihis, 138
Acts of Saint Gregentius, 167 Almosen, 4n. 12,44,46-50, 63
236 Indizes

-spender/-geber, 45, 48 26,30,36,43,44,46,48,61,65,


-werk,47 69,75,99,102,107,108,109,
altuigurisch(e), 44-46, 48, 50, 51, 52n. 113,117,125
37, 53, 54n. 47, 55 alter, Theravada, Sthaviravada, 43,
Kolophone, 9, 44, 51, 52n. 37. Siehe 48,61, 101, 113
auch Kolophone altuigurischer, 43, 46
Texte, 43, 44, 55 chinesischer, 19,24,44
Amts-Sanskrit, 103 von Indien beeinflusst, 19-20,25,44
Arbeitskrafte, Schenkung von, 15,66-67, laotischer, 65
69-70,72-74,76,77,79,90-96 Mahayana, 34,43,61, 104n. 17, 108,
ArzneimitteIJMedizin, 101, 112 109, 113n.46, 115
athiopisch(e): Buddhistenverfolgung/persecution of
Siehe Ge'ez-Literatur Buddhists, 19, 26, 30
Klostergemeinschaft in bushi ;fjJ~ (Gabe), 46
JerusalemlEthiopian monastic busl (Gabe), 46
community of Jerusalem, 177 busl idisi (Gabenherr), 45
-orthodoxe KircheiEthiopian
Orthodox Church, 163 Caitya, 55, 101
AusgieBen von Wasser. Siehe cakravartin (Weltenherrscher), 20, 62, 65
Wasserlibation Cakravartin-CintiimaJ.li-Bodhisattva, 53
AvalokiteSvara, 108, 126, 127, 129, 131 Chane Madare Schah (Karavanserei), 150
-Banner, 53 Christentum:
-Kapitel,51 Christian Ethiopia, 9, 13, 15, 16, 161,
Avicennismus, 142, 144 164-166,168,170,171,175,178
in Zentralasien, 43, 46, 48
Bahmaniden (Dynastie), 9, 14, 136, 137 Chronicle of 'Amda $eyon, 175
Banner, 53
Baumwollstoff, 53 Dabra Bizan (Kloster), 177
BazarIBasar, 11, 150-153 diina (Gabe), 1,36,44,48,66
Beaufsichtiger des Monats, 47 diinadhamma (Pflicht zu Geben), 48, 49
Bega (Volksstamm), 183 diinapiiramitii (Vollkommenheit im
Bhagadatta-Familie, 119, 124-125, 131- Spenden), 49
132 diinapati (Gabenherr), 2n. 2, 45
Bhai~ajyasena, Bodhisatva, 120 DaoismuslDaoism, 26, 30
Blockdruck, 54 Dasakarmapathiivadiinamiilii, 49
brahmadeyalbrahmadiiya (Gabe an dasa riijadhamma (zehn Konigs-
Brahmanen),4, 8,109 tugenden), 62, 65
Brahmane(n), 2n. 2, 5n. 13,8, 12n. 39, Dede Chatun (Madresse), 153, 155
14, 15, 16,48, 69n. 35, 102-105, Denkschule,6, 142-146, 147
109-110, 112-116, 118 devadiiya (Gabe an einen Gott), 4, 109
Mobilitat der, 105, 116 deyadharma (religiose Gabe), 2n. 2, 101.
Bronze(n), 8, 27, 30, 65, 73, 119, 121- Siehe auch dharmadiiya
123, 125, 127-131 dharmadiinaldhammadiina (Dharma-
Buchdeckel, bemalt, 120 Gabe), 44, 45n. 9,48,49
Buddha mit Krone, 123n. 15, 129 dharmadiiya (religiose Gabe), 4, 109
Buddha-Statue(n), 4, 60, 61, 65, 73, 84, Dharma-Gabe. Siehe dharmadiina
88,95, 100, 101, 112 dharmariija (gerechter Konig), 62, 63, 65
BuddhismusIBuddhism, 1, 5n. 14, 7n. 20, Disputation, gelehrte, 139
10, 11n.30, 13n.42, 19-21,24- DonatorlDonor, 11, 32, 36, 52, 172, 179
Indizes 237

Dorfschenkung, 81, 10 1, 102, 106, 107, Spender(inschriften) auf Stelen, IOn.


109, 110, 111, 112, 116 24
Stein-, 8, 60, 66,99, lOO, 102-103
Elekten,47 Stiftungs-, 61, 66, 68, 72, 79, 100-
Elhan,51 102,123
Epigraphik, 59, 60, 71,75,76, 79, 103, siidarabische/South Arabian, 164
104,106,107,115,164 Tnthronisatonshyrnnus,46

Farangi Mw,.all-Tradition, 145,147 jambunada-Gold, 53


Feld, diskursives, 135, 136, 140, 146, 147 Jiitaka:
Felszeichnungen, 127, 129 des Prinzen Mahiisattva, 32, 33-34,
Fonneln. Siehe Stiftungsformeln 36
Frauen. Siehe Stifter des Prinzen Sudana, 32, 33-36
Friihmittelalter, 99, 102, 104-107, 109,
112, 114 kalyalJamitra (hei1voller geistlicher
Freund), 123
Gabe, religiose. Siehe hrahrruuleya; busl, KaravanserailJKaravanserei, 11, 150-153
bushi ;ffi1Jl§; dana; devadiiya; deya- kllrmanlKarma (Vergeltungsautomatis-
dharma; dharmadiiya; lab mus), 3,115
Siehe auch Spende Kartuschen, 52, 54
Gabenherr. Siehe danapati; hU!il idisi Kaurimuschel (als Zahlungsrnittel), 66,
Gannata Maryam (Kirche), 173 67,73n.49
geber (Bankett), 182-183 Kebra nagast, 170, 176
Ge'ez-Literatur, 165, 180, 183n. 69 Kerzen, 124-125
Gilgit-Bibliothek, 120, 121, 128, 129 Khmer/Alt-Khmer, 61, 72n. 47
Glossen, Superglossen, 141, 145, 147 khoi okat (Klosterdiener), 73-75, 90
GrdhrakUtaNulture Peak, 19,20,21-23, Khosarat, 73
26 kidan (Bund rnit Gott), 182
Kirche und Staat, 43
Hanlin-Akademie, 54 Kirchen. Siehe Stiftungsobjekt
Haylu-Kompilation, 177 Kloster/KlOster, 3, 6, 8, 9,10,14,43,49,
Hellenismuslhellenism, 124,141,165- 50,51,59-80,99-114,116
166 Klosterdiener. Siehe khOi okat; padamUla
Herkunft, gelehrte, 136, 138, 139 Schenkung von (Klosterdienem), 62,
Herrschaftlsovereignty, 19,20,21 67-75, 77
Hinduismus, 5n. 14, 10, 61, 118 Kolophone, 1,7,43-44,51,52,120-121,
128, 129
Ikonographie, 126-129, 131 Kommentare, wissenschaftliehe,
Indra, Gott.19, 25, 35 philosophische, theologisehe, 140,
Inschrift(en)/inscriptions: 145, 146. Siehe auch Glossen,
Asoka-, 15n. 45 Superglossen
athiopische, 162-167, 171n. 33,172- Konigreich:
174, 180-183 von Aksum, 164
chinesische, 32 laotisches, 65,72
Ge'ez-, 180, 183n. 69 von Palola, 119
griechische/Greek, 165, 174n.40 thailandisches, 66
Hatiin-, 121, 122 tocharisches, 44
indische Kupfertafel-, 103-104, 106- uigurisches, 44, 46, 52
107 Konigtumlkingship:
238 Indizes

athiopisches, 169-171,173,175 piidamiila (Klosterdiener), 113


in China, 25 PalolaIPatola, 122
Kupfertafelurkunden. Siehe Inschriften Palola Sahis, 121-122, 124-125, 127-131
Paradigmenwechsel, 135
lab (Spende), 46 Paramita, 49
Laienanhilnger (upiisaka), 4, 9, IOn. 23, Pha Bang (Buddhastatue), 65
14, 15n. 45,49-52, 53,68, 100, 101, Phra Kaeo Morakot (Buddhastatue), 65
104, 108, 117, 129 Pilgerinschriften, 52
Landsmannschaft, 136, 147 Portrats in Indien, 130
LandstiftungenILandschenkungen. Siehe Prajnaparamita, 129
Stiftungsobjekt pratigraha (Entgegennahme einer Gabe),
Laukika-Ara, 120 2n.2
Leidener Schenkung, 118 pU1Jya (religioses Verdienst), 2, 52,53,
Liwane,149 102, 114, 115

Madresse, 149-157 Qin (Manchu) (Dynastie), 131


Miighasutta,48
Mahayana. Siehe Buddhismus RauchergefaBe, 119-120, 123-125
Maitrakas von ValabhI (Dynastie), 104, Reisende am Oberen Indus, 127
106, 108, 109 Religion:
Maitreya, Bodhisatva, 28, 30, 49, 52, 53, und Stifter, 1-3,5-6,8-10, 11n. 31,
126, 127, 129 12n. 35, 13-16
Maitrisimit nom bitig, 49 verfolgte. Siehe Buddhistenverfolgung
Mangraisat, 78
ManichilismuslManichaer, 13n. 42, 14, sabaisch, 164
43,46,47 $adaqa (Wohltatigkeit), 46
Mary Sion (Seyon) (Kirche), 167 Saddharmapul,l4an"'kasutra, 128
Mekong,59,60, 76, 79,87 Sadrismus, 144, 146
Messias Buddha, 47 Safaviden, 139, 140, 143, 149, 151, 154
Mihrab,150 Sakyamuni, Buddha, 22, 23, 26, 128, 130
Moguln, 139, 140, 144, 145, 147 SaI11ghatasutra, 120
Mon/Alt-Mon,61 sa1J1siira (Geburtenkreislauf), 53, 115
Monch(e),3-4, 10, 15,45,50-51,52,54, sa/1gha/sa1J1gha (Orden, Gemeinde), 49,
61,63,64,67,68,74,82,100,101, 62,64,65,74,75,77,113
108,109,111-112,113,117-118, Sarb hidiiyat al-bikma (al-aJiriyya), 147
123, 130 Sarvasura, Bodhisatva, 120
Monumentum Adulitanum, 165 Sataviihana (Dynastie), 101
Museum fur Asiatische Kunst (Berlin), Schah, 150-157
53n. 41, 54nn. 44,46,48 Schah-Mutter, 150, 153, 156, 157
mutawalli (Stiftungsverwalter), 157 Schaltjahr, 119
Mutter des Buddha, Name unbekannt, Schenkung(s):
125n.22 Siehe Arbeitskriifte; Klosterdiener
-wasser. Siehe Wasserlibation
Namen auf -o!a-, 127 -zeremonie, 118
Namengebung, 124 Schia, 156
Nonne(n), 100, 101, 102, 107, 109, 110, Schule von Isfahan, 143, 144
111, 112, 116 SeidenstraBe, 43, 51
Ser'ata geber, 182
Ordnung von Innen und AuBen, 43 Shan,60
Indizes 239

Sivaiten (Hindus), 104, 107 66, 102, 103, 106, 136, 139, 147,
sogdisch, 45 162
soziale Beziehungen (traditional- Laien also Siehe Laienanhlinger
wertrational, traditional-affektuell), Monche und Nonnen also Siehe
143 Monch; Nonne
SpatantikelLate Antiquity, 179 Ordinierte a1s, 10, 14, 16, 101
Spates Altertum, indisches, 99, 102-105, -paar, 54, 120
107,109 PrivatpersonenlStadtbiirger der
Spende(n), 43-44,46-49,51-52. Siehe verschiedensten Schichten als,
auch Gabe; Almosen 100,106
Spenderdarstellungen, 52. Siehe auch Tochter von Ministem als, 101
Stifterbilder Zehntausendschaftsfiihrer als, 51
Steuerpfriinde(n), 101, 110 Stifterbilder/-abbildungenl-darstellungen,
Stiften: 7, lln. 29, 16n 48, 51, 120, 130
Abgrenzung und, 1, 8,14,136 in Handschrift, 55
buddhistische Aussagen zum, 48 Stiftemamen:
und GruppenidentitatJals identitats- Flilschen von, 7n. 17, 116
stiftend, 12, 15 Fehlen von, 2
und Gutmachung/expiation, 12, 13, Stifterwesen, bei Manichaem und
30, 114n. 50 Christen, 46
und HeilsstrebenlSorge urn Stiftung(en):
SeelenheiIlkarmic benefit for berauben, 50, 61
parents, 14, 16,38,38,47,61, an Brahmanen. Siehe Brahmanen
157 Dauerhaftigkeit vonlunverglingliche,
und Innovation, 12 102,110
von Kunst, In. 1,8,13,52,121,131 -Flilschung. Siehe Stiftemamen
und Legitimation der Herrschaft, 12, Gelddotationen als, 102
25,62,136 an hinduistische Tempel, 105, 109,
und Netzwerke, 9, 14, 74, 146 113,114-116
als religiose und politische von Indo-Griechen (yavana) und
Einflussnahme, 12 Indo-Skythen (saka), 101
soziale Aufsteiger und, 1, 9 islarnische. Siehe waqf
und soziale Ehre, 3n. 4 an Jainas/jinistische Institutionen,
als symbolisches Kapital, 2 105, 113, 116
als Tugend/Pflicht, 1, 66 an KlOster/Hohlenkloster, 14,59,66,
als Verdienst. Siehe pU1Jya 72,76, 112, 113, 114
als Verewigung, 11,52 Konfiszierung von, 103, 115, 116
und Wandel, 7, 8 zum Unterhalt, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16,59,
als Wohltatigkeit, 14 70,99-116
StifterlSpender, 44-45,48,51-53, 117 Stiftungsbegriffe im Sanskrit, 4n. 13, 109
Farnilien- und Gildenverbande a1s, Stiftungsforrnel(n), 5n. 13, 102, 110, 111,
4n. 11, 10, 14, 100, 101 113, 115, 118, 126
Frauen als, 9, 10, 11n. 27, 14,37,50, Stiftungsobjekt:
68, 100, 101, 120, 125, 127, 128, Bronzen also Siehe Bronzen
131,150, 156 Dorfer a1s. Siehe Dorfschenkungen
Fremde und deren Frauen a1s, 101 Immunitat des, 15, 69n. 35, 110, 111
hOfische/court patronage, 7-8, 12nn. Kirchen als, 10, 13, 14, 15, 167-168,
35,39, 13n.42, 14, 15, 19,60,61, 171-172,173
Klosterdiener also Siehe Klosterdiener
240 Indizes

LlindereienIReisfe1der als, 66-67, 71, Tu~ita(-Himmel), 52, 53


73,79, 101, 103n. 14, 106, 109,
112,116 upiisaka. Siehe Laienanhiinger
Manuskripte als, 9, 127, 176
monumentale Architektur als, 9, 10, Vairocana, als Panbuddha, 44, 45
19-39 Verdienst, religioses, 12,48,50-52,66,
theologische Hochschu1e als, 11, 13, 69,75,77, 114, 115, 120. Siehe
149 auchpu1Jya
Stiftungsverwalter, 115. Siehe auch Verdiensttrager,52
mutawalli Verdienstiibertragung, 44, 102, 115
Stiftungszweck, 101, 113 Verdienstprinzip, 136
Stupa, 21, 34, 61, 64, 65, 66, 99, 100, VimalakIrti, 32-33, 35-36
101, 118, 122, 126 Vipasyin, Buddha, 126, 127 .
Sumeru, 19,20,23-26 Vi~r;tuiten (Hindus), 12n. 35, 104, 107
SUnden: Visvabhu, Buddha, 127, 130
Tilgen von, 52
Suttanipiita, 48 Waqa'i al-Sanin w'al-A'wam, 151, 154
syrisch-nestorianisch, 48 waqf(fromme Stiftung), 4n. 12, 150n. 4,
156, 179
Tai Yuan, 59, 70 WasserlibationlAusgieBen von
tazkiir (Totengedenken), 180-181 WasserlSchenkungswasser, 15, 70n.
Text und Bild, 128 38, 110, 119
That Luang (von Vientiane), 65 Wat eet Yot (Kloster), 63
tocharisch, 44, 49 Wat Pa Daeng (Kloster), 64, 65, 77
Totengedenken. Siehe tazkiir Wat Suan Dok (Kloster), 64
Tradition: Weltkonzil, buddhistisches, 63
-bildungsprozesse, 136, 140, 141,
142, 143, 146 Yuan (Dynastie), 54
Denk-,138
intellektuelle, 135, 136, 139, 144, 146 zadaqa. Siehe $adaqa
Kommentar-, 145 ZagWe (Dynastie), 171-174
Trayastriqu\a( -Himmel), 24 Zauberspriiche, 122
Tripi~aka, 49 Zentrum:
Tschahar Bagh, 149-150, 153-155 und Peripherie, 9, 14
Turfansammlung der Berlin- des Universums/center of the
Brandenburgischen Akademie der universe, 24, 25
Wissenschaften, 48n. 23, 55n. 49