“Something Sacred, Something Secret”: Traditional Ecological

Knowledge of the Artisanal Coastal Fishers of Bangladesh

Author(s): Apurba Krishna Deb
Source: Journal of Ethnobiology, 35(3):536-565.
Published By: Society of Ethnobiology
URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.2993/etbi-35-03-536-565.1

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Journal of Ethnobiology 35(3): 536–565 2015

“SOMETHING SACRED, SOMETHING SECRET”:

TRADITIONAL ECOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE
ARTISANAL COASTAL FISHERS OF BANGLADESH

Apurba Krishna Deb1

Caste-based Hindu coastal fishers of Bangladesh have developed their Traditional Ecological Knowledge
(TEK), environment and resource friendly practices, and worldviews through years of social learning, and
interaction with their immediate ecosystem. This article is based on 21-month long participatory field research
with the fishers of Thakurtala fishing village, Moheskhali Island, Cox’sbazar district, located along the Bay of
Bengal. Eight important categories of fishers’ TEK systems are examined: water color, wind direction and
current, lunar periodicity, sediment and topography, celestial navigation, birds and animals, mangroves,
and fishing sites. Fishers make their decisions about fishing at a certain site using practical heuristic rules.
The sequence of learning and transmission of TEK at different age strata is examined. Policy makers would
benefit from TEK of the experienced coastal fishers.

Keywords: Bangladesh, marine, traditional ecological knowledge, artisanal fishery, policy

Introduction

Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) is a fluid mix of empirical/practical

knowledge, and institutional knowledge, constructed through years of framed
expert insight about the ecosystem and the aquatic resources therein, and hence,
it is socio-culturally specific, constructed, and bound. TEK, considered as
“a cumulative body of knowledge, practice and beliefs” (Berkes 2008), is a form
of human capital and capability of fishers that reflects the stock of individually
possessed knowledge, experience, competence, and skills that help fishers
optimize catch from the sea. Artisanal fishery is dependent on the qualitative
knowledge system of the fishers (Grant and Berkes 2007; Johannes 1989;
Raychaudhury 1980) for its overall operation and management. Artisanal fishing
is not only a source of livelihood, but also an art of living for fishers that is
characterized by a long tradition of adaptation to the dynamics of the social and
natural environment, cultural heritage, and a rich body of TEK.
Fishers’ TEK is a form of “expert system” that is comprised of certain
heuristic rules about how to accumulate and filter learnings, and how to apply
the lessons for solving complex problems related to harvest and management
practices (Grant and Berkes 2007; Mackinson 2001). It is crucial in their decision
making process in the sea. Grant and Berkes (2007) consider such a cumulative
pool of knowledge an expert system, which is almost solely based on
observation-based experiential learning, a useful lens to understand how fishers
use certain heuristic rules to maximize their catch.

1
Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship, Government of Manitoba, Central Region 309-25
Tupper Street N, Portage la Prairie, MB, Canada R1N 3K1 (apurba_deb2003@yahoo.com)
2015 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 537

The dynamic ecology of the Bay of Bengal in the Indian Ocean and the rich
biodiversity therein, provide a rich setting for examining fishers’ TEK. A clear
understanding of the richness of TEK of Bengali artisanal fishers would go a long
way in maintaining biological productivity of the ecosystem and making the
aquatic resources available for the livelihood of fishers and the overall economic
well-being of the nation. This article explores the “expert system” of the
hereditary coastal fishers of Bangladesh. In particular, it examines how TEK is
incorporated into their decision-making process when fishing in the sea. I also
summarize the perspectives of the artisanal fishery in which traditional fishers
operate and survive, and the process of inter-generational knowledge transfer in
the fishing communities.

Methods and Study Site

Over a period of 21 months in 2005, 2006, 2009, and 2010, I learned TEK from
the fishers of Thakurtala (literally, an area beneath the footprint of Adinath
temple, one of the 52 most sacred places for the Hindu pilgrims), a coastal fishing
village located in the Moheskhali Island of the Cox’sbazar district along the Bay
of Bengal (Figures 1 and 2a). Experienced fishers of six coastal fishing villages
(Gorakghata, Pourashava, Paharchanda, Maijghona, Ali Akbar Deil, and
Boroghope villages of Cox’sbazar district) with similar religious and socio-
cultural backgrounds were also consulted. I also interviewed five experienced
Muslim fishers of Ahmediakata, a fishing village located on the north-west side
of the major study village, Thakurtala, to get their views on certain ecological
parameters.
These fishers fish in the coastal and marine water of the Bay of Bengal. The
Bay of Bengal is one of the 64 large marine ecosystems of the world, and is
geographically shared by eight countries of Southeast Asia. The Bay is very
dynamic and widely known as the breeding zone of some of the strongest and
deadliest tropical hurricanes in recent history. A combination of strong
monsoonal winds, and topographically, a shelving and narrowing bay, causes
storm surges to rise very high and drive far inland, causing massive destruction
to the lives and assets of the coastal people. This can be devastating if the landfall
coincides with the high tide periods in its semi-diurnal tidal pattern.
The inhabitants of Thakurtala village are hereditary Hindu fishers belonging
to Jaladas caste (‘slaves of the water’) (Figure 2b). The village has a population of
650 (300 males, 350 females, and 78 households). The outside edge of the village
is surrounded by a narrow strip of mangrove forest with a mix of Avicennia spp.,
Sonneratia spp., and Rhizophora spp. During the peak hours of new moon and full
moon phases of the semi-diurnal tide, the low-lying northwest area of the village
gets inundated.
I used a qualitative participatory approach (Chambers 1994) for examining
fishers in their own social settings. I was interested in understanding fishers’
relationships to other biotic and abiotic things using their lens of socio-cultural
constructions. A baseline questionnaire was administered to all 78 households to
get comprehensive information on household composition, living condition,
assets, food security, employment pattern, income, expenditure, crisis, coping
538 DEB Vol. 35, No. 3

Figure 1. Diagram of Thakurtala village, redrawn from ‘resource mapping exercise’ carried out
by fishers.

mechanism, and the status of women. Subsequently, 45 key informants were

interviewed and 23 Focus Group Discussions (FGD) were organized. Collectively,
these data represent 900 years of fishers’ experience in the Bay of Bengal.
The 23 key informants interviewed were selected based on four criteria. First,
they had to have at least 10 years of fishing experience. Second, they had to have
a reputation in the community for “wisdom” in oceanography, ethnobiology, and
folk taxonomy, along with ability in fishing operations and diving, skill in steering,
and standing in ritual performance. Third, the fishers had to depend on fishing for
their livelihood, and finally, they had to be willing to share their knowledge.
Accompanying fishers on boat trips was the most useful and effective way to
learn about fishers’ TEK. Duration of such trips varied from one day to two
weeks depending on the type of gear, engine capacity, level of harvest, and
2015 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 539

Figure 2. a. House of a fisherman in Thakurtala village; b. sea-faring Hindu hereditary fishers gather
for prayer at Adinath Temple, Moheskhali Island, prior to their voyage.

carrying capacity of the craft (note: those fishers who have no engine usually fish
in the near-shore areas and return on the same day). I joined in 28 trips with the
sea-bound fishers for this research. Fishers are more generous and participatory
in their responses “on boat” than they are “on land,” and during the evening and
early in the night. Informal chat (Aadda) in the local tea stalls, where fishers talk
spontaneously while they had hot tea and cookies, was also useful. A group of
five to seven fishers was the most effective for FGD.
The information provided in this article has been validated in three “mini-
workshops” attended by the most knowledgeable and experienced fishers of the
south-east coastal belt. Only attributes prioritized as “most significant” by the
experienced key informants are presented here.

The Fishers and their Fishery

The Fishing Community

Thakurtala fishing village is composed of patrilineal and patrilocal house-
holds with distinct lineage groups forming clusters; almost all of the men and
more than half of the women were born in the village. Marriage is a socio-
religious and economic contract settled through a series of ceremonies; it is
virilocal. The vast majority of the fishers (N578 households, 95%) live in tiny
houses built with polyethylene, straw, and coconut leaves.
Fishers in this village belong to the Jaladas caste. Jaladas fishers have low
social status, which is enjoined and reinforced by the ideological sanction of
‘acquired congenital pollution’ and caste-strata dictated in Hinduism. The village
head (Sarder) steers socio-religious, cultural, ritual, political, and moral functions
in the community. Sardery is a male-exclusive, traditional social institution of
caste-based fishers.
Traditional coastal fishers are highly prone to natural calamities and
accidents at sea. Family members (children, women, and old people) remain
uncared for at least six months per year while the men in the household go
seafishing as paid laborers. During that time, women take on almost all of the
typical male roles (e.g., negotiating with moneylenders) in a temporary
540 DEB Vol. 35, No. 3

Figure 3. a. Marine fish caught in a gill net; b. majestic Hilsa fish, c. a traditional boat of Hindu caste-
based fisher after sanctification (note: eye of Goddess Ganga painted in the forehead), d. a sea-bound
craft with no life-saving equipment, e. repairing of Hilsa gill net after fishing trips; and f. fisherwomen
engaged in post-harvest activities.

matrifocal social construction (Deb et al. 2015). Broadly speaking, although the
marine fishing sector cultivates masculinity, these Hindu caste-based fisher-
women go beyond the stereotypical place-based binary performance (sea for
men, land-based activities for women).
Poverty is pervasive in fishing communities. Poor parents tend to engage
children in income-earning activities to supplement family income. The daily
family income of around half of the 78 households is as low as US$ .70-$.90
during the lean fishing periods of the monsoon season. This translates to an
allocation of about 10-15 cents per person per day. If we consider three meals per
day (when breakfast is replaced by a light meal) as culturally appropriate for
working class people in rural Bengal, then the majority of the fishers (N5650,
80%) are victims of food insecurity, irrespective of seasons. Situations of food
insecurity and prolonged hunger worsen after natural calamities.

The Artisanal Fishery

Artisanal fishery in Bangladesh is open access and mostly unregulated. It is
characterized by heterogeneous attributes of capital involvement, technologies,
labor mobility, dispersed fishing areas, seasonality, various degrees of livelihood
dependence, rituals, and social and economic reciprocity. Artisanal fishery has
witnessed rapid mechanization in the last three decades that continues to
threaten biodiversity, sustainability, and resource governance. More than 100
species of commercially available fish and shrimp are targeted by fishers
(Figures 3a and 3b; also see Table 3 for a list of important species with local
names). The marine fisheries sector contributes around 20% of the total fish
production in the country (around 2.5 million metric tons), of which more than
90% comes from artisanal fishing, with approximately 500,000 people directly
2015 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 541

involved in it. The exclusive economic zone of the country covers an area of
164,000 km2 with a shelf area of around 66,440 km2, of which coastal shallow
water with less than 10 m depth covers around 24,000 km2. Artisanal fishing is
mostly restricted to shallow areas of the sea.
Fishing operations vary from diurnal to fortnightly cycles. Usually, set bag nets
are operated in shallow areas, and the harvest is gathered following the semi-
diurnal tidal cycles. In the study village, only 3.8% of the households (N578) have
sea-going mechanized fishing boats; 28.20% of the households (N578) have
ordinary manually-operated wooden fishing boats and simple gear, and the rest
are fishing laborers in the boats of others. A majority of the crew are between 20 to
65 years with a median age of 40+/-5 years. Two modes of recruitment systems
prevail, based on wage and catch sharing. In the wage system, fishers are recruited
for six to eight months (first day of Bhadra [mid-August] to first day of Falgun [mid-
March] in Moheskhali) and, depending on the roles (laborer, engineman,
helmsman, cook) and experience, salary ranges from US$ 180-$1800 for the
contracted period. Boat owners supply rice, cooking oil, spices, tea, lentils, and
vegetables for meals during fishing voyages. Under the catch sharing system,
following the deduction of operational expenses, the boat owner gets 50% of the net
profit, and the rest is distributed among the crew, depending on their roles. Fishers
and boat owners usually get the money for operational expenses from stockers
(Aratder) and moneylenders (Dadonder) to whom catches from the sea are sold at
a lower price. Women play distinct roles in the whole operation of artisanal fishery
(Deb et al. 2015; Figure 3f).
Fishing boats vary in size, specifications (Figures 3c and 3d), and wood
species used. Some craftsmen have acquired specialized knowledge on the
mechanisms of seasoning of planks, bending, caulking, planking, and water
proofing. Today, many fishers shift from wooden boats to small ferrocement
“lifeboats,” available from abandoned commercial ships in the ship-breaking
yard of Sitakunda, Chittagong coast. Estuarine and marine set bag nets (locally
known as Behundi jaal) are intricately related to the craftsmanship skill, cultural
and ritual significance, and hence, considered as “cultural keystone gear” of the
traditional Hindu Jaladas fishing communities.
Fishing boats operated in the sea are bigger (length 20-35 cubits, width 5-8
cubits, height 2.5-5 cubits; 1 cubit is around 1 foot and 6 inches), equipped with
engines (15-65 horsepower, or HP), and costly (US $10,000-$60,000), which
most caste-based fishers cannot afford. Boats of smaller size with smaller engines
(12-30 HP) are used for hook and long lines, Estuarine Set Bag Net (ESBN), and
Marine Set Bag Net (MSBN). Those with 40-65+ HP are usually used for gill nets
and MSBNs. Big mechanized boats have the provision of a cabin of 12-16 m2 area
as a resting place for 12-18 crew members.
Fishers of the study village extensively use ESBN and MSBN, gill net
(Figure 3e), and hook and longlines. In the greater Cox’sbazar and Chittagong
coastal belts, many Hindu caste-based fishers consider the set bag net (Behundi
Jal) as the symbol of their identity and skill. This funnel-shaped net is divided
into six parts, each of which requires different sets of ropes and threads. Each is
prepared separately with observance of certain rituals and then put together by
skilled fishers. ESBNs and MSBNs vary from 30-40 m (mouth opening 15-20 m)
542 DEB Vol. 35, No. 3

and 40-50 m (mouth opening 20-22 m) respectively. Costs vary between US $80-
$400. These target a wide variety of species irrespective of size and value. The
operation is tuned to tidal cycles and lunar periodicity.

Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Artisanal Fishers

Water Color
When a farmer finds that his green paddy field is turning yellowish, he
decides to harvest. The color of water in the sea is important to us in the
same way….if you did not ever smell Hilsa mucus from the red water in
situ, you are not a fisherman at all. (Ananda Jaladas, 67, Cox’sbazar).
Fishers identify six types of water mass from the Bay of Bengal: turbid, clear,
light green, green, bluish, and blackish water. Fishers perceive that the coverage
and duration of certain types of water are strongly influenced by seasonality, depth
zone, topography, fresh water influx, wind direction and velocity, and the semi-
diurnal tidal pattern during the new moon and full moon tidal cycles. The southerly
wind brings blue water near the coast, while the northerly wind does not usually
affect the color of the water. With the turbulence of high tide, coastal water becomes
muddy, while with the receding tide, it becomes bluish. Fishers hold that there is
a depth-wise distribution of water types (Figure 4). Different species and size of
fish and shrimp are targeted from each of these water types, using distinct methods
of capture. For example, a green water mass prevalent along the Sunderbans
mangroves of south-west Bangladesh is well-known for the prevalence of Hilsa
spp., ribbon fish (Churi), and Bombay duck (Loitta), while the bluish water mass
prevalent in the southeast St. Martin Island areas is targeted for Indian shad (Hilsa
spp.), pomfrets, croaker, jew fish, Indian salmon, and tiger shrimp.
A reddish water mass occurs during the post-monsoon periods (6-30 m depth
zone) in some fishing areas (e.g., off the south Sonadia Island, southwest of Hatia
Island, Sandwip Khari, Meghna Khari, Gulitder, and Dulachira of the Sunderbans
mangrove areas) (Figure 4). A bloom of phytoplankton (Asterionella spp.) might be
attributed to localized formation of such a red water mass. Hindu fishers consider
red water to be the sacred menstruation zone of the sea deity Ganga. The reddish
water zone is specially designated as the dwelling area of Hilsa shoals. In such
water, Hilsa fish are seen occasionally to jump on the surface; once their tails are
seen, they dive to the middle of the water column. To target the water column, the
steerer slows down the fishing boat to minimize the sound of the engine. He then
picks up a bucket of water and smells it. Experienced fishers know that the
presence of certain types of frothy and sticky/oily substances, and a typical smell
of Hilsa mucus are indicative of Hilsa shoal. Prevalence of small bowl-shaped
bubbles on the surface water is indicative of the presence of Phaissa fish shoal.
Fishers joke that the silver-colored Indian river shad Hilsa and pomfrets
(Pampus argenteus) are “two sisters from the same mother” as they are found to
roam together. Fishers consider Hilsa “naughty” as they tend to be in a sportive
mood for a while when they are in a shoal. Shoals usually tend to form from fish
of similar age cohorts. Fishers believe that Hilsa fish do not see the red-brown
color in tyre cord nets and cotton nets, and hence, these nets are effective in
2015 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 543

Figure 4. Horizontal distribution of water colors (Based on findings from focus group discussions with
key informants from Thakurtala, Moheskhali Island, Cox’sbazar)

catching Hilsa fish. One fisherman (Shukendu Jaladas, 55, Thakurtala) recounted:
“Illish mach vashle shola, ar duble shil pathar,” which literally translates as
“when Hilsa floats in the surface water, they are like foam (to mean, foolish and
easy to catch), but when they sink in the deep water, they become heavy like
a rock, meaning that they are clever, and hence, it is difficult to catch them.”
Conjugated water masses (Sangam or Milon Pani) are found especially in the
shallow upwelling zone, especially with the heavy influx of turbid, rich
floodwater when two separate and distinct colored water masses merge
(Figure 5). One old Hindu fisherman told me that occasionally they see water
masses so distinct in color and flow, that they can be compared to Devaprayag–
observed at the confluence of two holy rivers Bhagirathi and Alakananda in the
Himalayan region of India (Anil Jaladas, 63, Moheskhali). A wide variety of
freshwater, brackish water, and marine species are found in the interface of
Sangam water. Estuarine and marine set bag net operators and Hilsa fishers target
such water masses. Fishers reported that such water masses proliferate with
Acetes shrimp and smaller sized Bombay duck fish. The knowledgeable
fishermen can detect such water masses in the sea from a distance of more
than a kilometer. Fishers try to follow the maximum “line of penetration” of
freshwater in the sea; they perceive that most of the brackish water fish species
“love to visit” the freshwater zone or mixture zone at certain stages of their lives.
One experienced fisherman (Dulal Jaladas, 46, Gorakghata, Moheskhali)
mentioned yellowish “Jaundice” Water. Fishers reported seeing this water mass
in the Buriganga River contour line when they travel towards the southwest
Sunderbans mangrove areas from southeast coastal areas. This might be
attributed to the flow of water from the Buriganga River, which is known for
pollution caused by urban sewage, industrial contaminants, and tannery
effluents. Such water color is usually evident at depth of 5-7 m in Ashin-Kartik
(the last half of September to the first half of November) months, characterized by
the existence of seamount (Dubo Char) and strong turbulence. It is difficult to set
544 DEB Vol. 35, No. 3

Figure 5. Sangam Pani or ‘conjugated water’ created at the interface of two water masses (redrawn
from sketch by fishers of Thakurtala fishing village)

ESBN or MSBN in the area during high tide but some ESBN fishers set their nets
at ebb tide in the edge of the seamounts. Usually, limited numbers of banana and
yellow shrimp, Acetes shrimp, jew fish, croaker, estuarine catfish, crab, and some
other small fish are found in this yellowish water mass.
Many fishers came forward with another type of water color, Juni Pani
(luminous silvery water), that is apparent only during the night. The word Juni
originates from a luminescent insect called Jonaki. Some fishers believe that there
are Jonaki in the marine water, but practically none could isolate or touch
anything luminescent. The bioluminescence is presumably due to luciferin being
oxidized in the presence of the catalytic enzyme luciferase by living organisms.
A few expert Hindu fishers in a focus group discussion claimed to observe
luminescence from small shrimp (Euphausids), jellyfish and squid. They also
mentioned that luminescence is triggered by surface waves and movement of
fishing boats. During the winter months, such silvery hues are more evident in all
types of water masses except highly turbid water. Following the wind action on
the surface waters, such silvery tones are seen. Fishers avoid silvery water with
abundant jellyfish because they perceive that fish also avoid jellyfish.
One management implication is that the Department of Fisheries might
identify the fisheries sites based on water colors and its seasonal variations, and
develop plans for conservation of species at risk.
2015 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 545

Weather, Wind Direction, and Current

Torrential rain in the monsoons prevents fishers with manually operated
craft from fishing in distant areas. Coastal fishers of the southwest and southeast
coasts are the first victims of any cyclone in Bangladesh; most of them go to the
sea devoid of basic safety items like gyrocompasses, buoys, radios, etc. Fishers
make decisions about the advent of cyclone based on some visible (e.g., clouds),
sensory (wind, heat), biotic (behavior of certain animals), and meteorological
attributes (Table 1).
Fishers pay special attention to wind directions and velocity. Wind from the
north and east to west is good for fishers. With the southerly wind blowing from
mid-March to mid-July, the sea remains ‘angry’ (Gorom), and only rain
diminishes Bish (literally ‘poison,’ here to mean “force”) of storms and cyclones.
A northerly wind (Uttarali) blows from mid-August to mid-March; after that the
westerly wind begins to appear. Fishers reported the easterly wind (Pubali)
appears at night from 10 pm to 7 am during the month of Falgun (mid-March);
the westerly (Paschima Bayu) emerge in the daytime during the month of
Agrahayan and for a few days at the end of February until mid-April. Hindu
fishers believe the Uttaraly (northerly wind) starts with Janmasthami (sacred birth
day of the Lord Sri Krishna as per Hindu mythology); this wind continues to blow
from September to March (Bhadra to Falgun). Again, the southerly wind starts
during Sripanchami Sarwashati Puja (Sarwassati is known as the deity of
knowledge) in Magh (mid-January to mid-February) and continues for around
seven months with strong effects from March to June. In almost all of the seasons,
the majority of the fishers prefer to fish between depth zones of 3-20 m; this
observation coincides with the fact that shallow waters are rich in food
abundance compared to deeper water.
Fishers also recognize the importance of the four intermediate directions
(Figure 6). Since Jom (a demon considered as killer of humans as per Hindu
mythology; one of the worst curses in a fishing village is “Jom will meet you
soon”) is associated with the south-east direction and known to cause the death
of humans, the southerly wind is generally perceived as deadly to fishers
(Nirmal Chakrabarty, 65, priest and village leader, Gorakghata fishing village,
Moheskhali Island). Fishermen are aware that winds do not always necessarily
blow in a straight direction; wind has a tendency to rotate or deflect. Wind
direction and velocity change have an impact on fishing operations. Hook and
long liners and Hilsa drift netters can put up with medium to strong current
actions, while ESBN and MSBN operators would find it difficult to keep their
nets in the fishing sites. Fishers observe the intensity of the prevailing wind. At
the advent of a storm or cyclone, fishers note if the distance between two
consecutive wave peaks becomes longer than usual (“dancing form of waves”).
Hindu fishers believe that the “eyes” of the goddess Ganga (usually painted or
engraved on planks in the front sides of the fishing boat) turn red, and
a “thunderous sound” generates from the anterior side of the boat. “In such
a situation, we are told by the deity Ganga to leave the area; we wind up and
leave in Nimesh [literally, 1/450th of a second, as per the Bayu Puran of the
Hindu mythology],” comments Sarathi Jaladas (54, Thakurtala fishing village,
Moheskhali island).
546 DEB Vol. 35, No. 3

Table 1. Some indicators of bad weather condition and cyclone in the Bay of Bengal.
Situations/observations Remarks
Fatty Loitta (Harpodon neherius) comes out of bottom and are unusually Bad signal
abundant; movements of marine snakes observed
Clouds become darker and red in the northeast and northwest directions; Heavy rain and primary
poor visibility; clouds appear closer stage of cyclone
Distance between the ‘head’ of two successive waves is longer than the Unusual and dangerous
usual one
Wave height increases with more forces in near shore area Dangerous
Fish are scattered, and more prevalence of jelly fish and squids Bad signal
Sea birds behave and shout abnormally and fly towards shore or island Unusual
ESBNs and MSBNs tend to come up due to excessive rolling; gill nets get Abnormal situation
entangled
Small to medium sized water spouts observed Unusual
Water seems to be warmer than usual Unusual
Wind flow is charged and seem to burn skin
Sound generated due to splashing of waves with hull is different from the Dangerous
usual sound.
Violent wind blows with a high pitch of ‘shnow-snhow’ sound and cause Cyclone imminent
skin burn (probably caused by charged particles of salts), and and time to leave
occasionally a ‘void state’ of wind is observed followed by strong flow
of wind
Source: Focus group discussions with fishers of Thakurtala, Boroghope, and Gorakghta, followed by participatory
observations with fishers in the sea

There is a linear relationship between the current velocity and the availability
of fish. ESBN and MSBN fishers mentioned that the stronger the current velocity
is (of course within the tolerance limit for the net), the more fish are netted.
Fishers observe sections in a gill net where fish are entangled the most. Based on
the relative positions of fish entrapped in the net, fishers can assess the direction
and location of the shoal, and they set their nets accordingly to maximize their
catch (Figure 7). Experienced fishers believe that fish take the same direction of
the cyclone pathway; shoals from deeper water appear close to the coast. This is
why, following each major cyclone, the catch of Hilsa is known to be high in the
near-shore areas, and the boat owners force the fishers (paid laborers) to go
fishing despite huge risks to their lives and the associated psychological trauma
they bear after seeing countless dead bodies in the coast.
Fishers operating in the Gulitder and Bohoddar fishing sites know about the
existence of unusual types of water (presumably underwater currents), which,
when obstructed, would occasionally cause upwelling. Most of the fishers know
the significance of upwelling (Utola/Tolar Pani). Old Hindu fishers perceive such
phenomenon as the “movement of the Goddess Ganga underneath.” Fishers
believe that upwelling brings food materials upwards, and thus leads to a good
catch. Sea birds are seen to aggregate in upwelling areas. Reportedly, upwelling
appears with the advent of the warm southerly winds; the water mass turns
turbid for a few days followed by a change in color.

Lunar Periodicity
Marine ecologists have studied lunar or semi-lunar day rhythms of resident
animals in the marine littoral area (Cordell 1974; Johannes 1981; Morgan 2004).
Arunotai (2006) mentions that the nomadic Moken artisanal fishers of southern
2015 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 547

Figure 6. Locally recognized wind directions (based on sketch by key informants of Thakurtala village,
and later validated with experienced fishers of the region)

Surin Islands, Thailand, divide a month into “two waters,” meaning that there
are two high water periods in each lunar month. Experienced coastal fishers of
Bangladesh make their “mental fishing almanac” (lunar days known as Tithi) and
day-to-day decisions about the duration and timing of fishing, species selectivity,
area and depth of fishing, route of journey for fishing, and termination of fishing
trip in harmony with the lunar periodicity. Fishers assert that certain marine
phenomena occur with precise regularity during different cycles of the lunar
month and the associated tidal pattern (Figure 8; Table 2). Fishers know that
prawn migrate (“walk” in the fisher’s term) through rivers and estuaries under
the camouflage of the new moon darkness to avoid predators.
Coastal inhabitants of Bangladesh experience a semi-diurnal tidal pattern
(two high tides or Joar, and two low tides or Bhata, in 24 hours). The local
construction and understanding of the Jo (high water periodicity) are: Phulano
Pani (flattened water), Vora Pani (full water), Beshi Pani (maximum water), Gorom
Gaang (turbulent sea), and that of the Dala (low water oscillation) are: Kom Pani
(less water), Thanda Gaang (quiet sea) and Taner Pani (receding water). Joar and
Bhata are daily phenomena, while Jo and Dala are weekly to fortnightly
phenomena. Fishers generally agree that, in a given lunar month, the tidal
548 DEB Vol. 35, No. 3

Figure 7. Diagram showing how positions of fish entangled in net helps in decision making about the
probable location of shoals (Based on drawing by experienced key informants of Thakurtala village)

height and force during Purnimashi (full moon) is slightly stronger than that of
Amabashya (new moon). However, the peak tides during the rainy season
maintain similar heights irrespective of the new moon and full moon phases.
Hindu caste-based fishers believe that in each Bengali lunar month, there will be
two phases of Jo. In each fortnight, there will be 10 days of Jo (20 days/month)
and 5 days of Dala (10 days/month). At least for fishing purposes, Muslim fishers
do not comply with the Islamic 12-month calendar; rather, they decisively
observe the moon’s movement in compliance with the Bengali lunar months
(Interview with Khorsed Majhi, a Muslim fisherman, Ahmediakata, Moheskhali).
Fishers observe that the elevations of tidal water “prior to” and “following”
a full Jo of new moon phase (Amabashya) are higher compared to those of the full
moon phase (Purnima). The availability of fish has a temporal dimension; fish
abundance is higher during the Jo period than the Dala period. ESBN/MSBN
operators and hook and long liners of the greater Moheskhali and Cox’sbazar
region usually fish during the Jo and cease at the advent of Dala. In certain fishing
areas (like the Kutubdia and Sandwip channel, and the Gulitder, Bohoddar, and
Jalchira fishing sites near Sunderbans), tidal currents are exceedingly strong
during Jo. Fish catch in these areas is higher during the Dala period than the Jo
period with a sharp variation in catch composition. The tidal current during the
Jo period is so strong that fishers cannot set their ESBNs or MSBNs in the coastal
channels. The amount of fish caught during the Dala phase is insignificant in the
Moheskhali region (see Figure 9).
Based on the season and depth, coastal fishers either fish during Dala and wind
up nets during Jo (in monsoon months), or maintain nets throughout both the Jo
and Dala (in dry months). This trend has local variation (details in Table 3). As the
Dala phase invites more freshwater influx to the coast, the likelihood of getting
freshwater and brackish water species is high. Fishers mentioned that, in the first
Ekadoshi and Dwadoshi (eleventh and twelfth lunar days) of the month, shoaling
fish increase. Only a few other species (ribbon fish, snappers, croakers,
2015 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 549

Figure 8. Schematic diagram of lunar days in relation to fishing operations (redrawn from sketch
drawn by fishers of Thakurtala and Gorakghata villages)

threadfins, big eye tuna, and Indian salmon) of good size and quality are
found. In the days following Voron Jo (tidal peak with turbid water), species
like brown shrimp, kuruma shrimp, Bombay duck, green tiger shrimp, banana
shrimp, kiddi shrimp, threadfins, and small croakers are caught more.
Fishers reported that in a particular fishing site if a good amount of larger-
sized white ribbon fish (Churi) are caught in the net, hardly any fish of the same
species will be caught on the following day. The reason behind this is not known.
That is why with a bumper catch of white ribbon fish, fishers usually change the
fishing spots. White ribbon fish is usually considered a fish of the Dala phase; they
are found in less turbid water with lesser amount caught during the Jo. However,
generally on the eighth and ninth lunar days (Ostomi and Nobomi) of the winter
(Poush-Magh) months, there is hardly any catch in the ESBNs and MSBNs.
Consequently, the fishers in the Moheskhali region usually wind up their nets for
drying, treatment, or repair. One Bengali proverb states:“Ostomi nobomi bramma
dala, Koi geli tui jailla hala” (literally, “The eighth and ninth lunar days are
exceedingly dull; where do the foolish fishers go fishing these days?”).
550 DEB Vol. 35, No. 3

Table 2. Bengali lunar days and corresponding tidal condition.

Start of Jo-dala (spring-
Bengali lunar days (tithi) tide Tidal peak neap) phase Remarks
Pratipad- 1st lunar day 08 am 12pm Jo phase Peak water level
Dwitiya- 2nd lunar day 09 am 01pm Jo phase Water level declines
Tritia- 3rd lunar day 10 am 02pm Jo phase
Chathurthi- 4th lunar day 11 am 03pm Jo phase ends Stable water
Panchami- 5th lunar day 12 pm 04pm Dala starts Water level recedes
Shasthi- 6th lunar day 01 pm 05pm Dala phase As above
Shaptami- 7th lunar day 02 pm 06pm Dala phase As above
Ostomi- 8th lunar day 03 pm 07pm Bramma Dala Low water level
Nobomi- 9th lunar day 04 pm 08pm Bramma Dala As above
Doshomi- 10th lunar day 02 am 06am Dala ends Water stable, ‘ready
to walk’
Ekadoshi- 11th lunar day 03 am 07am Jo phase starts 1 hour back from
ekadoshi
Dwadoshi- 12th lunar day 04 am 08am Jo phase Water on increase/
’walk’
Troyodoshi- 13 lunar day
th 05 am 09am Jo phase As above
Chaturdoshi- 14th lunar day 06 am 10am Jo phase As above
Purnima/purnamashi- 15th 07 am 11 am, +/- 30 Peak jo phase of Peak water level;
lunar day (full moon) or minutes based the full moon geographical
Amabashya (new moon) on area/season or new moon variation of time
and tidal height is
observed
Source: Focus group discussions with fishers of Thakurtala and Gorakghata, Moheskhali.

Government planners need to provide support for alternate income generation

activities during these lean fishing days for livelihood sustenance of the poor
fishers.
Expert fishers observed that the diurnal pulse has some impact on the catch
and its composition. The Borshi (hook and long line) operators avoid the surface
layer by the day and target the bigger fish staying at the sub-surface layer
through a change in the line up (vertical alignment or horizontal alignment close
to bottom). ESBN fishers netting in shallow waters have nothing or very little to
do with such diurnal variation. However, the MSBN operators netting off the
coast target the sub-surface layer by day and the surface layer at night. Hilsa
netters have the operational advantage of adjusting their nets to different depths
and at the probable locations of the shoal. Fishers agree that under any given
circumstance, small fish dominate the surface layer in the daytime and medium
to larger fish come to the surface layer from the sub-surface and bottom layers for
food. “How do you feel if you are forced to look at the sun directly or somebody
throws torch-light on your face? In the same way, fish avoid sharp sun light at
daytime,” said Sadhon Jaladas (43, Thakurtala village).
Fishers, as well as the wider coastal communities, agree on the variations in
taste of certain fish and other edible seafood. Mud-crabs captured during the full
moon (Purnima) will be Fokfoka (whitish) and contain less muscle and eggs. Such
crabs hold lower value in the market than those caught during the new moon
(Amabashya). This is linked to spawning behavior and other metabolic processes
of the species. Fishers said that the hair fin anchovy (Phaissa) of Rangabali Island,
Loitta (Bombay duck) of Kutubdia Island and south Kattali, Icha Gura (Acetes spp.)
of Moheskhali Island, and ribbon fish (Churi) of Sonadia Island and the Rangabali
2015 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 551

Figure 9. Seasonal abundance of fish. Legend: 1. Penaed shrimps 2. Iskiri (species composition
unknown), 3. Churi (Lepturacanthus savala), 4. Loitta (Harpodon neherius), 5. Phaissa (Thryssa spp.) 6. Jew
fish (Poa), 7. Pomfrets, 8. Bata (Mugil sps.) 9. Olua (Coilia dussumieri), and 10. Crabs

fishing sites are well cherished by the consumers. The management implication
of these findings is that a detailed study needs to be undertaken on the plankton,
benthos, and macronutrients and micronutrients of the soil and water of these
areas.

Sediment and Topography

The erosion and accretion process is very dynamic in the Bay of Bengal.
ESBN and MSBN fishers check the likely shape and elevation of the underwater
topography (using a stone tied to rope). Experienced fishers mentioned that the
topography of the sea is changing rapidly. Brajahori Jaladas (56, Ali Akbar Deil
village, Kutubdia Island) adds: “siltation from land is heavily impacting the
coastal topography. The coast line is becoming dangerous; numerous seamounts
are emerging every year. The fish-rich edges known to fishers are also changing
in terms of depth and location, and it is becoming increasingly difficult for fishers
to keep pace with the change.” Such rapid changes in sea-bottom morphology
as perceived by the fishers might be attributed to the increasing trend in
552 DEB Vol. 35, No. 3

Table 3. Variation in aquatic species caught using different gear during different periods of
lunar cycle.
Lunar cycle
Gear Spring tide Neap tide

New moon

New moon
Full moon

Full moon
Important species

longline
Hook &
Gill net
MSBN
(Local names of abundant ESBN
species added within
parenthesis)
Acetes japonicas (Ichagura) X X X X X
Arius sps. & Mystus sps.
(Guijja) X X X X
Coilia dussumieri (Olua) X X X X X X
Cynoglossus spp. X X X
Cybium guttatum X X X
Drepane longimana X X X
Eleutheronema tetradactylum
(Tailla) X X X X X X
Epinephalus spp. X X
Escualosa thoracata X X
Harpodon neherius (Loitta) X X X X X X
Hilsa spp. (Illish) X X X X X
Johnius sps. X X X X X X
Lates calcarifer (Vetki) X X X X X X X
Lepturacanthus savala (Churi) X X X X
Megalaspis cordyla X X X
Mugil/Valamugil spp. (Bata) X X X
Pampus sinensis (Rupchanda) X X X X
Penaeus spp; Metapenaeus
spp; Parapenaeopsis spp;
Pelaeomon spp. (Icha) X X X X X X
Polynemus indicus (Koral) X X X
Rita rita (Rita) X X X X
Rastrelliger kanagurta X X X X X
Scoliodon spp. (Haus) X X X X
Scylla sps. (Kakra) X X X X X X
Setipinna taty (Phaissa) X X X X X X X
Source: Focus group discussions with experienced fishers of Thakurtala and Gorakghata, Moheskhali Island (size of
species may vary with type of gear and mesh size).

global warming, deforestation of mangroves, and coastal erosion. Notably, the

Ganges-Bramahputra riverine system discharges around six million cusecs
(1 cusec 5 1.699 m3/minute) of water from the upper Himalayan basin, with
a sediment load of about a billion metric tons/year of continental sediments into
the Bay of Bengal (Subramanian 1993). The management implication here is that
government planners must consider a massive afforestation program in the
coastal belt, and stop any development effort that would ruin the mangrove
forest. The fishers interviewed did not explicitly mention global warming, but
they assumed things in nature are changing rapidly. They observed that fish of
all sizes roam along the edges (Dhair) of the seamounts (Figure 10). However, big
fish that can withstand higher velocity underwater currents can be found along
the deeper portion of the Khari (bed of the valley). Another possibility behind this
judgment is that the edge with relatively flat elevation provides more room for
2015 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 553

Figure 10. Schematic diagram of seamount (Dubochar and Khari) in relation to fish availability
(redrawn from sketch drawn by key informant fishers of Thakurtala, Boroghope, and Ali Akbar Deil
fishing villages, Moheskhali and Kutubdia Island).

feeding or grazing compared to that of a steep Khari. However, preference in

targeting the area and depth varies based on gear and targeted species.
Fishers also examine the mud content organoleptically. Fishers discussed
sandy (Balu Mati), gravel rich (Pathor Mati), clayey/muddy (Kada Mati) and
slightly silty (Moina Mati) mud. Sandy mud is reported from coastal areas near
sandy beaches and off the St. Martin Island. Clayey mud is found beneath red
water, greenish water, and turbid water masses and characterizes most of the
important fishing sites. Fishers can analyze the mud content using their fingers in
situ and instantly find out the type. In one journey, I asked an expert Majhi (Nilu
Jaladas, 52, Thakurtala) how he determines the mud type and quality. He
instantly made two rings out of the soil contents; one showed minor cracks on the
periphery (decision: sand rich) and the other did not (decision: muddy, silt rich).
Fishers mentioned that fish do not inhabit a sandy zone with the presence of
“silvery mottles.” They mentioned that Hilsa fish prefer soft blackish mud for
their food. “Blackish mud can even be devoid of fish; some riverine and coastal
areas with big industries, municipal pollutants, shrimp hatcheries, etc. are like
deserts. This black mud is malodorous and poisonous to fish” (Nilu Jaladas, 52,
Thakurtala). The soil and water of the estuarine areas receiving untreated
industrial effluents deserve a thorough study from the viewpoints of toxicity and
its impact on flora and fauna. The government must consider putting in effluent
treatment plants in all coastal and urban industrial areas to reduce the negative
impacts of freely discharged sewage and industrial contaminants.

Traditional Celestial Navigation

Sukh tara tui sukh dilina amare; amar jonom gelo sagar tire, dekhte tore
dui noyone (Oh my Venus, you did not add happiness in my life; I spent
my life on the sea observing all the stars)
—A folk song commonly sung by the traditional fishers
554 DEB Vol. 35, No. 3

The artisanal fishers of the southeast and southwest coastal regions have
intricate navigational skills; they do not use any compass or any other basic
navigational equipment. Few fishers (except steerers) can afford to wear a wrist
watch. Fishers use both static (e.g., location of islands) and dynamic (e.g.,
position of stars) information to calibrate the relative position of the fishing boat
in the sea, keep track of mental calculations, and make course adjustments in
reference to target locations. Similar to the Carolinians of Micronesia (Good-
enough and Thomas 1987), coastal fishers of Bangladesh evaluate imaginary
places as points of references for steering along with real ones.
Through a series of sea voyages with fishers, I observed mental calculations of
voyage time, directions of the fishing spots, relative positions of seamarks (such as
islands, swimming directions of dolphins and flying fish, water color, depth), hill-
marks, and the location of stars as points of reference. Fishers travel 200-400 km
from coast to coast (southeast to southwest) and 30-70 km from the coast to the sea.
From sea to coast-bound journey, fishers first look at the movements of birds,
followed by hill-marks or islands. They depend considerably on the relative
locations of different stars seen in different months for setting the direction.
The duration of the journey is important in making decisions about location.
Time needed for the journey from a fishing village to fishing sites or vice versa
varies from boat to boat (based on type of operation and engine capacity).
Cosmological knowledge, developed through years of empirical observations of
the astronomical system, plays an important role for the sea-faring fishers.
Fishers are oriented on the rising and setting points of some specific stars and
constellations (usually those that are bright and the most conspicuous). Stars that
bear immense cosmological importance to fishers (irrespective of castes and
religious identity) are: Shukh Tara (Venus), Dhruvo Tara (North Star), Adam Surot
Tara, Sandhya Tara (literally, evening star), Puber/Pub Aksher Tara (literally, eastern
star), Sath Bone Tara (literally, Seven Sisters constellation), and Rahu Tara
(literally, demons’ star).
Fishers mentioned that the Seven Sisters appear in the east corner during the
month of Ashin (late September to early October) and set in the west; they believe
that Rahu Tara is known to be always behind the Seven Sisters with bad
intentions of immoral teasing and masculinity. Dhruvo Tara is seen in the
northern sky, Sandhya Tara appears in the western sky at early hours at dawn,
and Puber Tara appears in the eastern sky. Old Hindu fishers believe that the
mythical hero Dhruvo was blessed by the God Narayana, and placed in the sky at
a fixed place in the north so that he can easily glimpse the Narayana. They gauge
their direction by looking at Boro Ekprohora Tara. If a helmsman starts from the
deep sea towards the coast, he keeps navigating while keeping the location of
Purber Tara at the center, and then he can reach Cox’sbazar or Teknaf. After
locating the light house of Cox’sbazar, fishers can find other points.
Fishers mentioned that the Suktara appears by 2-3 am in the late night. This
star indicates the sunrise period. After the setting of the Sandhyatara by 8 pm, the
Borotara appears in the sky; when the Borotara sets, the Suktara appears. The
Seven Sisters will be in the sky almost the whole night; they appear around
midnight during the month of Kartik (mid-October to mid-November), and after
that they will not be seen well because of weather conditions. The Borotara will be
2015 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 555

on the head (straight upwards) from the month of Falgun (late February to early
March). Keeping two Doarika Tara of the south on the left side of the boat, when
one navigates from the Moheskhali channel, one will find oneself in the Dhair
(sealanes/roads/fishing sites). Fishers calculate the journey period in such a way
that after reaching the targeted fishing sites, the peak tide becomes neutral. Then
they gather the fish from the net and come back.
Keeping Satbone Tara (Seven Sisters) on the right hand side, if one starts from
deep sea, one will be in between Cox’sbazar and Kutubdia Island. Then looking
at the lighthouses of Cox’sbazar (counter-clockwise) and Kutubdia (clockwise),
one can decide about destination points. I asked some experienced fishers what
they do in a cloudy night when stars are not visible. I was told that they are at
least aware of the sunrise and sunset directions, and from an angular position,
they can ascertain other directions tentatively. Then they can ascertain locations
based on hours of voyage in a particular direction. In the case of a puzzling
situation, the steerer usually consults senior crew members who have fished in
those particular sites before.
Sea swells and the directions they are coming from are also keenly observed
when fishers are at sea, and especially when they are lost. The strength and
direction of currents is an important attribute in the decision making process. It is
known that the high tide (Joar) has a shoreward direction and the low tide (Bhata)
has a seaward direction. When anchored, the anterior side of the boat might be
oriented by the tidal flow. The management implication of these findings is that
an easily comprehensible, pictorial navigational chart can be developed using
fishers’ vocabulary for use during fishing voyages.

Birds and Animals

Local fishers noted that four categories of birds, represented by several
species, were important (Table 4). Fishers observed that these birds prefer small
fish that fit with their beak size. Expert fishers mentioned that with the prevalence
of certain types of birds, it is not possible to precisely predict the abundance of
certain types of fish, although sometimes some correlations can be made.
However, they agree that in certain areas, an aggregation of birds is indicative of
the presence of fish irrespective of species. Then a decision is drawn based on the
earlier experience about the location, depth contour, water color, and mud type.
Ganga Kabutor (pigeons of the Ganges; black-headed gulls, Larus spp.) are
usually considered to be passive hunters; they do not actively prey on small fish.
They gather fish discarded by fishers or which come up on water surface from
the ESBN or MSBN meshes, or after being injured by the propeller of the fishing
boats. Fishers assume the availability of fish in a certain area if a flock of birds
play for a long time, happily spreading their wings, and jump on fish from an
angular direction (not straight from above). Some fishers related birds’
abundance with the presence of Hilsa spp. in reddish water zones. These birds
do not immerse their whole bodies into the water, but only the thoracic part
when necessary. Usually, they do not attack or injure bigger fish, even when they
are found in nets.
Some fishers claimed that Ganga Kabutor displays the shoreward direction
when somebody is lost, but there are fishers who did not agree with this
556 DEB Vol. 35, No. 3

Table 4. Birds of significance to coastal fishers.

Local vocabulary English and scientific name
Ganga kabutor (literally Herring gull, Larus argentatus
pigeon of Ganges)
Gangchil Common tern, Sterna hirundo;
Whiskered tern, Chlidonias
hybrid; Lesser crested tern,
Sterna bengalensis
Chuppa/mana Little tern, Sterna acuticauda,
S. aurantia
Machranga kingfisher, Alcedo atthis, Halycon
smyrnensis, Ceryle rudis
Remarks
Considered as ‘son/daughter of sea
deity Ganga’; fishers never hurt
them. Fishers offer food for the
birds after worshipping on boat;
rare along coastline.
Abundant; both Hindu and Muslim
fishers consider the birds as
sacred. Nobody hurts the bird.
Seen close to coastline; flying ability
is limited
Seen close to coastline

perception. However, the bird is significant to fishers in locating the direction of

the previously set nets, as the birds are usually found to congregate by or around
the nets looking for dead fish. It is also helpful in determining whether the net is
up and ready for harvest. One expert fisher commented:
Ganga Kabutor is usually seen between the months of Ashwin-Kartik and
Baishak. Nobody knows where they go at other times; maybe to the
Andaman Islands as we knew from our forefathers. We have neither seen
copulation nor any small sized bird here. When female’s head and
thoracic region turns black from reddish color, we guess that they are
bearing eggs; the birds look fatty then. They eat twitchily (around 2-2.5
kg/day) and release stool often. They prefer whitish small fish like
samudrik moilla [Escualosa thoracata] and usually avoid the jellyfish and
squids. The eggs mature with the southerly; so when we see the black-
headed birds, we believe that the southerly is approaching. With or
before northerly, the females leave for laying eggs. As the peacock
spreads its tail in monsoons with thunders, in the same way a thrill is
noticed in their body with the advent of the southerly (Avimannuya
Jaladas, 53,Thakurtala village).
These observations bear immense significance in terms of regional migration
of the bird and also for forecasting the prevalence of the southerly wind in the
Bay of Bengal, which is assumed to be deadly for the fishers. Fishers can then
make their mental map accordingly.
Kingfishers (Halcyonidae) roam in shallow waters; fishers did not see them
fly far towards the deep sea. Whenever the kingfishers flock together and
continue hunting for a long time in a certain area, fishers decide to target the area.
Kingfishers, as active hunters, can track and hunt fish from a height of 20-30 m.
Fishers put little attention to sporadic hunting by birds. Fishers described that
Chuppa Mana (Sterna spp.), though a small bird, can hunt actively from a height of
5-10 m; they can penetrate 0.5-1 m inside water, and they balance the dive by
spreading their wings. A few birds seen chasing fish is not helpful in decision-
making by fishers. But sometimes they are found to follow a Dhair (a line or small
2015 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 557

shoal of fish; birds follow the shoal in a straight line). Fishers target such areas.
The Chil (osprey) is observed as a lonely hunter, usually targeting small to
medium sized fish in the shallow waters and mangrove areas. Their hunting
styles bear no special significance to fishers.
The use of otters in fishing is recorded from the southwest of the Bay of
Bengal. One fisherman of Thakurtala, who goes to the Sunderbans mangrove
forest areas for six to eight months as a paid laborer adds from his experience:
Otters are very clever; they are like other pets. Fishers keep two to five
otters in cages on the boat. As they set the net, they release the otters in
water. The otters drive the fish from surrounding areas towards the
boat/net; this is how much more fish are expected in the net compared to
those without otters operating in the same area. After each haul, the
otters are honored with small fish. They know their owners and are
treated like sons on the boat. Otters are trained by fishers and sold locally
as a fishing aid (Jonardhan Jaladas, age 55, Thakurtala).
One expert fisherman (Kartik Jaladas, 67, Gorakghta village) told me about
the significance of the river dolphin, Shushuk (two subspecies known so far,
Platanista gangetica gangetica and P. g. minor), to the fishers. Fishers used to follow
them in the riverine areas of Karnafuli and Sunderbans. The roaming area of
dolphins is considered to be rich in prawns, small carps, and catfish. Fishers offer
them sacred items like rice and ripe banana after a prayer on the boat. It is
claimed that dolphins know how to avoid fishing nets; even if the animals are
entangled, they are released right away by fishers. He claimed that dolphin
population is declining sharply because of rampant, untreated industrial
effluents.

Mangroves
Mangroves play a motherly role for fish and shrimp; there is an umbilical
cord relationship. It absorbs all our sins. Nobody remains hungry in
a mangrove-rich area; mangroves provide at least something for
everybody in a number of ways…as the size of mangrove areas is
squeezed, our livelihood opportunities also become threatened (Arati
Bala Jaladas, 47, Thakurtala, Moheskhali Island).
Words like pera, perabon, kerpa, kerpa bagan, and kerpabon are synonyms for
mangrove forests. Old fishers claim that, historically, the human settlement
patterns and the very existence of most of the coastal fishing villages of the south-
west have been linked to the abundance of mangrove forests (Figures 11a and
11b). Relatively more fishing sites are located in the southwest part of the Bay of
Bengal (Figure 12), which correlates with the presence of one of the largest
mangrove ecosystems in the world—the Sunderbans (beautiful forest).
Fishers have thoughtful understandings of the critical significance of
mangroves for fish and crustaceans. They observed that some species like
shrimp spend their almost entire lives for refuge, food, and nursing in the
mangrove areas, while others (like freshwater prawn) show facultative de-
pendence or preference for mangroves areas for food and reproduction. The
558 DEB Vol. 35, No. 3

Figure 11. a, Mangrove forest off the Thakurtala village during high tide; b, mangroves during low
tide used for crab gathering and grazing in the coastal area

mangrove forest is believed to be the host of most marine and brackish water
fish for at least certain stages of their lives. Fishers call the mangroves Mar Koler
Dolna (mother’s cradle) for small fish. One old fisherman had a cautious
interpretation: “Fish usually found in a different habitat go there for pilgrimage
and a honeymoon; they pass happy time there with food, amusement, and a nice
environment” (Sadhan Jaladas, 49, Thakurtala village).
Mangroves serve the fishers in a number of ways (Table 5). All the
fishers I interviewed agreed that there is a positive relationship between the
density of mangrove forests and the availability of fisheries’ resources. Many
fresh water species are found there in low saline zones. Many freshwater
species are commonly found along with the marine species. Fishers regret
that the Chakaria Sunderban, one of the oldest mangrove forests of the
South-Asian continent, was clear-cut for boosting shrimp culture as a World
Bank project. This had negative repercussions for local fishers whose lives
and livelihoods depend on the very existence of mangrove forests. Notably,
climate change might impact the growth and abundance of the coastal
mangrove forests directly and indirectly, with simultaneous impacts on the
resources therein.
Fishers observed that domestic animals (like buffalo, cows, goats) usually eat
small saplings and green leaves, but avoid mangrove seeds as these are usually
sour and cause “bowel syndrome” to animals. This helps protect the seeds. Thus
quick expansion of mangrove forest becomes possible. The management
implication of the conservation of the mangroves is far reaching, and clear-
cutting of mangrove forests should never be allowed in the name of any
development intervention.

Fishing Sites
In the past four decades, several scientific studies in the Bangladesh fishing
territory found the existence of four fishing grounds (1. Swatch of No Ground, 2.
East of Swatch of No Ground, 3. Middle Ground, and 4. South Patches)
(Figure 12). None of the fishers that I met in the greater Cox’sbazar and
Chittagong districts knew these official names of fishing grounds.
2015 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 559

Table 5. Multiple uses of mangroves as viewed by fishers.

Serial Uses of mangroves N (%)
1. Protection against cyclone and storm surges 13(76)
2. Dry branches of trees used as fuel 12(71)
3. Helps to stabilize area through land accretion 8(47)
4. Mangroves serve as free grazing land for cows, goats and buffaloes 7(41)
5. Playground for football and other recreations during ebb-tide 4(24)
6. Livelihoods for crab and fry gatherers 6(35)
7. Source of herbal medicine 3(17)
8. Mangrove ripe seeds as source of fish baits 3(17)
9. Land area used as ‘burning spots’ for the corps during the ebb tide 3(17)
10. Land area altered by rich for shrimp culture 9(53)
11. Net drying and treatments at mud flats during ebb tide 6(35)
12. Repairing of the fishing boats 5(29)
13. Keeping or hiding boats in mangrove forests when there is no fishing 4(23)
14. Important place for bird, fish, shrimp, crab and other animals 8(47)
15. Religious and spiritual values 4(23)
16. Tall trees act as navigational aid while coming from the sea 5(29)
17. Mangrove mud effective against skin diseases 3(17)
18. Compact mud used for elevating dwelling homestead land during flood 5(29)
19. Aesthetic beauty 3(17)

Fishers described more than 50 fishing sites (Figure 12); some are parts of the
officially recognized fishing grounds and some are not. Some sites are espoused
with local names while others are connected to the depth contour (in terms of
meter/Bam). The fishing sites mentioned by expert fishers are smaller than the

Figure 12. Fishing sites and grounds as gathered from a series of focus group discussions at
Thakurtala, Gorakghata, Maijghona and Boroghope fishing villages
560 DEB Vol. 35, No. 3

officially recognized fishing grounds. The fishing sites have separate importance
to different fishing groups; some fishing sites have attained more of a reputation
than others for the abundance of specific fish. Some spots are overfished while
the deeper sites remain underfished. Expert fishers know well that each site is
characterized by different combinations and seasonal variations of water color,
sediment type, bathymetric relief, depth, intensity of current flow, availability of
plankton, faunal assemblage, etc.
Caste-based Hindu fishers have an age-old territorial management system
called Faar, through which fishing entitlements over certain fishing spots are
granted to community members, and such a locally crafted system is
important for subsistence strategies, sustenance of indigenous culture, TEK,
social identity, equity, and a sense of belongingness. Through the Faar system,
hereditary fishers have been able to establish de facto fishing rights over some
fisheries’ micro-habitats located close to their villages (see Sims and Deb 2009
for details). This local level territorial system is not legally recognized, and
hence subject to increasing pressure from competing fishers from other
villages. Policy makers should take into account the fishing sites identified by
fishers, and carry out a detailed study on species composition and stock
assessment.

The Significance of Traditional Ecological Knowledge:

Decision-Making at Sea

Making a decision about the operation of gear at certain site and depth is
not an easy task. There are variables that fishers control (e.g., selection of gear,
site, time of voyage, type of bait, and depth at which gear to be set), while
there are some others which might behave in an unpredictable manner (e.g.,
wind velocity and direction, movement of fish, impact of lunar periodicity,
and diurnal variations). Expert fishers make their judgments based on these
sets of known and unknown variables. This is what follows the heuristic rules
of IF (a given situation or a major factor) and THEN (some likely outcomes)
proposed by Mackinson (2001) (Table 6). Expert fishers learned such abilities
of decision making after decades of experimentations and observations in the
sea. This involves a learning process of which decisions made in situ worked
well, while other techniques failed to ensure a good catch. Thus fishers adopt
new techniques for maximizing catch, and reject some unsuccessful strategies.
It is a true form of adaptive learning.
Such a knowledge-perfection process is an ongoing activity, and continues
for generations. In a fishing trip off of Moheskhali Island, I saw a grandfather
yelling at his son in front of his grandson. Fishers never had any formal/
institutional training on fishing in the open sea; they learned through their own
culturally defined observations on ecological clues and fauna, by trial-and-error
in deliberate experiments, and sharing of information with older fishers (family
members and relatives).
2015 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 561

Table 6. A few examples of fishers’ decision making process in the sea based on different parameters
and observations.
And/Or
If (supporting
(major factor) observations)
Water color is -Frothy and sticky
reddish substances are present
in the surface
-Hilsa mucous is smelled
Two distinct water -Water current is within
masses merge limit of tolerance for
gear
-Small fish and shrimp
seen jumping
Southerly violent -Fatty Harpodon neherius
wind is blowing abundant in the net
-Dark cloud
-Wind seems to burn skin
Sun is bright -Wind is calm
-See movement of small
fish
-See some zooplankton in
a glass of water; bait is
ready
-Hunter birds around
New moon -Close to mangroves
darkness -Shrimp’s breeding season
-Bottom is smooth
Then
(decision making) Actions
-Possibility of a Hilsa -Encircle the area with
shoals around gill net
-Possibility of catching -Set ESBN or MSBN in
both brackish water the area
and marine species
-Cyclone is imminent -Wind up the gear and
steer towards coast
-Consult with fellow -Set gear close to
fishers coastline after
cyclone
-Ideal for shoals of -Set the hooks 5-8 m
Polynemus indicus, below surface
Hilsa sps, sharks, -Set gill net with weight
and Eleutheronema at 4-7m depth
tetradactylum
-Ideal for targeting -Set gill net reaching
migrating species bottom or encircle
the area by joining
nets

Knowledge Transmission

TEK, as an experiential and culturally constructed form of procedural

knowledge, is transmitted through storytelling, physical participation in related
activities, rituals, and other methods that engage the emotional, aesthetic, and
physical as well as the cognitive domains of experience leading to total-person
learning (Anderson 2011). Knowledge transmission, as a socio-cultural
phenomenon, is expedited through interactions and networking with people
holding a similar worldview. Fishers share their information on catch, weather,
security, and other relevant issues with moral friends or cluster members to
the extent that the information provider is not affected economically.
However, certain forms of indigenous knowledge are not shared publicly;
rather their transfer is limited and controlled. “Not everything is shared;
something is sacred, something is secret,” said Nirmal Chakrabarty (65, priest,
Gorakghata).
A young fisherman becomes an expert fisher after years of fishing voyages in
the sea. An expert fisher can be identified by his face—his skin becomes darkly
tanned because of years of burning under the bright sun; his eye cavities have
deepened gradually because of the restlessness and anxiety while at sea, and his
hair and beard are dry and grey. Here is a comment:
562 DEB Vol. 35, No. 3

There is a relationship between fishers’ hair color and their knowledge

about the sea. You know that a young fisherman with black hair is
a learner, one with some grey hair has learned well, and there is no
question about the wisdom of one in fishing profession who has mostly
grey hair on his head (Sitaram Jaladas, 56, Thakurtala, Moheskhali
Island).
Based on my participant observations and interviews with some key
informants, here is a sequence of learning and knowledge transfer:

1. At 2-4 years, children make observations on living and dead aquatic

organisms, and slowly pick up the local names of species;
2. At 5-7 years, they develop a sense of mental maps and romanticism about
sea/coast through story telling by elders;
3. At 8-10 years, they participate with elders in post-harvest activities, local
marketing, and the gathering of organisms (crab, shrimp fry, small fish,
etc.) from shallow inter-tidal waters;
4. At 11-13 years, they know techniques of weaving/knitting nets, participate
in boat repair, row small country boats, and can dive and swim;
5. At 14-25 years, they actively and independently participate in gear setting,
fishing in nearby coastal and marine sites as paid laborer; and
6. At .25 years, they learn by doing and perfect their knowledge
(Figures 13a, 13b, 13c, and 13d).

Old Hindu fishers view “knowing and doing” as something limited to the
psychomotor relationships of the hands and the head, but real knowledge or
wisdom is closely connected to the “hand, head, and heart” and something even
beyond, that would be linked to transcendentalism, spirituality, and divinity.
The traditional fishing community and the environment they live in is such
that they get up, work, eat, and sleep in a “fish-smelling” environment. The old
fishers perceive an “umbilical cord relationship” between caste-based fishers,
fish, and the sea. One fisherman’s comment regarding knowledge transmission:
There is no school for such learning; there are neither paid teachers nor any
learning equipment. It is in the blood and tradition…fishing villages and
the sea is the ‘open school’ to learn. As there is a syllabus for gradual
learning in school, there is also something systematic for the learners which
no one sees…young fishers become knowledgeable and experienced after
years of trial and errors. To us the thought for food and survival is the quick
driver of learning (Kalamohan Jaladas, 57, Moheskhali).
This quote tells us that the fishers learn as part of their survival strategy rather
than mere natural curiosity. A livelihood crisis can act as a pitiless trigger; boys in
their early boyhood learn that early income is of critical importance for dealing
with ruthless poverty, and there is no other alternative left in the vicinity than to be
prepared mentally and physically. Some Hindu fishers feel a kind of compulsion to
make their successors equipped with sufficient knowledge, as fishing is still
considered to be the religiously and culturally bonded occupation for the low caste
Jaladas groups. Gender plays an important role in the transmission of knowledge.
2015 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 563

Figure 13. a, An adult fisher weaves net and children watch the art; b, Boat repaired by expert
fishermen and boys also participate; c, Fish segregation under guidance of an adult; and d, A boy (age
10) starts independently with a little crab fishing tool

Conclusions

The need for sustainable management of small-scale marine fisheries in

Bangladesh is critical for the overall economic development, food security, and
the livelihoods of the millions of poor fishers. This rich heritage of TEK of coastal
Hindu fishers is diachronically developed, experientially refined through
observations and experiments in the sea, accumulated in the socio-institutional
memory of the fishing communities, and culturally transmitted over generations.
It is of immense value for fisheries’ resource planning and building resilience of
the fisheries’ system.
564 DEB Vol. 35, No. 3

Bangladesh generally lacks chronological baseline data on fisheries that could

be used as an important source of information to manage fish populations. For
instance, in the last two decades, there have been no extensive fisheries surveys in
the Bay of Bengal, meaning that the standing stock and maximum sustainable
yield values are unknown to policy makers. This rich and applied knowledge
content of the traditional fishers reported here could serve as a vehicle for
coalescing fishers’ opinion with the resource planning process which is, right
now, solely based on conventional scientific knowledge. What is alarming to note
is that in such a vacuum of reliable information on standing stock, the Fisheries
Department issues fishing licenses to non-fisher elites mainly out of political
consideration. Such deep-sea trawler operators, naturally having no commitment
to sustainable resource management, fish recklessly often in the shallow coastal
areas threatening the very existence of the artisanal fishers.
The Marine Fisheries wing of the Government of Bangladesh needs to start
a fruitful and extensive consultative process with the local fishers regarding the
management of aquatic resource in its territory. Although the Department of
Fisheries revealed success in protecting some Hilsa spawning and nursing areas in
the riverine zone through imposing restrictions on fishing in certain months, no
such steps have been taken for the protection of marine fishing grounds and
vulnerable fish species (Interview with Dr. Dilip Kumar, Fisheries and Livelihood
Expert, FAO, January 16, 2014). However, success in managing Hilsa in the
Bangladesh territorial part alone is not enough. Hilsa, being a transboundary fish
found in the rivers and deep-sea territories of West Bengal, India, and Myanmar,
deserves similar management actions by countries surrounding the Bay. Input
from fishers’ expert system would go a long way in developing a regional
management plan for managing important transboundary commercial species in
the region. The Government of Bangladesh and its international development
partners would do well to take a holistic approach of interactive resource
governance through partnering with fishing communities in deliberations over
the future of the artisanal fisheries sector.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am grateful to the traditional Hindu fishers of the Moheskhali Island and some other
fishing villages on the southeast coast, the poets of the sea. I would like to thank Drs. Eugene
Anderson, Emeritus Professor, University of California, and Dana Lepofsky, Professor, Simon
Fraser University, BC, and Editor of the Journal of Ethnobiology for their encouragement and
guidance in revising the manuscript. Special thanks to Dr. C. Emdad Haque and Dr. Fikret
Berkes of Natural Resources Institute, University of Manitoba, Canada for their guidance and
suggestions during the study. Sincere thanks to Dr. Dilip Kumar, UN-FAO Fisheries and
Livelihood Advisor, who taught me how to work with the fishers at the grassroots level.

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