Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
democracy in Europe wasn’t so dramatic: It ground to a halt bring or come to an
abrupt stop.
rather than imploding. Post‐war social democracy had relied on
collapse or cause to
economic expansion—a boon to both capitalists and socialists collapse violently inwards.
alike—but when growth started to slow over the last decades, a thing that is helpful
and the wage demands of emboldened workers made deeper or beneficial.
inroads into company profits, business owners rebelled against give (someone) the
courage or confidence to do something
the model.
or to behave in a certain way.
progress; an advance.
ARGUMENT: The World After Capitalism Explanation by Abdul Basit
relating to or
believing in the principle that all people
Mainstream social democracy responded to this crisis by halting
are equal and deserve equal rights and
its egalitarian advance and merely defending existing gains. opportunities.
a forward movement.
Eventually it settled for tying mildly redistributive measures to
in a mild manner, in
neoliberal economic orthodoxy. And as for the heirs of particular without anger or severity.
nationalists like Jamaica’s Michael Manley and Tanzania’s Julius used
Nyerere, they made a more radical U‐turn, accepting neoliberal to describe an action that
is intended to share money more fairly be
dictums from the International Monetary Fund and seeking to tween rich and poor people:
attract foreign investment by any means. favoring policies that
promote free-market capitalism,
deregulation, and reduction in
government spending.
But popular ideas don’t die so easily. In the decades after 1917, authorized or
socialists went from fringe organizers to masters of much of the generally accepted theory, doctrine, or
practice.
world. The British historian Eric Hobsbawm said there had been
a formal
nothing like it since Islam’s rapid advance in the seventh century. pronouncement from an authoritative
And whatever it was that morally compelled people to seek a source.
radically different world in those days has not disappeared. not part of the
mainstream; unconventional, peripheral, or
extreme.
the product or
Most important, there is still plenty of material injustice to offspring of a person or place (used to
spawn new generations of socialists. Millions of people die every express distaste or disgust).
Indeed, inequality is not an accidental by product of capitalism—
which divides those who own private property through which
goods and services are produced from the rest, who have to put be based on or
grounded in; depend on.
themselves at the owners’ mercy to survive—it is at the core of
the system. Capitalist wealth creation may not be a zero‐sum
game, but the struggle between bosses and workers over each participant's gain
or loss of utility is exactly balanced by the
autonomy and power on the shop floor is. And far from losses or gains of the utility of the other
dissipating, the contradictions at the heart of capitalism have
become only more apparent over the last few decades. squander or fritter
away (money, energy, or resources
a combination of
statements, ideas, or features of a
situation that are opposed to one
another.
clearly visible or
understood; obvious
in the process of
coming into being or becoming
In the 1970s, an emergent neoliberalism curbed inflation and prominent.
restored profitability for the high‐income countries of the global The North–South
north—but only through a vicious offensive against workers. divide is a socio-economic and political
Since then, real wages have stagnated, debt has soared, and the division of countries.
Enter, or re‐enter, socialism. The resurgent popularity of the increasing or reviving
after a period of little activity, popularity,
term “socialism” is perhaps a fluke—it is language that the or occurrence
movement’s standard‐bearers, Jeremy Corbyn in the United an unlikely chance
Kingdom and Bernie Sanders in the United States, have long used occurrence, especially a surprising piece of
and are now making mainstream. They offer demands that are luck.
within the wheelhouse of social democracy: calls for an one who bears a
standard or banner. One who holds flag or
expansion of social services such as government job creation and represents
action on climate change. But Corbyn and Sanders represent a part of a boat or
something far different from modern social democracy. ship serving as a shelter for the person at
the wheel
Whereas social democracy in Europe spent the last few decades
morphing into a tool to suppress class conflict in favour of change smoothly
from one image to another by small
friendly arrangements among business, labour, and the state, gradual steps
Corbyn, Sanders, and their peers encourage a renewal of class a person of the same
antagonism from below. age, status, or ability as another specified
person, fellows or friends
active hostility or
opposition.
For Sanders, for example, the very path to change is through
confrontation with elites. His movement is about creating a a hostile or
argumentative meeting or situation
“political revolution” to get what is rightfully the people’s from between opposing parties.
“millionaires and billionaires.” His rhetoric is one of polarization the art of effective or
along class lines, and his campaign strategy is to remobilize persuasive speaking or writing, especially
working‐class voters. Similarly, for Corbyn it’s a social movement the use of figures of speech and other
compositional techniques.
of “the many” against “the few.” Only this sort of politics, both
division into two
men believe, can create an environment where a new reform sharply contrasting groups or sets of
program can once again be enacted. opinions or beliefs
make (a bill or other
proposal) law
ARGUMENT: The World After Capitalism Explanation by Abdul Basit
But what’s so socialist about this program, and what’s to prevent
it from running into the same crisis that the social democrats of
the 1970s retreated in the face off? withdraw from enemy
forces as a result of their superior power
The first question is easier to answer than the second. Beyond or after a defeat.
to confront, fight, or
the means—class struggle rhetoric and democratic mass compete against each other as
mobilization—that Sanders and Corbyn pursue, they propose an opponents
expansion of social goods in an era when welfare states around the art of effective or
persuasive speaking or writing,
the world are in retreat. Sanders appears intent on starting with
continue or proceed
nationalizing a reviled health insurance industry worth a trillion along
dollars. Even more identifiably socialist are aspects of his 2020 withdraw from enemy
presidential campaign platform and parallel plans pushed by forces as a result of their superior power
Corbyn’s Labour Party to expand the cooperative sector, create or after a defeat.
economic interests, while on the other side are capital strikes
and stubborn resistance. Today, even more so than in the 20th having or showing
dogged determination not to change
century, socialists face not only the problem of how to win one's attitude or position on something
power but the problem of how to fend off capital’s attempt to to defend oneself
undermine their program once in government. Reflecting on his against
years in the Harold Wilson and James Callaghan governments of
the 1960s and 1970s, the former British Labour parliamentarian
Tony Benn highlighted the mundane coercion that came with lacking interest or
excitement; dull.
power: Do what vested interests want, and they’ll make you look
the practice of
good; try to pursue your own agenda, and they’ll make your life persuading someone to do something by
impossible. using force or threats
a personal stake or
In other words, the social democratic compromise, where involvement in an undertaking or state of
wealth is redistributed but ownership is left untouched, is affairs, especially one with an expectation
of financial gain.
inherently unstable. It faces challenges in two directions. Capital
seeks to control it from the outset, but if initial reforms are
successful, workers have more leverage to strike, and the
increased bargaining power of labour can make unsustainable a personal stake or
involvement in an undertaking or state of
inroads into businesses’ profitability—something that will affairs, especially one with an expectation
provoke economic crisis and the likely return to programs that of financial gain.
can ensure a more favourable business environment. progress; an advance.
It is unclear to what extent such an agenda is possible in an era
when capital has been internationalized, economic growth rates
have slowed in the most developed countries, and automation
threatens remaining bastions of working‐class strength. But it is a projecting part of a
fortification built at an angle to the line of
clear that unless socialists want to re‐create the social a wall, so as to allow defensive fire in
democratic arc of the 20th century (from steady advance to several directions
steady retreat), the focus from the outset must be on ownership luminous electrical
and increasing labour’s control over investment. discharge between two electrodes or other
points
So what could socialism look like in the 21st century? It might
mean a major extension of social and economic rights—a state
that provides more than protection from destitution but
positively guarantees housing, health care, child care, and
education—and public ownership of natural monopolies and
financial institutions. These would exist alongside a competitive,
market‐driven sphere where private capitalist ownership is
replaced with worker ownership. That is, workers would elect
their own management and have both moral and financial
incentives to be productive by being real stakeholders who a thing that motivates
or encourages one to do something.
would receive a share of firm profits rather than fixed wages.
Such shifts would represent the starting point for modernity’s the quality or
condition of being modern.
first truly democratic and socialist society.
But whatever the precise model of socialism after capitalism is,
it should be simple and require no massive changes in human
consciousness. It must be driven by a serious attempt to avoid
what has failed in the past—the stifling of political pluralism and making one feel
constrained or oppressed
civil rights in state socialist regimes, as well as the economic
problems of central planning. Instead, it should take
experiments that have succeeded—universal social services and
ARGUMENT: The World After Capitalism Explanation by Abdul Basit
worker‐owned cooperatives—and build a social system around
them in its drive toward the long‐deferred Enlightenment
promise of liberty, equality, and fraternity. group of people
sharing a common profession or interests.
This article appears in the Winter 2020 print issue.
Bhaskar Sunkara is the founding editor and publisher of Jacobin and the author
of The Socialist Manifesto: The Case for Radical Politics in an Era of Extreme
Inequality. Twitter: @sunraysunray