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 Review article

The room and atmosphere as aspects of the meal: a review

John S. A. Edwards* and Inga-Britt Gustafsson†
*Foodservice and Applied Nutrition Research Group, Bournemouth University, Poole, Dorset, BH12 5BB,
UK; †Örebro University, Department of Restaurant and Culinary Art, Sörälgsvägen 2, 712 60
GRYTHYTTAN, Sweden

Abstract

Correspondence: The consumption of food takes place within what can loosely be termed ‘the
John S. A. Edwards, room’, although in reality, this could be a variety of settings, both indoors
Foodservice and Applied and outside. Aspects and features within that room contribute towards and
Nutrition Research
Group, Bournemouth
make up the atmosphere, something that is relatively easy to appreciate but
University, Poole, Dorset, rather more difficult to quantify and describe. This review considers selected
BH12 5BB, UK. Tel: +44 aspects under the headings of interior variables, background music and noise,
1202 595127; Fax: +44 and odour; layout and design variables, table layout and seating; and human
1202 515707; E-mail: variables, density and crowding, and social facilitation, which contribute
edwardsj@bournemouth.
towards the room’s atmosphere. It is important to recognise and appreciate
ac.uk
that other attributes, of similar if not of equal or more importance, also exist.
Keywords:
atmosphere, crowding,
density, music, noise,
odour, social facilitation,
table layout and seating

atmosphere, something that is relatively easy to

Background
The café is not a place where man goes for
a drink but a place he goes to in order to
drink in company, where he can establish
relationships . . .
Bourdieu P (1984). Distinction. A social critique on
the judgement of taste. Translated by Nice R,
Rouledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., p. 183.
The room, or perhaps more accurately the place
where the consumption of food and beverages
takes place, contains a multitude of features,
ranging from the fixed, such as chairs, tables,
lights and colours, to the moveable, such as other
people and the staff. Each of these, both indepen-
dently and together, help to create the room’s
appreciate, yet is difficult to define or quantify.
When we walk into a room and the conversation
immediately stops – there is an atmosphere. Simi-
larly, when we enter a restaurant, we sense that
there is ‘quite a pleasant atmosphere’, but again
we do not know why it should be as such.
The purpose of this paper was to review the
current literature on the aspects of the room,
which in turn contribute towards its atmosphere,
the words room and atmosphere being used
almost interchangeably. This could, in view of the
myriad issues involved, become an enormous,
almost impossible undertaking, hence, this issue
initially provides a broad overview before consid-
ering the selected aspects. It is the intention that
future issues of the journal should pick up and
develop other themes.

22 © 2008, The Authors

Journal compilation © 2008, Blackwell Publishing Journal of Foodservice, 19, pp. 22–34

Introduction
Over the years, numerous articles have been
written on atmosphere, and Kotler (1973–1974)
is often credited as identifying it as an important
area for marketers to study. Turley & Milliman
(2000), however, consider that other researchers
used and manipulated elements of atmosphere 10
years earlier, although there are even earlier ref-
erences. Campbell-Smith (1967), for example, in
his seminal work, identified several factors, which
could be influential and are shown schematically
in Fig. 1.
Since then, various research streams have
explored and evaluated the aspects of atmosphere
including the terminology. Kotler (1973–1974),
for example, uses terms such as ‘spatial aesthetics’
before settling on ‘atmospherics’; Bitner (1992)
uses ‘the built environment’ and ‘servicescapes’;
whilst Hutton & Richardson (1995) combine
atmospherics and servicescapes to form health-
scapes, all of which come under a branch of psy-
chology known as ‘environmental psychology’
(Countryman & Jang 2006). For the purpose of
this paper, the term ‘atmosphere’ continues to be
used and is taken to encompass the elements of
the surrounding environment in which the con-
sumption of food and beverages takes place (the
room).
Kotler (1973–1974), in identifying what is
understood by atmosphere, be it a ‘busy atmo-
sphere’ or a ‘good atmosphere’, considers that its
dimensions are detected through the senses, thus,
The Room (1)
Shape and Size
Type of seat booths
Layout of seating
Number of views from
different seats
The Room (3)
Table Appointments
Crockery
Cutlery
Condiments
Figure 1 Elements of atmosphere.
Source: adapted from Campbell-
Smith (1967).
© 2008, The Authors
Journal compilation © 2008, Blackwell Publishing Journal of Foodservice, 19, pp. 22–34
Room–atmosphere J. S. A. Edwards et al. 23
the elements of the atmosphere are experienced
through:
Visual dimensions – colour, brightness, size and
shape
Aural dimensions – volume and pitch
Olfactory dimensions – scent and freshness
Tactile dimensions – softness, smoothness and
temperature
Therefore, if the eating environment is to provide
an ‘appropriate atmosphere’, it is the aspects of
the senses that must be manipulated.
Turley & Milliman (2000), in a review of the
experimental evidence on shopping behaviour,
developed and added to work by Berman &
Evans (1998), and identified a host of atmosphere
variables, which they divided into five categories:
External variables, such as the entrance, signs and
size of the building
General interior variables, such as flooring,
music, colour, smell and temperature
Layout and design variables, such as space,
waiting areas, furniture layout and traffic flows
Point of purchase and decoration variables, such
as signs, cards and product displays
Human variables, such as employee and customer
characteristics, crowding, and privacy.
However, much of the research focuses on the
retail environment, although there are some data
that also consider foodservice operations. This
paper, therefore, draws on the various research
streams and considers selected variables com-
monly found in an eating-away-from-home
setting, which might be experienced in the room
The Room (2)
Ambient Temperature
Noise levels
Colour scheme
Level of illumination
Degree of comfort
Cleanliness
Atmosphere Nationality of Restaurant
Staff
Appearance
Age
Dress
24 Room–atmosphere J. S. A. Edwards et al.
and subsequently affect the atmosphere. These are
considered under the general headings of the inte-
rior variables, background music and noise, and
odour; layout and design variables, table layout
and seating; and human variables (the meeting),
density and crowding, and social facilitation.
Internal variables affecting the room
and atmosphere
Background music and noise
If music be the food of love, play on;
give me excess of it, that, surfeiting,
the appetite may sicken, and so die.
Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night (I, i, 1–3)
Music, often referred to as ‘musicscapes’ (Oakes
2000), is important in a number of eating sce-
narios, as it not only helps to create and set the
atmosphere but can also be used to disguise or
mask other background operational noises that
may detract from the overall experience. Given
this importance, it is surprising that it is only
relatively recently that the effects music has on
influencing behaviour have been investigated.
Research has been undertaken in retail settings,
and it has been argued that many eating out occa-
sions are more closely allied to retailing than ‘tra-
ditional’ foodservice, and that results are equally
as applicable (Herrington & Capella 1996).
In a retail setting, background music can in-
fluence the amount of time and money spent,
reduce anxiety, increase positive mood ratings,
relieve depression, decrease frustration, increase
employee output, reduce absenteeism and reduce
the stress associated with queuing (waiting in
line) (Herrington & Capella 1996; Yalch &
Spangenberg 2000; Sweeney & Wyber 2002).
The right type of music can influence shoppers to
purchase more expensive brands; loud music can
increase the rate of spend, but without a change
to the total spend (Oakes 2000). In addition,
background music can influence a shopper’s
evaluation of the service provided, and as a con-
sequence, the total shopping experience. Where
background music is played, shoppers get the
impression that shops care more about their cus-
tomers, and also the impression that they spend
Journal compilation © 2008, Blackwell Publishing Journal of Foodservice, 19, pp. 22–34
less time shopping and queuing at the checkout
(Herrington & Capella 1996).
Effects of music genres
Background music can influence the amount and
volume of sales, for example, of wine. When two
genres of music, ‘top 40’ and ‘classical’, were
played in a retail outlet, there was no difference
in the total number of bottles of wine sold.
However, when classical music was played, this
improved the sale of more expensive wines with
consumers perhaps associating wine consumption
with prestige and sophistication (Areni & Kim
1993). Similarly, the nationality of the music can
influence an individual’s perception and affect
sales. When French music is played, people, as
might be expected, are more likely to think of
France and purchase French wine. Similarly, when
German music is played, people are more likely to
think of Germany and purchase German wine.
What is also relevant is that customers do not
seem to be aware of the effects music had on their
selection. (North et al. 1997, 1999; Ryan et al.
2000).
Music genre has been studied in a cafeteria
(Feinstein et al. 2002) where it was shown that
Italian music significantly affected the choice of
ethnic over non-ethnic entrées. Italian music was
shown to positively affect the consumption, not
only of Italian food, but also of Mexican food.
Surprisingly, Mexican music did not significantly
affect the selection of Mexican dishes; perhaps
because the music was of a similar tempo. The
authors suggest the Italian music was similar to
that found in popular Italian restaurants, thereby
encouraging diners to think of and purchase
ethnic food. What did arise from subsequent
focus groups was that only traditional, rather
than modern, Italian music evoked images of
Italy. Favourable effects have also been found
when music is played in a cafeteria where custom-
ers showed a positive correlation between the
liking for the music, liking for the atmosphere and
a desire to return. The more the music was liked,
the more customers liked the situation, the more
they were attracted to the source of the music and
wanted to return (North & Hargreaves 1996).
The style of the music can influence customer
spending in restaurants (North et al. 2003;
© 2008, The Authors

Wilson 2003). When two different styles of music,
well-known pop and ‘popular’ classical, were
played in a restaurant serving high quality, freshly
prepared food with above average prices, the clas-
sical music produced higher spending with total
food and total spend being significantly different
(North et al. 2003). Other research (Sullivan
2002) though has shown that only volume has a
significant effect on meal duration and expendi-
ture on both food and beverages, although it was
tentatively acknowledged that the presence of
music of any type, compared with no music, sig-
nificantly affected the duration and expenditure
on a meal, but further work was considered
necessary.
Effects of music tempo
The tempo of the music also has an effect on
restaurant customers (Milliman 1986). An instru-
mental music with two tempos, slow, with 72 or
fewer beats per minute, and fast, with 92 or more
beats per minute, was played in a restaurant that
was of a ‘high’ quality, attractively decorated,
above average price and appealing mainly to
middle-aged people in the upper-middle income
bracket. The restaurant was generally very busy,
but Friday and Saturday evenings were extremely
busy and entailed a 30- to 60-min wait before
being seated. The slow tempo music was ran-
domly played on Friday, the fast tempo on Satur-
day, and alternated for the following 8 weeks,
with the results highlighting a number of interest-
ing observations.
Although it took 2 min longer to serve custom-
ers when the slow music was played, this differ-
ence was not significant. What was significant
was that with the slow music, customers spent
significantly longer at the table; the tempo of the
background music appearing to affect their dining
speed. When the slow music was played, the
average waiting time per group before being
seated was 47 min, compared with a waiting time
of 34 min with the fast music. However, 10.5% of
customers left before being seated when the slow
music was played, and 12.0% left when the fast
music was played, although this was not signifi-
cant. The shorter waiting time with the faster
music, appeared, therefore, to have little or no
influence on the decision to wait for a table. The
© 2008, The Authors
Journal compilation © 2008, Blackwell Publishing Journal of Foodservice, 19, pp. 22–34
Room–atmosphere J. S. A. Edwards et al. 25
amount spent on food was unaffected by the
tempo of the music, although expenditure from
the bar was significantly more with the slow
music, which also provided a higher profit
margin.
Other research (Caldwell & Hibbert 1999) has
similarly shown how the music tempo and pref-
erence (Caldwell & Hibbert 2002) affect the
dining time, but interestingly, where slow music
was played, customers underestimated the time
spent in the restaurant and overestimated the time
with fast music. The speed of the music appears to
affect the number of bites (mouthfuls) per minute.
Where fast music was played, the mean number
of bites per minute was 4.40; 3.83 for slow tempo
music; and 3.23 for no music (Roballey et al.
1985). The music significantly affected the eating
speed, although there were no significant differ-
ences for the total mealtime.
Effects of music on special groups
It is well established that in many organisations,
such as prisons (National Audit Office 1997) and
institutions where the residents are ‘mentally
disturbed’, mealtimes can be very stressful and
potential points of conflict. However, in the latter
case, an important part of the overall therapy is
for patients to be integrated into daily routines
and activities including mealtimes (Goddaer &
Abraham 1994). The influence that music has in
these and in similar settings is therefore impor-
tant. A relaxing music played in a nursing home
during the main meal of the day significantly
reduced the general level of agitation of diners
with severe cognitive impairment, as well as the
extent to which they were physically aggressive
and verbally agitated (Goddaer & Abraham
1994).
The influence that music has on food intake
and symptoms common in dementia, such as
depressed mood, irritability and restlessness, was
assessed in a nursing home where residents were
suffering from dementia. Three categories of
music, soothing, nostalgic and pop music, were
each played for periods of 2 weeks. Results show
a significant improvement in irritability, fear-
panic and depressed mood, particularly when the
soothing music was played. It was also shown
that patients ate significantly more, particularly
26 Room–atmosphere J. S. A. Edwards et al.
desserts, although the increase was most marked
when the pop music was played. There was a
significant correlation between the amounts
served and the amounts consumed; the latter
being influenced in part by the staff who served
larger portions of both main courses and desserts
(Ragneskog et al. 1996).
Effects of music volume and noise
Music can also influence the acceptability of
single items of food. Young men, served with
drinks with different levels of sodium chloride
(salt) and sucrose (sweet), and exposed to differ-
ent levels of music and noise (silence, loud music
at 90 dB; low noise at 70 dB and loud noise at
90 dB), were asked to rate the acceptability of
each drink. The noise caused heart rates to
increase according to the level of sound intensity,
but not so with the music. The ‘pleasantness’ of
the sweet drinks, but not salt drinks, increased
with both the music and loud noise (Ferber &
Cabanac 1987).
In a subsequent study, young men and women
were allowed to drink non-diet cola, orange and
lemon, or diet cola and orange, which were freely
available and were served at room temperature.
During the subsequent 25-min periods, each
group drank in silence, or with pop music playing
at 70 and 90 dB. What is perhaps the most impor-
tant finding from this study is that the louder the
music, the greater the consumption of soft drinks
for both genders; the pleasantness of the drinks
also increased for females but not for males
(McCarron & Tierney 1989).
Whilst music has been shown to have a number
of advantages in creating the ‘right atmosphere’
when eating out, unwanted noise can be a nui-
sance, can interfere with daily activities and can
lead to health disorders. Limited research has
shown that the critical noise level is between 65
and 70 decibels above reference noise, adjusted
(dBA). Noises above this level can contribute to a
number of adverse effects, and road noise can lead
to fatigue, headache, gastroenteric disorders and
a loss of appetite, depression, and irritation
(Yoshida et al. 1997).
The question therefore arises as to how loud
are the music and noise, for it has been claimed
that some restaurant managers use loud music to
Journal compilation © 2008, Blackwell Publishing Journal of Foodservice, 19, pp. 22–34
keep away customers over 30 years of age, and
that the music is turned up to drive customers
out (Laurance 1997). In London (New Scientist
2000), many eating places exceed the current
guidance and legislation (Health and Safety
Executive 2005). In ‘modern’ restaurants where
there is a predominance of bare floors, walls and
ceilings, mean noise levels can be as high as 84.9
(SD ⫾ 4.5) dBA with a recorded peak level of
97 dBA. In ‘traditional’ restaurants with carpets,
curtains and tablecloths, the average noise levels
tend to be much less, 71.2 dBA (SD ⫾ 2.1), and in
pubs, 83.1 (SD ⫾ 8.29), although the loudest
noise peaked at over 100 dBA. Decor, therefore,
can have a noticeable effect on the level of noise,
hence atmosphere, in many establishments.
Scent, smell or odour
The use of ‘ambient’ or ‘atmospheric’ scent, smell
or odour, that is, an odour that does not originate
from any particular source but is present in the
atmosphere, is increasing, yet, unlike research
into product odours, it remains relatively under-
researched (Morrin & Ratneshwar 2000). Not-
withstanding, the same authors also report the
use of smells in retail settings: to ‘energise’
workers, to calm cancer patients during medical
procedures, and also to help prevent lorry drivers
from becoming drowsy at the wheel.
This overall lack of research seems strange as a
pleasant ambient odour has also been shown to
help potential consumers show a better recall of
unfamiliar brands, increase attention and memory
(Morrin & Ratneshwar 2000), influence approach
behaviour and mood, give the perception that
consumers spend less time in a store (Spangenberg
et al. 1996, 2006), influence the amount of money
gambled in slot machines (Hirsch 1995), affect the
recall of happy memories (Ehrichman & Halpern
1988), encourage a helping behaviour (Baron
1997), and persuade individuals to linger and
spend longer looking at items (Knasko 1995), but
perhaps only under conditions of medium density
(Michon et al. 2005).
What is also interesting is that often subjects
are not aware of the scent (Ward et al. 2007), that
the nature of the scent is not important, that
neutral scents can produce enhanced perceptions,
and within a reasonable range, the intensity of the
© 2008, The Authors

Table 1 Effects of hedonic ratings of odour
High hedonic rating of odour
Increase in hunger perception (P < 0.05)
Increase in consumption (P < 0.05)
Increase in acceptability (P < 0.05)
Influence on food choice (P < 0.05)
Significant enhancement of food intake and
dietary patterns (P < 0.05)
Source: Blackwell (1997).
NS, not significant.
scent did not dramatically affect the results
(Spangenberg et al. 1996). On the other hand,
other researchers have shown that the ambient
odour should be congruent with the product or
class of products for where this occurs; subjects
spent additional time processing the data in a
more holistic way, often going beyond the infor-
mation given (Mitchell et al. 1995).
However, although ambient scent is important
in creating the ‘right atmosphere’, odour is
seldom experienced on its own but normally in
conjunction with other stimuli. Mattila & Wirtz
(2001) manipulated both scent and three music
scenarios (no music, low-arousal and high-
arousal music) in a retail outlet where they found
that when the arousal levels of ambient scent and
music were matched, consumers’ evaluation of
the experience was enhanced. In other words,
when environmental stimuli, in this case, scent
and music, act together, they help to provide a
coherent atmosphere.
Despite the obvious need for ambient odour,
very little research has been conducted in the area
of foodservice. Guéguen & Petr (2006) studied
the effects of diffusing lemon and lavender odours
in a restaurant, and found that only lavender had
any effect, probably because of its relaxing effect
where it was shown that the length of time
and the amount of money spent were positively
affected. Zemke & Shoemaker (2007) also
showed that the use of a pleasant ambient odour
(essential oil of geranium) had a positive effect in
increasing social interaction behaviours with
strangers, a useful trait in the hospitality industry.
Blackwell (1997) provides a very useful insight
into the effects of odours, both in a laboratory
and restaurant. Having initially identified a food
© 2008, The Authors
Journal compilation © 2008, Blackwell Publishing Journal of Foodservice, 19, pp. 22–34
Room–atmosphere J. S. A. Edwards et al. 27
Low hedonic rating of odour
Decrease in hunger perception (NS)
Decrease in consumption (NS)
Decrease in acceptability (NS)
Suppression of food intake and modification
of dietary patterns (P < 0.05)
with a high hedonic aroma (grilled bacon) and
low hedonic aroma (boiled Brussels sprouts), a
number of empirical experiments were under-
taken. The overall results are summarised in
Table 1 where it can be seen that aromas which
are liked have a significant influence on a number
of aspects, whereas those with a low hedonic
rating, which are not liked, have an opposite
effect, although these are not always significant.
It would seem that the use of odour is as impor-
tant as other variables in creating an atmosphere
and attracting customers, and along with a décor,
theme and colour should perhaps be a distinctive
restaurant feature. However, unlike, for example,
colour, an odour, so long as it is within a number
of broad parameters, does not appear to be
noticed and could therefore be used in a very
subtle manner to create an atmosphere and envi-
ronment, unique to a particular establishment or
chain of eating places. Termed ‘signature scent’,
judicious use of an odour, perhaps the most
evocative of the five senses, could help to ‘tangi-
bilise’ elements of a room and the service compo-
nent (Zemke & Shoemaker 2007).
Layout and design variables affecting
the atmosphere
Table layout and seating
All great change in America begins at the dinner
table.
Ronald Reagan (1911–2004)
Layout accessibility and aesthetics can have a
positive influence on perceived quality in a
28 Room–atmosphere J. S. A. Edwards et al.
number of leisure settings, with seating comfort
also having an effect on perceived quality (Wake-
field & Blodgett 1996). The overall restaurant,
table and seat layout can influence atmosphere, is
often symbolic and can be used to indicate status,
can define personal space, and can regulate
privacy and interaction (Robson 2002). In a large
restaurant, customers might use fixed or architec-
tural features, such as columns, walls, ‘dumb
waiters’, nooks and crannies, to help define per-
sonal space. These provide a ‘buffer’ between cus-
tomers, and help prevent or deter others from
encroaching on that space. In smaller restaurants,
this may not be possible, and customers might
resort to other tactics such as positioning their
seats in the middle or using eye contact and body
language to defend that space (Robson 2002).
People tend, whenever possible, to choose seats
around the edges of the room, and to use items,
such as bags, shopping and other personal effects,
to help define and protect their territory and
dissuade others from sitting nearby (Robson
2002).
In fast food outlets, men tend to choose tables
where they have a view of the busiest part of the
restaurant. Women, on the other hand, are less
likely to use a fast food restaurant on their own,
but if they do, they are more likely to use the
drive-through. If they do go inside, once they have
taken a moment or two to look around, they tend
to gravitate towards the rear of the establishment
(Underhill 2003).
Cultural differences can also be seen: Swedes
tend to sit face to face when interacting, whereas
English prefer to sit at right angles to each other
(Robson 2002), although this may vary depending
on the relationships between the individuals.
North Americans prefer seats that are anchored by
either permanent or semi-permanent structures
such as booths, columns or planters; in Chinese
restaurants, high-status seats are those in the
middle of the restaurant that can be viewed from
several positions in the dining room (Robson
2002).
The types of tables, seating and their configu-
ration have the ability to influence profit, how
long people spend in the dining room and how
much they spend (Thompson 2003). Customers
seated in booths, i.e. anchored seats, spent signifi-
cantly more than those in other types of seats;
Journal compilation © 2008, Blackwell Publishing Journal of Foodservice, 19, pp. 22–34
customers seated next to the window had a lower
average spend, but an average spend where tables
were configured differently, diagonally vs. side by
side, was not different. The average dining dura-
tion of customers sitting at anchored seats did not
differ significantly to those at unanchored seats,
although customers seated at banquettes had a
significantly longer dining duration than those
seated at other types of tables. Customers in
larger parties stayed longer, but table size was not
significantly related to meal duration. Table con-
figuration, diagonally vs. side by side, did not
have a significant effect on dining duration,
although customers seated at ‘bad’ tables stayed
significantly shorter than those seated at ‘good’
tables. Tables that were more exposed and offer-
ing less opportunity for privacy had a lower
average spend and duration than those offering
privacy, probably because of the ‘goldfish bowl’
effect (Kimes & Robson 2004).
These results are important for the design of a
restaurant layout and the creation of atmosphere
where operators are trying to balance the amount
of space taken up by various seating configura-
tions and the average spend per person. Booths
may require more space, but they may generate
more income; banquettes may be more space effi-
cient and encourage people to stay longer, but
may generate less income.
Human variables affecting the atmosphere
(the meeting)
Density and crowding
No wonder nobody comes here to eat – it’s too
crowded.
New York Yankee, Yogi Berra entering a popular
Manhattan diner.
Quoted in The Daily Telegraph, 1 Jan 2000,
p. S6.
Density and crowding are two distinctly differ-
ent phenomena. Density refers to the physical
condition that exists in terms of the spatial
parameters available, that is, the number of
consumers present. Crowding is an unpleasant
feeling experienced by an individual (Hui &
Bateson 1991), although there is evidence to
© 2008, The Authors

show that perceived crowding is also a direct
function of density.
Density can be further subdivided into per-
ceived and affective density (Eroglu & Machleit
1990) where:
Perceived density is a subjective estimate of the
number of people, the space available and its
organisation. Therefore, factors such as the
number and type of people, display equipment
and shelves, cluttered aisles and slow check-
outs would be important in a retail operation:
insufficient room between tables, and facilities,
such as cloakrooms and toilets, which are
unable to cope with the demand, would be
important in a foodservice setting.
Affective density is an evaluation of the per-
ceived density against subjective standards and
desired levels of information and interaction.
Therefore, as a result of a personal appraisal of
density in a particular situation against some
ideal standard, feelings can range from isolated
to crowded.
When faced with a situation where a large
number of people are present, potential consum-
ers, because of personal circumstances, may have
to remain. As a result, they have less control over
the situation and will probably feel crowded. If
they have a choice, they could remain or leave, in
which case, they have more control. The degree of
choice will influence the control, or perceived
control they have over the situation, which has a
considerable impact on the service encounter.
Greater choice lowers consumers’ perceived
crowding, which in turn can influence perceptions
of crowding, emotions and behaviour (Hui &
Bateson 1991).
In retail settings, a higher density results in
more intense feelings of being crowded. ‘Task-
orientated shoppers’, that is, those who shop for
particular items, experience more crowding and
less satisfaction than non-task-orientated shop-
pers (Eroglu & Machleit 1990). Perceived risk
and time pressures associated with the purchase
also increase perceived crowding, but only under
conditions of high retail density.
On many eating out occasions, for example,
in a ‘pub’ or bar, a crowded room can help to
© 2008, The Authors
Journal compilation © 2008, Blackwell Publishing Journal of Foodservice, 19, pp. 22–34
Room–atmosphere J. S. A. Edwards et al. 29
create the atmosphere and is an integral part of
the overall enjoyment, and on these occasions,
some degree of overcrowding might be expected,
tolerated or even preferred (Hui & Bateson
1991). Alternatively, in some crowded settings,
the occasion can be spoilt when noise levels
rise, the conditions are hot and stuffy, and
consequently, people may not be prepared to
wait.
Research into the effects of overcrowding has
produced mixed results. University students using
a cafeteria perceived the dining room to be
crowded even when only half of the seats were
being used (Robson 2002). People at a baseball
stadium, where overcrowding might be expected,
found that those who felt crowded were less
excited about the physical facilities and perceived
the quality of them to be lower. As a result, this
had an effect on consumers’ perceptions of quality
and affected their decision to return (Wakefield
& Blodgett 1994). Other research showed that
where customers perceived a restaurant as being
very crowded, this was attributed to high food
quality, good restaurant image and low food
prices. A quiet restaurant was attributed to low
food quality, high food prices and poor restaurant
image (Tse et al. 2002).
Eating alone or with others (social
facilitation) and the effects on consumption
The best number for a dinner party is two: myself
and a damn good headwaiter.
Nubar Gulbenkian, British industrialist and
philanthropist.
Quoted in The Observer, 19 December 1965.
Eating away from home is generally regarded as a
social activity, but in many instances, people actu-
ally eat alone, or at least not in the company of
others. In a hospital, they may be surrounded by
other patients and staff, but eat alone in bed.
People out shopping by themselves may stop for
something to eat or drink, and although there
may be many others in the room, they will
perhaps sit and eat alone.
A number of studies have determined how
eating in the company of others can influence
both the amount and type of food consumed, and
30 Room–atmosphere J. S. A. Edwards et al.
the time spent in consuming that food; a phenom-
enon generally referred to as social facilitation is
seen as the influence of man on man, or more
precisely, how and why the behaviour of one indi-
vidual affects the behaviour of others (Zajonc
1965).
This is not a new phenomenon, and in a
review of early work Zajonc (1965) draws on
experiments conducted as early as 1897. Interest
in this area seems to have died out in the late
1930s, but more recently, it has become increas-
ingly topical and pertinent, particularly in
organisations such as hospitals, where patients
tend to eat alone, and the underconsumption of
food is common (Edwards & Nash 1999). Why
social facilitation should be so important is far
from clear, although it has been suggested that it
might be either conscious or subconscious. It
could, for example, be that the presence of
others increases levels of arousal and drive, and
provides cues as to appropriate or inappropriate
behaviour (Zajonc 1965); or that more food is
provided when meals are eaten together; that
individuals might be more hungry, the atmo-
sphere might be more sociable, the food might
taste better or simply that the meal might last
longer (Feunekes et al. 1995).
In one early study, adult diners (294 male and
245 female) were observed at both midday and
evening meals in a variety of dining rooms and
fast food operations (Klesges et al. 1984). The
amount of energy consumed was determined by
three main effects: gender, where males consumed
more than females (835 kcal vs. 716 kcal); the
type of restaurant, where greater amounts were
consumed in fast food restaurants than a more
formal dining setting (842 kcal vs. 710 kcal); and
company, where more food was consumed when
eating in groups rather than alone (828 kcal vs.
742 kcal).
Individuals, both normal and overweight,
eating in groups of four to five at a table in a small
dining room, or alone in small booths, were
served a standard portion (1000 g) of lasagne, but
could ask for more until they were satiated.
Regardless of their weight, eating with others
affected the total food intake with both normal
and overweight individuals eating more in social
conditions where they were able to talk, linger at
the table and nibble at any ‘leftover’ food. The
Journal compilation © 2008, Blackwell Publishing Journal of Foodservice, 19, pp. 22–34
isolated individuals simply wanted to eat and
finish their food so they could leave as soon as
possible (Edelman et al. 1986). Similar results
were found by de Castro & de Castro (1989),
who also showed that satiety ratios were 30%
lower when eating in company.
Social facilitation is not confined to single,
formal meals, but can be seen across a complete
range of meals. Significant correlations have been
shown between meal size and the number of
people present for all meals consumed for break-
fast, lunch and dinner, when eaten in restaurants,
at home and elsewhere, consumed with or
without alcohol, for snacks on their own, and for
meals on their own (de Castro et al. 1990). Where
meals are consumed in the company of others and
with alcohol, more energy is consumed than
without alcohol, and the meals contain more of
each macronutrient (de Castro et al. 1990).
Eating with others has also been shown to
influence the speed of food consumption. Unbe-
known to the diners, one of them acted as a
‘model’ and consumed the meal at a predeter-
mined rate. Where the ‘model’ ate the meal
quickly, the other participants also consumed
their food significantly faster than when the
‘model’ ate the meal slowly (Rosenthal &
McSweeney 1979). When biscuits were con-
sumed, participants eating with a fast-eating male
model ate more biscuits than those eating with a
slow-eating male or female model. Those who
ate with a fast female model did not differ in
the number of biscuits eaten (Rosenthal &
McSweeney 1979).
The social influence appears, in part at least, to
operate by increasing the length of the meal but
not the rate of intake. It is also independent of
the subjective state of hunger, emotional states of
elation and anxiety, and acts independently
of content of the stomach and pre-meal interval
(de Castro 1990).
Even when eating alone, particularly in cafes,
the duration of the meal is often lengthened
where diners read. In coffee shops, 79% of lone
individuals read compared with 15% of those in
groups; the former remaining significantly longer
than lone individuals, although it is not clear if
they actually consumed more (Sommer & Steele
1997). In ‘traditional’ restaurants, the situation is
similar with 57% of lone diners reading, whilst
© 2008, The Authors

none of those in groups were doing so. The
results, consistent with other research (de Castro
& Brewer 1992), showed that group size was
positively associated with meal duration, with
lone diners remaining on average of 36.5 min and
groups remaining on average of 50.3 min.
As might be expected, more food is often served
over the weekend when there is more free time
and groups of people can get together. All meals
eaten over the weekend are significantly larger
(12%) than those eaten during the week, and
contain significantly more macronutrients and
alcohol (de Castro 1990).
Not only is the number of people present
relevant, but their relationship to the person con-
suming the meal is also important. Irrespective of
the time of the day, meals eaten with a spouse and
family are larger and eaten faster, while meals
eaten with friends are larger but of a longer dura-
tion. Male companions had a greater impact for
females but not for males (de Castro 1993). When
a group of young adults, who normally consumed
their meals alone, were instructed to eat with
others, meal size and total energy intake increased
by 212 kcal (Redd & de Castro 1992).
The importance and robustness of the claim
that the number of people present influences meal
intake has also been demonstrated as being linear,
described as a power function clearly demonstrat-
ing the orderliness and lawfulness of the phenom-
enon. Using data from a number of studies, the
strength of the relationship has been shown
(de Castro & Brewer 1992) and summarised in
Table 2.
Much of the research into social facilitation has
been undertaken, either in a controlled laboratory
Table 2 The relationship between the number of
people present and meal size, and the amount
consumed
Number of Increase in
people present meal size (%)
2 28
3 41
4 53
5 53
6 71
7 or more 76
Source: de Castro & Brewer (1992).
© 2008, The Authors
Journal compilation © 2008, Blackwell Publishing Journal of Foodservice, 19, pp. 22–34
Room–atmosphere J. S. A. Edwards et al. 31
setting or by participants maintaining a food
diary for the duration of the study, for it is diffi-
cult to replicate this type of study in a practical
setting whilst at the same time controlling the
other variables. In one small hospital study
(Edwards & Hartwell 2004), dietary data col-
lected for three consecutive 24-hour periods show
a significant increase in mean daily energy intake
when seated in a group around the table rather
than in or by the side of the bed.
As can be seen, social facilitation is important
when eating out as the amount consumed,
however classified, snacks, breakfast, midday and
evening, eaten in the home, in a restaurant or
elsewhere, with or without alcohol, will increase
when consumed in the presence of others. It is far
from proven as to exactly why consumption
should increase when food is consumed in the
presence of others, but recent research in restau-
rants suggests that it is a function of the amount
of time spent eating (Bell & Pliner 2003). Meals
consumed with others in convivial surroundings
last longer, and as a result, more is consumed.
Summary and conclusions
Recent research (Reimer & Kuehn 2005) has
shown a restaurant’s quality is affected by the
quality of the meal, but on the other hand, atmo-
sphere and concomitantly the room play a greater
role than previously thought in influencing
consumers’ evaluation of the intangible elements,
which affect service quality. Similarly, Wall &
Berry (2007) demonstrated that a restaurant,
which has excellent food and service but a poor
ambience, can be successful, although customers’
expectations were higher when the ambience and
other design elements were positive. The restau-
rant environment gives an implicit promise with
customers looking for tangible clues to help
inform and influence their expectations.
The influence of atmosphere within a room or
where food is consumed is something that is easy
to appreciate but often difficult to understand or
define, and even harder to replicate. People intu-
itively know if it is a ‘good atmosphere’ or a
‘pleasant atmosphere’, but what precisely is
involved?
A number of factors contribute towards atmo-
sphere, many of which have the ability to influ-
32 Room–atmosphere J. S. A. Edwards et al.
ence what is chosen, how much is consumed, and
how well the food and the overall eating occasion
are enjoyed. This paper has looked at the selected
aspects, under the headings of interior variables,
background music and noise, and odour; layout
and design variables, table layout and seating;
and human variables, density and crowding,
and social facilitation, contributing towards the
room’s atmosphere. What is important to appre-
ciate is that there are a vast number of other
attributes of similar, if not equal, or more
importance.
A lot of the research has, to date, focused on
the retail sector, and whilst these results may be
valid, they are perhaps only indicative of the
foodservice sector. Similarly, much of the research
has considered single variables, whereas an eat-
ing occasion involves a multitude of actions.
Research in the foodservice area is sparse and
patchy, hence, lines of enquiry that help us better
understand the entire eating, and in particular, the
eating out process need to be developed and
explored.
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