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This paper analyzes the evolution of supplier-OEM relationship in the Indian auto industry and its
integration into global automotive value chain. Through a case study analysis, the paper studies the role
played by government policy regimes in influencing the learning abilities of firms and markets over time.
While protection encouraged learning and capability acquisition, it also increased coordination costs
through regulatory controls. Deregulation increased the capabilities base and encourages flexible work
practices by expanding the market. Complete liberalization led to realignment of global production
capabilities and integration of the industry into the global value chain. The value chain analysis has
implications for developing manufacturing capabilities and industrialization strategy.
Key words: Supplier relationship, transaction costs, capabilities, automobile industry, Asia, India.
madhuri.saripalle@ifmr.ac.in
*Published as a book chapter in International Trade and Industrial Development in India: Emerging
Trends, Patterns and Issues", edited by C.Veeramani and R. Nagaraj, Orient Blackswan, May 2016.
http://orientblackswan.com/BookDescription?isbn=978-81-250-6299-8&id=24&t=c
This paper analyzes the integration of Indian auto industry into the global automotive value chain using
the theoretical framework of transaction costs-capability view of the firm. The focus of the paper is on
the OEMs and supplier relations which evolved from arms length to flexible forms over a period of time,
as a response to two main factors. One was the evolution of policy framework that increased/decreased
coordination costs of acquiring production/process capabilities; second was the path dependent nature of
transfer of best practices that favored a specific governance mode over the other. The global automotive
industry is also witnessing a similar development as a result of the interaction of national policies with
globalization trends, giving rise to predominantly relational governance forms on one hand, and the rise
of lead supplier firms which are well embedded in the global value chain (Sturgeon, Memedovic et.al.
2009). In an emerging economy context, there is stronger support for and evidence for the former, in the
sense that supplier relations have become more flexible over time. However, whether component
manufacturers have developed into lead suppliers is not certain as the organization of work in the Indian
industry is gravitating more towards labor intensive rather than R&D/knowledge oriented jobs.
The change in government policy regimes is central to the evolution of governance forms in the Indian
automobile industry, which evolved from arms length to flexible governance forms; as well as the
integration of Indian component suppliers into the global value chain, although not at the higher end.
However, both these developments need not be seen as independent of each other. Integration into higher
end of global value chain would require the development of modular relationship between the domestic
auto OEMs and suppliers. This requires not only production and process capabilities but a high degree of
design and innovation capability.
The paper is organized as follows. The theoretical framework is explained in the first section, followed by
propositions on the impact of policy regime on governance forms for managing supplier relations in the
Indian automobile Industry. The next section provides an analysis of the impact of policy regime on
governance forms. The third section provides an empirical case analysis1 of supplier relations in Tata
Motors Limited (TML), Maruti Suzuki Limited (Maruti) and Hyundai Motor India Limited (HMIL)
across three policy regimes. The fourth section discusses recent trends in R&D and the organisation of
production in global value chain networks and the place of Indian fi rms. The fifth section presents the
final conclusions.
1
The author would like to acknowledge the research and financial support extended by the International Motor
Vehicle Program (IMVP), U.S.A, during 2003-04.
2
“..one cannot have a complete theory of the boundaries of the firm without considering in detail the
process of learning in firms and markets. The reigning transaction-cost theories of vertical integration
provide illuminating snapshots of possible institutional responses to a momentary situation. But they do
not place those responses in the context of the passage of time…. The capabilities view of the firm is in
many ways a modern reformulation of the theory of Smith and Marshall: it is a real-time account of
production costs in which knowledge and organization have as important a role as technology. The
implication of boundedness of capabilities is that no firm-even the most integrated-has the capabilities
necessary for all activities in the chain of production…”
This means that firms have to outsource or acquire capabilities to compete in the long run, and in the
absence of well developed market capabilities, this implies significant learning costs for the firm. That is,
though the transaction cost of contracting (negotiating, writing contracts) with suppliers may be low, if
they are not capable of supplying cheap components, firms have to spend significant resources in
developing internal capabilities. The cost of acquiring those capabilities is the diminution in profit from
not having taken advantage of the market's capabilities2. These costs are learning costs and defined as
dynamic transaction costs of coordinating, teaching and acquiring capabilities over a period of time
(Langlois, 1992), as a response to institutional and technological changes over time. One such factor is
the evolution of the policy framework in the context of Indian automotive industry.
2
For example, Henry Ford could have taught outside parts suppliers the techniques of the moving assembly line and
persuaded them to use them for high-volume production. But the cost of doing that would be high in terms of the
opportunity cost of doing so.
3
Starting from a low level of capabilities in the supplier base to a high degree of supplier capabilities,
governance forms may evolve from vertical integration to market based forms. Vertical integration
indicates a high learning cost for the firm as market capabilities are not well developed. This is
demonstrated by the case of the domestic automobile firms in India. External factors like government
policy of reservation and training programs can result in reducing these learning costs, thereby permitting
a greater degree of trust as well as power asymmetry between the buyers and seller. Subcontracting
arrangements are examples of such governance forms. These arrangements are also influenced to a great
extent by the history of the parent firm. Tata Motor’s commercial vehicle plant was influence by its joint
venture with Cummins, which was historically more inclined to vertical integration.
Relational contracting refers to circumstances in which the presence of trust permits flexibility in
arrangements between buyers and sellers, especially when there is a need to cope with uncertain future
developments. These are characterized by complex interactions between buyers and sellers, which often
create mutual dependence and high levels of asset specificity. Studies show that relational contracting
requires that supplier capabilities be well developed to support mutual interdependence between buyers
and sellers (Gereffi , Humphrey and Sturgeon 2005; Baker, Gibbons and Murphy 2002). Relational
contracting can also be influenced by constraints imposed by government policy in the labor market. For
example, a rigid labor market may encourage subcontracting arrangements between the manufacturer and
supplier, which may slowly transform from captive to more flexible governance form. as supplier
capabilities develop over time.
Market based exchanges presuppose the presence of well developed supplier capabilities. They are
represented by arms length transactions and take place for components where the ability of the supplier to
codify the transaction is high with minimal involvement in the product development. In the automobile
industry, such exchanges take place for standard off-the shelf items only.
The evolution of governance forms however, need not follow any sequence and depends on the local
context. Supplier relations in the automobile industry are also path dependent to a great extent. For
example, relational governance forms are associated with Japanese multinationals and arms-length
relations are more predominant with U.S. firms. It has been found through extensive research that U.S.
firms were more vertically integrated and having arms length relationship with suppliers as compared to
Japanese OEMs who bought more variety of components from a fewer number of suppliers through a
long term relationship of mutual interdependence. Japanese auto projects also overlapped more activities
and exchanged information more frequently through formal and informal mechanisms. Relationships
between buyers and suppliers in the Japanese auto industry tend to be much more stable and long term
than in the US industry, with the Japanese buyers continuing indefinitely with the same auto component
supplier without extending formal contracts beyond 2-4 years.3
3
(Asanuma , B 1988a; Helper, 1989a; Mitsubishi Research Instittute 1987; in Cusumano 1991; Cusumano and Takeishi, 1991;
Florida and Kenney, 1993)
5
In the background of the above discussion, the paper presents three propositions.
Proposition 2: Deregulation encourages flexible governance that is based on captive and relational
forms; as a means to encourage learning and overcome uncertainty in the face of competition.
Deregulation allowed firms to take advantage of economies of scope and scale and step up volumes. This
resulted in greater reliance on local suppliers, which coupled with the diffusion of Japanese practices,
resulted in the adoption of flexible governance forms.
4
The entry of Japanese firms like Suzuki, Mitsubishi and Nissan and Mazda led to the diffusion of Japanese management
practices like Total Quality Management (TQM) and Total Preventive Maintenance (TPM).
5
Suzuki invested about 15 percent each in the equities of Bharat Seats, Macino Plastics, and Subros (a car air-conditioner
manufacturer with collaboration with Denso).Maruti Udyog Ltd. and Suzuki arranged a joint venture between local suppliers and
Suzuki’s suppliers in Japan.
6
In the next section, the three propositions will be tested through case studies of leading firms in the Indian
automobile industry with respect to the nature of transactions in each phase of government policy.
2. Learning costs of policy regimes
The Indian automobile industry is characterized by three industrial policy regimes: protection,
deregulation or quasi-regulation and liberalization, each regime marked by a specific market structure and
technology, macro-economic environment, and external institutions. During the phase of protection6 from
1970-1984, the Indian automobile industry was heavily regulated with restrictions on foreign equity,
capacities, prices and products7. The overall costs of acquiring capabilities were high during this period
because of lack of well developed market capabilities and restrictions on access to foreign technology and
capital imports. As a result, firms resorted to significant capacity investments and learning by doing over
a period of time8, a strategy which led to considerable backward integration. This was reinforced by the
strategies of the joint venture (JV) partner, indicating path dependence of governance forms. For example,
6
Policy of protection follows from the infant industry argument (List 1856), based on a dynamic theory of comparative
advantage from trade and argues for protection for some countries at early stages of industrialization if some countries
outdistanced others in manufactures.
7
During protection (1970-84) the market structure was concentrated with entry barriers on FDI, capital/import controls and
restrictions to creating capacities and adding new product lines. The industry’s output was controlled by licensing production
capacity and restricting output to single models so as to minimize foreign exchange outflows due to imports of components. This
forced companies to enter niche segments where each enjoyed a monopoly. The reservation policy for auto components was
meant to build supplier capabilities but because of absence of volumes and scale economies, the supplier industry was highly
fragmented and underdeveloped. While these policies imposed several costs in terms of restricted access to technology and scale
economies, it also allowed firms to learn and develop technological capability to manufacture indigenously. This was especially
relevant for the Indian casting and forging industry, a supplier to the auto component industry and which became a global
competitor when the economy liberalized.
8
Kathuria (1996)
7
In the quasi-regulatory phase9 policy changes allowed firms to bring about technology up-gradations
through several joint ventures (Narayana, 1997). Institutional training programs also contributed to a
decline in learning costs through diffusion of supplier capabilities. Over a period of time with the
emergence of competent suppliers, learning costs reduced and flexible governance forms, characteristic of
relational governance emerged in the automobile industry.
Post 1993, liberalization of the industry led to the entry of multinationals who brought in their follow
sources which led to increased competition and diffusion of superior supply chain practices in the
industry. In the absence of regulations supplier relations followed a path dependent approach in terms of
management, procurement and training practices. D’Costa (1998, 2004) argues that while Indian firms
traditionally relied on in-house production of components, increased competition through deregulation of
policy framework forced the Indian companies to restructure and embrace many of the flexible work
practices and forge cooperative agreements between buyers and sellers. The outcomes entailed joint
development of supplier industries with long-term subcontracting relations, introducing greater
standardization of parts, adoption of flexible machines and undertaking organizational reforms. Indian
government also institutionalized inter-firm linkages and allowed diffusion of capabilities through
training forums. Further, since 2000, several new policy measures were introduced by the government to
ease quantitative restrictions, import duties, and encourage R&D and adoption of safety and
environmental regulations. Import duties on completely knocked down units (CKU) continues to be high,
which is a reason why multinationals prefer to set up manufacturing facilities in India rather than import
the CKUs.
3. Institutional responses: Case Study of the Indian Automobile industry
3.1 Vertical integration to relational & modular: Case Study of Tata motors Limited (TML)
The case of Tata Motors demonstrates that the governance form of vertical integration emerged as a
response to policy constraints and overall lack of market capabilities. Supplier relations changed to
relational in response to liberalization and influenced by its JV partner in terms of nature of training
9
During the quasi-regulatory phase, the market structure changed in favor of the government joint venture-Maruti Udyog
Limited and the output of automobile industry increased by nearly 400%.The commercial vehicle segment was liberalized and
saw the entry of Japanese joint ventures like DCM-Toyota, Swaraj-Mazda and Nissan. However, most of them suffered setbacks
due to macroeconomic environment and foreign exchange appreciation. In 1985, policy of broad banding was introduced with
allowed manufacturers to make use of economies of scale and scope by manufacturing several product lines.
TML started its first commercial vehicle plant in the eastern state of India, which is relatively backward.
Tata Motors followed a policy of vertical integration, which was close to 40 per cent in 1977-78
(Kathuria, 1996) and an arms length relationship with suppliers. Component production for the spare
parts market was reserved for the small scale sector, which further encouraged in-house production of
components by the OEM. TML invested heavily in in-house capability in dies, forgings and machine
tools. This in-house capability gave it much flexibility in reducing innovation cycle time and gave it a
competitive edge with the new entrants during the phase of deregulation. Initially the supplier policies
were mostly arms length, and there was not much involvement in terms of product development. In the
context of relatively low capability in the supplier base, TML had a high degree of vertical integration.
Supplier relations were arms length and there was low degree of explicit coordination. This supports the
proposition that protection encourages vertical integration.
Post deregulation, TML entered the SUV segment (special utility vehicle) wherein, most of the product
development took place in-house. Supplier development consisted of broad functions along the lines of
purchase, quality control and advice on investments for new product development; without much
interdependence among them10. Odaka (2000) contrasts the supplier policies of TML and Maruti Suzuki
and finds that TML’s supplier policies in the 1990s were arms length as compared with the Japanese joint
venture firm. By mid-90s, TML developed long term relations and started to outsource to its reliable
suppliers, thus supporting proposition 2 that deregulation encourages flexible governance forms. The
relationship between TML and its suppliers were cooperative and open and it was instrumental in
developing the suppliers through technical and financial arrangements (Kathuria 1996).
In the 1990s import of foreign technology and FDI in automotive industry was liberalized. Tata Motors
which was known for its high degree of vertical integration, developed cooperative agreements with its
suppliers during this phase (Kathuria, 1996) because of increased competition in the machine tool sector
and increased capability of the component sector. In 1997, TML bought the Nissan plant in Newzealand
and set up a Greenfield manufacturing facility at Pune. It acquired design collaboration with the Italian
design house IDEA and produced the first indigenous Indian passenger car in 1998.
10
In 1997, TML had 1200 suppliers at its Pune plant and supplier development comprised of four functions-- ancillary
development, quality control, purchases and product development. These functions independently looked after various aspects of
supplier development, performance and quality, bidding process and advise on tooling-up production for new product
development. (field survey)
9
S1 Delhi
S3 Skin dashboard
60 Amp Maharashtra Facial cover
Relays Wiring Centre console
harness
Engineering Research S4
Center (ERC)-Electrical Maharashtra TAPS cockpit Tata Motors
Controllers
Division unit
S6 Cross Member
Maharashtra
S7 ERC Radio
antennae
S8 Cigarette
Tamil Nadu lighter
S9 Steering
Tamil Nadu column
Source: Field Survey
10
Some of the suppliers like Auto plastic systems11 graduated from component supplier to systems supplier
by undertaking the entire process of coordinating with various suppliers, assembling the entire cockpit of
passenger car and delivering it Just-In-Time (JIT).12 These joint ventures reflect the fact that as the
capabilities in the supplier base increased, the complexity and ability to codify transactions also increased
significantly, reducing the overall learning costs associated with acquisition of capabilities.
Based on its well developed supplier network, in 2008, TML successfully launched the cheapest car in
the world—Tata Nano. The suppliers contributed know-how as well as financial investments in the
project. For example, Rane Group designed hollow steering shafts, thereby saving cost and cutting
weight. MRF has tweaked the tires to bear extra weight on rear wheels. Since the project was inspired by
two-wheeler industry, components were designed with a substantial scope for cost cutting. The Nano’s
instrument cluster is inspired by the minimalist clusters on mass market motorcycles. The suspension
system, cables and lamps borrow from scooters and motorcycles. The tall-design car has McPherson
struts stabilizing the front and uses a suspension system similar to those on motorcycles at the back, to
balance for a higher centre of gravity and a rear-mounted engine.
Supplier relations under Tata motors were thus transformed over a period of time from arms length to
relational to modular, as learning costs decreased under successive policy regimes, thus supporting all the
three propositions.
3.2 From captive to relational governance: Case of Maruti Suzuki Limited (Maruti)
Maruti’s case highlights how supplier relations transformed from captive to relational during the
transition from quasi-regulatory policy regime to a liberalized policy regime.
Maruti was formed in 1984 under government patronage, with an idea to manufacture a “national car”
that would be cost competitive and incorporate the latest technology. It had a virtual monopoly for a
decade and had its capital costs amortized, yielding a highly depreciated car plant by the time the industry
11
Unlike other joint venture companies with Tata Motors, this auto plastics company is a 100 percent subsidiary having a
technical tie-up with Faurecia of France, the largest cockpit supplier in Europe with a 70 per cent market share. (Asia Africa
Intelligence Wire, July 2004).
12
Field survey, 2003.
11
An increase in supplier capabilities over a period of time resulted in collaborative arrangements between
Maruti and its suppliers, transforming supplier relations from captive to relational. For example, during
its capacity expansion, Maruti set up a new press shop as a joint-venture rather than conduct arms-length
exchange with suppliers. Such collaborations reduce investment requirement, thereby freeing up capital
for other uses (D’Costa, 1998).
The change from high to low degree of power asymmetry is reflected in the nature of training programs
from vertical to horizontal. Maruti, in collaboration with the government invited “quality gurus” from
Japan who formed supplier clusters and imparted training on the principles of TQM/TPM and other
13
Automotive joint ventures increased from 4% to 18% in the 1980s (D’Costa, 1998)
12
14
At Maruti, teams from Suzuki’s supplier department began visiting the plant to place orders from Maruti’s tier-I
suppliers since 2004, if they matched the cost and quality. However, exports through tier-I supplier were found to be
quite low unlike the American or Korean companies, where many of the tier-I suppliers supplied to their overseas
operations.
13
3.3 A mix of relational and captive: Hyundai Motor India Limited (HMIL)15
In 1996, Hyundai Motor Company (HMC) established a 100 per cent owned subsidiary, the Hyundai
Motor India Limited (HMIL), to manufacture cars in India. It represented an investment of more than
US$ 450 million. By May 2000, the Chennai plant was producing 100,000 vehicles a year and had
captured 14 per cent of the Indian market. HMIL produced two models in Chennai: Santro (999 cc) and
Accent (1,499 cc), both of which achieved approximately one quarter of their respective market segments
during the first four months of 2000. HMIL began its operation in Chennai with a workforce of 1,400
operating in a one shift production system in October 1998. By January 2001, the workforce had
increased to 3,000 workers and a three-shift operation.16 As on 2004, HMIL had 77 suppliers. Apart from
52 joint ventures with Korean and other companies, HMIL invited 13 new Korean suppliers (fully owned
subsidiaries) to set up production, in the supplier park near HMIL.
The governance structure at HMIL indicates a medium degree of explicit coordination and power
asymmetry. Having entered the Indian market in the post-reforms era unlike Maruti or Tata Motors,
Hyundai had the advantages of brining in its follow sources and establishing a relational strategy with
many tier-I suppliers early on.
15
This section is based on interviews conducted with suppliers of Hyundai Motor India Limited (HMIL), & Ford
India (FIL) located in and around the supply parks of the companies. A total of nineteen tier I and six tier II /III
companies were interviewed. Of the nineteen, only six were dedicated suppliers to HMIL and FIL, each having a
different technology partner. The joint ventures included Indo-Korean, U.S-Korean, Indo-U.K Indo-Japan and Indo-
U.S partnerships.
16
Lansbury et al (2006)
14
HMIL’s supplier relations were adopted from its home grown model wherein it has introduced a Japanese
style subcontracting system and a supplier association. Hyundai is regarded as one of the primary
innovators in the use of supplier associations, so called "Hyungdong hoe".18 In India, HMIL set up five
vendor quality forums in different zones of the country, with 13-14 suppliers in each forum. The forum
meets once a month, and in every meeting, “shining examples” are presented by vendors on various areas
of production and housekeeping. Joint improvement activities are undertaken inside the R&D division of
the plant. Some examples included improvements on horn failure due to oxidation and need for a filter in
the breather and such other activities of adaptive nature. Vendors were encouraged to achieve a rejection
rate of 100 parts per million (PPM) through regular monitoring and quarterly five-star auditing of
suppliers. After the initial period of monitoring of 3 months, the vendor was audited and given
certification for 100 PPM. During 2001-2004, 45-50 vendors achieved the 100 PPM standard of rejection,
all of which were tier-I suppliers.
Complexity of transactions
Given the fragmented nature of the automobile industry and small volumes, HMIL followed a policy of
single sourcing with most of the suppliers in the cluster. By committing to volumes of 50,000 cars per
annum, it secured appropriate prices19 and quality from reliable vendors. Standard items were purchased
from multiple vendors; however, for critical items like automotive wheels and gears, single sourcing
policy was followed, unlike Maruti which had double sourcing policy for each component20.Single
sourcing policy was possible because of a higher degree of capabilities in the supplier base that could deal
with the complexity of transaction. But as the supplier still had to depend on the OEM to a great extent
for design and coordination, their ability to codify the transaction was low, thus indicative of a relational
strategy.
17
An example of this commitment occurred when a major fire mishap took place in a sub-vendor unit, Polyflex.
Polyflex supplies seat moulds and polyurethane foam to another unit, Hanil Lear, which makes the rest of the seat
including the frame and upholstery. The fire substantially disrupted the seat supply chain to HMIL. The OEM
salvaged the first few days by airlifting the moulds, foams and even some machines required for creating alternative
supply facilities from South Korea. By midnight as many moulds were removed and shipped to Polyflex‘s units in
other cities, which were again restored within five days. The seats were retrofitted in the cars with the help of all
vendor companies in the supplier park
18
Chung (GERPISA, 2000)
19
The suppliers were asked to calculate their costs on the basis of the initial volumes promised with subsequent
reductions in prices later.
20
Okada & Siddarthan N.S., 2007
15
Risk sharing & investment in tooling: There are two ways of providing tooling assistance to the
suppliers by the customers or the car manufacturer—direct supply of tooling or through loans for
acquiring tools. In the former case, the cost of tooling is calculated separately from the unit cost of the
component and subtracted from the total component cost. In the latter case the tool cost is amortized or
spread out across the component cost. The two methods of assistance in raw material probably reflect
risk sharing attitudes as well as trust displayed by the customers. The general trend in the industry with
respect to tooling and machinery is that the component manufacturer does not invest in tooling costs, as
that will increase the business risk. Given the low volumes in the domestic market and increasing pressure
to reduce costs, suppliers do not prefer to share risks and prefer the OEM to bear the tooling cost.
However, under the tax laws, the OEM does not get a tax benefit for bearing the tooling cost; whereas the
supplier would, acting as a disincentive for the OEM. Among other reasons, lack of trust (or high
monitoring costs) with machine usage is also a factor acting as a disincentive21.
HMIL procures raw material and bears the tooling costs for its suppliers. One of the suppliers of sheet
metal components had total investment worth Rs 850 million, of which Rs 500 million worth of
machinery and tooling came from the OEM and the supplier‘s technology partner. At another supplier,
100 per cent of the machinery was imported from Korea. Similarly at yet another supplier, tools, dies and
fixtures were supplied by its technology partner, which is a supplier to the parent firm in Korea. This is in
contrast to Ford India, which did not provide its suppliers with machinery or raw material but gave loans
21
At Maruti for instance, tooling cost was borne by the OEM initially and discontinued later unless the supplier was
not in good financial condition.
16
As the practices vary in the industry, the suppliers are not incentivized to undertake risk sharing activities
to a great extent. The lack of uniformity in the industry is the result of path dependent nature of supplier
relations as shown by the above cases. Commitments towards volumes and capacity investments are path
dependent and firm specific, which shaped the complexity of transactions and influenced supplier‘s risk
sharing capabilities as well.
Since liberalization of the automobile industry in 1991, the capacity in the Indian automobile industry has
expanded multifold. Production of vehicles has increased from 2171973 units in 1991-92 to a million
units in 2005-06 and 25527186 units in 2014-15.23 The industry witnessed a compound annual growth
rate of 12 per cent during 1991-2015. India ranked sixth in automobile production (4 wheelers) globally
as of 2014 (OICA, 2014). Total vehicle exports increased from a mere 103106 units in 1991-92 to
3573806 units in 2014-15, with a compound annual growth rate of 18 per cent during this time period.
The share of vehicles exports in total production increased from 5 per cent in 1991-92 to 14 per cent in
2014-15 (figure 2). It declined momentarily during 1993-94 to 1999-00 because of more emphasis on
domestic sales and unfavorable macro economic conditions.
22
The move by Hyundai to sell the Indian spare parts division to Mobis was met with resistance by the employees
and was later remedied through a legal solution (Business Line May 2007).
23
The figures include two/three wheelers, four wheelers and tractors.
17
Source: US Comtrade database (includes HS codes 8701-8711 and 871410, does not include rubber parts)
18
The share of component exports has been declining from 45 percent to 27 per cent in 2014 (figure 3),
indicating an increase in exports of completely built units. A recent study (Tiwari Meenu, C.Veeramani
and Manjeeta Singh, 2015) finds that India’s share of assembled products grew higher than parts and
components in its network trade24. These consisted of CKDs of small cars, motorcycles and mobile
phones. They find that during 2000-2010, the increase in share of vehicle exports in manufactured exports
has been brought about by assembled vehicles. However, despite this modest expansion of export oriented
assembly activity in recent years, India remains a net importer of assembled network products.
Composition of exports
How far has the industry been able to integrate itself with global production networks? The automotive
mission plan (2002-16) emphasizes that given the strong domestic demand for small cars, India has the
potential to become the Asian hub for small cars (Becker-Ritterspach, Jutta C.E. Becker-Ritterspach
2009). Subsequently many multinationals announced their small car plans for India, raising expectations
that India would become the global production hub for small cars. Maruti exports its small cars to Europe,
while Ford started exporting Ikon as knocked down kits to Brazil, Mexico and South Africa and Hyundai
exports its models i10, i20, Eon, Verna to 119 countries. Nissan also exports Micra to these countries and
overtook Hyundai in 2-15 as the top exporter of small cars from India. However, given the huge domestic
demand, export share of passenger cars has not increased significantly over the years as table 1 shows.
Total
Exports CV PC/MUV/UV 2-W 3Wheelers exports
1994-95 15882 24142 117629 24941 184757
1995-96 16389 31321 114039 32214 197004
1996-97 14276 39205 125131 21973 204396
1997-98 14058 33010 125504 18595 194057
1998-99 10108 28122 100002 21138 162506
24
Network products generally do not contain any end products that are produced from start to finish in a given
country (Tiwari et al 2015).
19
Among four wheelers exports, passenger cars comprise the majority share of exports increasing from 56
percent in 1994-95 to 88 per cent in 2014-15. However, if one considers the total export of vehicles, the
share of total passenger vehicle exports (including utility and multi-utility vehicles) in total exports
increased from 13 per cent to 28 per cent in 2001-02 and gradually decreased to 17 per cent in 2014-15,
losing their share to two wheeler exports. Hyundai and Maruti Suzuki are the top exporters of passenger
cars, with market shares of approximately 65 percent and 33 percent respectively. The overall low exports
of passenger car segment in total vehicle exports suggest that India has not yet emerged as a global
production base. Rather, the manufacturing plans of multinationals are focused towards satisfying the
domestic demand for small cars, which has been propelled by rising incomes and easy availability of
finance across rural and urban India.
If one compares the growth pattern in production and exports of India and Thailand during 1991-2008,
one can find a striking difference in terms of the share of component exports which has steadily declined
from 40 to 20 per cent in Thailand reflecting a shift towards export of completely built units. In India, the
share declined from 32 per cent in 1991 to 28 per cent in 2008. Although both countries encouraged
domestic technological capability building through local content regulation (LCR) during early 1990s,
they differed in terms of the way it was implemented. Specifically, the emphasis on one-ton diesel pickup
truck as the target of LCR established Thailand as the production hub for all automobile majors. The
20
Total imports in terms of value, have registered a compound annual growth rate of 16 per cent during
1991-2014, with components comprising the major share of imports of nearly 90 per cent (figure 4). The
rise can be seen to be sharper from 2004, when the free trade agreement (FTA) between India and
Thailand was signed wherein, customs duties and tariffs were reduced on key raw materials required by
the auto industry.
21
The organized sector in the auto component industry is dominated by a few large business houses, doing
well manufacturing relatively low-technology products such as castings and forgings, sheet metal, brake
linings, pistons and piston rings, wheels and oil pumps. Companies within this segment have succeeded
starting as joint ventures and then assimilated technologies to chart a path of their own (India Nippon
Electricals), while others have surrendered large equity stakes or sold out to MNCs (Premier Instruments,
Denso India). A third category includes companies that have started with technical collaborations but then
have successfully acquired competitiveness on their own. Examples include the TVS group of companies
like Sundram Fasteners, which won the best supplier award from GM for five consecutive years, and
Sundaram Brake Linings, which exports asbestos-free friction material to over 50 countries and has won
the Deming supplier award. Deemed exports by auto component industry has also increased as many of
their tier-I suppliers of Ford and Hyundai supply to the overseas operations of Ford and Hyundai. The
liberalized policies allowed firms to develop capabilities through exports to multinational companies
abroad. For example, Sona Koyo set up an engineering design and outsourcing company for its
international clients. Rico Auto and Sundaram fasteners had laboratories with latest software for reverse
engineering, designing and testing of parts. However, post liberalization, some of the foreign partners
increased their stakes in the joint ventures25 and some have acquired the domestic company. At the same
time, there was an increasing trend in outward foreign direct investment and domestic auto component
companies acquiring foreign companies. Some recent outward FDI includes acquisition of German auto
parts maker Scherer & Trier GmbH & Company KG by Motherson Sumi systems limited; acquisition of
Germany-based Scholz Edelstahl GmbH by Amtek Auto Ltd through its 100 per cent Singapore-based
subsidiary Amtek Precision Engineering Pte Ltd. Likewise, many global OEMs are planning to make
India a component sourcing hub for their global operations (IBEF 2013).
The trends in research and development during 2002-11 (Tables 2 and 3), show that it is increasing for the
vehicle manufacturers but is on the decline for the component manufacturers. This development is similar
to the Thailand automotive industry, where there are very few tier I suppliers involved in the design and
supply of modules. Prior to the abolition of ownership restriction on foreign-affiliated firms in 1997, there
were many more first-tier local suppliers operating under technology licensing agreements with foreign
25
Koya Seiko Co of Japan hiked its stake to 21 per cent from 8 per cent in Sona Koyo Steering systems in 1998.
WABCO and TVS split ways in 2009 with WABCO’s interest in expanding its brake business in India.
22
23
Complexity Explicit
& ability to coordination
codify Supplier & Power
transactions capabilities asymmetry TML Maruti HMI
Vertical
Protection Low Low High Integration
Quasi-regulation Medium Medium Medium Relational Captive
Liberalization High High Low Relational Relational Relational
With the emergence of India as a manufacturing hub for small cars, technology will play an important
role in redefining OEM-supplier relationships with more focus on cost cutting and collaborative
partnerships. Tata’s small car model was possible with supplier commitments to undertake asset specific
investments and collaborate in R&D. This may well pave the way for a modular OEM supplier
relationship where suppliers’ capabilities are well developed to undertake turnkey projects with low
switching costs for the OEMs.
The question is, with changing governance structure, how far has the industry integrated into global
production networks and at what stage of the value chain? As the trend and composition of exports and
24
25
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