SCHOOL YEAR 2019 - 2020

READINGS IN PHILIPPINE
HISTORY(SELECTED)

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 Readings on Tejeros Convention (1897)
Narratives:

The discovery of the Katipunan led to the oppressing stand of the warring factions of the society, namely:
the Magdalo and the Magdiwang. The Magdalo faction stand firm in the changing of the Katipunan since
it was already discovered by the Spaniards. On the other hand, the Magdiwang group stand firm that the
Katipunan should remain despite the Spaniard had discovered it.

To unite the conflicting factions of the Katipunan and to solve them, their leaders, Andres Bonifacio and
Emilio Aguinaldo agreed to hold the Tejeros Convention. Tejeros Convention is the event in the history
whose purpose is to unite the two conflicting factions of the Katipunan, namely; the Magdiwang and the
Magdalo.

To compare the primary sources and the secondary sources, the following readings on the above-
mentioned event are given. One is the Alvarez, Santiago V. (1992). The Katipunan and the Revolution:
Memoirs of a General. Loyola Heights, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press as the primary
source, as follows:

Tejeros Convention

The assembly at Tejeros was finally convened on March 25, 1897. The invitations to the meeting were
signed by Secretary Jacinto Lumbreras of the Magdiwang Council, and he presided over the assembly.
Seated with Lumbreras at the long presidential table were the Supremo Andres Bonifacio, Messrs.
Mariano M. Alvarez, Pascual Alvarez, Ariston Villanueva, Mariano C. Trias, Diego Mojica, Emiliano R. de
Dios, Santiago V. Alvarez, Artemio Recarte, Santos Nocon, Luciano San Miguel, Pablo Mojica, Serevino
de las Alas, and Santiago Rillo, all of them of the Magdiwang. Among the Magdalo seated at the head
table were Messrs. Baldomero Aguinaldo, Daniel Tirona, and Cayetano Topacio.

It must be mentioned that, before the assembly must convened, Secretary of War Ariston Villanueva of
the Magdiwang Council received the confidential information that Mr. Daniel Tirona of the Magdalo
faction was set to undermine the proceedings of the assembly and that he had already succeeded in
enjoining many among Magdiwang leaders to ally with him. Secretary Villanueva kept silent, but
nevertheless alerted Captain General Apoy, who had troops in readiness for any sudden eventuality.

The leaders were seated at the presidential table, as previously, and all the others were standing in
groups on both sides of those seated. After Chairman Jacinto Lumbreras had declared the assembly
opens, he announced the main topic of discussion, which was how to bolster the defenses in the areas
still under the Magdiwang control. Presently, Mr. Severino de las Alas rose to speak, and when he was
recognized he said, "Before we discuss minor details, let us first tackle the major issue such as what kind
of government we should have and how we should go about establishing it. Once we make a decision
about these questions, the problem of organization and strengthening of defense will be resolved.”

“As initiator of the Revolution", Chairman Lumbreras replied, “The Katipunan now holds authority over
the islands. It has a government of law and a definite program. It is obeyed and respected by all because
it stands for freedom, brotherly love, and a well-organized and well-run government. The purpose of this
meeting is to discuss the best measures to take to strengthen the Magdiwang government vis-à-vis the
enemy. We should avoid surrendering the headquarters of the Katipunan army should the Magdalo
eventually lose out.”

The chair next recognized the Supremo. He concurred to what Chairman Lumbreras had just said and
explained that the “K” in the middle of the sun in Katipunan flag used in the revolution stood for the
Kalayaan (freedom). Mr. Severino de las Alas spoke again. He countered that the letter "K" and the sun
on the flag did not indicate whether the evolutionary government was democratic or not.

The Supremo replied that from the rank and file to the highest levels, the Katipunan was united in its
respect for universal brotherhood and equality of man. It was risking bloodshed and the life itself in its
struggle against the king, in order to establish a sovereign and free government. In short, it stood for the
people's sovereignty, not a government led by only one or two.

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Mr. Antonio Montenegro spoke in defense of Mr. Severino de las Alas's stand. He argued that if they
would not agree on the kind of revolutionary government they were to have and that if they were let
the status quo prevail, then they who were in the Revolution would be no better than a pack of bandits
or of wild, mindless animals. General Apoy was hurt by these words of Mr. Montenegro. He quickly stood
up and looked angrily at the previous speaker.

“We the Katipunan," he began, “are under the jurisdiction of our respected Highest Council of the Sons
of the People. This Council is the defender of, and has authority over the Magdiwang and the Magdalo
government of Cavite. We are true revolutionaries fighting for the freedom of the native land. We are
not bandits who rob others of their property and wealth. Nor should we be likened to beasts for we
know how to protect and defend others, especially the political refugees who seek asylum with us. We
are rational and we do not expose those who talk big but do not accomplish anything. If you want to
establish a different kind of government that is to your liking, you must do as we have done: Go back to
your localities and snatch them from Spanish control! Then you can do what pleases you; but don't you
dare seek refuge among cowards who might call you bandits and beasts. And for everybody's
satisfaction, I am now ordering your arrest!”

Captain General Apoy stopped speaking and looked intently at the persons he was alluding to and
ordered a detachment under Maj. Damaso Fojas to keep him under guard. After a short while, Dr. Jose
Rizal's sister, Trining and his widow, Josephine, pleaded with General Apoy not to arrest Mr.
Montenegro, but to let him stay at the estate house where themselves were staying. They volunteer to
be held personally responsible for Mr. Montenegro while he is in their custody. Captain General Apoy
easily acceded to the request.

The strong and excited denunciation by Captain General Apoy of Mr. Montenegro alerted the
Magdiwang troops. The leaders eyed everyone suspiciously and were only waiting a signal from General
Apoy for them to begin shooting. Disorder ensued and disrupted the assembly. When order was
restored, some wanted the convention adjourned, but the Supremo Bonifacio prevail upon the others
to continue. However, the presiding officer, Mr. Lumbreras, refused to resume his role of chairman. He
wanted to yield the chair to Supremo whom he thought to be the rightful chairman.

"The Katipunan as you know," Mr. Lumbreras explained "was responsible from the beginning for the
spread of revolutionary movement throughout the Philippines. But because of the disaffection of some,
this assembly was called to establish a new overall revolutionary council. If we are to pursue this
ambitious and important undertaking, only the Supremo has the right to preside at this assembly, for he
is the Father of the Katipunan and the Revolution.”

Mr. Lumbreras's speech was well received and his proposal was unanimously accepted. The Supremo
Bonifacio assumed the chairmanship accordingly and said, “Your aim is to establish a new overall
government of the Katipunan of the Sons of the People. This would repudiate the decisions made at the
meeting held at the friar estate house in Imus. In my capacity as “President Supremo” of the Most
Venerable Katipunan of the Sons of the People, I agree and sympathize with your aspirations. But I wish
to remind you that we should respect all decisions properly discussed and approved in our meetings. We
should respect and abide by the wishes of the majority.”

Because of the repeated clamor for the approval of the establishment of a government of the Philippine
Republic, the chair proceeded to prepare for an election to the following positions; President, Vice
President, Minister of Finance, Minister of Welfare and Minister of Justice and Captain General. The
Supremo spoke again before the election began. He said that the candidate who would get the most
number of votes for each position should be the winner, no matter what his station in life or his
educational attainment. What should matter was that the candidate had never been a traitor to the
cause of the Motherland. Everyone agreed and there were shouts of approval such as. “That is how it
should be equality for everyone! Nobody should be higher nor lower than the other. My love of country
prevail!”

The Supremo Bonifacio appointed Gen. Artemio Ricarte as secretary. Then, with the help of Mr. Daniel
Tirona, he distributed pieces of paper to serve as ballots. When the ballots had been collected and the
votes were ready to be canvassed, Mr. Diego Mojica, the Magdiwang secretary of the treasury, warned
the Supremo that many ballots distributed were already filled out and that the voters had not done this
themselves. The Supremo ignored this remark. He proceeded with business at hand as if nothing unusual

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had happened. When the votes for president were counted, Mr. Emilio Aguinaldo won over Mr. Andres
Bonifacio, the Supremo. The winner was acclaimed by applause and shouts of, “Mabuhay!” (Long live!)

Mr. Severino de las Alas spoke again to say that since the Supremo Bonifacio had received the second
highest number of votes for the presidency, he should be proclaimed vice president of the government
of the Philipine Republic. When nobody signified approval or disapproval of the proposal, the presiding
officer, the Supremo Bonifacio, ruled that the election be continued. For Vice president, Mr. Mariano
Trias won over Mr. Mariano Alvarez and the Supremo Bonifacio. General Vibora was elected captain over
General Apoy. General Vibora demurred, saying that he had neither the ability nor the right to assume
the new position. But General Apoy cut short his objections by saying that he was personally vouching
for General Vibora's competence and right to occupy the position to which he was elected. General
Apoy's endorsement was greeted with shouts and of “Long live the newly elected captain general!”

Mr. Baldomero Aguinaldo wanted the elections to be finished before it got too dark. To facilitate the
counting of votes, he suggested that for all other positions to be voted upon, voters should stand on one
side of the hall if in favor and on the other side if against. The suggestion was adopted for the rest of the
election. For the position of secretary of war, Mr. Emiliano R.de Dios was elected overwhelming over
Messrs. Santiago V. Alvarez, Ariston Villanueva, and Daniel Tirona. After the voters had given the proper
honors to the new secretary of war, they proceeded to elect the secretary of the interior. Mr. Andres
Bonifacio, the Supremo, won over Mr. Mariano Alvarez. The crowd broke into shouts of "Mabuhay!” Mr.
Daniel Tirona requested for the restoration of the order and then spoke aloud:

"My brethren, the office of the secretary of the interior is of so great a scope and of such sensitivity thạt
we should not entrust it to one who is not a lawyer. One among us here is a lawyer. He is Mr. Jose del
Rosario. Let us reconsider the choice for the last position, for he has no credentials to show attesting to
any educational attainment. Then in as loud a voice as he could muster, Tirona shouted, “Let us elect
Mr. Jose del Rosario, the lawyer!” Greatly embarrassed, the Supremo Bonifacio quickly stood up and
said, “We agreed to abide by the majority vote and accept its choice no matter what the station in life
of the person elected. And because of this, I demand from you, Mr. Daniel Tirona, an apology. You must
restore to the voters and the one they elected the honor you have only now besmirched.” Then he pulled
out his revolver and took aim.

Instead of replying, Mr. Tirona ignored the Supremo's remarks and, perhaps because of fear, he slid away
and got lost in the crowd. Disorder ensued as the convention secretary tried to disarm the Supremo,
who was intent on shooting Mr. Tirona. The people began to disperse and the Supremo adjourned the
meeting with these words: “In my capacity as chairman of this convention and as President-Supremo of
the Most Venerable Katipunan of the Sons of the People which association is known and acknowledged
by all, I hereby declare null and void all matters approved in this meeting.” Then he left quickly and was
followed by his aides and some other present.

Mr. Baldomero Aguinaldo, the Magdalo president, did not leave San Francisco de Malabon that night, in
order to convince that Magdiwang leaders to reconvene the disrupted meeting the following day. They
agreed to his proposal. That same night, rumor had it that Messrs. Mariano Trias. Daniel Tirona, Emiliano
R. de Dios, Santiago Rillo and others were in the parish house of the Catholic Church at Tanza (Santa Cruz
de Malabon), and that they were conferring with the priest, Fr. Cenon Villafranca. Many attested to
seeing the, but no one knew what they talked about.

On the request of Magdalo Pres. Baldomero Aguinaldo, a meeting was called at the same friar estate
house in Tejeros. Called on the day after the tumultuous convention, its purpose was to continue and
revalidate the proceeding of the election meeting, to revive their former alliances, and to restore
cordiality and fraternal love in their relations. Aside from the Supremo Andres Bonifacio, among the
Magdiwang leaders who attended were Messrs. Mariano Alvarez, Diego Mojica, Ariston Villanueva,
Pascual Alvarez, Jacinto Lumbreras, Santiago Alvarez, Artemio Ricarte, Nicolas Portilla, Santos Nocon,
and Fr. Manuel Trias, the parish priest of San Francisco de Malabon. They waited until five of that
afternoon, but none of the Magdalo members came, not even their president who had initiated what
would have been a reconciliation meeting.

That same night, it was rumored that the Magdalo leaders were currently holding their own meeting in
the parish house in Tanza. Though it had reason to be apprehensive because the Magdalo were in

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territory under its jurisdiction, the Magdiwang leadership looked the other way because the Magdalo
were hard-pressed for meeting places since its territories had all been taken by the Spanish enemy.

The next morning, 27 March 1897, eyewitnesses who had spied on the proceeding revealed that, indeed,
a meeting had taken place at the Tanza parish house and that the Supremo's decisions regarding the
election at the friar estate house were not respected. These revelations surfaced despite denials from
many sectors.

At the gathering in the Tanza parish house, those elected at the Tejeros convention knelt before a crucifix
and in the name of the Holy Father, the highest pontiff of the Roman Catholic church, invoked the
martyred saints and solemnly took their office. Fr. Cenon Villafranca officiated. With Messrs. Severino
de las Alas and Daniel Tirona as the witnesses, the following took their oaths of office: Emilio Aguinaldo,
Mariano C. Trias and Artemio Ricarte. Conspicuously absent was the Supremo Andres Bonifacio, who
was not invited although he was one of the elected in the office. It will be recalled that as the chairman
of Tejeros Convention, he declared null and void all matters approved by the assembly because of a
grave violation of a principle agreed upon before the election.

It should be noted here that, unknown to the Magdiwang Council, the Magdalo posted troops to guard
the Tanza parish house for their oath-taking ceremonies. The troops were under strict orders not to
admit any of the unwanted Magdiwang partisans. If the news about the secret ceremony had leaked out
earlier, and the underdogs in the power struggle had attempted to break into it, they would have been
annihilated then and there. The other one is the reading on the said event by Agoncillo, Teodoro A.
(2002). The Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan. Quezon City: University of
the Philippines Press, as the secondary source.

Seeds of Discontent

In the first flush of rebel victory climaxing the simultaneous attacks upon the Spanish garrisons and
convents, followed by the dismal failure of Governor General Blanco to smash the insurgent power, the
Katipunan of Cavite, divided into two factions, the Magdiwang and the Magdalo, immediately proceeded
to reorganize the province along partisan lines. Each faction exercised sovereign power over a number
of towns, including those in Batangas, was under the Magdalo government, while Nasugbu, Tuwi and
look, in the same province, belonged to the Magdiwang. As independent entities, the leaders of the two
provincial councils never got together to elect one supreme council that would hold sway over the entire
province. The Magdiwang proceeding with its election independently of the Magdalo chose the following
men to administer its government: Mariano Alvarez, President; Pascual Alvarez, Executive Secretary;
Emiliano Riego de Dios, Minister of the Interior (Pagpapaunlad); Mariano Trias, Minister of Grace and
Justice, Ariston Villanueva, Minister of War; Santiago Alvarez, Commander-in-Chief; Diego Moxica,
Minister of Finance, Artemio Ricarte and Mariano Reigo de Dios, Military Commanders with the rank of
Brigadier-General. On the other hand, the Magdalo elected the following to take the reins of its
government: Baldomero Aguinaldo, President; Candido Tirona, Minister of War; Cayetano Topacio,
Minister of Finance, Emilio Aguinaldo, Commander in chief, Edilberto Evangelista, Lieutenant General,
Vito Belarmino and Crispulo Aguinaldo, Military commanders with the rank of Brigadier-General. Since
the organization of the Magdiwang, its capital had been Noveleta, but in the early part of November,
when General Blanco began his offensive, the capital was moved to San Francisco de Malabon and later
to Naik. The Magdalo, for its part, had its capital in Kawit and when it fell, Imus, San Francisco de
Malabon, Naik and Maragondon successively became its seat.

An attempt was made by both factions to make their respective armies wear the same uniform. It was
agreed to adopt the following insignia: for the President's cap, a sun with golden rays on a white
background, a K (katipunan) and the letters A.N.N.B (Anak ng Bayan) in the middle. The same insignia
was used for the sleeves. The Minister had the same insignia as the President's except that the letters
A.N.B. were not included. The bands on the sleeves of the Minister, including the K, were of different
colors according to the ministry to which is belonged. The Minister of War had the red K on a white
background, a sun on the cap, a sun on the left breast but none on the sleeves. The plan however did
not go beyond the paper stage, as the rebels did not have the means to buy the uniform.

When Cavite led by its rival factions, successfully rose in revolt, the leaders fell into disputes arising from
the desire of one group to lord it over the other. Since both groups were responsible for the rebel
victories, neither would bow to the other nor allow itself to be placed under its rival's command. There

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was no serious open breach but the silent conflict, more ominous than it appeared on the surface,
threatened to wreck the unity that in the beginning had done much to prevent the foe from over running
the whole province and annihilating the revolution at its very inception. It was this conflict, more than
anything else that led to the rebel's defeat at the hands of Polavieja. The Magdiwang faction, believing
as the initiator of the revolution in the Cavite it had the priority right to rule over the insurgents of the
province looked with disdain at the way the Magdalo men refused to cooperate with it. The Magdalo
followers believing that most of the victories in the whole territory were won by their leaders, wanted
to appear the stronger and therefore, the better fitted ruler.

The situation, though not so serious on the surface, led the Magdiwang men to invite Andres Bonifacio
to visit Cavite and see for himself all that had been accomplished by the revolutionists in that area and
to intervene in the conflict. A delegate was sent to look for the Supremo in the mountains of Montalban
and Mariquina to apprise him of the urgent necessity of mediating of the widening rift between the two
popular councils. Bonifacio, informed of the situation, refused to heed the request of the Magdiwang
leaders on the ground that in order to succeed in the revolution against Spain the leaders must not be
concentrated in a single place. This preliminary contact with the Supremo resulted in the periodic
exchanges of communications between him and the Magdiwang chieftains. On the third invitation,
written by Artemio Ricarte upon the instruction of Marriano Alvarez, Bonifacio acceded to the request.
With his wife and two brothers, Ciriaco and Procopio, Bonifacio left for Cavite about the Middle of
December 1896. Emilio Aguinaldo, Candido Tirona and Edilberto Evangelista were on hand to meet the
Supremo and his entourage at Zapote. It was at this preliminary meeting that a misunderstanding arose
between the Magdalo leaders and Bonifacio, for the former, rightly or wrongly, saw from Bonifacio's
gestures and behavior that he regarded himself superior and “acted as if he were a king”. Even so, the
hard feelings that Bonifacio's unconscious unintentional actions engendered remained submerged and
flared up only in the Imus assembly.

Bonifacio was brought by the rebel leaders to the house of Juan Castaneda in Imus, where he was visited
by Baldomero Aguinaldo, Daniel Tirona, Vicente Fernandez and others. The Supremo, upon seeing
Fernandez, ordered his arrest. For Bonifacio, remembering that Fernandez was the same man who had
promised, before that battle of San Juan, to attack the Spaniards in Laguna and Morong simultaneously
with Bonifacio's offensive in San Juan del Monte but whose promise was never carried out, now he saw
his chance to punish the offender. Bonifacio blamed him for the defeat in San Juan and was determined
that he should not go unpunished. As Supreme Head of the Katipunan, Bonifacio took it for granted that
he would be obeyed by all. To his surprise and dismay, the Magdalo chieftains, to whom that Fernandez
had run for shelter, effused to give up their man. The Supremo by then had realized that he had very
little, if any, influence in the Magdalo area. With doubt crisscrossing his mind and misgiving assailing his
heart, Bonifacio, on January 2 1897, wrote from San Francisco de Malabon to his uncle-in-law, Mariano
Alvarez:

President Mainam: Don't fail to come this very moment for I want to talk to you privately about what
happened to me in Magdalo and so that you might explain their organization to me.

Meanwhile, Esteban San Juan invited Bonifacio to attend the demonstration of the Magdiwang rebels in
Noveleta. Accompanied by San Juan himself, Baldomero Aguinaldo and Candido Tirona, Bonifacio arrived
at Noveleta amidst the enthusiastic acclamation of the people. At three in the afternoon, the parade
took place in which Bonifacio, riding in carriage and flanked on both sides by the Magdiwang soldiers in
red uniform was the object of the demonstration. As the parade would its way toward San Francisco de
Malabon, the people shouted, “Long Lived the ruler of the Philippines!” to which Bonifacio answered:
“Long live Philippine Liberty!” Upon arriving at Malabon, he was quartered in the house of Santos Nocon
and, later, in the house of Mrs. Estefania Potente, where he stayed until the Spaniards captured the town
in April 1897.

The misunderstanding that existed between the followers of the Magdiwang and the Magdalo, so
destructive of the Katipunan plans, deepened into mutual suspicion and jealousies that resulted in
military reverses in several sectors. Polavieja’s counter-offensives led to the fall of several towns hitherto
held by the rebels, and the attitude of non-cooperation exhibited by one faction when the other was
harassed by the enemy, led as it must, to disaster in the field. The situation, both camps believed, could
only be remedied by coming together and threshing out differences of opinion and solving, ultimately,

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the question of leadership in the province. For this purpose, the leaders of the Magdiwang and the
Magdalo decided to call a convention or assembly at Imus.

In the assembly hall, the factions met and exchanged the usual greetings. Bonifacio entered and
proceeded to the head of the table and unceremoniously occupied the chair. He beckoned to the
Magdiwang Ministers to sit at his right side. The obvious partiality to the Magdiwang was presented by
the Magdalo, for as Supreme head of the Katipunan who was called upon to mediate between the two
factions, Bonifacio was expected to show impartiality. But his actions in case were motivated by his
regard for his wife’s uncle, Mariano Alvarez, the President of the Magdiwang, a fact that aggravated the
situation. Even so, the Magdalo men did not show their resentment but kept silent in order to prevent
further misunderstanding between the followers of both camps. Seeing that Bonifacio had called his
ministers, Baldomero Aguinaldo, President of the Magdalo, without being invited, sat to the left of
Bonifacio. General Emilio Aguinaldo, seeing his position as a purely military one, was content to be a
mere observer. He had, however, a plan of his own. Since it was the intention of his faction to propose
the establishment of a revolutionary government, he had decided beforehand that in the coming
election for the presidency he would nominate and support Edilberto Evangelista, since among them all
“Evangelista was the best educated”. Bonifacio knew of Aguinaldo's active electioneering in favor of
Evangelista and was deeply hurt, for as founder and Supreme Head of Katipunan he felt that the
presidency should be given to him as a reward.

The assembly opened with Bonifacio as Chairman. It was evident when Baldomero Aguinaldo made the
proposal to establish a revolutionary government that the two factions would never come to an
understanding. The Magdalo men contended that the continuance of the Katipunan Government was
no longer necessary for since the start of the revolution the Society had ceased to remain as a secret
society and must therefore be supplanted by one that would better fit the situation. The Magdalo people
further contended that being small, Cavite must not be divided between two factions. On the other hand,
the Magdiwang followers argued that the Katipunan already had a constitution and by-laws duly
approved and enforced in the islands and that, by the virtue of this, provincial and municipal government
in and around Manila had already been established. There was therefore no necessity of establishing a
new government. Even so the Magdiwang Minister of War, Ariston Villanueva stood up and said that if
a new government was to be established, Andres Bonifacio who had organized and planned the entire
revolutionary movement, must of right occupy the presidency without any election. Further, he
appointed out that as Chairman and Supremo, Bonifacio should be given blanket authority to appoint
the Ministers. The Magdalo group strenuously objected and insisted on an election. The discussion
became heated and did not accomplish any tangible result. The assembly was adjourned and each
faction left without any definite understanding.

Suspicious and jealousies continued to plague ranks of the rebels, and even among the members of these
faction petty quarrels continued to come up. The Magdalo followers suspected the Magdiwang of
courting the favor of the Spaniards, while the same suspicion was aroused in Magdiwang as regards to
the Magdalo. In a situation where the Magdalo needed the help of the Magdiwang, the latter which
Bonifacio belonged, refused to come to the aid of the former. Moreover, the Magdiwang followers were
themselves occupied, now and then; the petty jealousies and quarrels that tended to demoralize the
soldiers. Thus, when the town fiesta of San Francisco de Malabon was held in January 1897, the rebels,
then enjoying the afternoon games, were disturbed by a series of rifle shots that sent them scampering
away to places of safety. Thinking that the enemy was approaching, Ariston Villanueva and Santiago
Alvarez gathered their men and prepared to meet an attack. They later found out that the rifle shots
came from the men of Captain Mariano San Gabriel, also a Magdiwang man, who, trigger-happy, had
fired several shots in the air. Alvarez's men tried to disarm the offending soldiers but instead were
themselves disarmed. Alvarez was curious and demanded that San Gabriel disarm his men. The latter
refused and left for Noveleta. It was only through Ricarte's intervention that the two men, Alvarez and
San Gabriel, were brought together again as comrades.

The situation had not eased up a bit when the leaders of the Magdiwang planned to hold another
convention, this time in the estate-house of Tejeros, a Magdiwang territory situated about two
kilometers from San Francisco de Malabon and about a half kilometer from the town proper of Salinas.
The government under the Magdalo, comprising the towns of Kawit, Bakood and Imus, was at the time
seriously threatened by the Spanish army which occupied the estate-house of Salitran and which had
dug in as the preparatory, step to the battle that was about to commence. General Emilio Aguinaldo,

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leading the Magdalo Soldiers, faced the Spaniards in Salitran, a barrio between the towns of Imus and
Dasmarinas. It was March 22, 1897, Aguinaldo's birthday, when simultaneously the battle raged and the
assembly convened the Tejeros.

The delegates, mostly belonging to the Magdiwang, lazily trooped the sultry afternoon to the spacious
estate-house of Tejeros. Some of the men were barefoot; others wore buri hats or were dressed in
barong Tagalog. They came from all directions; from Kawit, Noveleta and Imus to the North; from Tanza
to the West; from San Francisco de Malabon to the northeast. The estate-house surrounded by stone
walls and built in the middle of the six-hectare farm owned by the friars and now in rebel hands had a
60-meter frontage. The entrance was through an arched gate connected to the rear arched gate by a
long and wide corridor. To the right, a few meters from the front gate, were the stairs. Directly opposite
to the stairs was a storage room and next to it, to the rear was the chapel. Directly opposite to this and
next to the stairs was another storage room. Up the stairs was a big hall, with the doors of thirty four
rooms opening to it. In the rear of a room to the right were the dining room and the azotea that
commanded a beautiful view of the fields around and the murky Ilog Kawayan on whose banks thick
clumps of bamboo protected the house from the glare of the sun. The estate-house stood alone in the
wide expanse of Riceland. Directly opposite to the house and across the road was more riceland
(tubuhan). The long road that commenced from the town of Salinas led directly to San Francisco de
Malabon, and half a kilometer from the estate-house it branched off the right, where a bridge connected
the latter town to the town of Tanza or Santa Cruz de Malabon.

It was this place, the former summer resort of the friars, that witnessed the first important election held
under the auspices of the Katipunan government. An invitation was sent by the Magdiwang chieftains
to the Magdalo followers to attend the meeting, but because of the battle then raging around the locality
not all the Magdalao leaders we able to attend. The Magdiwang was represented by Andre Bonifacio,
Mariano Alvarez, Pascual Alvarez, Santiago Alvarez, Luciano San Miguel, Mariano Trias Severino de las
alas, Santos Nocon and others, while the Magdala was represented by Baldomero Aguinaldo, Daniel
Tirona Cayetano Topacio, Antonio Montegro and others. The estate-house buzzed with life as more
rebels, some of them uninvited came to the convention. It was past two in the afternoon when the
meeting was formally opened.

Jacinto Lumbreras, acting the president of the Magdiwang, took the chair and opened the convention
with introductory remarks summing up the purpose of the meeting. To his right sat Teodoro Gonzales,
also a Magdiwang who acted as a secretary. Severino de las Alas, a Magdiwang immediately took the
floor and explained that before discussing ways and means of defending such a small area as Cavite, the
convention assembled should first of all agree upon the kind of government that should be set up to
administer the whole country under the prevailing circumstances. “From this government,” he said,
“anything that is necessary in the defense of the country can emanate." The presiding officer, however,
reminded the speaker that a government had already been established upon the founding of the
Katipunan, it's Supreme Council, its Provincial Councils, and it's Popular Councils, and that the meeting
was called to adopt defensive measures. At this juncture, Bonifacio spoke and supplemented Lumbreras
explanation, calling the attention of those assembled to the Katipunan, flag with a K in the middle, which
embodied the ideal of the revolutionists, namely liberty. De las Alas. Not contented with the Supremo's
explanation, countered that the K in the flag of the Katipunan did not in any way identify the kind of
government that they had, whether such government was monarchial or republican. Bonifacio remarked
that all Katipuneros, from the Supreme Head to the lowest men, recognized the principle of Unity,
Fraternity and Equality. "It can be seen,” he said, "that the Government and the Association of the Sons
of the people is republican in form.”

The discussion was going nowhere and tempers ran high as the men insisted on their own points of view.
So far the discussion was between the men of the same faction. In an unfortunate moment, a Magdalo
man, Antonio Montenegro, stood up and shouting at the top of his voice, took issue with Bonifacio. “If
we do not act upon the suggestions of Mr. de las Alas,” he said, "we, the rebels, will be likened unto a
mere pack of highway robbers, or worse, like animals without reason.” The words, uttered in a good
faith and in the belief that something, must be done to have a new government organized, touched off
a sensitive spot in the hearts of the Magdiwang listeners. Santiago Alvarez, a Magdiwang, pricked to
anger, took the floor and, throwing a malicious side-glance at Montenegro, reported: “We, the rebels of
Cavite, especially those under the Magdiwang, recognize the Government organized by the Association
of the Sons of the People. And if you want to set up another form of Government, you can go back to

8
your own province and wrest the authority from the Spaniards, as we have already done. As such, you
can do whatever you want to and nobody would interfere with you. “We of Cavite”, he added with a
meaning full of bitterness, “We of Cavite do not need and will never need any adviser of your own
standing only.”

Pandemonium reigned as the voice of Santiago Alvarez boomed inside the spacious sala. His bodyguards,
planted near the stairs, moved ominously-all set to fire at those inside the hall. Lumbreras, sensing the
explosive situation, tactfully called a recess to give sufficient time for the angry men to cool off. At the
end of an hour, the meeting was resumed. Jacinto Lumbreras, seeing that it would be useless for him to
continue to preside in such an atmosphere, refused to take the chair, saying: “As the question under
discussion is completely outside of what is mentioned in the agenda of the meeting and is concerned
instead with the establishment of an overall government of the revolution, I should not continue to
preside over this session". Then he took his seat among members, and Andres Bonifacio, who was
acclaimed by to succeed him, took the chair us the presiding officer by the virtue of his being the
President of the Supreme Council of the Katipunan. He then called the meeting to order and said: “As
you desire to set up a supreme government to direct the revolution, abolishing what was organized by
the Katipunan and repudiating the resolution approved in the Assembly of Imus, as President of the
Supreme Council of the Katipunan I accede to your just petition, but first of all I want to ask you to
recognize a principle as a basis of agreement in this or in other meetings, which is: that we respect and
obey the will of the majority.” Those present saw the justice and wisdom of his proposition and assented
unanimously.

The Republic of the Philippines was then and there proclaimed amidst enthusiastic hurrahs. With a new
form of government determined to take the place of the Katipunan, the election of officers was then
prepared. Nine officers were to be elected by popular vote, namely: President, Vice President, Captain
General, Director of War, Director of Interior, Director of Finance, Director of State, Director of Fomento
and Director of Justice. Before proceeding with the election, Bonifacio, probably assailed by doubts and
aware of his limitations, called the attention of all the electors representing the different regions of the
Philippines to the principle that whoever would be elected should be recognized and respected
regardless of his social condition and education. The proposal, made in the form of mere statement and
reminder was approved for in that convention very few, if any, were men of high intellectual
attainments. The ballots were prepared and distributed. The balloting was made successively, that is the
officer of the President was first voted upon, after which the other offices were filled in singly. After an
hour, the ballots were cast for presidency, and Emilio Aguinaldo won in absentia over Andres Bonifacio
and Mariano Trias. The president-elect was proclaimed with loud shouts and applause. Before the ballots
were cast for the Vice-presidency, Severino de las Alas stood up and suggested that in as much as
Bonifacio had received the second largest number of votes he should automatically be allowed to occupy
the Vice-Presidency. The men assembled appeared lukewarm to the suggestion, there being no one who
approved or disapproved it. Consequently, Bonifacio decided to continue with the election of the Vice
President. Mariano Trias was elected in the position over Andres Bonifacio, Severino de las Alas and
Mariano Alvarez. The election of the Captain General came next and Ricarte, the acting Secretary of the
convention, came out over Santiago Alvarez. With a modesty that sprang from the realization of the
responsibility attached to the position, Ricarte stood up and declared: “None better than I know my own
limitations and fitness: the position with which this assembly honors me is beyond my scant ability and
strength, to me it is a very honorable position but its horizon is too wide for me: so I request the assembly
not to resent my refusal to accept it.” Ricarte's modesty, genuine or assumed, proved affective. Cries of
disapproval followed his request to be relieved, and the disturbance created by the enthusiastic
followers of the General forced Bonifacio to call the meeting to order. Then:”it is getting dark,” he said,
“so we have to proceed to the election to the other positions.” Somebody suggested that in order to
expedite the election to the remaining positions, the electors should step on the one side when their
candidates were called, a proposal that was immediately approved. In this manner, the following were
elected: Director of War, Emiliano Reigo de Dios, who won over Ariston Villanueva, Daniel Tirona and
Santiago Alvarez, Director of Interior, Andres Bonifacio, who won over Mariano Alvarez and Pascual
Alvarez.

The election of Bonifacio gave rise to an incident that nearly ended in a bloody affair. Amidst the
acclamations that followed the announcement of his election, Daniel Tirona, a Magdalo man, stood up
and said: "The position of the Director of the Interior is an exalted one and it is not meet that a person
without a lawyer's diploma should occupy it. We have in our province a lawyer, Jose del Rosario;

9
therefore, we should protest against the elected and acclaimed. ” And, shouting at the top of his voice,
he added: “Let us vote for Jose del Rosario!” Non one, however, took the suggestion which was shouted
four times. Nevertheless, Bonifacio felt insulted and he turned crimson with anger. Controlling himself,
he demanded that Daniel Tirona retract what he had said, “Did we not agree,” he added, “that we have
to abide by the decision of the majority whatever may be the social standing of the elected?” He insisted
that Tirona gave satisfaction to the assembly for his defamatory words. But Tirona ignored Bonifacio and
tried to lose himself in the crowd. In the flush of his anger, Bonifacio whipped out his pistol to fire at
Tirona but Ricarte grabbed his hand and thus prevented what might have been a tragic affair. The people
then began to leave the hall, and Bonifacio frustrated and deeply wounded in feeling, cried aloud, "T, as
chairman of this assembly and as President of the supreme Council of the Katipunan, as all of you do not
deny, declare this assembly dissolved, and I annual all that has been approved and resolved.” With his
parting statement, he left the hall, followed by his men.

The seed of discontent, resulting from his failure to get the presidency, and which was watered by the
unfortunate attitude of Daniel Tirona, who, by another sad coincidence, belonged to the opposite
faction, found fertile ground in Bonifacio's heart and mind. Aside from the fact as the founder of
Katipunan and the initiator of the revolution he believed he should have been given the presidency, he
contented the irregularities were committed by the Magdalo men and that he would have been elected
had it bit been for the premeditated frauds of the rival faction. Writing to his uncle-in-law, Mariano
Alvarez, he said:
MY DEAR GENERAL MAINAM:

Our recently ended election at Mapagtiis (San Francisco de Malabon) has left a large poisonous thorn in
my heart. I reiterate to you my nullification of all that had been agreed upon there. My, General, I never
expect that my complacency and faithfulness would be rewarded with avarice and insult upon my person
by your fellow townsmen who are false patriots. I shall make them realize when I set foot on Moring soil
that it was not I whom they insulted but the whole country.

Send me food at once and faithful soldiers of the Mother Country here at Limbon as a fulfillment of your
promised help when I left in disquietude. Your supremo, and Bonifacio, May pagasa. Giving vent to his
resentment over the procedure and results of the elections, Bonifacio, in a letter to his friend, Emilio
Jacinto, then in Laguna explained his side and gave the background of the event.

The majority of those who were in the convention determined to organize a government but I gave them
to understand that this could not be done on account of the absence of the representatives of other
districts, aside from an agreement having already been made at the convention at Imus, that all this
annulled the Majority, because in view of the present critical situation of these pueblos there was no
time to wait for the representatives from other places, and the Imus Convention lacked validity on
account of the alleged absence of the minutes. Nevertheless, I assured those present there that in case
the manifest will of the people governed in the election of officer, I would respect it.

Moreover, before the election began, I discovered the underhand work of some of the Imus crowd who
had quietly spread the statement that it was not advisable that they be governed by men from other
pueblos, and that they should for this reason strive to elect Captain Emilio as President. As soon as I
heard of this, I said that this meeting was a dirty work, because this was what they were after and they
were deceiving the people, adding that if they wished me to point out, one by one, those who were
conducting themselves in this matter. I would do so. The majority said that this was no longer necessary.
I also said that if the manifest will of the people was not complied with, I would not recognize the chiefs
elected, and if I did not recognize them they would not recognized by our people there, either. Don
Artemio Ricarte, the General elect, also said at the meeting that this election was due to bad practices.

10
 First Voyage Around the World
(The accurate transcription from the book of Antonio Pigafetta)
The captain-general wished to stop at the large island and get some fresh food, but he was unable to do
so because the inhabitants of that island entered the ships and stole whatever they could lay their hands
on, so that we could not protect ourselves. The men were about to strike the sails so that we could go
ashore, but the natives very deftly stole from us the small boat that was fastened to the poop of the
flagship. Thereupon, the captain-general in wrath went ashore with forty armed men, who burned some
forty or fifty houses together with many boats, and killed seven men. He recovered the small boat, and
we departed immediately pursuing the same course. Before we landed, some of our sick men begged us
if we should kill any man or woman to bring the entrails to them, as they would recover immediately.
When we wounded any of those people with our crossbow-shafts, which passed completely through
their loins from one side to the other, they, looking at it, pulled on the shaft now on this and now on that
side, and then drew it out, with great astonishment, and so died. Others who were wounded in the
breast did the same, which moved us to great compassion.
Those people seeing us departing followed us with more than one hundred boats for more than one
league. They approached the ships showing us fish, feigning that they would give them to us; but then
threw stones at us and fled. And although the ships were under full sail, they passed between them and
the small boats [fastened astern], very adroitly in those small boats of theirs. We saw some women in
their boats who were crying out and tearing their hair, for love, I believe, of those whom we had killed.
Each one of those people lives according to his own will, for they have no seignior. They go naked, and
some are bearded and have black hair that reaches to the waist. They wear small palm-leaf hats, as do
the Albanians. They are as tall as we, and well built. They have no worship. They are tawny, but are born
white. Their teeth are red and black, for they think that is most beautiful. The women go naked except
that they wear a narrow strip of bark as thin as paper, which grows between the tree and the bark of the
palm, before their privies. They are good-looking and delicately formed, and lighter complexioned than
the men; and wear their hair which is exceedingly black, loose and hanging quite down to the ground.
The women do not work in the fields but stay in the house, weaving mats, baskets [case: literally boxes],
and other things needed in their houses, from palm leaves. They eat coconuts, camotes [i.e., batate],
birds, figs one palm in length [i.e. bananas], sugarcane, and flying fish, besides other things. They anoint
the body and the hair with cocoanut and beneseed oil. Their houses are all built of wood covered with
planks and thatched with leaves of the fig-tree [i.e., banana-tree] two brazas long; and they have floors
and windows. The rooms and the beds are all furnished with the most beautiful palm leaf mats. They
sleep on palm straw which is very soft and fine. They use no weapons, except a kind of a spear pointed
with a fishbone at the end. Those people are poor, but ingenious and very thievish, on account of which
we called those three islands the islands of Ladroni [i.e., of thieves]. Their amusement, men and women,
is to plough the seas with those small boats of theirs. Those boats resemble fucelere, but are narrower,
and some are black, [some] white, and others red. At the side opposite the sail, they have a large piece
of wood pointed at the top, with poles laid across it and resting on the water, in order that the boats
may sail more safely. The sail is made from palm leaves sewn together and is shaped like a lateen sail.
For rudders they use a certain blade resembling a hearth shovel which have a piece of wood at the end.
They can change stern and bow at will [literally: they make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern], and
those boats resemble the dolphins which leap in the water from wave to wave. Those Ladroni [i.e.,
robbers] thought, according to the signs which they made, that there were no other people in the world
but themselves.
At dawn on Saturday, March sixteen, 1521, we came upon a high land at a distance of three hundred
leagues from the islands of Latroni - an island named Zamal [i.e. Samar]. The following day, the captain-
general desired to land on another island which was uninhabited and lay to the right of the above
mentioned island, in order to be more secure, and to get water and have some rest. He had two tents
set up on the shore for the sick and had a sow killed for them. On Monday afternoon, March 18, we saw
a boat coming toward us with nine men in it. Therefore, the captain-general ordered that no one should
move or say a word without his permission. When those men reached the shore, their chief went
immediately to the captain-general, giving signs of joy because of our arrival. Five of the most ornately
adorned of them remained with us, while the rest went to get some others who were fishing, and so

11
they all came. The captain-general seeing that they were reasonable men, ordered food to be set before
them, and gave them red caps, mirrors, combs, bells, ivory, bocasine, and other things. When they saw
the captain's courtesy, they presented fish, a jar of palm wine, which they call uraca [i.e., arrack], figs
more than one palm long [i.e., bananas], and others which were smaller and more delicate, and two
coconuts. They had nothing else then, but made us signs with their hands that they would bring umay
or rice, and coconuts and many other articles of food within four days.
Coconuts are the fruit of the palm tree. Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and milk, so those people get
everything from that tree. They get wine in the following manner. They bore a hole into the heart of the
said palm at the top called palmito [i.e., stalk], from which distils a liquor which resembles white must.
That liquor is sweet but somewhat tart, and [is gathered] in canes [of bamboo] as thick as the leg and
thicker. They fasten the bamboo to the tree at evening for the morning, and in the morning for the
evening. That palm bears a fruit, namely, the coconut, which is as large as the head or thereabouts. Its
outside husk is green and thicker than two fingers. Certain filaments are found in that husk, whence is
made cord for binding together their boats. Under that husk there is a hard shell, much thicker than the
shell of the walnut, which they burn and make therefrom a powder that is useful to them. Under that
shell there is a white marrowy substance one finger in thickness, which they eat fresh with meat and fish
as we do bread; and it has a taste resembling the almond. It could be dried and made into bread. There
is a clear, sweet water in the middle of that marrowy substance which is very refreshing. When that
water stands for a while after having been collected, it congeals and becomes like an apple. When the
natives wish to make oil, they take that cocoanut, and allow the marrowy substance and the water to
putrefy. Then they boil it and it becomes oil like butter. When they wish to make vinegar, they allow only
the water to putrefy, and then place it in the sun, and a vinegar results like [that made from] white wine.
Milk can also be made from it for we made some. We scraped that marrowy substance and then mixed
the scrapings with its own water which we strained through a cloth, and so obtained milk like goat's milk.
Those palms resemble date-palms, but although not smooth they are less knotty than the latter. A family
of ten persons can be supported on two trees, by utilizing them week about for the wine; for if they did
otherwise, the trees would dry up. They last a century.
Those people became very familiar with us. They told us many things, their names and those of some of
the islands that could be seen from that place. Their own island was called Zuluan and it is not very large.
We took great pleasure with them, for they were very pleasant and conversable. In order to show them
greater honor, the captain-general took them to his ship and showed them all his merchandise - cloves,
cinnamon, pepper, ginger, nutmeg, mace, gold, and all the things in the ship. He had some mortars fired
for them, whereat they exhibited great fear, and tried to jump out of the ship. They made signs to us
that the above said articles grew in that place where we were going. When they were about to retire
they took their leave very gracefully and neatly, saying that they would return according to their promise.
The island where we were is called Humunu; [now Homonhon] but inasmuch as we found two springs
there of the clearest water, we called it Acquada da li buoni Segnialli [i.e., “the Watering-place of good
Signs"], for there were the first signs of gold which we found in those districts. We found a great quantity
of white coral there, and large trees with fruit a trifle smaller than the almond and resembling pine seeds.
There are also many palms, some of them good and others bad. There are many islands in that district,
and therefore we called them the archipelago of San Lazaro, as they were discovered on the Sabbath of
St. Lazarus. They lie in ten degrees of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred
and sixty-one degrees from the line of demarcation.
At noon on Friday, March 22, those men came as they had promised us in two boats with coconuts,
sweet oranges, a jar of palm-wine, and a cock, in order to show us that there were fowls in that district.
They exhibited great signs of pleasure at seeing us. We purchased all those articles from them. Their
seignior was an old man who was painted [i.e., tattooed]. He wore two gold earrings [schione'] in his
ears, and the others many gold armlets on their arms and kerchiefs about their heads. We stayed there
for one week, and during that time our captain went ashore daily to visit the sick, and every morning
gave them cocoanut water from his own hand, which comforted them greatly. There are people living
near that island who have holes in their ears so large that they can pass their arms through them. Those
people are Capri, that is to say, heathen. They go naked, with a cloth woven from the bark of a tree about
their privies, except some of the chiefs who wear cotton cloth embroidered with silk at the ends by
means of a needle. They are dark, fat, and painted. They anoint themselves with cocoanut and with
beneseed oil, as a protection against sun and wind. They have very black hair that falls to the waist, and
use daggers, knives, and spears ornamented with gold, large shields, fascines, javelins, and fishing nets
that resemble rizali; and their boats are like ours.

12
On the afternoon of holy Monday, the day of our Lady, March twenty-five, while we were on the point
of weighing anchor, I went to the side of the ship to fish, and putting my feet upon a yard leading down
into the storeroom, they slipped, for it was rainy, and consequently I fell into the sea, so that no one saw
me. When I was all but under, my left hand happened to catch hold of the clew-garnet of the main sail,
which was dangling in the water. I held on tightly, and began to cry out so lustily that I was rescued by
the small boat. I was aided, not, I believe, indeed, through my merits, but through the mercy of that font
of charity [i.e., of the Virgin]. That same day we shaped our course toward the west southwest between
four small islands, namely, Cenalo, Hiunanghan, Ibusson, and Abarien.

On Thursday morning, March twenty-eight, as we had seen a fire on an island the night before, we
anchored near it. We saw a small boat which the natives call boloto with eight men in it, approaching
the flagship. A slave belonging to the captain-general, who was a native of Zamatra [i.e., Sumatra], which
was formerly called Traprobana, spoke to them. They immediately understood him, came alongside the
ship, unwilling to enter but taking a position at some little distance. The captain seeing that they would
not trust us, threw them out a red cap and other things tied to a bit of wood. They received them very
gladly, and went away quickly to advise their king. About two hours later we saw two balanghai coming.
They are large boats and are so called [by those people]. They were full of men, and their king was in the
larger of them, being seated under an awning of mats. When the king came near the flagship, the slave
spoke to him. The king understood him, for in those districts the kings know more languages than the
other people. He ordered some of his men to enter the ships, but he always remained in his balanghai,
at some little distance from the ship until his own men returned; and as soon as they returned he
departed. The captain-general showed great honor to the men who entered the ship, and gave them
some presents, for which the king wished before his departure to give the captain a large bar of gold and
a basketful of ginger. The latter, however, thanked the king heartily but would not accept it. In the
afternoon we went in the ships [and anchored] near the dwellings of the king.

Next day, holy Friday, the captain-general sent his slave, who acted as our interpreter, ashore in a small
boat to ask the king if he had any food to have it carried to the ships; and to say that they would be well
satisfied with us, for he [and his men] had come to the island as friends and not as enemies. The king
came with six or eight men in the same boat and entered the ship. He embraced the captain-general to
whom he gave three porcelain jars covered with leaves and full of raw rice, two very large dorado and
other things. The captain-general gave the king a garment of red and yellow cloth made in the Turkish
fashion, and a fine red cap; and to the others (the king's men), to some knives and to others mirrors.
Then the captain-general had a collation spread for them, and had the king told through the slave that
he desired to be casi with him, that is to say, brother. The king replied that he also wished to enter the
same relations with the captain-general. Then the captain showed him cloth of various colors, linen,
coral [ornaments], and many other articles of merchandise, and all the artillery, some of which he had
discharged for him, whereat the natives were greatly frightened.

Then the captain-general had a man armed as a soldier, and placed him in the midst of three men armed
with swords and daggers, who struck him on all parts of the body. Thereby was the king rendered almost
speechless. The captain general told him through the slave that one of those armed men was worth one
hundred of his own men. The king answered that that was a fact. The captain-general said that he had
two hundred men in each ship who were armed in that manner. He showed the king cuirasses, swords,
and bucklers, and had a review made for him. Then he led the king to the deck of the ship, that is located
above at the stern; and had his sea-chart and compass brought. He told the king through the interpreter
how he had found the strait in order to voyage thither, and how many moons he had been without
seeing land, whereat the king was astonished. Lastly, he told the king that he would like, if it were
pleasing to him, to send two of his men with him so that he might show them some of his things. The
king replied that he was agreeable, and I went in company with one of the other men.

When I reached shore, the king raised his hands toward the sky and then turned toward us two. We did
the same toward him as did all the others. The king took me by the hand; one of his chiefs took my
companion: and thus they led us under a bamboo covering, where there was a balanghai, as long as
eighty of my palm lengths, and resembling a fusta. We sat down upon the stern of that balanghai,
constantly conversing with signs. The king's men stood about us in a circle with swords, daggers, spears,
and bucklers. The king had a plate of pork brought in and a large jar filled with wine. At every mouthful,
we drank a cup of wine. The wine that was left [in the cup] at any time, although that happened but
rarely, was put into a jar by itself. The king's cup was always kept covered and no one else drank from it

13
but he and I. Before the king took the cup to drink, he raised his clasped hands toward the sky, and then
toward me; and when he was about to drink, he extended the fist of his left hand toward me (at first I
thought that he was about to strike me) and then drank. I did the same toward the king. They all make
those signs one toward another when they drink. We ate with such ceremonies and with other signs of
friendship. I ate meat on holy Friday, for I could not help myself. Before the supper hour I gave the king
many things which I had brought.

I wrote down the names of many things in their language. When the king and the others saw me writing,
and when I told them their words, they were all astonished. While engaged in that the supper hour was
announced. Two large porcelain dishes were brought in, one full of rice and the other of pork with its
gravy. We ate with the same signs and ceremonies, after which we went to the palace of the king which
was built like a hayloft and was thatched with fig and palm leaves. It was built up high from the ground
on huge posts of wood and it was necessary to ascend to it by means of ladders. The king made us sit
down there on a bamboo mat with our feet drawn up like tailors. After a half-hour a platter of roast fish
cut in pieces was brought in, and ginger freshly gathered, and wine. The king's eldest son, who was the
prince, came over to us, whereupon the king told him to sit down near us, and he accordingly did so.
Then two platters were brought in (one with fish and its sauce, and the other with rice), so that we might
eat with the prince. My companion became intoxicated as a consequence of so much drinking and eating.
They used the gum of a tree called anime wrapped in palm or fig leaves for lights. The king made us a
sign that he was going to go to sleep. He left the prince with us, and we slept with the latter on a bamboo
mat with pillows made of leaves. When day dawned the king came and took me by the hand, and in that
manner we went to where we had had supper, in order to partake of refreshments, but the boat came
to get us. Before we left, the king kissed our hands with great joy, and we his. One of his brothers, the
king of another island, and three men came with us. The captain-general kept him to dine with us, and
gave him many things.

Pieces of gold, of the size of walnuts and eggs are found by sifting the earth in the island of that king who
came to our ships. All the dishes of that king are of gold and also some portion of his house, as we were
told by that king himself. According to their customs he was very grandly decked out [molto in or dine']
and the finest looking man that we saw among those people. His hair was exceedingly black, and hung
to his shoulders. He had a covering of silk on his head, and wore two large golden earrings fastened in
his ears. He wore a cotton cloth all embroidered with silk, which covered him from the waist to the
knees. At his side hung a dagger, the haft of which was somewhat long and all of gold, and its scabbard
of carved wood. He had three spots of gold on every tooth, and his teeth appeared as if bound with gold.
He was perfumed with storax and benzoin. He was tawny and painted all over. That island of his was
called Butuan and Calagan. When those kings wished to see one another, they both went to hunt in that
island where we were. The name of the first king is Raia Colambu, and the second Raia Siaui.

Early on the morning of Sunday, the last of March, and Easter-day, the captain-general sent the priest
with some men to prepare the place where mass was to be said; together with the interpreter to tell the
king that we were not going to land in order to dine with him, but to say mass. Therefore the king sent
us two swine that he had had killed. When the hour for mass arrived, we landed with about fifty men,
without our body armor, but carrying our other arms, and dressed in our best clothes. Before we reached
the shore with our boats, six pieces were discharged as a sign of peace. We landed; the two kings
embraced the captain-general, and placed him between them. We went in marching order to the place
consecrated, which was not far from the shore. Before the commencement of mass, the captain
sprinkled the entire bodies of the two kings with musk water. The mass was offered up. The kings went
forward to kiss the cross as we did, but they did not offer the sacrifice. When the body of our Lord was
elevated, they remained on their knees and worshiped Him with clasped hands. The ships fired all their
artillery at once when the body of Christ was elevated, the signal having been given from the shore with
muskets. After the conclusion of mass, some of our men took communion.

The captain-general arranged a fencing tournament, at which the kings were greatly pleased. Then he
had a cross carried in and the nails and a crown, to which immediate reverence was made. He told the
kings through the interpreter that they were the standards given to him by the emperor his sovereign,
so that wherever he might go he might set up those his tokens. [He said] that he wished to set it up in
that place for their benefit, for whenever any of our ships came, they would know that we had been
there by that cross, and would do nothing to displease them or harm their property [property: doublet
in original MS.']. If any of their men were captured, they would be set free immediately on that sign

14
being shown. It was necessary to set that cross on the summit of the highest mountain, so that on seeing
it every morning, they might adore it; and if they did that, neither thunder, lightning, nor storms would
harm them in the least. They thanked him heartily and [said] that they would do everything willingly.
The captain-general also had them asked whether they were Moros or heathen, or what was their belief.
They replied that they worshiped nothing, but that they raised their clasped hands and their face to the
sky; and that they called their god " Abba." There at the captain was very glad, and seeing that, the first
king raised his hands to the sky, and said that he wished that it were possible for him to make the captain
see his love for him. The interpreter asked the king why there was so little to eat there. The latter replied
that he did not live in that place except when he went hunting and to see his brother, but that he lived
in another island where all his family were. The captain-general had him asked to declare whether he
had any enemies, so that he might go with his ships to destroy them and to render them obedient to
him. The king thanked him and said that he did indeed have two islands hostile to him, but that it was
not then the season to go there. The captain told him that if God would again allow him to return to
those districts, he would bring so many men that he would make the king's enemies subject to him by
force. He said that he was about to go to dinner, and that he would return afterward to have the cross
set up on the summit of the mountain. They replied that they were satisfied, and then forming in
battalion and firing the muskets, and the captain having embraced the two kings, we took our leave.

After dinner we all returned clad in our doublets, and that afternoon went together with the two kings
to the summit of the highest mountain there. When we reached the summit, the captain-general told
them that he esteemed highly having sweated for them, for since the cross was there, it could not but
be of great use to them. On asking them which port was the best to get food, they replied that there
were three, namely, Ceylon, Zubu, and Calaghann, but that Zubu was the largest and the one with most
trade. They offered of their own accord to give us pilots to show us the way. The captain-general thanked
them, and determined to go there, for so did his unhappy fate will. After the cross was erected in
position, each of us repeated a Pater Noster and an Ave Maria, and adored the cross; and the kings did
the same. Then we descended through their cultivated fields, and went to the place where the balanghai
was. The kings had some cocoanuts brought in so that we might refresh ourselves. The captain asked
the kings for the pilots for he intended to depart the following morning, and [said] that he would treat
them as if they were the kings themselves, and would leave one of us as hostage. The kings replied that
every hour he wished the pilots were at his command, but that night the first king changed his mind, and
in the morning when we were about to depart, sent word to the captain-general, asking him for love of
him to wait two days until he should have his rice harvested, and other trifles attended to. He asked the
captain-general to send him some men to help him, so that it might be done sooner; and said that he
intended to act as our pilot himself. The captain sent him some men, but the kings ate and drank so
much that they slept all the day. Some said to excuse them that they were slightly sick. Our men did
nothing on that day, but they worked the next two days.

One of those people brought us about a porringer full of rice and also eight or ten figs [i.e., bananas]
fastened together to barter them for a knife which at the most was worth three catrini. The captain
seeing that that native cared for nothing but a knife, called him to look at other things. He put his hand
in his purse and wished to give him one real for those things, but the native refused it. The captain
showed him a ducat but he would not accept that either. Finally the captain tried to give him a doppione
worth two ducat, but he would take nothing but a knife; and accordingly the captain had one given to
him. When one of our men went ashore for water, one of those people wanted to give him a pointed
crown of massy gold, of the size of a colona for six strings of glass beads, but the captain refused to let
him barter, so that the natives should learn at the very beginning that we prized our merchandise more
than their gold.

Those people are heathens, and go naked and painted. They wear a piece of cloth woven from a tree
about their privies. They are very heavy drinkers. Their women are clad in tree cloth from their waist
down, and their hair is black and reaches to the ground. They have holes pierced in their ears which are
filled with gold. Those people are constantly chewing a fruit which they call areca and which resembles
a pear. They cut that fruit into four parts, and then wrap it in the leaves of their tree which they call betre
[i.e., betel]. Those leaves resemble the leaves of the mulberry. They mix it with a little lime, and when
they have chewed it thoroughly, they spit it out. It makes the mouth exceedingly red. All the people in
those parts of the world use it, for it is very cooling to the heart, and if they ceased to use it they would
die. There are dogs, cats, swine, fowls, goats, rice, ginger, coconuts, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons,
millet, panicum, sorgo, wax, and a quantity of gold in that island. It lies in a latitude of nine and two

15
thirds degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-two degrees from the
line of demarcation. It is twenty-five from the Acquada, and is called Mazaua.

We remained there seven days, after which we laid our course toward the northwest, passing among
five islands, namely, Ceylon, Bohol, Canighan, Baybai, and Gatighan. In the last-named island of Gatigan,
there are bats as large as eagles. As it was late we killed one of them, which resembled chicken in taste.
There are doves, turtle doves, parrots, and certain black birds as large as domestic chickens, which have
a long tail. The last mentioned birds lay eggs as large as the goose, and bury them under the sand,
through the great heat of which they hatch out. When the chicks are born, they push up the sand, and
come out. Those eggs are good to eat. There is a distance of twenty leagues from Mazaua to Gatighan.
We set out westward from Gatighan, but the king of Mazaua could not follow us [closely], and
consequently, we awaited him near three islands, namely, Polo, Ticobon, and Pozon. When he caught
up with us he was greatly astonished at the rapidity with which we sailed. The captain-general had him
come into his ship with several of his chiefs at which they were pleased. Thus did we go to Zubu from
Gatighan, the distance to Zubu being fifteen leagues.

At noon on Sunday, April seven, we entered the port of Zubu, passing by many villages, where we saw
many houses built upon logs. On approaching the city, the captain-general ordered the ships to fling
their banners. The sails were lowered and arranged as if for battle, and all the artillery was fired, an
action which caused great fear to those people. The captain sent a foster-son of his as ambassador to
the king of Zubo with the interpreter. When they reached the city, they found a vast crowd of people
together with the king, all of whom had been frightened by the mortars. The interpreter told them that
that was our custom when entering into such places, as a sign of peace and friendship, and that we had
discharged all our mortars to honor the king of the village. The king and all of his men were reassured,
and the king had us asked by his governor what we wanted. The interpreter replied that his master was
a captain of the greatest king and prince in the world, and that he was going to discover Malucho; but
that he had come solely to visit the king because of the good report which he had heard of him from the
king of Mazaua, and to buy food with his merchandise. The king told him that he was welcome [literally,
he had come at a good time], but that it was their custom for all ships that entered their ports to pay
tribute, and that it was but four days since a junk from Ciama [i.e., Siam] laden with gold and slaves had
paid him tribute. As proof of his statement the king pointed out to the interpreter a merchant from
Ciama, who had remained to trade the gold and slaves. The interpreter told the king that, since his
master was the captain of so great a king, he did not pay tribute to any seignior in the world, and that if
the king wished peace he would have peace, but if war instead, war. Thereupon, the Moro merchant
said to the king “Cata raia chita” that is to say, "Look well, sire. These men are the same who have
conquered Calicut, Malaca, and all India Magiore [i.e., India Major]. If they are treated well, they will give
good treatment, but if they are treated evil, evil and worse treatment, as they have done to Calicut and
Malaca." The interpreter understood it all and told the king that his master's king was more powerful in
men and ships than the king of Portogalo, that he was the king of Spagnia and emperor of all the
Christians, and that if the king did not care to be his friend he would next time send so many men that
they would destroy him. The Moro related everything to the king, who said thereupon that he would
deliberate with his men, and would answer the captain on the following day. Then he had refreshments
of many dishes, all made from meat and contained in porcelain platters, besides many jars of wine
brought in. After our men had refreshed themselves, they returned and told us everything. The king of
Mazaua, who was the most influential after that king and the seignior of a number of islands, went
ashore to speak to the king of the great courtesy of our captain-general.

Monday morning, our notary, together with the interpreter, went to Zubu. The king, accompanied by his
chiefs, came to the open square where he had our men sit down near him. He asked the notary whether
there were more than one captain in that company, and whether that captain wished him to pay tribute
to the emperor his master. The notary replied in the negative, but that the captain wished only to trade
with him and with no others. The king said that he was satisfied, and that if the captain wished to become
his friend, he should send him a drop of blood from his right arm, and he himself would do the same [to
him] as a sign of the most sincere friendship. The notary answered that the captain would do it.
Thereupon, the king told him that all the captains who came to that place, were wont to give presents
one to the other [i.e., mutual] presents between the king and the captain], and asked whether our
captain or he ought to commence. The interpreter told the king that since he desired to maintain the
custom, he should commence, and so he did.

16
Tuesday morning the king of Mazaua came to the ships with the Moro. He saluted the captain-general
in behalf of the king [of Zubu], and said that the king of Zubu was collecting as much food as possible to
give to him, and that after dinner he would send one of his nephews and two others of his chief men to
make peace. The captain-general had one of his men armed with his own arms, and had the Moro told
that we all fought in that manner. The Moro was greatly frightened, but the captain told him not to be
frightened for our arms were soft toward our friends and harsh toward our enemies; and as
handkerchiefs wipe off the sweat so did our arms overthrow and destroy all our adversaries, and those
who hate our faith. The captain did that so that the Moro who seemed more intelligent than the others,
might tell it to the king.

After dinner the king's nephew, who was the prince, came to the ships with the king of Mazaua, the
Moro, the governor, the chief constable, and eight chiefs, to make peace with us. The captain general
was seated in a red velvet chair, the principal men on leather chairs, and the others on mats upon the
floor. The captain-general asked them through the interpreter whether it were their custom to speak in
secret or in public, and whether that prince and the king of Mazaua had authority to make peace. They
answered that they spoke in public, and that they were empowered to make peace. The captain-general
said many things concerning peace, and that he prayed God to confirm it in heaven. They said that they
had never heard any one speak such words, but that they took great pleasure in hearing them. The
captain seeing that they listened and answered willingly, began to advance arguments to induce them
to accept the faith. Asking them who would succeed to the seigniory after the death of the king, he was
answered that the king had no sons but only daughters, the eldest of whom was the wife of that nephew
of his, who therefore was the prince. [They said that] when the fathers and mothers grew old, they
received no further honor, but their children commanded them.

The captain told them that God made the sky, the earth, the sea, and everything else, and that He had
commanded us to honor our fathers and mothers, and that whoever did otherwise was condemned to
eternal fire; that we are all descended from Adam and Eva, our first parents; that we have an immortal
spirit; and many other things pertaining to the faith. All joyfully entreated the captain to leave them two
men, or at least one, to instruct them in the faith, and [said] that they would show them great honor.
The captain replied to them that he could not leave them any men then, but that if they wished to
become Christians, our priest would baptize them, and that he would next time bring priests and friars
who would instruct them in our faith. They answered that they would first speak to their king, and that
then they would become Christians, [whereat] we all wept with great joy. The captain-general told them
that they should not be come Christians for fear or to please us, but of their own free wills; and that he
would not cause any displeasure to those who wished to live according to their own law, but that the
Christians would be better regarded and treated than the others. All cried out with one voice that they
were not becoming Christians through fear or to please us, but of their own free will. Then the captain
told them that if they became Christians, he would leave a suit of armor, for so had his king commanded
him; that we could not have intercourse with their women without committing a very great sin, since
they were pagans; and that he assured them that if they became Christians, the devil would no longer
appear to them except in the last moment at their death. They said that they could not answer the
beautiful words of the captain, but that they placed themselves in his hands, and that he should treat
them as his most faithful servants. The captain embraced them weeping, and clasping one of the prince's
hands and one of the king's between his own, said to them that, by his faith in God and to his sovereign,
the emperor, and by the habit which he wore, he promised them that he would give them perpetual
peace with the king of Spagnia. They answered that they promised the same.

After the conclusion of the peace, the captain had refreshments served to them. Then the prince and
the king [of Mazaua] presented some baskets of rice, swine, goats, and fowls to the captain-general on
behalf of their king, and asked him to pardon them, for such things were but little [to give] to one such
as he. The captain gave the prince a white cloth of the finest linen, a red cap, some strings of glass beads,
and a gilded glass drinking cup. Those glasses are greatly appreciated in those districts. He did not give
any present to the king of Mazaua, for he had already given him a robe of Cambaya, besides other
articles. To the others he gave now one thing and now another. Then he sent to the king of Zubu through
me and one other a yellow and violet silk robe, made in Turkish style, a fine red cap, some strings of glass
beads, all in a silver dish, and two gilt drinking cups in our hands.

When we reached the city we found the king in his palace surrounded by many people. He was seated
on a palm mat on the ground, with only a cotton cloth before his privies, and a scarf embroidered with

17
the needle about his head, a neck lace of great value hanging from his neck, and two large gold earrings
fastened in his ears set round with precious gems. He was fat and short, and tattooed with fire in various
designs. From another mat on the ground he was eating turtle eggs which were in two porcelain dishes,
and he had four jars full of palm wine in front of him covered with sweet-smelling herbs and arranged
with four small reeds in each jar by means of which he drank. Having duly made reverence to him, the
interpreter told the king that his master thanked him very warmly for his present, and that he sent this
present not in return for his present but for the intrinsic love which he bore him. We dressed him in the
robe, placed the cap on his head, and gave him the other things; then kissing the beads and putting them
upon his head, I presented them to him. He doing the same [i.e., kissing them] accepted them. Then the
king had us eat some of those eggs and drink through those slender reeds. The others, his men, told him
in that place, the words of the captain concerning peace and his exhortation to them to become
Christians. The king wished to have us stay to supper with him, but we told him that we could not stay
then. Having taken our leave of him, the prince took us with him to his house, where four young girls
were playing [instruments] - one, on a drum like ours, but resting on the ground ; the second was striking
two suspended gongs alternately with a stick wrapped somewhat thickly at the end with palm cloth; the
third, one large gong in the same manner; and the last, two small gongs held in her hand, by striking one
against the other, which gave forth a sweet sound.

In that island are found dogs, cats, rice, millet, panicum, sorgo, ginger, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges,
lemons, sugarcane, garlic, honey, cocoanuts, nangcas, gourds, flesh of many kinds, palm wine, and gold.
It is a large island, and has a good port with two entrances - one to the west and the other to the east
northeast. It lies in ten degrees of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and
sixty-four degrees from the line of demarcation. Its name is Zubu. We heard of Malucho there before
the death of the captain-general. Those people play a violin with copper strings.

Customs of the Tagalog

(The accurate transcription from the book of Juan de Pasencia)

His people always had chiefs, called by them Datos, who governed them and were captains in their wars,
and whom they obeyed and reverenced. The subject who committed any offense against them, or spoke
but a word to their wives and children was severely punished.

These chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes as many as a hundred houses, sometimes even less
than thirty. This tribal gathering is called in Tagalog a Barangay. It was inferred that the reason for giving
themselves this name arose from the fact (as they are classed, by their language, among the Malay
nations) that when they came to this land, the head of the barangay, which is a boat, thus called - as is
discussed at length in the first chapter of the first ten chapters - became a dato. And so, even at the
present day, it is ascertained that this barangay in its origin was a family of parents and children, relations
and slaves. There were many of these barangay in each town, or, at least, on account of wars, they did
not settle far from one another. They were not, however, subject to one another, except in friendship
and relationship. The chiefs, in their various wars, helped one another with their respective barangays.

In addition to the chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there were three castes: nobles, commoners,
and slaves. The nobles were the free-born whom they call Maharlica. They did not pay tax or tribute to
the dato, but must accompany him in war, at their own expense. The chief offered them beforehand a
feast, and afterward they divided the spoils. Moreover, when the dato went upon the water whose
whom he summoned rowed for him. If he built a house, they helped him, and had to be fed for it. The
same was true when the whole barangay went to clear up his land for tillage. The lands which they
inhabited were divided among the whole barangay, especially children by a slave they were all free,
provided he were not her husband.

If two persons married, of whom was a Maharlica and the other a slave, whether Namamahay or so
Guiguilid, the children were divided: the first, whether male or female, belonged to the father as did the
third and the fifth; the second, the fourth and the sixth fell to the mother and so on. In this manner, if
the father were free, all those who belonged to him were free; if he were a slave, all those who belonged
to him were slaves, and the same applied to the mother. If there should not be more than one child he
was half free and half slave. The only question here concerned the division, whether the child were male
or female. Those who became slaves feel under the category of servitude which was their parents', either
18
Namamahay or Saguiguilid. If there were odd number of children, the odd one was half free and half
slave. I have not been able to ascertain with any certainty when or at what age the division of children
was made, for each one suited himself in this respect. Of these two kinds of slaves the Saguiguilid could
be solved, but not the Mama hay and their children, nor could they be transferred. However, they could
be transferred from the Barangay by inheritance, provided they remained in the same village.

The Maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to another, or from one barangay to
another, with paying a certain fine in gold, as arranged among them. This fine was larger or smaller
according to inclination of the different villages, running from one to three teals and a banquet to the
entire barangay. Failure to pay the fine might result in a war between the barangay which the person
left and the one which he entered. This applied equally to men and women, except that when one
married a woman of another village, the children were afterwards divided equally between the two
barangays. This arrangement kept them obedient to the Dato, or chief, which is no longer the case -
because, if the Dato is energetic and commands what the religious fathers enjoin him, they soon leave
him and go to other villages and other Datos, who endure and protect them and do not order them
about. This is the kind of Dato that they now prefer not him who has the spirit to command. There is a
great need of reform in this, for the chiefs are spiritless and faint-hearted.

Investigations made and sentences passed by the Dato must take place in the presence of those of his
Barangay. If any of the litigant felt himself aggrieved, an arbiter was unanimously named from another
village or barangay, whether he were a dato or not; since they had for this purpose some persons, known
as fair and just men, who were said to give true judgment according to their customs. If the controversy
lay between two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they also convoke judges to act as arbiters; they
did the same if the disputants belonged to two different barangays. In this ceremony, they always had
to drink, the plaintiff inviting the others. They had laws by which they condemned to death a man of low
birth who insulted the daughter or wife of a chief; likewise witches, and others of the same class.

They condemned no one to slavery, unless he merited the death penalty. As for the witches, they killed
them, and their children and accomplices became slaves of the chief, after he had made some
recompense to the injured person. All other offences were punished by fines in gold, which, if not paid
with promptness, exposed the culprit to serve, until the payment should be made, the person aggrieved,
to whom the money was to be paid. This was done in the following way: Half the cultivated lands and all
their produce belonged to the master. The master provided the culprit with food and clothing, thus
enslaving the culprit and his children until such time as he might amass enough money to pay the fine.
If the father should by chance pay his debt, the master then claimed that he had fed and clothed his
children, and should be paid therefore. In this way he kept possession of the children it payment could
not be met. This last was usually the case, and they remained slaves. If the culprit had some relative or
friend who paid for him, he was obliged to render the late half his service until he was paid- not, however,
service within the house as Aliping Sa Guiguilid, but living independent as Aliping Namamahay. If the
creditor were not served in this wise, the culprit had to pay the double of what was lent to him. In this
way slaves were made by debt: either Saguiguilid if they serve the master to whom the judgment applied:
or Aliping Namamahay, if they served the person who lent them wherewith to pay.

In what concerns loans, there was formerly and is today an excess of usury which is a great hindrance to
baptism as well as to confession: for it turns out in the same way as I have showed in the case of the one
under judgment, who gives half of his cultivated lands and profits until he pays his debt. The debtor is
condemned to a life of toil, and thus borrower becomes slaves, and after the death of the father the
children pay the debt. Not doing so, double the amount must be paid. Thus system should and can be
reformed. As for inheritances, the legitimate children of a father and mother inherited equally, except
in the case where the father and mother showed a slight partiality by such gifts as two or three gold
taels, or perhaps a jewel.

When the parents give a dowry to any son, and, when in order to marry him to a chief's daughter, the
dowry was greater than the sum given to the other sons; the excess was not counted in the whole
property to be divided. But any other thing should have been given to any son, though it might be for
some necessity, was taken into consideration at the time of the partition of the property, unless the
parents should declare that such a bestowal was made outside the inheritance. If one had children by
two or more legitimate wives, each child received the inheritance and dowry of his mother, with its
increase and that share of his father's estate which fell to him out of the whole. If a man had a son from

19
one of his slaves as well as legitimate children, the former had no share in the inheritance, the legitimate
children were bound to free the mother and to give him something-taels or a slave, if the father were a
chief; or if, finally, anything else were given it was by the unanimous consent of all. If besides his
legitimate children, he had also some sons by a free unmarried woman, to whom a dowry was given but
who was not considered as a real wife, all these were classed as natural children, although the child by
the unmarried woman should have been begotten after his marriage. Such children did not inherit
equally with the legitimate children, but only the third part. For example, if there were two children, the
legitimate one has two parts and the one of the Inaasaya one part. When there were no children by a
legitimate wife, but only the children of the unmarried wife, or Inaasava, the latter inherited all. If he
had a child by a slave woman, that child received his share as stated above. If there were no legitimate
or natural child or a child by an Inaasava, whether there was a son of a slave woman, or not, the
inheritance went only to the father or grandparents, brothers or nearest relatives of the decreased who
gave to the slave child as stated above.

In the case of a child of a free married woman, born while she was married, if the husband punished the
adulterer this was considered a dowry; and the child entered with the others in the partition in the
inheritance. His share equaled the part left by the father, nothing more. If there were no other sons than
he, the child and the nearest relative inherited equally with him. But of the adulterers were not punished
by the husband of the woman who had the child, the latter was not considered as his child nor did he
inherit anything. It should be noticed that the offender was not considered dishonored by the
punishment inflicted, nor did the husband leave the woman. By the punishment of the father the child
was fittingly made legitimate.

Adopted children of whom they are many among them, inherited the double of what was paid for their
adoption. For example, if one gold tael was given that he might be adopted when the first father died,
the child was given two taels. But if this child should die first, his children should not inherit the second
father for the arrangement stops at that point. This is the danger to which his money is exposed well as
his being protected as a child. On this account manner of adoption common among them is consider
lawful.

Dowries were given by the men to the women's parent. If the latter are living, they enjoyed the used of
it. At their death, provided the dowry has not been consumer it is divided like the rest of the estate,
equally among the children, except in the case of the father should care to bestow something additional
upon the daughter. If the wife at the time of her marriage, has neither father, mother nor grandparents,
she enjoy her dowry- which in such a case belongs to other relatives or child. It should be noticed that
unmarried women can own no property, in land or dowry, for the result of all their labors accrues to
their parents.

In the case of the divorce before the birth of the children, if the wife left the husband for the purpose of
marrying another, all her dowry and an equal additional amount fell to the husband, but if she left him
and did not marry another, the dowry was returned. When the husband left his wife, he lost the half of
the dowry and the other half was returned to him. If he possessed children at the same time of his
divorce, the whole dowry and the fine went to the children and were held for them by their grandparents
or other responsible relatives.

I have also seen another practice in other two villages. In one case, upon the death of the wife who in a
year's time had borne no children, the parents returned one half the dowries to the husband whose wife
had died. In the other case, upon the death of the husband, one-half the dowry was returned to the
relatives of the husband. I have ascertained that this is not a general practice; for upon inquiry, I learned
that when this is done through piety, and that all do not do it.

In the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their sons when they are about to be
married and half of which is given immediately, even when they are only children, there is a greater deal
of complexity. There is a fine stipulated in the contract, that he who violates it shall pay a certain sum
which varies according to the practice of the village and the affluence of the individual. The fine was
heaviest if, upon the death of the parents, the son or daughter should be unwilling to marry because it
had been arranged by his or her parents. In this case the dowry in which the parents had received was
returned and nothing more. But if the parents were living, they paid the fine, because it was assumed
that it had been their design to separate the children.

20
The above is what I have been able to ascertain clearly concerning customs observed among these
natives in all this Laguna and the tingues, and among the entire Tagalog race. The old men say that a
dato who did anything contrary to this would not be esteemed; and, in relating tyrannies which they had
committed, some condemned them and adjudged them wicked. Others, perchance, may offer a more
extended narrative, but leaving aside irrelevant matters concerning government and justice among
them, a summary of the whole truth is contained above. I am sending this account in a clear and concise
form because I had received no orders to pursue the work further. Whatever maybe decided upon, it is
certainly important that it should be given to the alcaldes-mayor, accompanied by an explanation for the
absurdities which are to be found in their opinions are indeed pitiable.

May our Lord bestow upon your Lordship His grace and spirit, so that in every step good fortune may be
yours; and upon every occasion may your Lordship deign to consider me your humble servant, to be
which would be the greatest satisfaction and favor that I could receive. Nagcarlan, October 21, 1589.

The Worship of the Tagalogs

In all the villages, or in other parts of the Filipinas Islands, there are no temples consecrated to the
performing of sacrifices, the adoration to their idols, or the general practice of idolatry. It is true that
they have the name SIMBAHAHAN which means a temple or a place of adoration, but this is because
formerly when they wished to celebrate a festival which they called PANDOT or WORSHIP they celebrate
it in a large house of the chief. There they constructed, for the purpose of sheltering the assembled
people, a temporary shed each side of the house, with a roof, called SIBI, to protect the people from the
wet when it rain. They so constructed the house that it might contain many people- dividing it, after the
fashion of ships into three compartments. On the posts of the house they set small lamps, called
SORIHILE; in the center of the house, they placed one large lamp, adorned with leaves of the white palm
wrought into many design. They also brought together many drums, large and small which they beat
successively while the feast lasted, which was usually four days. During this time, the whole barangay,
or family, united and joined in the worship which they called NAGAANITOS. The house, for the above-
mentioned period of time- was called a temple.

Among there many idols, there was one called Bathala, whom they especially worship. The title, seems
to signify "all powerful”, or “maker of all things." They also worship the sun, which, on account of its
beauty, is almost universally respected and honored by heathens. They also worshiped the moon,
especially when it was new, at which time they held great rejoicings, adoring it and bidding it welcome.
Some of them also adored the starts, although they did not know them by their names, as the Spaniards
and other nations know the planets, with the one exception of the morning star, which they called Tala.
They knew, too, the "seven little goats" (the PLEIADS), as we call them, and consequently, the changes
of seasons, which they called Mapulon; and Balatik, which is a Greater Bear. They possessed many idols
cold LIC-HA, which were images with different shapes; and at times, they worshiped any little trifle, and
which they adored, as did the Romance, some particular dead man who was brave in war and endowed
with special faculties, to whom they commended themselves for protection and tribulations. They had
another idol called Dian Masalanta, who was the patron of lovers and of the generation. The idols called
Lacapati and Indianale were the patrons of the cultivated lands and of the husbandry. They paid
reverence to water-lizards called by them BUAYA, or crocodiles, from fear of being harmed by them.
They were even in the habit of offering these animals a portion of what they carried in their boats by
throwing it into the water, or placing it upon the bank.

They were, moreover, very liable to find auguries in things they witnessed. For example, if they left their
house and met on the way a serpent or rat, or a bird called TIGMAMANUGUIN which was singing in the
tree, or if they chanced upon anyone who sneezed, they returned at once to their house, considering
the incident as an augury that some evil might befall them if they should continue their journey -
especially when the above-mentioned birds sang. This song has two different forms: in the one case it
was considered as an evil omen; in the other, as a good omen, and then they continued their journey.
They also practiced divination, to see whether weapons, such as dagger or knife were to be useful and
lucky for their possessor whenever occasion should offer. These natives had no established division of
years, months, and days, these are determined by the cultivation of the soil, counted by moons, and the
different effect produced upon the trees when yielding flowers, fruits, and leaves: all this helps them in
making up the year. The winter and summer are distinguished as sun-time and water-time- the latter
term designating winter in those regions, were there is no cold, snow, or ice. It seems, however, that

21
now since they have become Christians, the reasons are not quite the same, for a Christmas, it gets
somewhat cooler. The years, since the advent of the Spaniards, have been determined by the latter, and
the seasons have been given their proper names, and they have been divided into weeks.

Their manner of offering sacrifice was to proclaim feast, and offer to the devil what they had to eat. This
was done in front of the Idol, which they anoint with the fragrance perfumes, such as musk and civet, or
gum of the storax tree, and other odoriferous woods, and praise it in poetic songs sung by the officiating,
priest, male or female, who is called CATOLONAN. The participants made responses to the son
beseeching the idol to favor them with those things of which they were in need, and generally, by
offering repeated healths, they all became intoxicated. In some of their idolatries, the were accustomed
to place a good piece of cloth, doubled over the idol, and over the cloth a chain or a large gold ring, thus
worshipping the devil without having sight of him. The devil was sometimes liable to enter the body of
the Catolonan, and, assuming her shape and appearance, field her with so great arrogance- he being the
cause of it- that she seemed to shoot flames from her eyes, her hair stood on end, a fearful sight to those
beholding, and she uttered words of arrogance and superiority. In some districts, especially in the
mountains, when in those idolatries the devil incarnated himself and took on the form of his minister,
the latter had to be tied to a tree by his companions, to prevent the devil in his infernal fury from
destroying him. This, however, happened but rarely. The objects of the sacrifice were goats, fowls and
swine, which were flayed, decapitated, and laid before the idol. They perform another ceremony by
cooking a jar of rice until the water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and the rice was left
as an intact mass which was set before the idol; and all about it, at intervals, were placed a few BUYOS-
which is a small fruit wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food generally eaten in these regions, as well
as fried food and fruits. All these above-mentioned articles were eaten by the guests at the feast; the
heads [of the animals], after being "offered," as they expressed it, were cooked and eaten also.

The reason for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition to whatever personal matters there
might be, the recovery of a sick person, the prosperous voyage of those embarking on the sea, a good
harvest in the sowed lands, a propitious result in wars, a successful delivery in childbirth, and a happy
outcome in married life. If this took place among people of rank, the festivities lasted thirty days. In the
case of young girls who first had their monthly courses, their eyes were blindfolded four days and four
nights: and in the meantime, the friends and the relatives were all invited to partake of food and drink.
At the end, of this period, the catolonan took the young girl to the water, bathed her and washed her
head, and removed the bandaged from her eyes. The old men said that they did this in order that the
girls might bear children, and have fortune in finding husbands to their taste, who would not leave them
widows in their youth.

The distinctions made among the priests of the devil were as follows: The first, called CATOLONAN, as
above stated, was either a man or a woman. This office was an honorable one among the natives, and
was held ordinarily by the people of rank, this rule being general in all the islands. The second they called
MANGAGAUAY, or wishes who deceived by pretending to heal the sick. These priests even induced
maladies by their charms, which in proportion to the strength and efficacy of the witchcraft, are capable
of causing death. In this way, if they wished to kill at one they did so, or they could prolonged life for a
year by binding to the waist a live serpent, which was believed to be the devil, or at least his substance.
This office was general throughout the land. The third day called MANYISALAT, which is the same as
manggagaway. These priests had the power of applying such remedies to lovers that they would
abandoned and despise their own wives, and in fact could prevent them from having intercourse with
the latter. If the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it would bring sickness upon
her; and on account of the desertion she would discharge blood and matter. This office was also general
throughout the land. The fourth was called MANCOCOLAM whose duty was to emit fire from himself at
night, once or oftener each month. These fire could not be extinguished; nor could it be emitted except
as the priest wallowed in the ordure, filth which falls from the house, and he who lived in the house
where the priest was wallowing in order to emit this fire from himself, fell ill and died. This office was
general.

The fifth was called HOCLOBON, which is another kind of witch, of greater efficacy than the
MANGAGAUAY. Without the use of medicine, and by simply saluting or raising the hand, they killed
whom they chose. But if they desired to heal those whom they had made ill by their charms, they did so
by using other charms. Moreover, if they wished to destroy the house of some Indian hostile to them,
they were able to do so without instruments. This was in Catanduanes, an island off the upper part of

22
Luzon. The sixth was called the SILAGAN, whose office it was if they saw anyone clothed in white, to tear
out its liver and eat it, thus causing his death. This, like the preceding, was in the island of Catanduanes.
Let no one, moreover, consider this a fable; because, in Calavan, they tore out in this way through the
anus all the intestines of a Spanish notary, who was buried in Calilaya by father Fray Juan de Merida. The
seventh was called MAGTATANGAL, and his purpose was to show himself at night to many persons,
without his head or entrails. In such wise the devil walled about carried, or pretended to carry, his head
to different places: and, in the morning, returned it to his body remaining, as before, alive. This seems
to me to be a fable, in Catanduanes, although the natives affirm that they have seen it, because the devil
was probably caused hem so to believe. This occurred in Catanduanes.

The eighth they called OSUANG, which is equivalent to SORCERER they say that they have seen him fly,
and that he murdered men and ate their flesh. This was among the Visayas Islands: among the Tagalogs
these did not exist. The ninth was another class of witches called. MANGAGAYOMA. They made charms
for lovers out of herbs, stones, and wood which would infuse the heart with love. Thus did they deceive
the people, although sometimes, through the intervention of the devil, they gained their ends.

The tenth was known as SONAT, which is equivalent to PREACHER. It was his office to help one to die, at
which time he predicted the salvation or condemnation of the soul. It was not lawful for the functions
of this office to be fulfilled by others than the people of high standing, on account of the esteem in which
it was held. This office was general throughout the islands. The eleventh, PANGATAHOJAN, was a
soothsayer, and predicted the future. This office was general in all islands.The twelfth, BAYOGUIN,
signified a COTQUEAN a man whose nature inclined toward that of a woman.

Their manner of burying the deal was as follows: The deceased was buried beside his house, and, if they
were a chief, he was place beneath a little house or porch which they constructed for this purpose.
Before entering him, they mourned him for four days, and afterward, laid him on a boat which served as
a coffin or bier, placing him beneath the porch, where guard was kept over him by salve. In place of
rowers, various animals were placed at the oar by twos- male and female of each species being together-
as for example two goats, two deer or two fowls. It was the slave's care to see that they were fed. If the
deceased had been a warrior, a living slave was tied beneath his body until it this wretched way he died.
In course of time, all suffered decay; and for many days the relatives of the dead man bewailed him,
singing dirges and praises of his good qualities, until finally they wearied of it. This grief was also
accompanied by eating and drinking. This was a custom of the Tagalogs.

The Aetas or Negrillos (NEGRITOS) inhabitants of this island, had also a form of burial, but different. They
dug a deep, perpendicular hole, and placed the deceased within it, leaving him upright with head or
crown unburied, on top of which they put half a coconut which was to serve him as a shield. Then they
went in pursuit of some Indian, whom they killed in retribution for the Negrillo who had die this end they
conspired together, hanging a certain token their necks until someone of them procured the death of an
innocent one

These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of rest which they called MACA just as if
we should say "paradise" or in other words, “Village or rest”. They say that those who go to this place
are the just and the valiant and those who lived without doing harm, or who possessed other moral
virtues. They said also that in the other life on mortality, there was a place of punishment, grief and
affliction called CASANAAN which was "a place of anguish” the also maintained that no one would go to
heaven, where then dwelt only Bathala, "the maker of all things" who governed from above. There were
also other pagans who confessed more clearly to a hell, which they called, as I have said casanaan: they
said that all the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt the demons, whom they called SITAN.

All the various kinds of infernal ministers were therefore as has been stated: CATOLONAN; SONAT (who
was a sort of bishop who ordained priestesses and received their reverence, for they knelt before him
as before one who could pardon sins, and expected salvation through him); MANGAGUAY, MANYISALAT,
MANCOCOLAM, HOCLOBAN, SILAGAN, MAGTATANGAL, OSUAN, MANGAGAYOMA, PANGATHAHOAN.
There were also ghosts, which they called VIBIT and PHANTOMS, which they called TIGBALANG. They
had another deception- namely, that if any woman died in childbirth, she and the child suffered
punishment; and that, at night, she could be heard lamenting. This was called PATIANAC. May the honor
and the glory be God our Lord’s that among all the Tagalogs not a trace of this is left, and that those who
are now marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to the preaching of the holy gospel, which has
banished it.
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 Kartilya ng Katipunan
(By: Emilio Jacinto)
The order for those who want to join the association shall have the full understanding and knowledge of
its guiding principles and main teachings so that they may perform their duties wholeheartedly. The
Association pursues the most worthy and momentous object of uniting the hearts and the mind of
the Tagalog by means of inviolable oath in order that the union to be strong enough to tear aside the
thick veil that obscure thoughts and find the true path of reason and enlightenment. The foremost rules
are the true love of native land and genuine compassion for others, for everyone shall be treated equal
and true brethren.
As soon as anybody enters the association, he shall perforce renounce disorderly habits and shall submit
to the authority of the sacred commands of the Katipunan. All acts contrary to noble and clean living are
repugnant here, and hence the life of anyone who wants to affiliate with this Association will be
submitted to a searching investigation.
If the applicant merely wishes to know the secrets of the Association, or to seek personal gratification,
or to know who is here in order to sell them for a handful of silver, he cannot proceed, for the many who
are watching him will already know his intentions, and will immediately have recourse to an effective
remedy, such as befits traitors. Only actions are demanded and esteemed; hence anybody who is not
willing to act should not enter, no matter how good a speaker he might be.
The duties to be performed by the members of this association are exceedingly hard, especially if one
remembers that there can be no dereliction or wilful evasion of duty without the exaction of a terrible
punishment. If an applicant merely desires financial support relief or wants to lead a life of bodily comfort
and ease, he had better not proceed, for he will encounter weighty tasks, like the protection of the
oppressed and the relentless fight against all that is evil. In this way, his fate will be a vexatious life.
Nobody is unaware of the misfortune that threatens the Filipinos who contemplate these things that are
sacred and the sufferings they are made to endure by the reign of cruelty, injustice and evil.
The punctual payment of dues is required: one peso upon entry and then twelve and a half centimos
each month. The custodian of the funds will periodically render an account to the members, and each
member has a right to examine the accounts, should he so wish. The funds cannot be expended without
the consent of the majority. The aforementioned must be thought over and deliberated upon calmly, as
it cannot be accomplished or endured by anyone who has no love for his native land and no genuine
desire to promote progress. For the upliftment of mind and virtue the foregoing shall be perused and
practiced vigorously.

1. A life that is not dedicated to a noble and divine cause is like a tree without a shade, if not, a poisonous weed.
2. A deed that is motivated by self-interest or self-pity and done without sincerity lacks nobility.
3. True piety is the act of being charitable, loving one's fellowmen, and being judicious in behavior, speech and
deed.
4. We are all equal, regardless of the color of their skin; while one could have more education, wealth or beauty
than the other, none of them can overpass one's identity.
5. A person with a noble character values honor above self-interest, while a person with a base character values
self-interest above honor.
6. To a man with a sense of shame, his word is inviolate.
7. Do not waste your time; lost wealth can be retrieved, but time lost is lost forever.
8. Defend the oppressed and fight the oppressor.
9. A wise man is someone who is careful in all that he says; learn to keep the things that need to be kept secret.
10. In the thorny path of life, the man leads the way and his wife and children follow; If the leader goes the way of
evil, so do the followers.
11. Never regard a woman as an object for you to trifle with; rather you should consider her as a partner and a
friend in times of need; Give proper considerations to a woman's frailty and never forget that your own
mother, who brought you forth and nurtured you from infancy, is herself such a person.
12. Do not do to the wife, children and brothers and sisters of others what you do not want others to do to your
wife, children and brothers and sisters.
13. A (person's) worth is not measured by his/her status in life, neither by the length of his nose nor the fairness
of skin, and certainly not by whether he is a priest claiming to be God's deputy. Even if he is a
tribesman/tribeswoman from the hills and speaks only his/her own tongue, a (person) is honorable if he/she
possesses a good character, is true to his/her word, has fine perceptions and is loyal to his/her native land.

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 14. When these teachings shall have been propagated and the glorious sun of freedom begins to shine on these
poor islands to enlighten a united race and people, then all the loves lost, all the struggle and sacrifices shall
not have been in vain.

Decalogue of the Katipunan

Originally titled Katungkulang Gagawin ng mga Z. Ll. B. (Duties of the Sons of the People) It was never
published because Bonifacio believed that Jacinto's Kartilya was superior to what he had made.

1. Love God with all your heart.

2. Bear always in mind that the love of God is also the love of country, and this, too, is love of one's fellowmen.
3. Engrave in your heart that the true measure of honor and happiness is to die for the freedom of your country.
4. All your good wishes will be crowned with success if you have serenity, constancy, reason and faith in all your
acts and endeavor.
5. Guard the mandates and aims of the K.K.K. as you guard your honor.
6. It is the duty of all to deliver, at the risk of their own lives and wealth, anyone who runs great risks in the
performance of his duty.
7. Our responsibility to ourselves and the performance of our duties will be the example set for our fellowmen to
follow.
8. Insofar as it is within your power, share your means with the poor and the unfortunate.
9. Diligence in the work that gives sustenance to you is the true basis of love—love for yourself, for your wife and
children, for your brothers and countrymen.
10. Punish any scoundrel and traitor and praise all good work. Believe, likewise, that the aims of the K.K.K. are God-
given, for the will of the people is also the will of God.

Act of Declaration of the Philippine Independence

(Translation by: Sulpicio Guevara)

In the town of Cavite-Viejo, Province of Cavite, this 12th day of June 1898:

BEFORE ME, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, War Counsellor and Special Delegate designated to proclaim
and solemnize this Declaration of Independence by the Dictatorial Government of the Philippines,
pursuant to, and by virtue of, a Decree issued by the Engregious Dictator Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy.
The undersigned assemblage of military chiefs and others of the army who could not attend, as well as
the representatives of the various towns. Taking into account the fact that the people of this country are
already tired of bearing the ominous joke of Spanish domination.

Because of arbitrary arrests and abuses of the Civil Guards who cause deaths in connivance with and
even under the express orders of their superior officers who at times would order the shooting of those
placed under arrest under the pretext that they attempted to escape in violation of known Rules and
Regulations, which abuses were left unpunished, and because of unjust deportations of illustrious
Filipinos, especially those decreed by General Blanco at the instigation of the Archbishop and friars
interested in keeping them in ignorance for egoistic and selfish ends, which deportations were carried
out through processes more execrable than those of the Inquisition which every civilized nation
repudiates as a trial without hearing.

Had resolved to start a revolution in August 1896 in order to regain the independence and sovereignty
of which the people had been deprived by Spain through Governor Miguel Lopez de Legazpi who,
continuing the course followed by his predecessor Ferdinand Magellan who landed on the shores of
Cebu and occupied said Island by means of a Pact of Friendship with Chief Tupas, although he was killed
in the battle that took place in said shores to which battle he was provoked by Chief Kalipulako ** of
Mactan who suspected his evil designs, landed on the Island of Bohol by entering also into a Blood
Compact with its Chief Sikatuna, with the purpose of later taking by force the Island of Cebu, and because
his successor Tupas did not allow him to occupy it, he went to Manila, the capital, winning likewise the
friendship of its Chiefs Soliman and Lakandula, later taking possession of the city and the whole
Archipelago in the name of Spain by virtue of an order of King Philip II, and with these historical
precedents and because in international law the prescription established by law to legalize the vicious
acquisition of private property is not recognized, the legitimacy of such revolution cannot be put in doubt
which was calmed but not completely stifled by the pacification proposed by Don Pedro A. Paterno with
Don Emilio Aguinaldo as President of the Republic established in Biak-na-Bato and accepted by

25
Governor-General Don Fernando Primo De Rivera under terms, both written and oral, among them being
a general amnesty for all deported and convicted persons; that by reason of the non-fulfillment of some
of the terms, after the destruction of the plaza of Cavite, Don Emilio Aguinaldo returned in order to
initiate a new revolution and no sooner had he given the order to rise on the 31st of last month when
several towns anticipating the revolution, rose in revolt on the 28th , such that a Spanish contingent of
178 men, between Imus Cavite-Viejo, under the command of major of the Marine Infantry capitulated,
the revolutionary movement spreading like wild fire to other towns of Cavite and the other provinces of
Bataan, Pampanga, Batangas, Bulacan, Laguna, and Morong, some of them with seaports and such was
the success of the victory of our arms, truly marvelous and without equal in the history of colonial
revolutions that in the first mentioned province only the Detachments in Naic and Indang remained to
surrender; in the second all Detachments had been wiped out; in the third the resistance of the Spanish
forces was localized in the town of San Fernando where the greater part of them are concentrated, the
remainder in Macabebe, Sexmoan, and Guagua; in the fourth, in the town of Lipa; in the fifth, in the
capital and in Calumpit; and in last two remaining provinces, only in their respective capitals, and the
city of Manila will soon be besieged by our forces as well as the provinces of Nueva Ecija, Tarlac,
Pangasinan, La Union, Zambales, and some others in the Visayas where the revolution at the time of the
pacification and others even before, so that the independence of our country and the revindication of
our sovereignty is assured.

And having as witness to the rectitude of our intentions the Supreme Judge of the Universe, and under
the protection of our Powerful and Humanitarian Nation, The United States of America, we do hereby
proclaim and declare solemnly in the name by authority of the people of these Philippine Islands, That
they are and have the right to be free and independent; that they have ceased to have allegiance to the
Crown of Spain; that all political ties between them are should be completely severed and annulled; and
that, like other free and independent States, they enjoy the full power to make War and Peace, conclude
commercial treaties, enter into alliances, regulate commerce, and do all other acts and things which and
Independent State Has right to do, and imbued with firm confidence in Divine Providence, we hereby
mutually bind ourselves to support this Declaration with our lives, our fortunes, and with our sacred
possession, our Honor.

We recognize, approve, and ratify, with all the orders emanating from the same, the Dictatorship
established by Don Emilio Aguinaldo whom we reverse as the Supreme Head of this Nation, which today
begins to have a life of its own, in the conviction that he has been the instrument chosen by God, inspite
of his humble origin, to effectuate the redemption of this unfortunate country as foretold by Dr. Don
Jose Rizal in his magnificent verses which he composed in his prison cell prior to his execution, liberating
it from the Yoke of Spanish domination, and in punishment for the impunity with which the Government
sanctioned the commission of abuses by its officials, and for the unjust execution of Rizal and others who
were sacrificed in order to please the insatiable friars in their hydropical thirst for vengeance against and
extermination of all those who oppose their Machiavellian ends, trampling upon the Penal Code of these
Islands, and of those suspected persons arrested by the Chiefs of Detachments at the instigation of the
friars, without any form nor semblance of trial and without any spiritual aid of our sacred Religion; and
likewise, and for the same ends, eminent Filipino priest, Doctor Don Jose Burgos, Don Mariano Gomez,
and Don Jacinto Zamora were hanged whose innocent blood was shed due to the intrigues of these so-
called Religious corporations which made the authorities to believe that the military uprising at the fort
of San Felipe in Cavite on the night of January 21, 1872 was instigated by those Filipino martyrs, thereby
impeding the execution of the decree- sentence issued by the Council of State in the appeal in the
administrative case interposed by the secular clergy against the Royal Orders that directed that the
parishes under them within the jurisdiction of this Bishopric be turned over to the Recollects in exchange
for those controlled by them in Mindanao which were to be transferred to the Jesuits, thus revoking
them completely and ordering the return of those parishes, all of which proceedings are on file with the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs to which they are sent last month of the year of the issuance of the proper
Royal Degree which, in turn, caused the grow of the tree of the liberty in our dear land that grow more
and more through the iniquitous measures of oppressions, until the last drop of our chalice of suffering
having been drained, the first spark of revolution broke out in Caloocan, spread out to Santa Mesa and
continued its course to the adjoining regions of the province were the unequalled heroism of its
inhabitants fought a one sided battle against superior forces of General Blanco and General Polavieja for
a period of 3 months, without proper arms nor ammunitions, except bolos, pointed bamboos, and
arrows.

26
Moreover, we confer upon our famous Dictator Don Emilio Aguinaldo all the powers necessary to enable
him to discharge the duties of Government, including the prerogatives of granting pardon and amnesty,
and lastly, it was results unanimously that this Nation, already free and independent as of this day, must
use the same flag which up to now is being used, whose designed and colored are found described in
the attached drawing, the white triangle signifying the distinctive emblem of the famous Society of the
"Katipunan" which by means of its blood compact inspired the masses to rise in revolution; the tree
stars, signifying the three principal Islands of these Archipelago - Luzon, Mindanao, and Panay where the
revolutionary movement started; the sun representing the gigantic step made by the son of the country
along the path of Progress and Civilization; the eight rays, signifying the eight provinces - Manila, Cavite,
Bulacan, Pampanga, Nueva Ecija, Bataan, Laguna, and Batangas - which declares themselves in a state
of war as soon as the first revolt was initiated; and the colors of Blue, Red, and White, commemorating
the flag of the United States of America, as a manifestation of our profound gratitude towards this Great
Nation for its disinterested protection which it lent us and continues lending us. And holding up this flag
of ours, I present it to the gentlemen here assembled Don Segundo Arellano, Don Tiburcio del Rosario,
Sergio Matias, Don Agapito Zialcita, Don Flaviano Alonzo, Don Mariano Legazpi, Don Jose Turiano
Santiago y Acosta, Don Aurelio Tolentino, Don Felix Ferrer, Don Felipe Buencamino, Don Fernando Canon
Faustino, Don Anastacio Pinzun, Don Timoteo Bernabe, Don Flaviano Rodriguez, Don Gavino (?),
Masancay Don Narciso Mayuga, Don Gregorio Villa, Don Luis Perez Tagle, Don Canuto Celestino, Don
Marcos Jocson, Don Martin de los Reyes, Don Ciriaco Bausa, Don Manuel Santos, Don Mariano Toribio,
Don Gabriel de los Reyes, Don Hugo Lim, Don Emiliano Lim, Don Faustino Tinorio(?), Don Rosendo Simon,
Don Leon Tanjanque(?), Don Gregorio Bonifacio, Don Manuel Salafranca, Don Simon Villareal, Don
Calixto Lara Don Buenaventura, Toribio Don Gabriel Reyes, Don Hugo Lim, Don Emiliano Lim, Don Fausto
Tinorio(?), Don Rosendo Simon, Don Leon Tanjanque(?), Don Gregorio Bonifacio, Don Manuel Salafranca,
Don Simon Villareal, Don Calixto Lara, Don Buenaventura Toribio, Don Zacarias Fajardo, Don Florencio
Manalo, Don Ramon, Gana Don Marcelino Gomez Don Valentin Politan, Don Felix Politan, Don Evaristo
Dimalanta, Don Gregorio Alvarez, Don Sabas de Guzman, Don Esteban Francisco, Don Guido Yaptinchay,
Don Mariano Rianzares Bautista, Don Francisco Arambulo, Don Antonio Gonzales, Don Juan Antonio
Gonzales, Don Juan Arevalo, Don Ramon Delfino, Don Honorio Tiongco, Don Francisco del Rosario, Don
Epifanio Saguil, Don Ladislao Afable Jose, Don Sixto Roldan, Don Luis de Lara, Don Marcelo Basa, Don
Jose Medina, Don Efipanio Crisia(?), Don Pastor Lopez de Leon, Don Mariano de los Santos, Don Santiago
Garcia, Don Andres Tria Tirona, Don Estanislao Tria Tirona, Don Daniel Tria Tirona, Don Andres Tria
Tirona, Don Carlos Tria Tirona, Don Sulpicio P. Antony, Don Epitacio Asuncion, Don Catalino Ramon, Don
Juan Bordador, Don Jose del Rosario, Don Proceso Pulido, Don Jose Maria del Rosario Don Ramon
Magcamco(?), Don Antonio Calingo, Don Pedro Mendiola, Don Estanislao Galinco, Don Numeriano
Castillo, Don Federico Tomacruz, Don Teodoro Yatco, Don Ladislao Diwa. Who solemnly swear to
recognize and defend it unto the last drop of their blood.

In witness thereof, I certify that this Act of Declaration of Independence was signed by me and by all
those here assembled including the only stranger who attended those proceedings, a citizen of the
U.S.A., Mr. L.M. Johnson, a Colonel of Artillery.
Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista War Counsellor and Special Delegate-Designate

27
Political Caricatures of the American Era
(Editorial Cartoons by: Alfred Mc Coy)

28
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30
 Works of Luna and Amorsolo
Juan Luna
“First internationally known painter”
➤ Birth: October 23, 1857 (Ilocos Norte)
➤ Parents Joaquin Luna de San Pedro y Posadas & Laureana Novicio y Ancheta
➤ Siblings: Numeriana, Manual Andres, Remedios, Jose, Joaquin Damaso, and Antonio
Education:
➤ Early education: From his mother,Laureana (6-8 years)
➤ Elementary: Ateneo Municipal de Manila (8-12 years)
➤ High School: Escuela Nautica de Manila (12-16 years)
➤ College: Academia de Dibujo yPintura (Academy of Fine Arts, inManila)
➤ Further studies: Escuela de Pintura at the Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando, Madrid
(21years)

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 Fernando Amorsolo
“Grand Old Man of Philippine Art”
➤ Birth: May 30, 1892 (Calle Heran (now known as Pedro Gil), Paco, Manila)
➤ Parents Pedro Amorsolo & Bonifacia Cueto
➤ Brothers Pablo Amorsolo,Alejandro Amorsolo, & Perico Amorsolo (Half)
Education
➤ Art School of the Liceo de Manila
➤ University of the Philippines School of Fine Arts
➤Academia de San Fernando (in Madrid)
Past Occupations
➤ Director of UP School of Fine Arts
➤ Draftsman and chair designer for the Bureau of Public Works
➤ Chief artist at the Pacific Commercial Company

33
34
 Mga Gunita ng Himagsikan
Emilio Aguinaldo

Mga Gunita ng Himagsikan is a memoir of Emilio Aguinaldo who joined Andres Bonifacio's Katipunan
movement in 1894 and became general of the Cavite area when open war broke out in 1896. He had
better military success than Bonifacio and looked down upon the self-appointed president for his lack of
education. This tension came to a scene when Aguinaldo rigged elections and declared himself president
in place of Bonifacio. By the end of that same year, Aguinaldo would have Bonifacio executed after a
sham trial.
Aguinaldo went into exile in late 1897, after surrendering to the Spanish, but was brought back to the
Philippines by American forces in 1898 to join in the fight that ousted Spain after almost four centuries.
Aguinaldo was recognized as the first president of the independent Republic of the Philippines but was
forced back into the mountains as a rebel leader once more when the Filipino-American War broke out
in 1901.

A. pp. 77-82
Iniwan ko ang aking kausap at nagmamadali akong lumulan sa isang bangka upang ihatid ako sa Cavite
el Viejo. Subalit habang ako ay nagmamadali ay kung bakit lalo kaming humihina, gayundin ang takbo ng
Bangka, kaya ako'y lalo namang naiinip. Bukod sa mainit ang araw ay walang kahangin hangin, kaya't ang
aking sasakyan ay mabagal na mabagal ang lakad at dinaan na lamang ang sapnay na kagagaod ng mga
bangkero. Biruin ninyong umabot nang mahigit sa isang oras ang aming pamamangka bago nakarating
sa daungan ng Cavite el Viejo! Tuwang tuwa ang mga bangkero ng abutan ko ng limang piso ang
mekaniko, sa halip na isang salapi lamang na gaya nang karaniwang bayaran subalit hindi nila natatanto
marahil ang kahalagahan ng aking mga lakad, kung kaya ako nag bayad ng mahal.
Mag i-ika dalawa na halos ng napon nang lumunsad sa Bangka. Pagdaka'y nagtuloy ako sa kumbento
upang ibalita sa aming Kura ang nabigo kong lakad sa Kabite. Maikatlo akong kumatok sa pinto ng
kanyang silid ngunit walang sumagot. Nilakasan ko ang yabag ng sapatos upang matanto nila na may tao
sa labas, ngunit walang sumasagot. Naghinala tuloy ako sa sarili na baka ayaw na nila akong tanggapin
at natiktikan ang aking pagbabalatkayo sa kanila. Dali dali akong nanaog sa silong ng kumbento at lalo
ko pang nilakasan ang yabag ng aking sapatos, sa pagbabasakaling sila'y magising kung sila man ay
natutulog. Subalit nang ako'y nasa silong na at palabas na sa pintuan, ay siyang pagdungaw ng Kura at
tinawag ako ng: "Oye, oye Capitan, ano ang labas ng iyong lakad?" Ang tanong sa akin. “Wala pong
nangyari! Bigung-bigo po ang aking lakad. Ngunit kung ako'y binigyan ninyo ng rekomendasyon, dihin
sana'y napagkatiwalaan ako kahit sampung baril. Sinabi pa po sa akin na may pasiya ang Excelentisimo
Capitan General Blanco ng Estado de Guerera, sa walong lalawigan na kadamay ang Kabite."
Pagkatapos ng ganyang maikling pag-uusap ay umuwi ako sandali sa aming bahay, at bago dali-daling
nagbalik ako sa tribunal. Halos kararating ko pa lamang sa aking tanggapan, ay kasunod ko namang
dumating na humahangos ang dalawa kong Consejal, sina G. Candido Tria Tirona at Santiago Dano.
Ibinalita ko sa kanila ang pagkabigo ng aking lakad sa Kabite, at sinabi ko na "Declarado na nag Estado
de Guerara.” Hindi ko pa halos nasasabi sa dalawa ang lahat ng nangyari sa akin sa Kabite, ay sinabat na
nila ako agad sa aking pangungusap at sinabing: “Tayo po ay magbangon na agad. Sinabi na namin kanina
sa ating mga kapatid sa Katipunan, na ilabas na ang mag balaraw at humanda ng lahat sa pagbabangon,
at kailangang ng pututin ang tatlong Guardia Civil na pumapatrulya dito sa atin. Sinagot ko agad ng:
"Huwag naman..., dahil baka sa tatlong Guardia Civil ay guguluhin na natin ang bayan? Hindi kabilang
iyan sa labanan. Sa palagay ko, sila'y matahimik nating maagawan ng baril mamayang gabi.”
“Aba!” ang sagot ng Consejal Tirona. “Hindi na po dapat pang palakarin ang oras, at maaring bumigat pa
lalo ang susulungan namin ng Consejal Dano laban sa mga Guardia Civil sa mga kapatid natin sa
Katipunan; sapagkat kaninang umaga kaalis pa lamang ninyo patungong Kabite, at tumanggap na kami
nang balitang nagbangon at sinalakay na ang Tribunal at Kuwartel ng Guardia Civil sa San Francisco de
Malabon, at kaninang katanghalian ay sinalakay naman ang Comandancia Provincial ng Guardia Civil sa
Noveleta, na pinamumunuan ng Capitan Antonio Redoblado.”
Aba gayon pala. Bakit di ninyo naipagtapat agad sa akin? Ang balak ko'y mamayang gabi na tayo kumilos
subalit sa ganyang sabi ninyo, ay dapat nang tayo'y sumunod, ngunit huwag nating patayin ang tatlong

35
Guardia Civil. Pakiusapan na lang natin sila ng kani-kanilang baril. Tayong dalawa lamang Kumpareng
Candido ang aagaw ng baril, at si Kuya Tiago Dano naman ay uuwi agad sa Binakayan, upang maihanda
ang ating mga tauhan doon.” At lumakad naman agad si G. Dano. Saka sinabi ko kay Consejal Tirona na
maghintay siya sa loob ng aking tanggapan at aking mamanmanan kung naroroon na ang dalawa at
nakaupo. Samantalang wala pa ang ikatlong Guardia Civil, ay ibinulong ko sa aking kabo na si Cuadrillero,
G. Honorio Falla, na humanda at aagawan namin ng baril ang dalawang naroroon at huwag silang
tutulong sa amin ng Kumpareng Tirona, hanggang hindi nila nakikitang sinuman sa amin ay magipit.
Mag i-ikatlo na ng hapon ng dumating sa Tribunal ang ikatlong Guardia Civil na aming pinakahihintay.
Pumasok ako pagdaka, at sinabi ko sa Kumpareng Tirona na naroroon na ang mga Guardia Civil. Sinabi
kong pagtig-i-isahan na naming agawan ng baril ang nasa magkabila-ang dulo at ang nasa gitna, at parang
masisikil na namin sa pakiusapan. Inu-ulit ko sa kanya na agawan na lamang namin sila ng baril. Kailan
man huwag sasaktan at lalong huwag u-utang ng buhay pagkat sila'y kadugo rin natin, at ganito nga ang
aming ginawa.
Nilapitan at pinag-tig-isahan na naming hawakan ang baril ng dalawang Guardia Civil na pawing
nagulantang Sinabi ko ang ganito sa kanila: "Mga kababayan dumating na ngayon ang panahon na tayong
mga Tagalog ay magbangon at huwag paalipin sa Pamahalaang Kastila. Ibigay ninyo sa amin ang inyong
mga baril at sumama na kayo sa amin upang mahango sa kaalipinan nang ating Inang Bayan.”
Ang aking kinausap ang nag-aanyong lalaban, kaya' nagbuno muna kaming sandali bago inagaw ko ang
baril at iniabot ko agad sa aking Cuadrillero. Pagkatapos ay isinunod ko naman ang ikalawang Guardia
Civil. Sinabi ko muna sa kanyang: “Narinig mo na ang aking pakiusap sa iyong kasama at huwag mo nang
hintayin pang ulitin, kaya't ipagkaloob mo sa akin ang iyong baril.
“Ayoko po!” tugon niya. “Bayaan po muna ninyong makauwi ako sa aming kuwartel sa Noveleta, at silang
lahat ay hihikayatin kong makiisa na.”
"Oo," ang sagot ko. “Mabuti iyan ngunit iwan mo na lamang ang iyong baril sa amin.” Nang aayaw niyang
pumayag ay nagpamuok kaming sandali hanggang sa pumayag ang dalawang Guardia Civil na maghubad
sila ng kanilang uniporme. Saka ko naman nakita ang makisig at malaking Guardia Civil na nakipagbuno
nang mahigpitan kay Consejal Tirona, na hindi maagaw agaw ang baril, palibhasa'y kapwa sila matipuno
ang pangangatawan.
"Bitawan mo ang baril!” ang pabulas kong sigaw sa Guardia Civil, ngunit patuloy pa rin sa paghahamok
ang kapwa tandis na lalaki, kaya't tumulong ako at siya'y napalugamok, at tuluyang nabitawan ang baril.
Biglang naglundagan ang mga Cuadrillero na bunot na lahat ang gulok at balaraw at tangkang uutasin
ang Guardia Civil, subalit sinakyan ko agad sa ibabaw ang nakahandusay, sabay ang sigaw kong:
“Patawarin na ninyo ang buhay nito!”
Gayunpaman, hindi ko namataan na ang isa palang cudrillero ay nakasalingit at nasaksak ang Guardia
Civil sa tapat pa naman ng kanyang puso at dahil dito patangis na nanikluhod sa akin na tutop ang dibdib
at nasabing: "Maginoong Capitan, mamamatay yata ako...! Malaki ang sugat ko sa dibdib."

B. pp. 95-100
Kinabukasan, umagang-umaga araw, ng Martes, unang araw ng Setyembre, 1896, hindi pa halos
sumisikat ang araw, ay dumating at nakipagkita sa akin, sa aming Kuwartel si Heneral sa kumbento ng
Cavite el Viejo, ang Pangulo ng Balangay Pilar at Capitan Municipal ng Imus, na si G. Jose Tagle. Kasama
ng nasabing Capitan ang may isang daang kawal na gulukan at sibatan, na humihingi ng abuloy upang
lusubin ang mga kalaban sa bayan ng Imus. Sinang ayunan ko naman ito agad, palibhasa'y ito ang
pasinaya at kauna unahan naming gagawing pagsalakay sa mga kalaban. Sa galak ko'y tinipon ko agad
ang aking tropang gulukan na may 600 lahat, kasapi at hindi man, sa Katipunan.
Pagkatapos ay sinabi ko ang ganito: “ngayon lamang ang kauna-unahang paglusob na ating gagawin sa
mga kalaban, para sa kalayaan ng ating Inang Bayan. Hindi ba totoo, na wala pa tayong disiplina sa tapang
sapagka't baguhan pa tayo, ngunit may kusang loob naman tayong humarap sa labanan kahit na pang
gulok at sibat lamang?”
“Opo” ang sagot ng lahat. “Huwag ninyo kalimutan na ang galing ng baril ay sa pang malayuan lamang,
ngunit hindi sa pagdi-di-inan, at talong gulukan, at hindi ito ang gating susundin: MANUNUBOK muna
bago biglang MANINISID.” Taglay namin ang siyam na matatanda at mahahabang baril, ang tatlong baril
na “Remington” na naagaw namin sa mga Guardia Civil at saka sa isa pang “Eskopeta de Piston", na

36
pamaril ng ibon na hiniram ko pa sa Capitan Municipal ng San Francisco de Malabon. Nagsama rin ako
ng banda na pambuhay loob sa mga kawal.
Pagkatapos na ma-iayos at maihanda ang kaka-samahin at mga dadalhin, at kahit na ako ay natatakot,
"lumakad na kami, na ako na rin ang nangunguna sa tungkulin kong pagka Tinyente Abanderado, kahit
na wala pa kaming bandera. Pinatugtog ko ang mga banda, ng musika ng "Batalla de Jolo.” Pagtapat
namin sa aming bahay ay nasulyapan kong may mga nagsipanungaw sa durungawan ngunit tiniis ko na
huwag akong tumingin kahit sandali upang huwag makasira pa ng loob ko sa aming layunin. Masayang-
masaya kami sa lubos na mabubuhay ng loob sa paglakad. Ang bawat lalaking madaanan, at makatanaw
sa amin, ay kusang loob at agad agad nagsipag-sama sa tropa, pagkatapos makuha ang kani-kanilang,
sibat at gulok, kung kaya't nang dumating kami sa may tulay ng Balimbing, bago pumasok sa kabayanan
ng Imus ay namasdan ko na ang kasama kong kawal ay mahigpit pa sa dalawang libong katao. Kung bakit
may totoong yabang ang tugtog ng banda ng Cavite el Viejo, na kasama naming nagmamatapang sa
labanan ng dalawang tao na hihingas-hingas at ibinalita sa amin na ang mga pare at Guardia Civil sa
hacienda ng Imus, ay nagsipagtungo sa kumbento, samantala'y sa torre ng simbahan lumagay ang mga
Guardia Civil. Sa ganitong balita'y napahinto kami sapagka't ngayon lamang ako makapag-aaral sa sarili
ng tinatawag na “estrategia militar” o kung paano ang pagsalakay sa mga kalaban, at sapagka't sa tanang
buhay ko ngayon lamang ako mapapasu-ong sa ganito kalaking suliranin sa buhay. Sisikdu-sikdo man ang
loob ko ay nagpanibago kami ng paraan sa pagpasok sa labanan at pinagtatlong bahagi ko ang kabuuan
ng aming kawal na sasalakay, kaya ang kumbento naman ang pinagtalikupan naming salakayin ng tatlong
kawan.
Ang pangkat na pinangunguluhan ni Heneral Baldomero Aguinaldo, ay siya kong inatasang lumibawa sa
dakong hilaga o norte, sa kanyang pagsalakay. Sa dakong timog o sur, ay ang kawal naman ng man ng
Capitan Municipal sa Imus na si G. Jose Tagle, na sa pangharapan o liwasan ng kumbento at simbahan ay
paghararap sa kalaban. Ang aming hudyatam o "consignia” ay ito: “Unahang makasapit at makasalakay
sa kumbento.” Unang kumilos si Hen. Baldomero Aguinaldo sa hilaga; sumunod si Capitan Municipal
Tagle sa timog bago ako sa pagharap sa kanluran. Upang huwag kaming matanaw kalaban na nasa torre
ng simbahan na laging nakamatyag amin, ay pinatigil ko ang tugtog ng musika at isa-isa kaming
gumapang na padikit sa mga bakuran. Nang kami ay malapit na sa bahay ni Juan Fajaro, na katabi nang
liwasan ng kumbento, ay pinahipan ko na sa kornetin ang AVANCE, saka ko sinabayan ng hiyaw na SISID!!
Sa ganito'y sumisid kami, at kami ng aking mga kawal na naunang sumapit sa pintuan ng kumbento na
inabot naming nakapinid pa. Pagkunwa'y nagpatakbo ako ng maso at palakol upang maigiba namin ang
malaking pintuan. Napasok namin ang loob ng kumbento, ngunit wala kaming inabot doon, maliban sa
Pareng Pilipino na si Padre Buenaventura. Ito'y kapag karakang humarap sa akin nang paluhod at humingi
ng tawad. Sinagot ko agad siya ng: “Tindig, at hindi kayo kalaban. Kayo pa ang aming ipinagtatanggol.”
Kanyang ipinagtapat sa akin pagkatapos na kaalis pa raw lamang ng mga Frayle at Guardia Civil na nag
panakbuhan sa takot, ng kanilang marinig ang tugtog ng banda ng musika at nang matanawan nila sa
torre ang makapal na kawal naming dumarating.
Sa ganitong pangyayari, ay muli kong tinipon ang aming kawal, at hinati na namang muli sa tatlong
pangkat sa layong kubkubin ang timog at kanluran ng nababakurang matibay na hacienda ay nakukulong
ng matitibay at matataas na bakod na bato, at nasa pampangin pa ng ilog, at saan ka man manggaling ay
agad kang matutunghan ng nasa torre at ng nasa hacienda.
Matapos kong mapalakad ang dalawang pangkat sa kani-kanilang tatayuan, ay sumunod naman kami ng
aking pangkat, sa paraang pagapang at paninikit sa bakod. Nang malapit na kami, sa akin ding
pangunguna, ay bigla akong sumigaw ng “SISID... SISID...!" hanggang makarating kami sa pinid na pintuan
ng hacienda, bagamat pinasalubungan kami ng katakut-takot na putok ng mga Guardia Civil mula sa
torre, gayon din ng mga Frayle mula sa bintana ng hacienda sa ganitong pangyayari, at dahil sa kabutihan
ng mga sandata ng mga kalaban, ay lubhang marami ang nalagas sa aming mga kawal, at napauntol ang
pagsisid ng aking mga kasamahan. Walang nakasunod sa akin sa tabi ng pinto ng hacienda kundi ang
matapang na Sarhentong Cuadrillero na si Guillermo Samoy. Habang pinapalakol at ibinabareta namin
ang malaking pinto lalong dinalas dalas ang pamumutok na halos wala patumangga ng aming mga
kalaban sa pangunguna ng balita ng Kurana na si Fray Eduarte. Dahil sa masinsin pa sa ulan ang rapido
sa aming dalawa, ang kasama ko'y nasawing palad na tinamaan, at nang makita kong nakatimbuwang sa
tama ng punglo ay bigla akong napaigtad, palibhasay nag iisa na lamang ako at tuloy lumayo sa pinto.
Ipinakuha ko pagkatapos ang bangkay ng matapang kong kasama at ipinalagay sa lilim ng isang pader.

37
Sa ganito'y nagbago ako ng paraan. Nag isa akong nanabi at naglibot sa pader na bato ng hacienda at
pinag-aralan ko lalo ang magaling at mabisang paraan sa ikapagtatagumpay ng aming layunin. Naisipan
ko na ipabutas ang pader ng hacienda sa dakong timog kanluran (Sur Oeste) sa tapat ng bodega ng palay,
bago pinabuhusan ng dalawang latang petrolyo at saka sinindihan. Nang matapos ko ang ganito kong
balak, ay akin namang nilibot ang kalahatan ng kawal at inatasan kong kubkubin ang kalaban nang wala
silang malabasan. Samantalang pinaglilimi ko kung paano naman masasalakay sa loob ng hacienda ang
mga kalaban, ay siya naming pagdating sa akin ng ilang mga taga Imus, at inanyayahan ang lahat ng kawal
upang mag-sikain ang sinumang humihiling sapagkat lahat ng bahay ay pawang nag-handa ng walang
sinumang humihiling.

C. pp. 177-188
Nang matapos ang masayang pagpapaalaman, ang Supremo at mga kasamahan, ay sumama na sa
Pamunuan ng Magdiwang. Gayon na lamang ang karangalan at kasaysayang naghari sa pagsalubong na
ginawa ng mga bayang kanilang pinagdaanan. Sa hanay na may siyam na kilometro halos ang haba, mula
sa Noveleta, hanggang sa San Francisco de Malabon, ang lahat halos ng mga bahay ay may palamuting
balantok na kawayang kinaskas at pinalamuti-an ng sari-saring watawat, tanda ng marangal na
pagsalubong at maligayang bati sa dakilang panauhin. Isang kilometro pa lamang ang agwat bago
dumating sa kabayanan ng San Francisco de Malabon, ang Supremo Andres Bonifacio, sinalubong na
agad ng isang banda ng musika at nang nasa pintuan nang simbahan ay isinalubong roon ang mga
“Cereales” at “Pallo" ng simbahan at nirupiki ng gayun na lamang ang kampana. Ang malalaking aranya
at dambana sa loob ng simbahan ay pawang may sindi ng ilaw. At ang kurang Tagalog na si Padre Manuel
Trias, saka ang “Pallo," ay naghintay naman sa mga panauhin sa pintuan ng simbahan, at pagkatapos ay
kumanta ng TE DEUM, hanggang sa dambana na kaakbay ang mga panauhin. Pagkatapos ng ganyang
parangal sila'y itinuloy sa Bahay Pamahalaan saka itinuloy sa bahay ni Bb. Estefania Potente.
Kinabukasan naman, ang Gabenete ng Pamahalaang Magdiwang, ang gumanap ng kanilang malaon nang
inihandang pagpaparangal sa pamamagitan ng isang kapasiyahan ng pagkalooban ang dakilang
panauhin, Supremo Andres Bonifacio, ng pinakamataas na tungkulin sa taguring HARING BAYAN. Sa
ganito'y lubusan nang mabubuo ang pamunuan ng nasabing Sanggunian na dati rati'y wala ng tungkuling
ito at pagsamantala lamang nanunugkulan sa pagka Vi Rey, si Heneral Mariano Alvarez. Ang buong
Pamunuan ng kanilang Sanggunian, ay may nagpupulong. Simula sa HARING BAYAN, hanggang sa kahuli-
hulihang Ministro at Capitan General, ay may mga bandang pulang ginituan nakasakbat sa kani-kanilang
balikat. Kung minsan sa kanilang paglalakad, ay nakasuot, pa rin ang nasabing banda upang makilala ang
kanilang katayuan marahil.
Lubhang masaya sila parati, palibhasa'y ang labing dalawang bayan na kanilang nasasakupan ay di
nakaligtas; sa anumang labanan. Sila'y naliliskub halos at nasa likuran ng mga bayang maligalig tuwina
sa Pamahala ng Magdalo. Nang matapos ang ilang araw na parangal ng Supremo at mga kasama, dinalaw
nilang lahat ang labing dalawang bayang nasasakupan nila bilang paghahanda. sa gagawing pagpipisan
ng dalawang Sangguniang Magdiwang at Magdalo. Nag-talumpati sila at nangaral ng pagka-makabayan
at iba pang makagising ng damdamin at pangungusap ukol sa ating kalayaan. Sabihin pa, ang galak ng
mga taong bayan. Kaya't gayon na lamang karangal ang pagtanggap sa kanila at para bagang isang Haring
Bayan ang dumating. Ang mga daan ay pawang binalantukan, may banda ng musika at panay nang
hiyawan ng “Viva Tagalog” magkabi-kabila. Ang mga kampana'y halos mabasag sa pagrurupiki sa mga
simbahan niyang pinagtutunguhan, may mga awit ng TE DEUM.
Sa kabilang dako naman, sa gitna ng gayong di magkamayaw na kasayahan at pagdiriwang, ang walong
bayang nasa Pamahalaan ng Magdalo, ay laging nagigimbal araw at gabi ng paghanap sa kalaban sa mga
hanay ng Zapote, Alamanza, San Nicolas, Bakood, Arumahan Pintong Bato, at Molino sa bayan ng
Bakood, at kasakit-sakit sabihin na sa masamang pagkakataon, ang mga kalaban ay nakalusot tuloy nang
napansin sa kabilang ilog ng Zapote, dahil sa puyat at pagod ng ating mga kawal. Gayon man ang
matapang nating sandatahan sa ilalim ng mando ni Heneral Mariano Noriel at Heneral Pio del Pilar, ay
agad agad dinaluhan ang mga kalaban, kaya't putukan at tagaang katakut-takot ang naghari pagkatapos.
Sa wakas, muli na naming nagtagumpay ang ating mga kawal, at ang Ilog Zapote ay muling namula sa
dugo ng mga kalaban. Ganyan nang ganyan ang nangyaring parati sa buong hanay ng aming labanan!
Ang tagumpay ng ating kalayaan sa buong lalawigan ng Kabite, laban sа kараngyarihan ng España, ay
utang sa pangunguna at pagsisikap ng dalawang Sangguniang Bayan. Una, ay ang Sangguniang
Magdiwang sa Noveleta, na pinamumunuan sa pasimula ni Heneral Mariano Alvarez, ikalawa, ang
Sangguniang Magdalo sa Cavite el Viejo, na pinangungunahan ni Heneral Baldomero Aguinaldo. Ang

38
pamunuan ng Sangguniang Magdiwang na itinatag sa Noveleta ay inilipat pagkatapos sa San Francisco
de Malabon (ngayon ay Heneral Trias).
Binubuo ng mga sumusunod na pinuno:
Haring Bayan...................................... ........... Supremo Andres Bonifacio
Pangalawang Haring Bayan ............................Hen. Mariano Alvarez
Ministro de Guerra …………………………….......... Kgg. Ariston Villanueva
Ministro de Interior ………………………….............Kgg. Jacinto Lumbreras
Ministro de Hacienda …………………………………...Kgg. Diego Mojica
Ministro de Gracia y Justicia ………………...........Hen. Mariano C. Trias (mananagalog at makata)
Ministro de Fomento...................................... Hen. Emiliano Riego de Dios
Capitan Heneral ……………………………………….....Hen. Santiago Alvarez

Ang mga bayan nilang nasasakupan sa lalawigan ng Kabite, ay ang mga sumusunod: Noveleta, San
Francisco de Malabon, Rosario, Tanza, Naic, Ternate, Maragondon, Magallanes, Bailen, Alfonso, Indang,
at San Roque. Dahil sa panganganyon ng mga kastila sa Cavite el Viejo, nalantad sa mga kalaban, ang
pamunuan ng Sangguniang Magdalo, ay inilipat sa bahay hacienda sa Imus.
Mapapansin ninumang makababasa nitong ating kasaysayan, malaki ang pagkakaiba ng uri ng dalawang
Sangguniang nabanggit, Magdiwang at Magdalo, bagama't iisa marahil ang aming layon ukol sa
katubasan ng ating Inang Bayan.
Ang Sangguniang Mangdiwang na pangunguluhan pagkatapos ng Supremo Andres Bonifacio, ay may
uring MAKAHARI” (Monarchico) sa pangyayaring simula kanyang Pangulo at tinatagurian nang "HARING
BAYAN” at ang mga kasamahan sa pamunuan ay pawang "MINISTRIOS ” Pinili nila ang taguring
Magdiwang, pagka't mahilig sila sa maganda at marangyang pano Samantalano ano аng Sango, Magdalo
av mav uring "REPUBLIKANO", bagamot, pamahalaan maghihimagsik na pangungunahan ni Heneral
Baldomero Aguinaldo. Ginamit namin ang taguring Magdalo, hango sa aming patrona ng bayan ng Cavite
el Viejo at sa pangangagangahulugang dadalo sa pangangailan ng Inang Bayan.
Narito ang bumubuo ng kanyang pamunuan:
Presidente ............................................. Hen. Baldomero Aguinaldo
Vice Presidente………………………….…….....Hen. Edilberto Evangelist
Secretario de Guerra ............................. Hen. Candido T. Tirona
Secretario de Interior……………………….... Kgg. Felix Cuenca
Secretario de Foemento........................ Kgg. Glicerio Topacio
Secretario de Hacienda ..........................Kgg. Cayetano Topacio
Teniente General Abanderado ...............Emilio Aguinaldo

Ang mga bayan naman nilang nasasakupan sa lalawigan ng Kabite ay ang mga sumusunod: Cavite el
Viejo, Imus Dasmariñas, Silang, Amadeo, Mendez-Nuñez, Bakood, at Carmona. Maipapalagay nating
mapapalad nagsisipatnugot sa Sangguniang Magdiwang, sapagkat simula Abril, 1897 ay minsan lamang
silang napaharap sa labanan. Iisang malaking tagumpay ang kanilang tinamo nang magharap sila sa
makapal na kawal ng Noveleta, noong Nobyembre 9, 1896. Doon ay nakaagaw sila ng may 100 baril at
lubhang marami ang kanilang nangapatay na Kastila. Maliban sa labanang ito'y wala nangaligalig ng
kanilang kinatatayuan na gaya ng Sangguniang Magdalo, na halos araw ay may hinaharap na labanan at
laging maligalig. Ang malaking tagumpay na nabanggit ng taga Magdiwang, ay kautangan, sa
pagkamakabayan nina Heneral Pascual Alvarez, Heneral Mariano Riego de Dios, Heneral Santiago
Alvarez, Hene Aguedo Montoya, Kapitan Francisco Montoya, at iba pa.

Nang matanto ko na ang nabibilanggong si Dr. Jose Rizal sa Puerto Santiago sa Maynila, ay pinarusahan
ng Consejo de Guerra na barilin sa ganap na ika 6:00 ng umaga sa ika 30 ng Disyembre, bagama't hiniya
na ako ng Supremo Andres Bonifacio sa San Francisco de Malabon, noong paroonan ko't hilingan siya ng
abuloy ng mga kawal, muli akong nagsadya sa kanya upang hingan ko siya ng tulong sa mga Katipunan
na natitira pa sa Maynila, sa balak naming agawin si Dr. Jose Rizal sa kaarawan ng pagbaril sa kanya.
Bagamat muling sinabi ng Supremo na si Dr. Jose Rizal ay kasalungat ng himagsikang aming isinasagawa
dahil sa walang armas ay sumang-ayon din siya sa pangangailangang damayan at agawin naming sa gitna
ng ganitong kapanganiban alang-alang una-una sa kanyang pagkadalubhasa at pagkamakabayan.

39
Ang nasabi kong panukala'y nauwi sa ganitong kaparaanan na kanya naming lubos na sinang ayunan:

1. Atasan agad ang Supremo ang lahat ng kasapi sa Katipunan sa Maynila upang abangan at agawin si Dr.
Jose Rizal sa oras na idaan siyang patungong Bagumbayan. Ang mga aagaw ay magkukunwaring
manonood sa pagbaril upang makalapit kay Dr. Jose Rizal saka itakbo pagkatapos sa Pasay.

2. Ako naman sampu nang mga pili kong kawal na ipagsasama-sama sa ganitong layon ay magpipilit
sumingit na nakagapang sa hanay ng mga kalaban sa pagitan ng mga “block house" sa buong magdamag
at pipilitin naming makarating sa madaling araw ng Disyembre 30 sa Ermita upang makilahok, makilaban
at agawin nang paurong sa hangad na maitago at mailigtas si Dr. Jose Rizal. Subalit kinabukasan ay
biglang dumating si Don Paciano Rizal kapatid na matanda ni Dr. Jose Rizal galing sa Magdalo sa bahay
hacienda sa Imus at pinatotohanan sa amin na naparusahan nga si Dr. Jose Rizal ng "por felibusterismo”
at babarilin sa ika 30 ng Disyembre 1896 sa ika 6 ng umaga. Sa ganitoy sinamantala kong maipagtapat sa
kanya ang aming panukala na agawin ang kanyang mahal na kapatid sa kaparusahang nabangggit ko na.
Subali't agad niya akong sinagot ng paulit ulit na"Huwag na kayong mangahas upang huwag ng dumami
pa ang mamamatay!” kasabay ang paghahalukipkip niya at tungo ng ulo... saka idinugtong pa niya na ni
isa pong katipunan ay walang natitira ngayon sa Maynila. Katipunan po at di katipunan ay tumakbo sa
bundok.

Dahil sa ginawang paliwang na ito'y napaurong ang aming balak, tuloy nailigtas kami ni Bathala sa tiyak
na kamatayan sa gagawin naming pag-agaw o pagliligtas ating bayaning Dr. Jose Rizal. Sa ganito'y
naghilakahot na lamang ako kung bakit siya babarilin at naibuling ko tuloy sa sarili na walang utang na di
pangbabayaran.

Nang ika 30 ng Disyembre kaarawan ng pagbaril kay Dr. Jose Rizal kung bagaman hindi natuloy ang aming
balak na siyay agawin sa kamay ng mga kalaban, ay dumating ang ilang mga kapatid sa katipunan ng
Pateros na humingi ng tulong upang lusubin ng kampamento ng Cazadores sa kanilang bayan at gayon
din sa Tagiik. Buong galak kong tinanggap ang ganitong panukala kaya't aking pinahanda ang aming mga
kawal. Nang gabi ng ika 31 ng Disyembre 1896 ay magdamag kaming naglakad sa tangkang matawid
naming sa pag uumaga ng bagong taon ng 1897, ng gubat at kaparangan upang lusubin ang mga kalaban
sa simbahan at kumbento ng Tagiik. Ngunit hindi nangyaring madaluhong namin nang tuwiran ang mga
kalabanan, sa dahilang naramdamang kami'y dumating at namutok nang lubhang masasal. Iniutos ko na
kubkubin na lamang ang bateriya at unti-unting kulungin ang mga kalaban nang wala silang lalabasan.
Inatasan kong maiwan dito si Heneral Mariano Noriel. Pagkatapos ay lumipat kami upang lusubin naman
ang bayan ng Pateros. Sa kabutihang palad ay napasok namin ng walang laban ang bayan ng Pateros
kaya't sumuko kapagdaka si Frayle Mariano Corcuera, Kura doon at Predikador Heneral ng kumbento ng
Agustino sa Maynila. Samantala'y pinaparoon ko at pinatanuran kay Heneral Pio del Pilar ang pook na
pagdaraanan ng mga kalaban maggagaling sa Napindan, sakaling aabuloy sa Tagiik, at ako naman ang
tataliba sa Pasig at Maynila.

Tuwang tuwa ang mga taga Pateros sa aming pagdating sa kanilang bayan, at ipinakilala nila ang
mataimtim na nagdamay sa amin sa pamamagitan ng paghahanda sa bawat hahay ng pagkain sa aming
mga kawal. Gayon din naman ang mga taga Tagiik. Nagpamalas rin ng buong pagdamay hagama't ang
mga sandaling iyon ako'y sa kumbento ng Pateros nagtuloy at kinausap ko ang Kura.

Nang katanghalian ng araw na iyon ay sa darating ang abuloy sa Tagiik ng mga kalaban na galing sa Pasig,
at nang nalalapit na sila sa kabayanan ng Pateros, ay naabangan at binulaga namin silang pinaputukan
at sa kabiglaan ay madali silang umurong at nagpanakbuhan. Naiwan sa amin ang sampung bangkay na
pawang barilan. Samantalang ganito ay sumasal naman ang putukan sa Tagiik at ayaw naman lumabas
simbahan at kumbento ang mga kalabang nakukubkob.

Nang hapong nagdidilim na, ay dumating naman ang abuloy na galing Maynila sakay sa isang bapor. Nang
nalalapit na sa pampang ng Pateros na kinalalagyan namin ay biglaan naming pinagsabay-sabayang
putukan at bahagya na lamang silang nakatugon nang pumutok at sa ganito'y umurong kaagad.
Pagkatapos, kami ng ilan kong kasamahang opisyales at kawal ay umurong naman sa kumbento at
pinagharap-harapan ang bangketeng ipinihanda ni Fr. Corcuera, Kura sa Pateros, at dito na tuloy kami
namahinga hanggang sa kinabukasang matapos mag-agahan. Gayon na lamang ang kagandahang-loob
na ipinakita sa amin ng Kurang ito. Katulong at kaagapay pa niya ang mga tanyag na maginoo sa Pateros,
tanang may mabuti siyang pasunod sa bayan. Sa ganyang pangyayari ay natahimik ang loob ko at sa tuwa

40
ko ay naglumagi kami sa kumbento at siya naming ginawang kuwartel heneral hanggang ika-2 ng Enero
ng 1897. Samantala, nang maghapon at magdamag na iyon, ay napaisod at napakipot ang pag kubkob
na ginawa ng ating kawal sa mga kalaban sa kumbento at simbahan ng Tagiik; na ayaw magsilabas at
lumaban nang lantaran, at walang ginagawa kundi ang paputukan ang ating mga kawal. Hindi nila halos
kinaya na hindi gumanti ang ating mga kawal sapagka't tig-25 at 30 kartutso o bala lamang ang dalo
bawa't isa sa kanila. Kinaumagahan ng ikalawa ng Enero ay dumating naman ang dalawang lansta ng mga
kalaban na galing Maynila upang umabuloy sa mga nakakulong sa Tagiik subalit wala silang kamalay-
malay, na abangan at napaputukan naming sa malayu-layo pa sa daungan ng Pateros kaya dali-dali silang
umurong.

Subalit noong ika 3 ng Enero ay napaghahalata namin na parang nanghihina na ang mga kalaban sa Tagiik
dahil sa dumadalang na ang mga putok nila saka di sila masapit ng abuloy sapagkat lagi naming
nahahadlangan at minsan may natanaw pa kaming isang panyong puti na iniladlad sa isang kamay ngunit
nawala pagkatapos. Kinahapunang araw ding ito sa kasawiang palad namin ay nakalunsad sa Wawa ng
napindan ang malaking abuloy ng mga Cazadores at Guardia Civil na galing sa Laguna. Ang mga ito'y hindi
nangyaring maharang ng comando ni Heneral Pio del Pilar at kahit na aming pinagtutulungan ay wala rin
kaming nagawa dahil sa kanilang kakapalan, kaya't iniutos ko agad ang pag-urong. Samantalang tinitipon
ko ang lahat, pati ng makapal na tauhang sumasama sa amin sa isang parang na malapit sa Tagiik, ay
ipinasaya kong umurong na kami patungong Kabite. Sa pag-urong naming ito, ay buhos ang bayan ng
Pateros, sa pagtangkilik at pamamanhik sa akin na iligtas ang kanilang Kura at huwag nang bihagin. Ang
Kura naman nangako sa akin na hindi payagan na mapreso ang mga mamamayan, Katipunan o mason.
Kaya't hindi na naming siya ginambala. Natalos ko pagkatapos na katakut na kalungkutan ang naghari sa
Pateros at Tagiik pagka-alis namin.

Corazon Aquino’s Speech before the Joint Session of the

United States Congress
Mr. Speaker, Senator Thurmond, Distinguished members of Congress, 3 years ago I left America in grief,
to bury my husband Ninoy Aquino. I thought I had left it also, to lay to rest his restless dream of Philippine
freedom. Today, I have returned as the President of a free people.
In burying Ninoy, a whole nation honored him. By that brave and selfless act of giving honor to a nation
in shame recovered its own. A country that had lost faith in its future, found it in a faithless and brazen
act of murder. So, in giving we receive, in losing we find, and out of defeat we snatched our victory.
For the nation, Ninoy became the pleasing sacrifice that answered their prayers for freedom. For myself
and our children, Ninoy was a loving husband and father. His loss, three times in our lives was always a
deep and painful one.
Fourteen years ago this month, was the first time we lost him. A President turned dictator and traitor to
his oath, suspended the constitution and shut down the Congress that was much like this one before
which I’m honored to speak. He detained my husband along with thousands of others - Senators,
publishers, and anyone who had spoken up for the democracy as its end drew near. But for Ninoy, a long
and cruel ordeal was reserved. The dictator already knew that Ninoy was not a body merely to be
imprisoned but a spirit he must break. For even as the dictatorship demolished one-by-one; the
institutions of democracy, the press, the congress, the independence of a judiciary, the protection of the
Bill of Rights, Ninoy kept their spirit alive in himself.
The government sought to break him by indignities and terror. They locked him up in a tiny, nearly airless
cell in a military camp in the north. They stripped him naked and held a threat of a sudden midnight
execution over his head. Ninoy held up manfully under all of it. I barely did as well. For forty-three days,
the authorities would not tell me what had happened to him. This was the first time my children and I
felt we had lost him.
When that didn’t work, they put him on trial for subversion, murder and a host of other crimes before a
military commission. Ninoy challenged its authority and went on a fast. If he survived it, then he felt God
intended him for another fate. We had lost him again. For nothing would hold him back from his

41
determination to see his fast through to the end. He stopped only when it dawned on him that the
government would keep his body alive after the fast had destroyed his brain. And so, with barely any life
in his body, he called off the fast on the 40th day. God meant him for other things, he felt. He did not
know that an early death would still be his fate, that only the timing was wrong.
At any time during his long ordeal, Ninoy could have made a separate peace with a dictatorship as so
many of his countrymen had done. But the spirit of democracy that inheres in our race and animates this
chamber could not be allowed to die. He held out in the loneliness of his cell and the frustration of exile,
the democratic alternative to the insatiable greed and mindless cruelty of the right and the purging
holocaust of the left.
And then, we lost him irrevocably and more painfully than in the past. The news came to us in Boston. It
had to be after the three happiest years of our lives together. But his death was my country’s
resurrection and the courage and faith by which alone they could be free again. The dictator had called
him a nobody. Yet, two million people threw aside their passivity and fear and escorted him to his grave.
And so began the revolution that has brought me to democracy’s most famous home, the Congress of
the United States.
The task had fallen on my shoulders, to continue offering the democratic alternative to our people.
Archibald MacLeish had said that democracy must be defended by arms when it is attacked by arms, and
with truth when it is attacked by lies. He failed to say how it shall be won.
I held fast to Ninoy’s conviction that it must be by the ways of democracy. I held out for participation in
the 1984 election the dictatorship called, even if I knew it would be rigged. I was warned by the lawyers
of the opposition, that I ran the grave risk of legitimizing the foregone results of elections that were
clearly going to be fraudulent. But I was not fighting for lawyers but for the people in whose intelligence,
I had implicit faith. By the exercise of democracy even in a dictatorship, they would be prepared for
democracy when it came. And then also, it was the only way I knew by which we could measure our
power even in the terms dictated by the dictatorship.
The people vindicated me in an election shamefully marked by government thuggery and fraud. The
opposition swept the elections, garnering a clear majority of the votes even if they ended up (thanks to
a corrupt Commission on Elections) with barely a third of the seats in Parliament. Now, I knew our power.
Last year, in an excess of arrogance, the dictatorship called for its doom in a snap election. The people
obliged. With over a million signatures they drafted me to challenge the dictatorship. And I, obliged. The
rest is the history that dramatically unfolded on your television screens and across the front pages of
your newspapers.
You saw a nation armed with courage and integrity, stand fast by democracy against threats and
corruption. You saw women poll watchers break out in tears as armed goons crashed the polling places
to steal the ballots. But just the same, they tied themselves to the ballot boxes. You saw a people so
committed to the ways of democracy that they were prepared to give their lives for its pale imitation. At
the end of the day before another wave of fraud could distort the results, I announced the people’s
victory.
Many of you here today played a part in changing the policy of your country towards ours. We, the
Filipinos thank each of you for what you did. For balancing America’s strategic interest against human
concerns illuminates the American vision of the world. The co-chairman of the United States observer
team, in his report to the President said, “I was witness to an extraordinary manifestation of democracy
on the part of the Filipino people. The ultimate result was the election of Mrs. Corazon Aquino as
President and Mr. Salvador Laurel as Vice-President of the Philippines.”
When a subservient parliament announced my opponent’s victory, the people then turned out in the
streets and proclaimed me the President of all the people. And true to their word, when a handful of
military leaders declared themselves against the dictatorship, the people rallied to their protection.
Surely, the people take care of their own. It is on that faith and the obligation it entails that I assumed
the Presidency.
As I came to power peacefully, so shall I keep it. That is my contract with my people and my commitment
to God. He had willed that the blood drawn with a lash shall not in my country be paid by blood drawn

42
by the sword but by the tearful joy of reconciliation. We have swept away absolute power by a limited
revolution that respected the life and freedom of every Filipino.
Now, we are restoring full constitutional government. Again as we restore democracy by the ways of
democracy, so are we completing the constitutional structures of our new democracy under a
constitution that already gives full respect to the Bill of Rights. A jealously independent constitutional
commission is completing its draft which will be submitted later this year to a popular referendum. When
it is approved, there will be elections for both national and local positions. So, within about a year from
a peaceful but national upheaval that overturned a dictatorship, we shall have returned to full
constitutional government.
Given the polarization and breakdown we inherited, this is no small achievement. My predecessor set
aside democracy to save it from a communist insurgency that numbered less than five hundred.
Unhampered by respect for human rights he went at it with hammer and tongs. By the time he fled, that
insurgency had grown to more than sixteen thousand. I think there is a lesson here to be learned about
trying to stifle a thing with a means by which it grows. I don’t think anybody in or outside our country,
concerned for a democratic and open Philippines doubts what must be done. Through political initiatives
and local re-integration programs, we must seek to bring the insurgents down from the hills and by
economic progress and justice, show them that which the best-intentioned among them fight. As
president among my people, I will not betray the cause of peace by which I came to power. Yet, equally
and again, no friend of Filipino democracy will challenge this. I will not stand by and allow an insurgent
leadership to spurn our offer of peace and kill our young soldiers and threaten our new freedom.
Yet, I must explore the path of peace to the utmost. For at its end, whatever disappointment I meet
there is the moral basis for laying down the Olive branch of peace and taking up the sword of war.
Still, should it come to that, I will not waiver from the course laid down by your great liberator.
“With malice towards none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right,
let us finish the work we are in to bind up the nation’s wounds. To care for him who shall have borne the
battle and for his widow and for his orphans to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting
peace among ourselves and with all nations.”
Like Abraham Lincoln, I understand that force may be necessary before mercy. Like Lincoln, I don’t relish
it. Yet, I will do whatever it takes to defend the integrity and freedom of my country.
Finally may I turn to that other slavery: our $26 billion foreign debt. I have said that we shall honor it.
Yet, the means by which we shall be able to do so are kept from us. Many of the conditions imposed on
the previous government that stole this debt, continue to be imposed on us who never benefited from
it.
And no assistance or liberality commensurate with the calamity that was vested on us have been
extended. Yet ours must have been the cheapest revolution ever. With little help from others, we
Filipinos fulfilled the first and most difficult condition of the debt negotiation, the full restoration of
democracy and responsible government. Elsewhere and in other times, a more stringent world economic
conditions, marshal plans and their like were felt to be necessary companions of returning democracy.
When I met with President Reagan, we began an important dialogue about cooperation and the
strengthening of friendship between our two countries. That meeting was both a confirmation and a
new beginning. I am sure it will lead to positive results in all areas of common concern. Today, we face
the aspiration of a people who have known so much poverty and massive unemployment for the past
14 years. And yet offer their lives for the abstraction of democracy.
Wherever I went in the campaign, slum area or impoverished village. They came to me with one cry,
democracy. Not food although they clearly needed it but democracy. Not work, although they surely
wanted it but democracy. Not money, for they gave what little they had to my campaign. They didn’t
expect me to work a miracle that would instantly put food into their mouths, clothes on their back,
education in their children and give them work that will put dignity in their lives. But I feel the pressing
obligation to respond quickly as the leader of the people so deserving of all these things.
We face a communist insurgency that feeds on economic deterioration even as we carry a great share
of the free world defenses in the Pacific. These are only two of the many burdens my people carry even
as they try to build a worthy and enduring house for their new democracy. That may serve as well as a

43
redoubt for freedom in Asia. Yet, no sooner as one stone laid than two are taken away. Half our export
earnings, $2 billion dollars out of $4 billion dollars which is all we can earn in the restrictive market of
the world, must go to pay just the interest on a debt whose benefit the Filipino people never received.
Still we fought for honor and if only for honor, we shall pay. And yet, should we have to ring the payments
from the sweat of our men’s faces and sink all the wealth piled by the bondsman’s two-hundred fifty
years of unrequitted toil. Yet, to all Americans, as the leader to a proud and free people, I address this
question, “Has there been a greater test of national commitment to the ideals you hold dear than that
my people have gone through? You have spent many lives and much treasure to bring freedom to many
lands that were reluctant to receive it. And here, you have a people who want it by themselves and need
only the help to preserve it.”
Three years ago I said, Thank you America for the haven from opression and the home you gave Ninoy,
myself and our children and for the three happiest years of our lives together. Today I say, join us America
as we build a new home for democracy; another haven for the opressed so it may stand as a shining
testament of our two nations’ commitment to freedom.

Filipino Grievances Against General Wood

(Approved by the Commission of Independence on November 17, 1926)
More than a quarter of the century has elapsed since the Philippines came under the American flag- an
emblem of freedom, not subjugation; a symbol of altruism, not of selfishness or greed. American
sovereignity was implanted in our country with the avowed purpose of training us in the art of self-
government and granting us independence. Our good, not her gain was America’s aim. Our country was
committed to her in trust to be conserved and developed for the benefit of our people. Believing in the
sincerity of America’s purpose, the Filipinos applied themselves with patient diligence to the task of
meeting the conditions exacted of them, anxiously waiting the day when America would honor her
promise.

The first twenty years of civil government were marked by mutual understanding and loyal cooperation
between American and Filipinos. At the end of the period, who it seemed that the goal had finally been
reached, after 11 President have advised the congress that the time had come for America to fulfill her
sacred pledge, Major-General Leonard Wood was sent to the Philippines as Major General. Cognizant of
the part taken by General Wood in the liberalization of Cuba, the Filipino people expected that under his
administration the spirit of cooperation would be maintained and that the work of political emancipation
would be complete. Contrary, however, to our expectations, his conduct of the government has been
characterized by a train of usurpations and arbitrary acts, resulting in the curtailment of our autonomy,
the destruction of our constitutional system and the reversal of Americans Philippine policy.

This line of conduct recently culminated in the issuance of Executive Order No. 37, by which he is
attempted to nullify laws creating the Board of Control and assumed the functions of that body. The
gravity of the last step is the more evident when we recall the series of usurpations therefore committed
by him.

1. He has refused his assent to laws which were the most wholesome & necessary heads of department.

2. He has set at naught both the legal authority and responsibility for the Philippine heads of
departments.

3. He has substituted his constitutional advisers for a group of military attaches without legal standing
in the government and not responsible to the people.

4. He has reversed the policy of Filipinizing the service of the government by appointing Americans even
when Filipinos of proven capacity were available.

5. He has obstructed the carrying out of national economic policies duty adopted by the Legislature,
merely because they are in conflict with his personal views.

44
6. He has rendered merely perfunctory the power of the Legislature to pass the annual appropriation
law by reviving items in the law of the preceding year, after vetoing the corresponding items of the
current appropriation act, in the flagrant violation for Organic Law.

7. He has made appointments to positions and authorized the payment of salaries therefore after having
vetoed the appropriations of such salaries.

8. He has used certain public funds to grant additional compensation to public officials in clear violation
law.

9. He has arrogated unto himself the right of exercising the powers granted by law to the Emergency
Board after abolishing said board on the ground that its powers involved an unlawful delegation of
legislative authority.

10. He has unduly interfered in the administration of justice. 11. He has refused to obtain the advice of
the Senate in making appointments where such advice is required by the Organic Act.

12. He has refused to submit the Senate appointment for vacancies occurring during the recess of the
Legislature in contravention of the Organic Act.

13. He has continued in office nominees whose appointments had been rejected by the Senate.

14. He has usurped legislative powers by imposing conditions on legislative measures approved by him.

15. He has, in the administration of affairs in Mindanao, brought about a condition which has given rise
to discord and dissension between certain groups of Christian and Mohammedan Filipinos.

16. He has by his policies created strained relations between resident Americans and Filipinos.

17. He has endeavored, on the pretext of getting the government out of business, to dispose of all the
companies capitalized by the government worth many millions of the people's money to powerful
America Interests.

18. He has sanctioned the campaign of insidious propaganda in the United States against Filipino people
and their aspirations.

19. He has attempted to close the Philippine National Bank so necessary to the economic development
of the country.

20. He has adopted the practice of intervening in, and controlling directly, to its minute details, the affairs
of the Philippine Government both insular and local, in violation of self-government.

21. He has insistently sought the amendment of our laws approved by the Congress of the United Stated,
which amendment would open up the resources of our country to exploitation by predatory interests.

THE PROTEST

“…In the face of this critical situation, we, the constitutional representatives of the Filipino people, met
to deliberate upon the present difficulties existing in the Government of the Philippine Islands and to
determine how best to preserve the supremacy and majesty of the laws and to safeguard the right and
liberties of our people, having faith in the sense of justice of the people of the United States and inspired
by her patriotic example in the early days of her history, do hereby, in our behalf and in the name of the
Filipino people, solemnly and publicly make known our most vigorous protest against the arbitrary acts
and usurpations of the present Governor-General of the Philippine Islands, particularly against Executive
Order No. 37.

The consciousness of our sacred and inescapable duty to our country and our sense of loyalty to the
people of the United States constrain us to denounce the foregoing acts of the present Governor-General
as arbitrary, oppressive and undemocratic. We appeal to the American people in justification of our
stand and for the vindication rights.”

45
 The Two Faces of the 1872 Cavity Mutiny
By: Chris Antonette Piedad - Pugay
The 12th of June of every year since 1898 is a very important event for all the Filipinos. In this particular
day, the entire Filipino nation as well as Filipino communities all over the world gathers to celebrate the
Philippines’ Independence Day. 1898 came to be a very significant year for all of us— it is as equally
important as 1896—the year when the Philippine Revolution broke out owing to the Filipinos’ desire to
be free from the abuses of the Spanish colonial regime. But we should be reminded that another year
is as historic as the two—1872.
Two major events happened in 1872,first was the 1872 Cavite Mutiny and the other was the martyrdom
of the three martyr priests in the persons of Fathers Mariano Gomes, Jose Burgos and Jacinto Zamora
(GOMBURZA). However, not all of us knew that there were different accounts in reference to the said
event. All Filipinos must know the different sides of the story—since this event led to another tragic yet
meaningful part of our history—the execution of GOMBURZA which in effect a major factor in the
awakening of nationalism among the Filipinos.
1872 Cavite Mutiny: Spanish Perspective
Jose Montero y Vidal, a prolific Spanish historian documented the event and highlighted it as an attempt
of the Indios to overthrow the Spanish government in the Philippines. Meanwhile, Gov. Gen. Rafael
Izquierdo’s social report magnified the event and made use of it to implicate the native clergy, which
was then active in the call for secularization. The two accounts complimented and corroborated with
one other, only that the general’s report was more spiteful. Initially, both Montero and Izquierdo scored
out that the abolition of privileges enjoyed by the workers of Cavite arsenal such as non-payment of
tributes and exemption from force labor were the main reasons of the “revolution” as how they called
it, however, other causes were enumerated by them including the Spanish Revolution which overthrew
the secular throne, dirty propagandas proliferated by unrestrained press, democratic, liberal and
republican books and pamphlets reaching the Philippines, and most importantly, the presence of the
native clergy who out of animosity against the Spanish friars, “conspired and supported” the rebels and
enemies of Spain. In particular, Izquierdo blamed the unruly Spanish Press for “stockpiling” malicious
propagandas grasped by the Filipinos. He reported to the King of Spain that the “rebels” wanted to
overthrow the Spanish government to install a new “hari” in the likes of Fathers Burgos and Zamora.
The general even added that the native clergy enticed other participants by giving them charismatic
assurance that their fight will not fail because God is with them coupled with handsome promises of
rewards such as employment, wealth, and ranks in the army. Izquierdo, in his report lambasted the
Indios as gullible and possessed an innate propensity for stealing.
The two Spaniards deemed that the event of 1872 was planned earlier and was thought of it as a big
conspiracy among educated leaders, mestizos, abogadillos or native lawyers, residents of Manila and
Cavite and the native clergy. They insinuated that the conspirators of Manila and Cavite planned to
liquidate high-ranking Spanish officers to be followed by the massacre of the friars. The alleged pre-
concerted signal among the conspirators of Manila and Cavite was the ring of rockets from the walls of
Intramuros.
According to the accounts of the two, on 20 January 1872, the district of Sampaloc celebrated the feast
of the Virgin of Loreto, unfortunately participants to the feast celebrated the occasion with the usual
reworks displays. Allegedly, those in Cavite mistook the reworks as the sign for the attack, and just like
what was agreed upon, the 200-men contingent headed by Sergeant Lamadrid launched an attack
targeting Spanish officers at sight and seized the arsenal.
When the news reached the iron-tested Gov. Izquierdo, he readily ordered the reinforcement of the
Spanish forces in Cavite to quell the revolt. The “revolution” was easily crushed when the expected
reinforcement from Manila did not come ashore. Major instigators including Sergeant Lamadrid were
killed in the skirmish, while the GOMBURZA were tried by a court-martial and were sentenced to die by
strangulation. Patriots like Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, Antonio Ma. Regidor, Jose and Pio Basa and other
abogadillos were suspended by the Audencia (High Court) from the practice of law, arrested and were
sentenced with life imprisonment at the Marianas Island. Furthermore, Gov. Izquierdo dissolved the

46
native regiments of artillery and ordered the creation of artillery force to be composed exclusively of the
Peninsulares.
On 17 February 1872 in an attempt of the Spanish government and Frailocracia to instill fear among the
Filipinos so that they may never commit such daring act again, the GOMBURZA were executed. This
event was tragic but served as one of the moving forces that shaped Filipino nationalism.
A Response to Injustice: The Filipino Version of the Incident
Dr. Trinidad Hermenigildo Pardo de Tavera, a Filipino scholar and researcher, wrote the Filipino version
of the bloody incident in Cavite. In his point of view, the incident was a mere mutiny by the native
Filipino soldiers and laborers of the Cavite arsenal who turned out to be dissatisfied with the abolition
of their privileges. Indirectly, Tavera blamed Gov. Izquierdo’s coldblooded policies such as the abolition
of privileges of the workers and native army members of the arsenal and the prohibition of the founding
of school of arts and trades for the Filipinos, which the general believed as a cover-up for the organization
of a political club.
On 20 January 1872, about 200 men comprised of soldiers, laborers of the arsenal, and residents of
Cavite headed by Sergeant Lamadrid rose in arms and assassinated the commanding officer and Spanish
officers in sight. The insurgents were expecting support from the bulk of the army unfortunately, that
didn’t happen. The news about the mutiny reached authorities in Manila and Gen. Izquierdo
immediately ordered the reinforcement of Spanish troops in Cavite. After two days, the mutiny was
socially declared subdued.
Tavera believed that the Spanish friars and Izquierdo used the Cavite Mutiny as a powerful lever by
magnifying it as a full-blown conspiracy involving not only the native army but also included residents of
Cavite and Manila, and more importantly the native clergy to overthrow the Spanish government in the
Philippines. It is noteworthy that during the time, the Central Government in Madrid announced its
intention to deprive the friars of all the powers of intervention in matters of civil government and the
direction and management of educational institutions. This turnout of events was believed by Tavera,
prompted the friars to do something drastic in their dire desire to maintain power in the Philippines.
Meanwhile, in the intention of installing reforms, the Central Government of Spain welcomed an
educational decree authored by Segismundo Moret promoted the fusion of sectarian schools run by the
friars into a school called Philippine Institute. The decree proposed to improve the standard of education
in the Philippines by requiring teaching positions in such schools to be led by competitive examinations.
This improvement was warmly received by most Filipinos in spite of the native clergy’s zest for
secularization.
The friars, fearing that their influence in the Philippines would be a thing of the past, took advantage of
the incident and presented it to the Spanish Government as a vast conspiracy organized throughout the
archipelago with the object of destroying Spanish sovereignty. Tavera sadly confirmed that the Madrid
government came to believe that the scheme was true without any attempt to investigate the real facts
or extent of the alleged “revolution” reported by Izquierdo and the friars.
Convicted educated men who participated in the mutiny were sentenced life imprisonment while
members of the native clergy headed by the GOMBURZA were tried and executed by garrote. This
episode leads to the awakening of nationalism and eventually to the outbreak of Philippine Revolution
of 1896. The French writer Edmund Plauchut’s account complimented Tavera’s account by confirming
that the event happened due to discontentment of the arsenal workers and soldiers in Cavite fort. The
Frenchman, however, dwelt more on the execution of the three martyr priests which he actually
witnessed.
Unraveling the Truth
Considering the four accounts of the 1872 Mutiny, there were some basic facts that remained to be
unvarying: First, there was dissatisfaction among the workers of the arsenal as well as the members of
the native army after their privileges were was dissatisfaction among the workers of the arsenal as well
as the members of the native army after their privileges were drawn back by Gen. Izquierdo; Second,
Gen. Izquierdo introduced rigid and strict policies that made the Filipinos move and turn away from
Spanish government out of disgust; Third, the Central Government failed to conduct an investigation on
what truly transpired but relied on reports of Izquierdo and the friars and the opinion of the public;
Fourth, the happy days of the friars were already numbered in 1872 when the Central Government in

47
Spain decided to deprive them of the power to intervene in government affairs as well as in the direction
and management of schools prompting them to commit frantic moves to extend their stay and power;
Fifth, the Filipino clergy members actively participated in the secularization movement in order to allow
Filipino priests to take hold of the parishes in the country making them prey to the rage of the friars;
Sixth, Filipinos during the time were active participants, and responded to what they deemed as
injustices; and Lastly, the execution of GOMBURZA was a blunder on the part of the Spanish government,
for the action severed the ill-feelings of the Filipinos and the event inspired Filipino patriots to call for
reforms and eventually independence. There may be different versions of the event, but one thing is
certain, the 1872 Cavite Mutiny paved way for a momentous 1898.
The road to independence was rough and tough to toddle, many patriots named and unnamed shed
their bloods to attain reforms and achieve independence. The 12TH of June 1898 may be a glorious event
for us, but we should not forget that before we came across to victory, our forefathers suffered enough.
As we enjoy our freedom, may we be more historically aware of our past to have a better future ahead
of us. And just like what Elias said in Noli me Tangere, may we “not forget those who fell during the
night.”

The Rizal Retraction

(By: Peter Jaynul V. Uckung)
The document of the retraction of Jose Rizal, is being hotly debated as to its authenticity.
It was supposed to have been signed by Jose Rizal moments before his death. There were many
witnesses, most of them Jesuits. The document only surfaced for public viewing on May 13, 1935. It was
found by Fr. Manuel A. Gracia at the Catholic hierarchy’s archive in Manila. But the original document
was never shown to the public, only reproductions of it.
However, Fr. Pio Pi, a Spanish Jesuit, reported that as early as 1907, the retraction of Rizal was copied
verbatim and published in Spain, and reprinted in Manila. Fr. Gracia, who found the original document,
also copied it verbatim.
In both reproductions, there were conflicting versions of the text. Add to this the date of the signing was
very clear in the original Spanish document which Rizal supposedly signed. The date was “December 29,
1890.”
Later, another supposedly original document surfaced, it bears the date “December 29, 189C”. The
number “0” was evidently altered to make it look like a letter C. Then still later, another supposedly
original version came up. It has the date “December 29, 1896”. This time, the “0” became a “6”.
So which is which?
Those who strongly believed the faking of the Rizal retraction document, reported that the forger of
Rizal’s signature was Roman Roque, the man who also forged the signature of Urbano Lacuna, which
was used to capture Aguinaldo. The mastermind, they say, in both Lacuna’s and Rizal’s signature forging
was Lazaro Segovia. They were approached by Spanish friars during the final day of the Filipino-American
war to forge Rizal’s signature.
This story was revealed by Antonio K. Abad, who heard the tale from Roman Roque himself, them being
neighbours.
To this day, the retraction issue is still raging like a wild fire in the forest of the night.
Others would like to believe that the purported retraction of Rizal was invented by the friars to deflect
the heroism of Rizal which was centered on the friar abuses.
Incidentally, Fr. Pio Pi, who copied verbatim Rizal’s retraction, also figured prominently during the
revolution. It was him, Andres Bonifacio reported, who had intimated to Aguinaldo the cessation of
agitation in exchange of pardon.
There are also not a few people who believe that the autobiography of Josephine Bracken, written on
February 22, 1897 is also forged and forged badly. The document supposedly written by Josephine

48
herself supported the fact that they were married under the Catholic rites. But upon closer look, there
is a glaring difference between the penmanship of the document, and other letters written by Josephine
to Rizal.
Surely, we must put the question of retraction to rest, though Rizal is a hero, whether he retracted or
not, we must investigate if he really did a turn-around. If he did not, and the documents were forgeries,
then somebody has to pay for trying to deceive a nation.

Analysis of Rizal's Retraction

At least four texts of Rizal’s retraction have surfaced. The fourth text appeared in El Imparcial on the
day after Rizal’s execution; it is the short formula of the retraction.

The first text was published in La Voz Española and Diaro de Manila on the very day of Rizal’s
execution, Dec. 30, 1896. The second text appeared in Barcelona, Spain, on February 14, 1897, in the
fortnightly magazine in La Juventud; it came from an anonymous writer who revealed himself fourteen
years later as Fr. Balaguer. The "original" text was discovered in the archdiocesan archives on May 18,
1935, after it disappeared for thirty-nine years from the afternoon of the day when Rizal was shot.

We know not that reproductions of the lost original had been made by a copyist who could imitate
Rizal’s handwriting. This fact is revealed by Fr. Balaguer himself who, in his letter to his former superior
Fr. Pio Pi in 1910, said that he had received "an exact copy of the retraction written and signed by Rizal.
The handwriting of this copy I don’t know nor do I remember whose it is. . ." He proceeded: "I even
suspect that it might have been written by Rizal himself. I am sending it to you that you may . . . verify
whether it might be of Rizal himself . . . ." Fr. Pi was not able to verify it in his sworn statement.

This "exact" copy had been received by Fr. Balaguer in the evening immediately preceding Rizal’s
execution, Rizal y su Obra, and was followed by Sr. W. Retana in his biography of Rizal, Vida y Escritos
del Jose Rizal with the addition of the names of the witnesses taken from the texts of the retraction in
the Manila newspapers. Fr. Pi’s copy of Rizal’s retraction has the same text as that of Fr. Balaguer’s
"exact" copy but follows the paragraphing of the texts of Rizal’s retraction in the Manila newspapers.

Regarding the "original" text, no one claimed to have seen it, except the publishers of La Voz Espanola.
That newspaper reported: "Still more; we have seen and read his (Rizal’s) own hand-written retraction
which he sent to our dear and venerable Archbishop…" On the other hand, Manila pharmacist F. Stahl
wrote in a letter: "besides, nobody has seen this written declaration, in spite of the fact that quite a
number of people would want to see it.” For example, not only Rizal’s family but also the
correspondents in Manila of the newspapers in Madrid, Don Manuel Alhama of El Imparcial and Sr.
Santiago Mataix of El Heraldo, were not able to see the hand-written retraction.

Neither Fr. Pi nor His Grace the Archbishop ascertained whether Rizal himself was the one who wrote
and signed the retraction. (Ascertaining the document was necessary because it was possible for one
who could imitate Rizal’s handwriting aforesaid holograph; and keeping a copy of the same for our
archives, I myself delivered it personally that the same morning to His Grace Archbishop… His Grace
testified: At once the undersigned entrusted this holograph to Rev. Thomas Gonzales Feijoo, secretary
of the Chancery." After that, the documents could not be seen by those who wanted to examine it and
was finally considered lost after efforts to look for it proved futile.

On May 18, 1935, the lost "original" document of Rizal’s retraction was discovered by the archdeocean
archivist Fr. Manuel Garcia, C.M. The discovery, instead of ending doubts about Rizal’s retraction, has
in fact encouraged it because the newly discovered text retraction differs significantly from the text
found in the Jesuits’ and the Archbishop’s copies. And, the fact that the texts of the retraction which

49
appeared in the Manila newspapers could be shown to be the exact copies of the "original" but only
imitations of it. This means that the friars who controlled the press in Manila (for example, La Voz
Española) had the "original" while the Jesuits had only the imitations.

We now proceed to show the significant differences between the "original" and the Manila
newspapers texts of the retraction on the one hand and the text s of the copies of Fr. Balaguer and F5r.
Pio Pi on the other hand.

First, instead of the words "mi cualidad" (with "u") which appear in the original and the newspaper
texts, the Jesuits’ copies have "mi calidad" (with "u").

Second, the Jesuits’ copies of the retraction omit the word "Catolica" after the first "Iglesias" which are
found in the original and the newspaper texts.

Third, the Jesuits’ copies of the retraction add before the third "Iglesias" the word "misma" which is
not found in the original and the newspaper texts of the retraction.

Fourth, with regards to paragraphing which immediately strikes the eye of the critical reader, Fr.
Balaguer’s text does not begin the second paragraph until the fifth sentences while the original and the
newspaper copies start the second paragraph immediately with the second sentences.

Fifth, whereas the texts of the retraction in the original and in the manila newspapers have only four
commas, the text of Fr. Balaguer’s copy has eleven commas.

Sixth, the most important of all, Fr. Balaguer’s copy did not have the names of the witnesses from the
texts of the newspapers in Manila.

In his notarized testimony twenty years later, Fr. Balaguer finally named the witnesses. He said "This
retraction was signed together with Dr. Rizal by Señor Fresno, Chief of the Picket, and Señor Moure,
Adjutant of the Plaza." However, the proceeding quotation only proves itself to be an addition to the
original. Moreover, in his letter to Fr. Pi in 1910, Fr. Balaguer said that he had the "exact" copy of the
retraction, which was signed by Rizal, but her made no mention of the witnesses. In his accounts too,
no witnesses signed the retraction.

How did Fr. Balaguer obtain his copy of Rizal’s retraction? Fr. Balaguer never alluded to having himself
made a copy of the retraction although he claimed that the Archbishop prepared a long formula of the
retraction and Fr. Pi a short formula. In Fr. Balaguer’s earliest account, it is not yet clear whether Fr.
Balaguer was using the long formula of nor no formula in dictating to Rizal what to write. According to
Fr. Pi, in his own account of Rizal’s conversion in 1909, Fr. Balaguer dictated from Fr. Pi’s short formula
previously approved by the Archbishop. In his letter to Fr. Pi in 1910, Fr. Balaguer admitted that he
dictated to Rizal the short formula prepared by Fr. Pi; however; he contradicts himself when he
revealed that the "exact" copy came from the Archbishop. The only copy, which Fr. Balaguer wrote, is
the one that appeared in his earliest account of Rizal’s retraction.

Where did Fr. Balaguer’s "exact" copy come from? We do not need long arguments to answer this
question, because Fr. Balaguer himself has unwittingly answered this question. He said in his letter to
Fr. Pi in 1910:

"…I preserved in my keeping and am sending to you the original texts of the two formulas of retraction,
which they (You) gave me; that from you and that of the Archbishop, and the first with the changes
which they (that is, you) made; and the other the exact copy of the retraction written and signed by
Rizal. The handwriting of this copy I don’t know nor do I remember whose it is, and I even suspect that
it might have been written by Rizal himself."

50
In his own word quoted above, Fr. Balaguer said that he received two original texts of the retraction.
The first, which came from Fr. Pi, contained "the changes which You (Fr. Pi) made"; the other, which is
"that of the Archbishop" was "the exact copy of the retraction written and signed by Rizal"
(underscoring supplied). Fr. Balaguer said that the "exact copy" was "written and signed by Rizal" but
he did not say "written and signed by Rizal and himself" (the absence of the reflexive pronoun
"himself" could mean that another person-the copyist-did not). He only "suspected" that "Rizal
himself" much as Fr. Balaguer did "not know nor ... remember" whose handwriting it was.

Thus, according to Fr. Balaguer, the "exact copy" came from the Archbishop! He called it "exact"
because, not having seen the original himself, he was made to believe that it was the one that faithfully
reproduced the original in comparison to that of Fr. Pi in which "changes" (that is, where deviated from
the "exact" copy) had been made. Actually, the difference between that of the Archbishop (the "exact"
copy) and that of Fr. Pi (with "changes") is that the latter was "shorter" because it omitted certain
phrases found in the former so that, as Fr. Pi had fervently hoped, Rizal would sign it.

According to Fr. Pi, Rizal rejected the long formula so that Fr. Balaguer had to dictate from the short
formula of Fr. Pi. Allegedly, Rizal wrote down what was dictated to him but he insisted on adding the
phrases "in which I was born and educated" and "[Masonary]" as the enemy that is of the Church" –
the first of which Rizal would have regarded as unnecessary and the second as downright contrary to
his spirit. However, what actually would have happened, if we are to believe the fictitious account, was
that Rizal’s addition of the phrases was the restoration of the phrases found in the original which had
been omitted in Fr. Pi’s short formula.

The "exact" copy was shown to the military men guarding in Fort Santiago to convince them that Rizal
had retracted. Someone read it aloud in the hearing of Capt. Dominguez, who claimed in his "Notes’
that Rizal read aloud his retraction. However, his copy of the retraction proved him wrong because its
text (with "u") and omits the word "Catolica" as in Fr. Balaguer’s copy but which are not the case in the
original. Capt. Dominguez never claimed to have seen the retraction: he only "heard".

The truth is that, almost two years before his execution, Rizal had written a retraction in Dapitan. Very
early in 1895, Josephine Bracken came to Dapitan with her adopted father who wanted to be cured of
his blindness by Dr. Rizal; their guide was Manuela Orlac, who was agent and a mistress of a friar. Rizal
fell in love with Josephine and wanted to marry her canonically but he was required to sign a
profession of faith and to write retraction, which had to be approved by the Bishop of Cebu. "Spanish
law had established civil marriage in the Philippines," Prof. Craig wrote, but the local government had
not provided any way for people to avail themselves of the right..."

In order to marry Josephine, Rizal wrote with the help of a priest a form of retraction to be approved
by the Bishop of Cebu. This incident was revealed by Fr. Antonio Obach to his friend Prof. Austin Craig
who wrote down in 1912 what the priest had told him; "The document (the retraction), enclosed with
the priest’s letter, was ready for the mail when Rizal came hurrying I to reclaim it." Rizal realized
(perhaps, rather late) that he had written and given to a priest what the friars had been trying by all
means to get from him.

Neither the Archbishop nor Fr. Pi saw the original document of retraction. What they was saw a copy
done by one who could imitate Rizal’s handwriting while the original (almost eaten by termites) was
kept by some friars. Both the Archbishop and Fr. Pi acted innocently because they did not distinguish
between the genuine and the imitation of Rizal’s handwriting.

51
 First Cry of Philippine Revolution:
Is it in Pugadlawin or is it in Balintawak?
Nineteenth-century journalists used the phrase “el grito de rebelion” or “the Cry of Rebellion” to
describe the momentous events sweeping the Spanish colonies; in Mexico it was the “Cry of Dolores”
(16 September 1810), Brazil the “City of Ypiraga” (7 September 1822), and in Cuba the “Cry of Matanza”
(24 February 1895). In August 1896, northeast of Manila, Filipinos similarly declared their rebellion
against the Spanish colonial government. It was Manuel Sastron, the Spanish historian, who
institutionalized the phrased for the Philippines in his 1897 book, La Insurreccion en Filipinas. All these
“Cries” were milestones in the several colonial-to-nationalist histories of the world.
Raging Controversy
If the expression is taken literally –the Cry as the shouting of nationalistic slogans in mass assemblies –
then there were scores of such Cries. Some writers refer to a Cry of Montalban on April 1895, in the
Pamitinan Caves where a group of Katipunan members wrote on the cave walls, “Viva la indepencia
Filipina!” long before the Katipunan decided to launch a nationwide revolution.
The historian Teodoro Agoncillo chose to emphasize Bonifacio’s tearing of the cedula (tax receipt) before
a crowd of Katipuneros who then broke out in cheers. However, Guardia Civil Manuel Sityar never
mentioned in his memoirs (1896-1898) the tearing or inspection of the cedula, but did note the pacto
de sangre (blood pact) mark on every single Filipino he met in August 1896 on his reconnaissance
missions around Balintawak.
Some writers consider the first military engagement with the enemy as the defining moment of the Cry.
To commemorate this martial event upon his return from exile in Hong Kong, Emilio Aguinaldo
commissioned a “Himno de Balintawak” to herald renewed fighting after the failed peace of the pact of
Biyak na Bato. On 3 September 1911, a monument to the Heroes of 1896 was erected in what is now the
intersection of Epifanio de los Santos Avenue and Andres Bonifacio Drive –North Diversion Road. From
that time on until 1962, the Cry of Balintawak was officially celebrated every 26 August.
It is not clear why the 1911 monument was erected there. It could not have been to mark the site of
Apolonio Samson’s house in barrio Kangkong; Katipuneros marked that site on Kaingin Road, between
Balintawak and San Francisco del Monte Avenue. Neither could the 1911 monument have been erected
to mark the site of the first armed encounter which, incidentally, the Katipuneros fought and won. A
contemporary map of 1896 shows that the August battle between the Katipunan rebels and the Spanish
forces led by Lt. Ros of the Civil Guards took place at sitio Banlat, North of Pasong Tamo Road far from
Balintawak. The site has its own marker.
It is quite clear that first, eyewitnesses cited Balintawak as the better-known reference point for a larger
area. Second, while the Katipunan may have been massing in Kangkong, the revolution was formally
launched elsewhere. Moreover, eyewitnesses and therefore historians, disagreed on the site and date
of the Cry. But the issue did not rest there. In 1970, the historian Pedro A. Gagelonia pointed out: The
controversy among historians continues to the present day. The “Cry of Pugad Lawin” (August 23, 1896)
cannot be accepted as historically accurate. It lacks positive documentation and supporting evidence
from the witness. The testimony of only one eyewitness (Dr. Pio Valenzuela) is not enough to
authenticate and verify a controversial issue in history. Historians and their living participants, not
politicians and their sycophants, should settle this controversy.
Conflicting Accounts
Pio Valenzuela had several versions of the Cry. Only after they are compared and reconciled with the
other accounts will it be possible to determined what really happened. Was there a meeting at Pugad
Lawin on 23 August 1896, after the meeting at Apolonio Samson’s residence in Hong Kong? Where were
the cedulas torn, at Kangkong or Pugad Lawin?
In September 1896, Valenzuela stated before the Olive Court, which was charged with investigating
persons involved in the rebellion, only that Katipunan meetings took place from Sunday to Tuesday or
23 to 25 August at Balintawak. In 1911, Valenzuela averred that the Katipunan began meeting on 22
August while the Cry took place on 23 August at Apolonio Samson’s house in Balintawak.
From 1928 to 1940, Valenzuela maintained that the Cry happened on 24 August at the house of Tandang
Sora (Melchora Aquino) in Pugad Lawin, which he now situated near Pasong Tamo Road. A photograph
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of Bonifacio’s widow Gregoria de Jesus and Katipunan members Valenzuela, Briccio Brigido Pantas,
Alfonso and Cipriano Pacheco, published in La Opinion in 1928 and 1930, was captioned both times as
having been taken at the site of the Cry on 24 August 1896 at the house of Tandang Sora at Pasong Tamo
Road.
In 1935 Valenzuela, Pantas and Pacheco proclaimed “na hindi sa Balintawak nangyari ang unang sigaw
ng paghihimagsik na kinalalagian ngayon ng bantayog, kung di sa pook na kilala sa tawag na Pugad
Lawin.” (The first Cry of the revolution did not happen in Balintawak where the monument is, but in a
place called Pugad Lawin.)
In 1940, a research team of the Philippines Historical Committee (a forerunner of the National Historical
Institute or NHI), which included Pio Valenzuela, identified the precise spot of Pugad Lawin as part of
sitio Gulod, Banlat, Kalookan City. In 1964, the NHI’s Minutes of the Katipunan referred to the place of
the Cry as Tandang Sora’s and not as Juan Ramos’ house, and the date as 23 August.
Valenzuela memoirs (1964, 1978) averred that the Cry took place on 23 August at the house of Juan
Ramos at Pugad Lawin. The NHI was obviously influenced by Valenzuela’s memoirs. In 1963, upon the
NHI endorsement, President Diosdado Macapagal ordered that the Cry be celebrated on 23 August and
that Pugad Lawin be recognized as its site. John N. Schrumacher, S.J, of the Ateneo de Manila University
was to comment on Pio Valenzuela’s credibility:
I would certainly give much less credence to all accounts coming from Pio Valezuela, and to the
interpretations Agoncillo got from him verbally, since Valenzuela gave so many versions from the time
he surrendered to the Spanish authorities and made various statements not always compatible with one
another up to the time when as an old man he was interviewed by Agoncillo. Pio Valenzuela backtracked
on yet another point. In 1896, Valenzuela testified that when the Katipunan consulted Jose Rizal on
whether the time had come to revolt, Rizal was vehemently against the revolution. Later, in Agoncillo’s
Revolt of the masses, Valenzuela retracted and claimed that Rizal was actually for the uprising, if certain
prerequisites were met. Agoncillo reasoned that Valenzuela had lied to save Rizal.
The Pugad Lawin Marker
The prevalent account of the Cry is that of Teodoro Agoncillo in Revolt of the masses (1956): It was in
Pugad Lawin, where they proceeded upon leaving Samson’s place in the afternoon of the 22nd, that the
more than 1,000 members of the Katipunan met in the yard of Juan A. Ramos, son of Melchora
Aquino,…in the morning of August 23rd. Considerable discussion arose whether the revolt against the
Spanish government should be started on the 29th. Only one man protested… But he was overruled in
his stand… Bonifacio then announced the decision and shouted: “Brothers, it was agreed to continue
with the plan of revolt. My brothers, do you swear to repudiate the government that oppresses us?”
And the rebels, shouting as one man replied: “Yes, sir!” “That being the case,” Bonifacio added, “bring
out your cedulas and tear them to pieces to symbolize our determination to take arms!” Amidst the
ceremony, the rebels, tear-stained eyes, shouted: “Long live the Philippines! Long live the Katipunan!
Agoncillo used his considerable influenced and campaigned for a change in the recognized site to Pugad
Lawin and the date 23 August 1896. In 1963, the National Heroes Commission (a forerunner of the NHI),
without formal consultations or recommendations to President Macapagal. Consequently, Macapagal
ordered that the Cry of Balintawak be called the “Cry of Pugad Lawin,” and that it be celebrated on 23
August instead of 26 August. The 1911 monument in Balintawak was later removed to a highway.
Student groups moved to save the discarded monument, and it was installed in front of Vinzons Hall in
the Diliman campus of the University of the Philippines on 29 November 1968.
In 1962, Teodoro Agoncillo, together with the UP Student Council, placed a marker at the Pugad Lawin
site. According to Agoncillo, the house of Juan Ramos stood there in 1896, while the house of Tandang
Sora was located at Pasong Tamo. On 30 June 1983, Quezon City Mayor Adelina S. Rodriguez created the
Pugad Lawin Historical Committee to determine the location of Juan Ramos’s 1896 residence at Pugad
Lawin.
The NHI files on the committee’s findings show the following: In August 1983, Pugad Lawin in barangay
Bahay Toro was inhabited by squatter colonies. • The NHI believed that it was correct in looking for the
house of Juan Ramos and not of Tandang Sora. However, the former residence of Juan Ramos was clearly
defined.• There was an old dap-dap tree at the site when the NHI conducted its survey I 1983. Teodoro
Agoncillo, Gregorio Zaide and Pio Valenzuela do not mention a dap-dap tree in their books. • Pio
Valenzuela, the main proponent of the “Pugad Lawin” version, was dead by the time the committee
53
conducted its research. • Teodoro Agoncillo tried to locate the marker installed in August 1962 by the
UP Student Council. However, was no longer extant in 1983. In spite of the above findings and in the
absence of any clear evidence, the NHI disregarded its own 1964 report that the Philippine Historical
Committee had determined in 1940 that the Pugad Lawin residence was Tandang Sora’s and not Juan
Ramos’s and that the specific site of Pugad Lawin was Gulod in Banlat. The presence of the dap-dap tree
in the Pugad Lawin site determined by Agoncillo and the NHI is irrelevant, since none of the principals
like Pio Valenzuela, Santiago Alvarez, and others, nor historians like Zaide- and even Agoncillo himself
before that instance- mentioned such a tree.
On the basis of the 1983 committee’s findings, the NHI placed a marker on 23 August 1984 on Seminary
Road in barangay Bahay Toro behind Toro Hills High School, the Quezon City General Hospital and the
San Jose Seminary. It reads: Ang Sigaw ng Pugad Lawin (1896). Sa paligid ng pook na ito, si Andres
Bonifacio at mga isang libong Katipunero at nagpulong noong umaga ng ika-23 Agosto 1896, at
ipinasyang maghimagsik laban sa Kastila sa Pilipinas. Bilang patunay ay pinag-pupunit ang kanilang mga
sedula na naging tanda ng pagkaalipin ng mga Pilpino. Ito ang kauna-unahang sigaw ng Bayang Api laban
sa bansang Espanya na pinatibayan sa pamamagitan ng paggamit ng sandata.
(On this site Andres Bonifacio and one thousand Katipuneros met in the morning of 23 August 1896 and
decided to revolt against the Spanish colonial government in the Philippines. As an affirmation of their
resolve, they tore up their tax receipts which were symbols of oppression of the Filipinos. This was very
first Cry of the Oppressed Nation against Spain which was enforced with use of arms.) The place name
“Pugad Lawin “, however, is problematic. In History of the Katipunan (1939), Zaide records Valenzuela’s
mention of the site in a footnote and not in the body of text, suggesting that the Historian regarded the
matter as unresolved.
Cartographic Changes
Was there a Pugad Lawin in maps or literature of the period? A rough sketch or croquis de las
operaciones practicadas in El Español showed the movements of Lt. Ros against the Katipunan on 25,
26, and 27 August 1896. The map defined each place name as sitio “Baclac” (sic: Banlat). In 1897, the
Spanish historian Sastron mentioned Kalookan, Balintawak, Banlat and Pasong Tamo. The names
mentioned in some revolutionary sources and interpretations- Daang Malalim, Kangkong and Pugad
Lawin- were not identified as barrios. Even detailed Spanish and American maps mark only Kalookan and
Balintawak.
In 1943 map of Manila marks Balintawak separately from Kalookan and Diliman. The sites where
revolutionary events took place are within the ambit of Balintawak. Government maps issued in 1956,
1987, and 1990, confirm the existence of barangays Bahay Toro, but do not define their boundaries.
Pugad Lawin is not on any of these maps. According to the government, Balintawak is no longer on theof
Quezon City but has been replaced by several barangays. Barrio Banlat is now divided into barangays
Tandang Sora and Pasong Tamo. Only bahay Toro remains intact.
Writer and linguist Sofronio Calderon, conducting research in the late 1920s on the toponym “Pugad
Lawin,” went through the municipal records and the Census of 1903 and 1918, could not find the name,
and concluded that “Isang…pagkakamali… ang sabihing mayroong Pugad Lawin sa Kalookan.” (It would
be a mistake to say that there is such as Pugad Lawin in Kalookan.)
What can we conclude from all these?
First, that “Pugad Lawin” was never officially recognized as a place name on any Philippine map before
Second World War. Second, “Pugad Lawin “ appeared in historiography only from 1928, or some 32 years
after the events took place. And third, the revolution was always traditionally held to have occurred in
the area of Balintawak, which was distinct from Kalookan and Diliman. Therefore, while the toponym
“Pugad Lawin” is more romantic, it is more accurate to stick to the original “Cry of Balintawak.”
Determining The Date
The official stand of NHI is that the Cry took place on 23 August 1896. That date, however, is debatable.
The later accounts of Pio Valenzuela and Guillermo Masangkay on the tearing of cedulas on 23 August
are basically in agreement, but conflict with each other on the location. Valenzuela points to the house
of Juan Ramos in Pugad Lawin, while Masangkay refers to Apolonio Samson’s in Kangkong. Masangkay’s
final statement has more weight as it is was corroborated by many eyewitnesses who were
photographed in 1917, when the earliest 23 August marker was installed. Valenzuela’s date (23 August

54
) in his memoirs conflict with 1928 and 1930 photographs of the surveys with several Katipunan officers,
published in La Opinion, which claim that the Cry took place on the 24th.
The Turning Point
What occurred during those last days of August 1896? Eyewitness accounts mention captures, escapes,
recaptures, killings of Katipunan members; the interrogation of Chinese spies; the arrival of arms in
Meycauyan, Bulacan; the debate with Teodoro Plata and others; the decision to go war; the shouting of
slogan; tearing of cedulas; the sending of letters presidents of Sanggunian and balangay councils; the
arrival of civil guard; the loss of Katipunan funds during the skirmish. All these events, and many others,
constitute the beginning of nationwide revolution. The Cry, however, must be defined as that turning
point when the Filipinos finally rejected Spanish colonial dominion over the Philippine Islands, by
formally constituting their own national government, and by investing a set of leaders with authority to
initiate and guide the revolution towards the establishment of sovereign nation.
Where did this take place? The introduction to the original Tagalog text of the Biyak na Bato Constitution
states: Ang paghiwalay ng Filipinas sa kahariang España sa patatag ng isang bayang may sariling
pamamahala’t kapangyarihan na pangangalang “Republika ng Filipinas” ay siyang layong inadhika
niyaring Paghihimagsik na kasalukuyan, simula pa ng ika24 ng Agosto ng taong 1896…
The Spanish text also states: La separacion de Filipinas de la Monarquia Española, constitusyendose en
Estado Independiente y soberano con Gobierno propuio, con el nombre de Republica de Filipinas, es en
su Guerra actual, iniciada en 24 de Agosto de 1896…
(The separation of the Philippines from the Spanish Monarchu, constituting an independent state and
with a proper sovereign government, named the Republic of the Philippines, was the end pursued by
the revolution through the present hostilities, initiated on 24 August 1896…)
These lines- in a legal document at that – are persuasive proof that in so far as the leaders of the
revolution are concerned, revolution began on 24 August 1896. The document was written only one and
a half years after the event and signed by over 50 Katipunan members, among them Emilio Aguinaldo ,
Artemio Ricarte and Valentin Diaz. Emilio Aguinaldo’s memoirs, Mga Gunita ng Himagsikan (1964), refer
to two letters from Andres Bonifacio dated 22 and 24 August. They pinpoint the date and place of the
crucial Cry meeting when the decision to attack Manila was made:
Noong ika-22 ng Agosto, 1896, ang Sangguniang Magdalo ay tumanggap ng isang lihim na sulat mula sa
Supremo Andres Bonifacio, sa Balintawak , na nagsasaad na isang mahalagang pulong ang kanilang
idinaos sa ika-24 ng nasabing buwan, at lubhang kailangan na kame ay mapadala roon ng dalawang
kinatawan o delegado sa ngalan ng Sanggunian. Ang pulong aniya’y itataon sa kaarawan ng kapistahan
ng San Bartolome sa Malabon, Tambobong. Kapagkarakang matanggap ang nasabing paanyaya, an
gaming Pangulo na si G. Baldomero Aguinaldo, ay tumawag ng pulong sa tribunal ng Cavite el Viejo…
Nagkaroon kami ng pag-aalinlangan sa pagpapadala roon ng aming kinatawan dahil sa kaselanang
pagdararanang mga pook at totoong mahigpit at abot-abot ang panghuli ng mag Guardia Civil at
Veterana sa mga naglalakad lalung-lalo na sa mag pinaghihinalaang mga mason at Katipunan. Gayon pa
man ay aming hinirang at pinagkaisahang ipadalang tanging Sugo ang matapang na kapatid naming si G.
Domingo Orcullo.Page 55 of 57 Ang aming Sugo ay nakarating ng maluwalhati sa kanyang paroonan at
nagbalik din na wala naming sakuna, na taglay ang sulat ng Supremo na may petsang 24 ng Agosto. Doon
ay wala naming sinasabing kautusan, maliban sa patalastas na kagugulat-gulat na kanilang lulusubin ang
Maynila, sa Sabado ng gabi, ika-29 ng Agosto, at ang hudyat ay ang pagpatay ng ilaw sa Luneta. Saka
idinugtong pa na marami diumano ang nahuli at napatay ng Guardia Civil at Veterana sa kanyang mga
kasamahan sa lugar ng Gulod.
(On 22 August 1896, the Magdalo Council received a secret letter from Supremo Andres Bonifacio, in
Balintawak, which stated that the Katipunan will hold an important meeting on the 24th of the said
month, and that it was extremely necessary to send two representatives or delegates in the name of the
said Council. The meeting would be timed to coincide with the feast day of Saint Bartolomew in Malabon,
Tambobong. Upon receiving the said invitation, our President, Mr. Baldomero Aguinaldo, called a
meeting at Tribunal of Cavite el Viejo…We were apprehensive about sending representatives because
the areas they would have pass through were dangerous and was a fact that the Civil Guard and Veterans
were arresting travelers, especially those suspected of being freemasons and members of Katipunan.
Nevertheless, we agreed and nominated to send a single representative in the person of our brave
brother, Mr. Domingo Orcullo… Our representative arrived safely at his destination and also returned

55
unharmed, bearing a letter from the Supremo dated 24 August. It contained no orders but the shocking
announcement that the Katipunan would attack Manila at night on Saturday, 29 August, the signal for
which would be the putting out of the lamps in Luneta. He added that many of his comrade had been
captured and killed by the Civil Guard and Veterans in Gulod…)
The first monument to mark the Cry was erected in 1903 on Ylaya Street in Tondo, in front of the house
were Liga Filipina was founded. The tablet cites Andre Bonifacio as a founding member, and as “ Supreme
Head of the Katipunan, which gave the first battle Cry against tyranny on August 24, 1896.” The above
facts render unacceptable the official stand that the turning point of the revolution was the tearing of
cedulas in the “Cry of Pugad Lawin” on 23 August 1896, in the Juan Ramos’s house in “Pugad Lawin”
Bahay Toro, Kalookan.
The events of 17-26 August 1896 occurred closer to Balintawak than to Kalookan. Traditionally, people
referred to the “Cry of Balintawak” since that barrio was a better known reference point than Banlat. In
any case, “Pugad Lawin” is not historiographically verifiable outside of the statements of Pio Valenzuela
in the 1930s and after. In Philippine Historical Association round-table discussion in February this year,
a great granddaughter of Tandang Sora protested the use of toponym “Pugad Lawin” which, she said,
referred to a hawks nest on top of a tall sampaloc tree at Gulod, the highest elevated area near
Balintawak. This certainly negates the NHI’s premise that “Pugad Lawin” is on Seminary Road in Project
8.
What we should celebrate is the establishment of a revolutionary or the facto government that was
republican in aspiration, the designation of Bonifacio as the Kataastaasang Pangulo (Supreme President),
the election of the members of his cabinet ministers and Sanggunian and Balangay heads which
authorized these moves met in Tandang Sora’s barn near Pasong Tamo Road, in sitio Gulod, barrio Banlat
then under the jurisdiction of the municipality of Kalookan. This took place at around noon of Monday,
24 August 1896.
It is clear that the so-called Cry of Pugad Lawin of 23 August is an imposition and erroneous
interpretation, contrary to indisputable and numerous historical facts. The centennial of the Cry of
Balintawak should be celebrated on 24 August 1996 at the site of the barn and house of Tandang Sora
in Gulod, now barangay Banlat, Quezon City. That was when and where the Filipino nation state was
born.

56
 SOURCES
Alvarez, S. (1992). The Katipunan and the Revolution: Memoirs of a General. Quezon
City:
Ateneo de Manila University Press.

Agoncillo, T. (2002). The Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan
(2002 ed.) Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

“Analysis of Rizal’s Retraction”. (n.d.) Retrieved from –

http://www.joserizal.ph/rt03.html

Aguinaldo, E. (1963) Aguinaldo’s Odyssey. Manila: National Centennial Commission

“Corazon Aquino's Speech before the Joint session of the United States Congress”.
(n.d.) Retrieved from –
https://en.m.wikisource.org/wiki/Corazon_Aquino%27s_Speech_before_the_Joint_sessi
on_of_the_United_States_Congress

Direct Translation of the Complete Text of Emillio Jacinto’s “Kartilla ng mga

Katipunan”.
(n.d.) Retrieved from
https://kahimyang.com/kauswagan/articles/1796/direct_translation_of_the_complete_
text_ of_emillio_jacintos_kartilla_ng_mga_katipunan

“Filipino Grievances against Governor Wood”. (n.d.) Retrieved from –

https://www.slideshare.net/mobile/RechieGonzales/report-gonzales-and-lasam-
filipino-
grievances-against-governor-wood-78663603

Full Text of “Magellan’s Voyage around the World”. (n.d.). Retrieved from –
https://archive.org/stream/magellansvoyagea01piga/
magellansvoyagea01piga_djvu.txt

Full Text of “Customs of the Tagalog”. (n.d.). Retrieved from –

https://www.gutenberg.org/files/13701/ 13701-h/13701-h .htm#d0e1500

Paintings of Luna and Amorsolo. (n.d.). Retrieved from –

https://www.pinterest.ph/pin/366928556868040547

Philippine History – “The Act of Declaration of Philippine Independence”. (n.d.)

Retrieved from – https://filipino.biz.ph/history/declaration.html

“Rizal’s Retraction”. (n.d.) Retrieved from –

http://nhcp.gov.ph/the-rizal-retraction-and-other-cases/

“The Two Faces of the 1872 Cavite Mutiny”. (n.d.) Retrieved from –
http://nhcp.gov.ph/the- two-faces-of-the-1872-cavite-mutiny/

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