Piracy On Baltic - DAVID K. BJORK

Medieval Academy of America
Piracy in the Baltic, 1375-1398

Author(s): David K. Bjork
Source: Speculum, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Jan., 1943), pp. 39-68
Published by: Medieval Academy of America
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PIRACY IN THE BALTIC, 1375-1398
BY DAVID K. BJORK
' . . . grosen shaden entfingen von den

seheroubern,de czu Gotland lagen ...
wen ys mittenin der sehe lyet...
H. R., iv, n. 438.
'Och, guden gesellen,holdetnichtto licht,
Er gi to scepe gat, gat jo to der bicht ...
En pater nostervor alle cristenseelen!'
(Undera picturein Marienkirche, Ltibeck).
'Unse leve got geve des einen guden ende.'
L.E.K.U.B., iv. n. 1359.
NOTHING is so inimicalto piracyas peace and good government;and nothingso

encouragingto it as prolongedjealousies and strifebetweenpeoples. The condi-
tionsof the Baltic worldon the eve of the Union of Kalmar' werepeculiarlycon-
ducive to piracy. Both Denmark and Mecklenburg,cleverlyaware of the ad-
vantagesto be gainedfromsuch an externalthreat,instigatedpiraticalactivities
and profitedby them. The merchantsof the Hanseatic League, whose trade
sufferedirreparablelosses therefrom, consistentlyobjected to this practice and
servednoticethat thosewho dared harborthe pirateswere equally guiltyof the
crime.2No one, however,took this seriously;forin realitythe Hansa merchants
foundthemselveshemmedin by plots and counterplotsof the various dukes of
Mecklenburgand Queen Margaretof Denmark.The politicalintriguesservedas
the main incentiveto piracy,and the pirate knew how to make advantageous
use of the situation.For whilehe had to be able to handle his ship in stormand
combatas well as to controlhis ruffian crew,and knowthe shelteringharbors,he
had also to employthe artsofthediplomatand providehimselfwithsafemarkets
on shore forhis stolen wares. The physical conditionsof the Baltic served his
purposeswell and made a successofhis nefarioustrade - nestsofislandsoffering
creeksand shallows,headlands,rocksand reefs,facilitiesforlurking,forsurprise,
forattack, and forescape. While we have no journals,no diaries,describingthe
daringdeeds of the pirates,we have letters,minutesof meetings,and reportsof
the merchants,in the Hansa archives,togetherwith a few chroniclesand the
1'* .. Margrethesstore Grundtanke'was 'en nordisk Union, ivaerksat ved og stottet paa en
kraftigKongemakt';KristianErslev,DronningMargrethe ogKalmarunionensGrundlaeggelse (Copen-
hagen,1882), p. 49. The unionidea was supportedin Denmark,Norwayand Sweden,but opposedby
Mecklenburgsince King Albert of Sweden, son of the Duke of Mecklenburg,naturallydid all he
could to maintainhis position,and by the Hanseatic League whichfearedthat a unitedScandinavia,
underMargaretor underMecklenburg,would definitelyaffectthe positionofthe League.
2 'Unde wer,dat se se jerghendevenden op sloten ofteanders war, unde se de seroveredar of es-
scheden,wordeen dar wederstandane, so solden se de ghene,de se en vorunthelden,huseden unde
hoveden,unde de en behulpeliksint,like sculdichden seroverenholden.Dit en hebben de van Rostok
unde van der Wismernichtvolbordet.'H. R., ii, n. 156. Rostock and Wismar,MecklenburgHansa
towns,paid no attentionto this.
89

40 Piracy in theBaltic,1375-1398
officialrecordsof the political states' - a mass of literaturerevealingthe in-

triguesand plots whichmade use ofpiracyin Queen Margaret'stime.
Baltic piracyis by no means ignoredby historiansalthoughalmostentirelyso
by authorsofbooks on piracy.True enough,the nationalhistoriesof the Scandi-
navian countries,biographiesof Margaret,and generalbooks on the Hanseatic
League treat the subject incidentallyand give it a varietyof interpretations.2
Some writers,particularlyErslev, look upon piracy in the Baltic not only as a
means to an end forMargaretand Mecklenburg,but also as an evil forMargaret
to combat. Others,like Tunberg,Suhm, Olrik,Munch and Taranger,showhow
piracy indirectlyeffectednational developments; while Sartorius, Daenell,
Girgensohn,Hildebrand, Nash, Zimmern,and others treat piracy as a thing
whichseriouslyinterruptedthe Baltic trade and retardedHanseatic expansion.
All of theseaspects are dealt within thispaper,but the aim here is to showhow
the entangledpolitical affairsof the Baltic world,chieflythe resultsof Mar-
garet's plans fora united Scandinavian North,provokedpiracy; and how, once
it was provoked,it was difficult to control,hence arbitrationand united action
by the powers concernedwas necessaryto abate piracy and restorepeace and
prosperityin the Baltic world.
Valdemar Atterdag's great ambition to build a Danish-Baltic empire was
thwartedby the Germanmerchantsof the Cologne Confederationin the war of
1368-69. The ensuingpeace, withthe treatyof Stralsund,put a definitestop to
his activities.3Stripped of nearly all of his conquests, humiliated before his
1 This materialis now available in carefullyeditedprintedcollections:e.g., Die Recesseund Andere
AktenderHansetage(citedas H. R.), Q4vols in threeparts.Part i, 1256-1430,ed. by Karl Koppmann,
8 vols (Leipzig, 1870-97), is used in thispaper; HansischesUrkundenbuch (cited as H. U. B.), ed. by
KonstantinHohlbaum and Karl Kunze, 9 vols (Halle, Leipzig, 1876 ff.); CodexDiplomaticusLube-
censis (cited as L. U. B.), 11 vols (Ltibeck, 1843 ff.); Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch, 786-1400
(cited as M. U. B.), Q4vols (Schwerin,1863-1913); Liv-,Est-und KurlandischesUrkundenbuch (cited
as L. E. K. U. B.), ed. by F. G. Bunge and others,15 vols (Reval, Riga, 1853 ff.);Bidrag till Skandi-
naviensHistoriaur UtlanskaArkiver(citedas Styffe, Bidrag),ed. by Carl Gustaf Styffe,5 vols (Stock-
holm, 1859 ff.);SverigesTraktatermedFreimmande Makter(cited as Rydberg,Sv. Tr.), ed. by 0. S.
Rydberg(Stockholm,1877 ff.);HistorieofDanmark (fromearliesttimesto 1400), by Peter Friderich
Suhm, 14 vols (Copenhagen, 1782-1828), contains numerousdocumentsin appendices; Scriptores
RerumDanicarum Medii Aevi (cited as S. R. D.), ed. by Jacobus Langebeck, 9 vols (Copenhagen,
1772-1878); ScriptoresRerumSvecicarumMedii Aevi (cited as S. R. S.), ed. by Ericus Michael Fant
and Claudius Annerstedt,3 vols. (Upsala, 1818-76). For a discussionof the Scandinavian chronicles
dealingwiththe historicaleventsofthisperiodsee IngvarAndersson,KallstudiertillSverigesHistoria,
1230-1436 (Lund, 1928); and Dietrich Schiifer,Danische Annalen und Chroniken(Hanover, 1872).
2 E.g., Sven Tunberg,AldreMedeltiden, vol. ii ofSverigesHistoriatillV&raDagar (Stockholm,1926)
Suhm, op. cit.,vol. xiv; JorgenOlrik,Det Danske Folks Historie(Copenhagen,1928), vol. iII; P. A.
Munch, Det NorskeFolks Historie (Christiania, 1863), vol. ii, part 2; Absalom Taranger, Norges
Historie(Kristiania,1915), vol. iII, part 1; Erslev, op. cit.; GeorgeSartorius,Geschichtedes Hanseati-
schenBundes (Gottingen,1802-1808), vol. ii; E. Daenell, Die BliitezeitderDeutschenHanse (Berlin,
1905), vol. i; Paul Girgensohn,Die Skandinavische PolitikderHansa (Upsala, 1898); Hans Hildebrand
SverigesMedeltid(Stockholm,1879), vol. i; E. Gee Nash, The Hansa (New York, 1929); Helen Zim-
mern,The Hansa Towns (New York, 1889); cf. JoahnnesVoigt, 'Die Vitalienbrulder,' in Raumer's
Hist. Taschenbuch, Neue Folge, ii (1841), 1-159; Styffe,op. cit.,Introductionsto vol. i and vol. ii;
Karl Koppmann,'Introduction'H. R., vol. Iv; Hans Chr.Cordsen,Beitragezur Geschichte derVitalien-
briider(Halle, 1907).
3 David K. Bjork, 'The Peace of Stralsund,1370,' in SPECULUM, VII (Octoger,193Q),447-476.

Piracy in theBaltic, 1375-1398 41
peopleand hisfriendsabroad,and withouta male heir,Valdemardied in 1375. He
had failed to check two powers in theiradvance towardscontrolof the Baltic:
the Hanseatic League and Mecklenburg.He knew also that these two powers
had designs on Denmark. But he thoughthe possessed a weapon capable of
vast damage ifproperlyhandled,and he was fullydeterminedto wield it against
the Hansa whichhad humiliatedhimso deeply.That weapon was the succession,
in thepersonofAlbert,grandsonofDuke AlbertofMecklenburgand Valdemar's
own grandsonby his daughterIngeborg,whomhe designatedas his heir.' Thus
he threwthe affairsof the North into greaterturmoilthan theyhad been at the
timeof his own accession.It was a desperategestureby whichhe hoped that a
Mecklenburgdynastyover the united Scandinavian countrieswould defeatthe
ambitionsof the merchantsof the GermanHansa.
Valdemar, however,overlookedone thing: the aspirations of his youngest
daughter,Margaret,2who,firedby her father'sambition,was to weave the web
of fate of the Baltic world.As a matterof fact,no one had paid much attention
to her,not even her husband. Ever since her marriageat the age of ten to King
Haakon of Norway,she had lived a modestand unostentatiouslife.3Out of the
solitarymiseryofheruneventfultranquilpast she emerged- like a thunderbolt
out of a cloudless sky- and threwherselfinto political intrigue.By clever
manipulationsshe not only succeeded in having her son, Olaf, elected king of
Denmark4but also in inducingthe Hansa to approve of the election.This she
did by danglingbeforethe merchantspromisesof trade monopoliesin Denmark
and Norway.5 The merchantswere not duped by this fortheywere well aware
of the schemesthat Valdemarhad harbored,and theypreferredan independent
Denmark.
1'... were dat wy afgynhenedder storuenane eruenmanesgheslechtes, dy van vseme lyue ghe-
borenweren,dat nementdat ryketo Denemarkenna vseme dode hebbenschal vnde alse eynkonigh
besittenschal met alme konighlykemerechtesvnderhertogheAlbert,hertogenHinrikessone vnser
0ldesterndochtersone vernIngheborghe.'M. U. B., xviii, n. 10929. This documentis dated August
14, 1371, the place is unknown.Accordingto 'Libellus Magnipolensis'in S. R. S., iii, Part 1, 198,
Valdemaron his returnto Denmark broughthis grandsonwithhim but thereare no evidencesthat
eitherby wordor by deed he assured the successionof Albert.
2 Erslev, DronningMargrethe;an excellentaccount of Queen Margaretand her times.
3 Ibid.,pp. 44-52.
4Bjork, loc. cit.,pp. 475-476. Cf. also 'AnnalesDanici ab anno 1316 ad annum 1389' in S. R. D., vi,
533.
5 H. R., iII, nos. 80, 81. In exchange forapproval of Olaf's electionthe citiesrequestedprivileges.
The electionwas approved by the Hansa at Korsor,August14, 1376. Throughhis motherMargaret,
Olaf ratifiedthe peace of Stralsundwiththe great royal seal; H. R., ii, nos. 133, 134, 135, 136. The
originaltreatyof 1370 was changed,the Hansa's rightto determinethe electionof a king of Den-
markwas strickenout and Varbergcastle was restoredto Denmark. Final peace betweenthe Hansa
and Norway was concludedon the same day, but at Kalundborg,and the Hansa privilegesin Nor-
way wererestored;ibid.,nos. 123, 124, 125; cf. M. U. B., xix, n. 10914. See also H. R., ii, nos. 138,
139. In the settlementsmade at Korsor and Kalundborg special provisionswere made forthe two
MecklenburgtownsRostock and Wismarwhichcould participatein peace and privilegesas long as
theydid not aid theirduke in war against Denmark, unless Denmark took the offensive.Piracy al-
ready was disturbingthe merchantsforit was necessaryto raise moneyby levyingtaxes, puntghelt,
forpeace-ships,vredecogghen, to patrolthe sea; ibid.,ii, nos. 120, 121. The Danes promisedaid against
the piratesfor1377, see Liibeck's letterto JohannVolmestenof Elbing; ibid., iii, n. 97.

The new Danish king was but a child of five years;' hence Margaret was
designatedas regent.A less able womanwould have hesitated;but Margaretwas
no ordinarywoman. Her programwas a daring one: it challenged the whole
Baltic world. It contained three importantpolicies. The first- Denmark for
the Danes - broughtMargaret into direct conflictwith the schemes of the
restlessDuke of Mecklenburgwho, until his death, conspiredagainst her. The
second,- Danish equality with the Hansa in Baltic trade- had SkAneforits
key.2 And the third- Danish hegemonyoverSweden- broughtfortha mighty
stormof protestfromMecklenburg.All these activitieswere closelyinterwoven
with piracy- not that piracy was broughtinto existenceby them,for it was
alreadyold in the Baltic3 and remainedeven afterMargaret'stime.A discussion
of piracyin thisperiodmust be divided into two parts: the first,in whichMar-
garetfrustratedthedesignsofbothMecklenburgand the Hansa; and the second,
in whichshe conqueredSweden and forcedthe Hansa to play her game.
The ink had hardlydriedon the finalratificationof the treatyof Stralsund
a ratificationwhichso rudelyshatteredthe dreamsof the Duke of Mecklenburg
- beforehe invaded Denmark witha formidableforceand laid siege to Copen-
hagen.4This was but an emptythreat,forit was commonknowledgethat Albert
enjoyed the game of diplomacymore than the clash of arms.5 Margaret,who
knewherman,avoided thedangerby a curious,illogical,and contradictory agree-
ment.8It insuredthe demandsof all concerned.Olaf, Margaret's son and King-
1 Olaf was born about December 1, 1370; see Munch, ii, Part 1, 830; also Suhm, xiii, 690-691; cf.
M. U. B., xviii, n. 10M9, dated August 14, 1371, in which Valdemar makes provisionsforhis in-
heritance.
2 Bjork, loc. cit.,pp. 463-464.
8 There are numerousreferences to piracyin the period1956-1370; see H. R., i. The firstdocument
referring to piracyin theHanse Recessesis n. 3 in thatvolume,in whichunitedactionofthe merchants
is called for.
4King Albertrefersto his father'sinvasion of Copenhagen in a documentdated July 10, 1392;
E. R., iv, n. 57: 'Vortmeralle de breve,de ghedeghedinghet unde ghevenvordenvor Kopenhaghen,
do use vader dar vore lach. . . . ' The writerof 'Libellus Magnipolensis'in S. R. S., iii, Part 1, 199,
gives a picturesquedescriptionof the invasion: ' . . . unde de olde hertogevan Mekelenborchunde
hertogeHinrikquemenin Dennemarkenunde esschedenvan den hovetludenunde van des rykesrade,
dat se synemesone, hertogenAlberde,huldigedenunde deden na koninghWoldemerslesten willen
unde also en de Keyser boden hadde. Do villense uppe degedingeunde, allene dat hertogeAlbrecht
unde hertogeHinrikdar gekomenwerenmytalsodanenheldesunde macht,dat se eressonesrechtwol
mochtengevorderthebben mytmacht,doch so ummedat se eres sones rykeunde synerarmenlude
dar mede nicht vordervenwolden. .. . ' On October 7 (1376) Henning Podebusk wrote to King
Haakon of Norwayabout the war and about Duke Albert'sdesireforan armistice;Ml. U. B., xix, n.
10933; and on November 5, 1386, Heinrichand Wilhelmvon Dohna and Albrechtvon Hakeborn
tenderedreceiptto Duke Albert of Mecklenburgforpaymentfortheirservicesin the invasion of
Denmark; ibid., n. 1094?. Cf. also 'Ex Chronico Lubecensi Detmari an 1101-1395, Excerpta' in
S. R. S., iii, Part 1, 187.
i ' . . . unde sint se ok eres rechtesvor gode unde vor alle der werld also zeker unde wis weren,so
gingense in gudem gelovendesse degedingeunde vulbortmytenen an, dat se sik an beyden syden
alles rechtesvorwillekorden in den koninghvan Vranckryken, in den markgrevenvan Norenburgen
unde markgrevenVrederikevan Mytzen: wes en de vor rechtspreken,dat scholdense don unde sik
dar ane nogen laten." 'Libellus Magnipolensis,'op. cit.
6 ' ... gedegedingetvnd endrachtlikenbegrepen sint, also dat de vorbenomede dorchluchtige

Piracy in theBaltic,1375-1398 43
elect of Denmark,was to be regardedas heir-apparent,and Albert,grandsonof

the Duke of Mecklenburgas heir presumptive.Each should, in his own right,
retain that whichhe already held, includingtitlesand land. It was also agreed
that thereshouldbe no interferencewiththeprivilegesoftheDanes, particularly
with theirrightto elect a king.Meanwhile,the questionof successionwas to be
submittedto disinterestedparties for arbitration.1It is difficultto make out
what all this nonsenseand verbiage mean except that the Duke was given a
chance to enlisthis Danish and continentalfriendsin the controversy.2This he
did, but met withno success; Margaretcheck-matedhis kingat everyturn,even
vorsteherOlef,to Denemarkenkonyng,vnde vruweMargarete,to Norwegenkoninginne,sin muder,

scolenbi allen eremrechtebliuenalso beschedeliken,dat de vorbenomedeAlbrecht,hertogenHinrikes
sone to Mekelenborg,in alle sinemrechtevnd in alle sinemerue,an landen,an slotenvnd an luden
vnd wes eme mach angestoruenwesenvnd is an demekonyngrike to Denemarken,vnvorsumetbliuen
scal also, als eme to rechtevunden wert van den hochgebornvorstenvnd herren,hern Frederike,
maregreuento Miszen.' Then followthe names of the otherarbiters.And then: 'Vortmerscolen de
Denen vnd alle inwoneredes rikesto Denemarkenbi eremvrienkoreblyuenvnd bi alle erempriuile-
gien, de se van den konyngengehat hebben vnd hebben. Ok so scal de kor, den de Denen gekoren
hebben,demevorbenomedenAlbrechte,hertogenHinrikssone,konyngWoldemarsdochterkynde,to
nenenscaden eder to hinderkomenmenalso vele, dat konyngOlaffbi synemnamenblyue,dar he to
korenis.' M. U. B., xix, n. 10927,dated September21, 1376. In Suhm's copy of this documentOlaf
is referredto as son of Margaretbut not as kingof Denmark; Suhm, xiv, 500 f. NeitherSuhm nor
Erslev seem to have had access to the documentquoted above. Cf. also the ratificationofthe Copan-
hagen agreementin M. U. B., xix, n. 10972, dated Schwerin,January9, 1377.
1 Many attemptswere made to arbitrate between the two parties,and these attemptsdid not
cease until Albertdied, 1379. As early as January9, 1377, a meetingwas held betweenAlbertand
Danish representativesbut withoutsuccess; M. U. B., xix, n. 10972. Whetheror not a meetingwas
held withFrederickof Meissen forthe purposeof determiningthe youngAlbert'sstatus we do not
know.Such a meetingis referred to in 'Libellus Magnipolensis,'S. R. S., IIJ, Part 1, 199,and in a com-
municationby Cort Moltke, August 14, 1377; M. U. B., XIX, n. 11040. Moltke writesthat he is
willingto make a trip to Denmark in orderto findout ' . . . eft se dat kynt laten willen bi syme
rechtedar id rechtto heft. . ., ' if not he would proceed to Frederickof Meissen in Leipzig. The
authorof'Libellus Magnipolensis'infersthatthe meetingwas held at Leipzig in the earlypart of1377
and that Moltkeat that meetinginsistedthatthe settlementshouldbe made accordingto Danish law,
but that Duke Albertdefinitely objected to such a procedure.Both partiesalso asked the Hansa to
arbitrate;H. R., ii, n. 150. This the Hansa did at Nyborg,1377, and at Rostock, 1378; H. R., III,
n. 97; ii, n. 156; iII, n. 108. At both of these meetingsthe obstinateAlbertraised objections,and no
settlementwas reached. Meanwhile, his grandson,Albert, called himselfking of Denmark; cf.
M. U. B., XIX, nos. 10838, 10839, 10840, 10841, all dated JanuaryQ1, 1376; ibid.,n. 10847, dated
February 14, 1376; ibid., n. 10916, dated August 25, 1376 (in which Albertenliststhe servicesof
Godeke von Btilowand grantshimpossessionson Fyn in Denmark); and as late as May 3, 1380; ibid.,
n. 11264.
2 This he did, e.g., on August4, 1377, Tufe Galle and AndreasJacobson,two knights,promisedto
aid him to regainthe Danish crownforhis grandson;M. U. B., xix, n. 11038. On August 14, 1377,
Cort Moltke promisedto go to Denmark in the same matter;ibid., n. 11040. On January21, 1378,
Albertarrangeda marriagealliance forhis granddaughter, Eupheniia, and Eric the younger,son of
Duke Eric of Sachsen-Lauenbergwho, untilthen,had been a friendof Margaret; ibid.,n. 11077. On
March 4, 1378, Duke Albertof Braunsweigand Count Ulrichof Hohnsteinpromisedto aid Albert
against Denmark; ibid.,n. 11088. On May i, 1378,threeDanish noblemen,who no doubt beforehad
supportedMargaret, now promisedto aid Albert against Denmark, i.e., Jacob Axelsson,who, in
return,receivedGiirdsprovince,PeterDufe, whoreceivedJ4restadsprovince,and JesseTufe,whore-

when the Duke enlisted the emperor's support,' and kept her king on the
throne.2True, the Danes were at timeswillingto appease Albertwithpromises
of certaindistrictsof Denmark, but he held out forall or none.3 His death in
13794 ended all this wranglingand saved Denmark for the Danes. Thus, with
fate itselfseemingto bow to her will, did Margaret see the firstpolicy of her
threefold programrealized.
ceived Goinge province;ibid.,nos. 11102, 11103, 11104. These documentsare also printedin Styffe,
Bidrag, i, nos. 69, 70, 71. On September8, 1378, a marriagealliance was concluded forElizabeth,
daughterofDuke AlbertofSachsen and Duke Albert'sgrandson,Albert(the pretenderto the Danish
throne),withproperprovisionsforher if Albertshouldbecome kingof Denmark; M. U. B., xix, n.
11137.
1 Albertbroughtthe matterbeforeEmperorCharles IV who on September12, 1377,issued a com-
municationto all holdersofDanish castlesorderingthemto supportAlbert'sgrandsonforthe Danish
throne,and statingthat if they did not do so they must personallygive an account of theiractions
beforethe emperor;M. U. B., XIX, n. 11044. This was nothingnew forthe emperorhad constantly
supportedAlbertin his ambition;cf. Bjork, op. cit.,p. 472 and note 3. Again,January16, 1376, the
emperororderedLuibeckto supportMecklenburgforthe successionin Denmark; M. U. B., xix, n.
10834. On March 4, 1376, a marriagealliance was drawnup forthe emperor'syoungestson, Count
Johann,and Euphemia, the granddaughterof Albert of Mecklenburg;ibid., n. 10851; cf. also nos
10875, 10876, 10877,dated May 1, 3, 1376, dealingwiththe same matters.On May 4, 1376,the em-
peroronce moreannouncedhis supportof Albert'sgrandsonbecause 'he is firstin line since he is the
son of Valdemar's oldest daughter';ibid.,n. 10884.
2 Margaret also had friendswho werewillingto supportheragainstMecklenburg;e.g., October26,
1376,Duke BugislawofPomeraniamade such an agreement;M. U. B., xix, n. 10935; Suhm,xiv, 30;
November 1, 1376, Duke Eric of Sachsen-Lauenburgpromisedaid against Mecklenburg.His price
was high,namely,one-sixthofthe Skane tollstogetherwithnumerousothertollsand dues. However,
in returnhe gave Margaret Laholm, Falkenbergand Oppensten,importantborderfortifications on
the Swedishfrontier whichprovedveryvaluable to herwhenshe latermade war againstKing Albert
ofSweden; M. U. B., xix, n. 10940; Suhm,xiv, 503-505. A yearlaterEric wentoverto Albert'sside;
see note above. February5, 1377, Eric the youngerand Duke Bugislaw of Pomerania made an alli-
ance withMargaret;M. U. B., xix, n. 10981. Margaret,however,could not be absolutelysureofthe
supportofall ofthe Danish nobleswho,likemostnoblesofthe time,kepttheirown selfishinterestsin
theforeground. Some ofthesefoundit moreprofitableto join Albert;othersbided theirtimein watch-
fulwaitingto see whichpartywould win and thusbecome of serviceto them.It is interesting to note
that in most agreements(Handfestninger) betweenthe king and the people in Denmark it was cus-
tomaryto include an articlestatingthat no new king should be elected duringthe reignof the one
makingthe agreement.This may be interpretedin two ways,eitherthe rightofthe kingto name and
sponsorthe electionofa successoris therebyrestricted, or his reignis therebysafeguardedfrominter-
ferenceand dethronement. Such a clause is not to be foundin Olaf's agreement;'Constitutio0 laui, 3
Maji 1376 data' in Aarsberetninger fra det KongeligeGeheimearchiv, ii (Copenhagen, 1860), 21-24,
whichmay indicatethatthe royalcouncilwas not quite sureofOlaf's rightsto the crownand thusleft
the door open forthe Mecklenburgheir ifnecessary.
3At the meetingin Nyborg,in the summerof 1377,he was offered Langeland, Laaland, Falsterand
M0n, small but importantislands, if the youngAlbertby oath would recognizeOlaf as king and if
Duke Albertwould agreeto have the Danish Councilsupervisetheseprovincesuntilthe youngAlbert
came of age; H. R., iii, n. 97. A year later,at the meetingin Rostock in the summerof 1378, he was
offered the same islandsand halfof Fyn forwhichhe, however,should pay 30,000Marks silver;ibid.,
ii, n. 156, and iII, n. 108. Both of these proposals Albert turneddown, constantlyholdingout for
more.
4 M. U. B., xix, n. 11177,quoted fromthe Chronicleof Detmar, ed. by Koppmann in Chron.der
deutschen Stddte,xix, 564.

It was duringthis time that the merchantsof the German Hansa began to
complainloudlyof piracy.' Not onlydid singlepirate ships strikeat theirtrade
but time and again large fleetsappeared and inflictedterrificdamages.2 On
March 14, 1377, it was reportedthat about 200 pirates lay near Fyn 'with no
good intentionsto the trader,'3and a month later news reached the Hansa
councilthatabout 400 piratesinfestedthewatersnear Jutland,Sk'ane,and Fyn.4
How to freethehighseas frompiratesand safeguardthe tradeofthe League was
a burningquestionat practicallyall Hansa meetings.5Strictmeasuresand united
action were considerednecessary.The merchantsdecided to equip peace-ships,
vredecogghen,6to patrol the seas7 from the beginningof the sailing season to
November11.8 The cost oftheseshipswas to be defrayedby a special tax, called
1 The merchantcomplainedthat the sea was made unsafebecause of the unsettledpoliticalcondi-

tionsdue to the quibblingabout the successionin Denmark;H. R., ii, n. 105. Because ofthesepolitical
conditionsit was necessaryforStralsundto request safe passage to Ltibeckin 1378 fromAlbertof
Mecklenburg;M. U. B., xix, n. 11142; and the Prussianand Livonian delegatesto the Hansa meet-
ings were grantedsuch safe passage to Liibeck in the same year by Albert;ibid., n. 11143; cf. also
H. R., iII, nos. 99, 113, 114, 115. Piracy is of coursementionedas the chiefdifficulty, and therewas
need to safeguardthe sea; H. R., ii, n. 147.
2 'Also jw wol to wetendewordenis dat de seroveregroten drepplichenscaden in der se ghedan
hebben, scepe unde gud ghenomenhebben unde lude ghevanghenhebben, . . .' H. R., iii, n. 99.
Cf. also, ibid., ii, n. 927: 'dem gemeynencopmanne... to grotemschaden komen.'
3 'Ceterumsciatis,nos intellexisse, ultraducentosvirosprope Feoniam,proprieFuine,congregatos
fore,timentesmercatoresin mariper eosdem dampnabiliterdepredari.'H. R., ii, n. 148.
4 ' . . . magnam congregacionem diversarumpersonarumultra 400 virorumnumerumin diversis
regniDacie finibus,videlicetJuczia,Schania et Feonia unitam fore,conanciumet preparanciumse
navigioad depradandummercatoresin mari.' H. R., iii, n. 95.
6 Time and again references are made to this problemat Hansa meetings; see H. R., ii, iii, iv;
numerousdocuments.
6 E.g., ' . . . alse denvredecogghen. . . ';H. R., ii, n. 120,?6; ... . dat de vredescepe altomale
mit der sulven were ... 9';ibid., n. 156, ?2; ' ... dat de czoldenerevan den vredeschependen zero-
veren wedder ghenomenhadden . . .'; ibid., n. 220, ?5; ' . . . was umme de vredeschepeut tho
maken'; ibid.,n. 227. For threeyears,1376, 1378, 1379, Lubeck and Stralsundequipped peace-ships;
ibid., n. 226: ' . . . also wy nu wol dre jare tovoreghedaenhebben.' The mastersof these ships were
councilmen;ibid.,n. 156, ?2; and the crewwas augmentedby mercenarysoldiersand theircaptains;
ibid., n. 2920,?5. The booty, if not goods belongingto Hansa towns,should be divided among the
crew;ibid.,n. 220, ?5; n. 276, ?5, and n. 300. There are no references to peace-shipsin 1377,probably
because ofthe oppositionofRostockand Wismar.January25, 1378,Ltibeck,Stralsundand Greiswald
decidedto equip peace-ships;ibid.,n. 153, ?2; iii, n. 100. May 30, 1378,it was decided,in spite ofthe
oppositionfromRostock and Wismar,to keep peace-shipsat sea until November 11, althoughthe
councilmanin chargecould returnby June24; ibid.,ii, n. 156, ?2. In 1379 the Baltic was patrolledby
peace-ships.On January16, that year, the Prussian towns agreed to aid withships and tax as they
had done the year before;ibid., iii, n. 118.
7E.g., ' . . . liburnimare pacificantes...'; ibid., ii, n. 121; '. . . naves sive Liburni ad mare
pacificandum. ..'; ibid.,iii, n. 137; '. . . navesdefensorie ad marepacificandum. . .'; ibid.,iii,
nos. 139, 180.
8 ' ... de vredescepe... scolen bliven an der zee ... to sante Mertins daghe.... (November
11); ibid., ii, n. 156, ?2; n. 263, ?2; n. 300; cf. also nos. 284; 232, ?4. The towns were not always in
agreementsto how late the peace-shipsshould be kept in sea; e.g., ibid.,ii, n. 190, ?14. November11
seemsto have been the timetheygenerallywerecalled in; ibid.,iII, n. 130, and IT, n. 220, ?5.

46 Piracy in theBaltic, 1375-1398
Pfundzoll,lto be levied on all cities of the League. Furtherto safeguardtrade,

the townswere later advised not to allow theirtradingvessels to sail except in
groups.2It was also agreed that all those who harboredpirates or stolengoods
should be treatedwith no more considerationthan the pirates themselves.3
One mightexpect that these measureswould have met with the general ac-
claim of all towns,but such was not the case. The enforcement met withdifficul-
ties,forthe unityof the Hansa townswas not so strong then4as it had been in
the greatwar against Valdemar.The Prussian towns, which traded throughthe
Sound with England, at firstagreed to pay the special tax,5 but later they
balked:6 theyrightlysuspectedthat piracy was being used forpoliticalpurposes.
They also feared that theiraid in the suppression of piracy might cause them
with
increasingdifficulties the contesting powers. Furthermore, the Mecklenburg
towns,like Rostock and Wismar,refusedto join in the concertedaction;7they
were even excusedat the MidsummerHansetageof 1377, held in Lubeck,8from
participatinguntil theirduke made peace with Denmark. It is strangethat the
League shouldhave excused some of its membersfromduties so essentialto the
safetyof all.
Albert of Mecklenburgwas angeredwith the League forplayingMargaret's
game, and hence the pirates have generallybeen consideredas his partisans.
1 In the Recessforthe meeting,June24, 1376, it was stipulatedthat part of the toll fromSkAne
should be used forpeace-ships.If that was not sufficient then it would be necessaryto levy a special
tax for that purpose; i.e., ' . . . men mote puntgheltnemen . . . to den vredecogghenunde vele
anderengrotenK0sten . . . '; ibid.,ii, nos. 120, ??6, 10; 121, 132. Lubeck's expenseforpeace-shipsin
1376 was 1672 LuibeckMarks, and Stralsund's1348 Lubeck Marks; ibid., ii, n. 171; also n. 122. In
1378 the cost of peace-shipsforthosetwo townswas over 10,000Lubeck Marks (Ltibeck's5964, and
Stralsund's4446); ibid.,ii, n. 171; iII, n. 124. The expendituresforpeace-shipsin 1379 is in ibid., III,
nos. 131, 132, and ii, n. 228, and in Koppmann's note on page 112 in vol. III; see also II, n. 215; iII,
nos. 133, 134, 119, 124; and numerousotherdocuments.
2 ' . . . dat en jewelkstat de ere warnenschal,dat mallikse to synerzegelatze und in alzodane vlote
segele,dat se des nenenschadennemen.'Ibid., ii, n. 254, ?8; advice givenat Stralsund,September29,
1382. B Ibid., ii, n. 156, ?2, May 30, 1378; cf. p. 39, n. 2 above forquotation.
4 See p. 52, n. 1 below forparticulars.
5 Ibid., ii, nos. 141, 144, 147; for1376-1377. Reval levied the tax at the time stipulated; ibid., iII,
nos. 85, 86. However,LUlbeck,Stralsundand Greiswaldhad to notifythe East Baltic townsto post-
pone the paymentof the tax to June24, 1377,since some of the neighboringtownshad not acted on
the measure; ibid., ii, nos. 148, 149. The neighboringtownswere Rostock and Wismar.In 1379 the
Prussian townsagreed to pay the tax; ibid., iII, n. 118.
6 In 1380 the Prussian towns objected; Ibid., ii, n. 227; cf. also ibid., n. 174, ?8. After 1381 the
Hansa thoughtthat the Prussiantownsshould stand the cost; ibid.,nos. 220, 226, 227, since Ltibeck
and Stralsundhad carriedthebruntofthe burdenforthreeyears:' .. . also wynu wol dre jare tovore
ghedaenhebben.' Ibid., ii, n. 226, and also n. 228.
7 On June 24, 1377, Rostock and Wismar agreed with reservationsin spite of the fact that they
had beenicommissionedto equip the ships. Their argumentwas that theywould join in the concerted
action only iftheirlord,the Duke of Mecklenburg,had made peace with Margaret;ibid., ii, n. 150,
?4, and page 157. Because of thisoppositionno peace-shipsweresentout in 1377.
8 'Ok hebbende stede den van Rostok unde van der Wismerdes vordreghen, dat se in den ersten
twenjaren nene wapendelude dorvenutmaken.Weretaver, dat ere herevan Mekelenborchsik vor-
sonede mitdeme riketo Denemarken,unde ok allike wol de serovereuppe der zee weren,so scolenze
lik den anderenstedendoen, alze en to borenmach.' Ibid., II, n, 150, ?4.

Althoughthis is the attitudetaken by some historians,'littleis said about the
guilt of the Danes. True, the Danes have been blamed by some historiansfor
the activitiesof the piratesafterthe death of the duke. But weretheyblameless
before?Had not largebands ofpiratesbeen sightedin Danish waters,seeking
and finding- sheltersamong the islands?2Had not several Hansa ships been
seized in 1377 and the stolengoods taken to New Lindholm on Fyn?3Had not
the Danes showedreluctancewhen asked to aid the League against the pirates?
The Hansa made these complaintsand more,such as interference with fishing
rightsin Sk&ne4 and seizure of goods from shipwreckedHansa merchantsby
Danish nobles.5It was even found necessaryto relieveHenningvon Podebusk,
a Danish noble and the queen's right-handman, of the administrationof the
fourSk&necastles.' The chargesagainsthim weremismanagementand keeping
shipwreckedgoods.
Enough, perhaps,has been said to show that the Danes were implicatedin
piracy before the death of Albert. Surely, in Margaret, the Hansa found a
staunch adversary.She was a woman whom no obstacles could deter,to whom
even treaty obligationswere not sacred, and who was swayed by her private
'Particularly Erslev who states that from 1376 to 1379 the piratesoperated fromMecklenburg
harborsand that Alberthad his hand in the game; p. 74 ff.
2 The Danish islands servedas convenientsheitersforthe pirates; see e.g., M. R., ii, n. 148; iii,
n. 95.
' Ibid., ii, no. 150, ?4; and particularlyiii, n. 99, in which Ltibeckwritesto the Prussian towns,
October 16, 1377: ' . . . unde hebbendat uppe voretto deme Nyen Lintholmeby Vune, dar se stark
lighen,also wy vornomenhebben,also dat ererwol verhundertsind unde sterkensich yo de mervan
tydento thyden,des vruchtewe, werddat nichtwedderstan,dat dar grotschade af schenmoghe.'
" Ibid., ii, n. R32,?7. For generalcomplaintssee ibid.,nos. 150,232. The League foundit imperative
to forbidtheirmembersto attendthe fishingplaces unlessconditionsimproved;cf.ibid.,n. 150, ?12.
Glancingthroughthe minutesof the Hansa meetingsof this period one cannot help but note the
numerouscomplaints.Again and again we read:'... unde de kopmanby symerechte und vryheit
blyvenmoghe.'
6 Ibid., ii, n. R30.The chargesmade by the Hansa weredenied by Peter Walekendorpand Albrecht
Kalenberch who ' . . . unschuldigedende konyngynnevan dem seerove,dat dat en ruchtewere an
den stedenund see vordachtworde,dat se de seeroverscholdeheghen,und dat genomendegutup ere
slote scholdekomenwesenund ok ummede schicht,de deme kopmanneschenwas up Schone,dat se
se ok dar ane untschuldegeden.'But the Hansa maintained' . . . dat den steden grotschade schen
wereute erenlanden und ute erensloten; wolde e se dar umme spreken,dat den stedenere schade
wordewedderlecht,und lik vor unlikschege,dat woldense gernenemen.'Cf. also n. 231.
' Afterthe peace of Stralsund, 1370, Henning Podebusk was appointed manager of the SkAne
castles forthe Hansa. He was reappointedfromtimeto timein spite of unfavorablecriticismof his
management;ibid.,ii, nos. 104, 105, 106. May 30, 1378,he was relieved;ibid.,nos. 156, ?24, 158,and
orderedto turnoverthe managementto GregorSwertingand Nikolaus Zeghefrid,representatives of
the Hansa; ibid., iii, n. 108. The chiefaccusation against HenningPodebusk was that he had taken
shipwreckedgoods at Helsingborgin 1377. Part of this he returned,claimingthat he onlykept one-
tenthforhimself;ibid., iv, nos. 154, 185, 186. But the Hansa claimed that he kept morethan one-
tenth;ibid.,ii, n. R32,?15. These chargeshe said he wouldanswerlater; ibid.,IV, p. 158. See also ibid.,
iii, n. 191; II, nos, 174, 232, 276, 290. As to his managementsee ibid., iI, nos. 215, i90. But the cities
continuedto have difficulties in SkAnewiththeirown representatives forin 1380the managementwas
transferred to PeterStromekendorp and WulfWulflam;ibid.,ii, nos. 220, ?25, 232. On September29,
1382,WuifWulflamwas made sole managerin SkAne;ibid.,ii, n. 254, ?8. The Hansa also had troubles
in Norway,see Munch, ii, Part 2, 83 ff.

ambition.This ambition,so faras it concernedthe Hansa, was the returnof the

Sk&necastles whichhad been ceded to the Hansa in 1370.1 For fifteenyears2
the League was to hold these castles as securityagainst interferencewith the
privilegesof the League in Denmark and Norway. But this securitywas decep-
tive. The guarantybecame a burden.The incomefromSk&nehardlymatched
the outlay.3Nor did this securitypreventMargaretfrominterfering with the
League's privileges.4On the death of Haakon of Norway in 1380,5the queen
refusedto renewtheirprivilegesin that country.6Her answer,whenrequestedto
do so was: 'WhenHaakon died,yourprivilegesdied also.'7 Meanwhile,she talked
about the returnof the Sk&ne castles and even suggestedthat the merchants
would findit to theirinterestto returnthembeforethe timestipulated.8
Piracy was a good weapon by whichto forcethis issue.9 The Hansa was ob-
liged to patrolthe sea, and the enormouscost was met by heavy assessmentson
all towns.10Added to this were the immenselosses in ships and goods because
of piracy." And someone,the League protested,should reimbursethe traders
1
For the documentsof the treatyof Stralsundsee ibid., I, nos. 513, 523, 524.
2 Bjork, loc. cit.,460 ff.At the meetingin Stralsund,October27, 1371,the cities promisedto return
the SkAnecastles at the end of fifteen years; H. R., ji, n. 26; cf.ibid.,pp. 27-42.
3 For an account of this subject see Ernst Robert Daenell, Die Kolner Konf6deration vomJahre
1367 unddie Schonischen Pfandschaften(Leipzig, 1894). See also the Introductionto Dietrich Schafer
Das Buch des Liibeckischen Vogtsauf Schonen(Ltibeck,1927), and Erslev.
4The privilegesofthe League wereconstantlyjeopardized.After1380 the Hansa became morein-
sistenton her rights;see H. R., II, nos. 248, 254, 255, 258. Wulf Wulflamhad difficulties in SkAne
and Margaret requested a meetingwith representativesof the cities to discuss their rightsand
privileges;cf. ibid.,nos. 266, 267.
5 Munch, ii, Part 2, 113 ff.fora good discussionof Haakon and his death.
6 AlthoughHaakon renewedtheirprivilegesin Norway at Kalundborg in 1376, on January20,
1377, afterhis returnto Norway,he made importantchangesand limitedthemin theiractivities;
Suhm,xiv, 510-511; Munch, ii, Part 2, 83 ff.The new arrangements remainedin forceuntilhis death
whenMargaretmade use of the situationto forcethe citiesto returnthe SkAnecastles. Margaret's
refusalcaused a stormof protestsfromthe merchants;see H. R., ii, nos. 232, 239, 240, 266. When
MargaretretookSkUneshe promisedrestorationof theirprivileges.
7 ' . ..nu de koningdoet is, dat nu unse privilegiedoet syn.' Ibid., ii, n. 240, ?13.
8The answerof the League was that SkAnewould be returned: ... . als men doch sal wennede
tyd ommekumt.' Ibid.
9 From 1381 to 1385 piracyincreasedalarmingly.The Danes were outrightaccused of instigating
piraticalexpeditionsand of protectingthe pirates.Wismarand Rostock now joined in the efforts to
stamp out the scourge.The worstyearwas 1384. At all costs,piracymustbe stopped. Ibid., ii, nos.
220, 230, 231, 240, 2,54,258, 259, 263, 266. The Wendictownseven proposedan alliance withDanish
noblesagainst the pirateswho werethoughtto be in the serviceof the queen; ibid.,no. 266; but the
Prussiantownsobjectedto such an alliance; ibid.,270. Merchantswereadvised to sail in fleets;ibid.,
ii, n. 254; and fromtimeto timearmedships weresentout against the pirates; e.g., ibid.,III, n. 141.
10Pfundzolland peace-shipsare discussedat nearlyall meetingsuntil1386 whenthedangerabated;
ibid.,Nos. 226, 227, 228, 232, 254, 258, 262, 263, 270, 274, 275, 276, 293, 297, and others.The settle-
mentof the cost of the peace-shipsremaineda vexed problemforyears.
11The Prussiantownsalone estimated' . . . alle den schadenden dis land bynnendessen 15 jaren
hat genomenin Denemarken. . . 'to 31,125'marklotich,'i.e., from1370 to 1385,an enormoussum if
one estimatesthe markat 70 R.M. each; H. R., ii, n. 305. GerhardFranke,however,in his Liibeckals
Geldgeber Liineburgs(Neumuinster, 1935), estimatesthe Ltibeckmarkat 50 R.M. each. Even so, the
damagesinflictedupon the Prussiantownswas enormous.Koppmann's ratherconservativeestimate
is 42 R.M. foreach Lubeck mark; H. R., IV, xvi.

for these. The merchantsvery franklyaccused Margaret of protectingthe
pirates,1and consequentlyheld her responsiblefor theiractions. Capriciously
the queen promisedthem aid2 against the pirates,but flatlyrefusedto pay for
the losses incurred.She maintainedthat, accordingto the treatyof Stralsund,
whichstated that 'No one shall suffer forthe guiltof another,exceptthe breaker
of the law' she could not be held responsibleforthe actions of her men.' It is
strangethat the queen should admit that some of the culpritswere Danes; but
strangerstill that she should proposeherselfas peacemakerbetweenthepirates
and the merchants.At her instigationa truce was drawn up to last fromSep-
tember,1381, to May, 1382.4Later it was extendedto November 11, 1383.5
This truce introducesthe pirate chiefs.The list includesthe names of Danish
nobles and the names of Germansliving in Denmark.6 Knights, squires,and
bailiffs,even councillorsand vassals of the queen are included.The pity of it is
that all this effortapparentlywas useless,forpiracydid not abate.7 Again the
Hansa had to patrolthesea at greatexpense.One thing,however,had beengained:
the queen presumablywas more friendly.Nine Danish ships joined the Hansa
contingent.8This was in 1384. The followingyear the merchantsturnedover
1 H. R., ii, n. 240. Not only was she accused of protectingthe pirates,but also of allowingstolen
wares to be storedin her own castles. See also later lists of complaintsmade by the Hansa; ibid.,iv,
nos. 154, 185, 236.
2 Ibid., ii, nos. 240 (1381), 276 (1384). October 9, 1384, she also promisedto help the merchants
regain shipwreckedgoods seized by Ghuntereand Yeppen Muize, ibid., n. 293. Yeppen Muze (or
JiippMus) was in chargeof Lindholmcastle in SkUnein 1389; see Styffe, SkandinavienunderUnions-
tiden(Stockholm,1911), p. 72.
3 September15, 1381, Margaretclaimed that she was not responsibleforthe actions of her men,
since ' . . . de unsculdeghedes sculdeghennicht untgheldenen sal, unde nemant vor den anderen
beterenen darf,merelc vor sic zelven.' H. R., ii, n. 240, ?2. The same idea is set forthin the peace of
Stralsund,1370: 'Vortmerschal neman vor den anderenbeteren,men we se brekt,de schal vor sik
sulven beteren;dar schal ok neman des anderenuntghelden. . . '; ibid., i, nos. 513, 523. However,
whenthe merchantslaid the responsibility on Margaretforthe actions ofherown men theywerere-
feringto the peace agreementbetweenMargaret and themselvesin 1376:'... ene ganeze zone vor
dat gancze rikeunde vor alle de inwoneredes rikes.' Ibid., iII, p. 126.
4 Ibid., ii, nos. 230, 231, 240. HenningPodebusk servedas arbiter.Cf. also M. U. B., xx, n. 11416,
dated Nyk6ping,March 16, 1382; H. R., iii, n. 146; L. E.K. U. B., iii, n. 1188.
5 H. R., ii, n. 248, ?4. An alliance betweenthe merchantsand some of the Danish nobles was dis-
cussedat themeetingin Luibeck,October4, 1383; ibid.,ii, n. 266, ?9,but thePrussianstownsobjected

and refusedto join in such an undertaking;ibid.,ii, n. 270, ?4.
6 Ibid., ii, n. 240, ?3. The names of the pirate chiefs mentionedare: Trud Mus, Holger Jonsson,
Niels Jonsson,Niels Swarteskaning,all of these fromSkane; and Lydeke Skinkel,Eler Rantzow,

Fikke Grubendal, Kord Hovenschild, Henrik Vardenberg,and Henneke Grubendal, all of these
Germanslivingin Denmark and some of themin the queen's service.Like Elizabeth of England in
later times,Margaretrewardedsome of these men withland and officesfortheirservicesto her; see
Erslev, pp. 94-95, and notes.
7 As indicatedabove the most seriousyear was 1384. At Stralsund,1382, the merchantsdecided
not to renewthe trucewiththe pirates but to equip peace-shipsfor1383, and to double theirforces
for1384; see e.g., H. R., ii, no. 254, 266.
8 Some of these ships were fittedout by the queen, others by Danish nobles, in this fashion:
... . de koninhynne wil uthmakentwo schepe,herHenninghde drosteok twe schepe,Cort Molteke

dre,jungheher Henninghvan Pubuizeen schypunde Marquard WAstenyeok en schyp.' Ibid., ii, n.
276, ?4. Each ship shouldhave ten to twelvearmedmen aside fromthe customarycrew.

the duty of patrolingthe sea to a Liubeck councillor,Wulf Wulflam.'He was
paid 5,000 marksand giventhe loan of severalHansa shipsforhis task.
While Margaretwas conciliatoryshe had by no means givenup her ambition.
Sk&nemustbe returned.Numerousmeetingswereheld betweenher and Hansa
representativesto considerthe question. Her demands were met with requests
forcompensationand the renewalof privilegesin Norway.2The Prussiantowns,
1 This is the WulfWulflamwhoin 1382 was commissioned to relieveHenningPodebuskas governor
of the SkAnecastles; ibid.,ii, n. 254. As such he foundhis positionin SkAneverydifficult and made
constantcomplaint.On the otherhand the Hansa was slow in payinghim forhis workand he was
always remindingthemof his needs forfunds;e.g., ibid.,and also n. 258, ?6, and 263, ?1. In spite of
the difficulties he neverthelesspromisedthe Hansa on March 12, 1385,that he wouldhold the SkAne
castles forthemuntilAscensionDay of that year; ibid., ii, n. 298, ?8. At that meetinghe was also
commissionedto take fullchargeof the patrollingof the sea against pirates.The contract,drawnup
betweenhim and the towns,is dated March 16, 1385. It providedthat he would be ready to start
' ... vertendage na paschen . . . ' and remainat sea until' . . . sunteMertensdaghe . . . ' (Novem-
ber 11); that he should equip ships and hire armed men, and'. . . de see vreden,und de seerovere
medekrenken,alse he beste kan unde mach,sunderarghelyst.'In orderto carryout thisprogramthe
cities would lend him ' . . . veer snicken. . . 'well equipped, but all otherexpenseshe should stand
himselfand fortheseand forhis services' . . . scholeneme de stede geven5,000 Mark Sundisch.' He
could claim forhimselfall booty seized fromthe piratesunless ' . . . dat de seeroverdem koepmanne
dat ghenomenhadden . . . ' whenhe should ' . . . deme koepmanneweddergheven . . . ' or to their
relatives. If he learned that ' . . . yemant de seeroverehusede, hovede eder spisede, den mach he
lik den seeroverenargen,wante wy se allike schuldichholden,'but he should aid all friendsof the
cities. Wulf does not seem to have met witha great deal of success forthe real blow to piracywas
deliveredby King Olafwhoin thelatterpartof1385 sentout a fleetto scourthesea and who promised
the merchantsto keep the Sound freeofpirates;see below. The paymentofWulfmetwithdifficulties
and was discussedat numerousmeetingsin the yearsfollowing.
2 For fouryears these questionswere debated pro and con, but no decisionwas reached. Already
in 1381 Margarethad requestedthe returnofSkAne.This requestwas submittedto a largegathering

of Hansa representativesfromthe Wendic, Prussian and ZuyderZee towns,who met in SkAneon
September15, 1381; H. R., ii, n. 240. Their answerwas that SkAnewould be returnedat the time
stipulatedin the treaty.Margaretthenasked fora meetingin Nykopingin 1382; ibid.,ii, nos. 241,
243. At Wismar,March 9, 1382,it was agreedto referthe questionofSkEne to the Midsummermeet-
ing that year; ibid., ii, n. 247. Meanwhile, the Prussian towns refusedto attend the meetingat
Nykoping,and althoughthat meetingtook place nothingwas done about SkAne;ibid.,iii, p. 16. On
September99, 1382, Margaret was notifiedto attend a meetingin Stralsund,April 5, 1383, forthe
purposeofdiscussingthe difficulties betweenherand the towns;ibid.,ii, nos. 254, 255; but Margaret
did not attendthat meetingand on October4, 1382, it was reportedthat she had asked fora meeting
withHansa representatives at Nykopingor Vordingborg, in 1384. She wouldbringwithherthe royal
counciland representativeDanish nobles and theywould discuss all Hansa complaintsand requests
forprivileges;ibid., ii, n. 966. If she should fail to keep this appointmenta Hansa meetingwould be
held in Ltibeckto discuss all theirdifficulties (i.e., complaints,damages, compensation,SkAne). On
February28, 1384, it was thoughtnecessaryto remindMargaretof the meetingat Nykoping;ibid.,
ii, n. 973. Meanwhile,on January13, 1384, the Prussian townsflatlyrefusedto attend the meeting
at Nykoiping or Vordingborg; ibid.,ii, n. 270; and on March 14,HenningPodebuskinformed Stralsund
that ifthe Prussiantownswerenot representedat the meeting'as the rumorwas' he fearedthat no
settlementcould be made; ibid., ii, n. 974. While the Prussian towns refusedto send delegates to
Nykopingthey would, however,meet Margaret on German soil at Stralsund; ibid., Ii, n. 275. The
Stralsundmeetingtook place, April24, and Margaretwas there.She was conciliatoryand promised
to aid the Hansa withnine ships against the pirates; she also asked fora meetingin Skgne,butwhen
requestedto turnover capturedpiratecastles to the towns,she was evasive. She did not refuse,but
asked fortimeso that she could consultthe royal council,sayingshe would give a definiteanswerat

which had sufferedgreatly at the hands of the pirates, were particularlyin-

sistent.1Their slogan was: No compensation,no Skhne.They chided the queen
forhidingbehindan emptyclause in the treatyofStralsund.They even proposed
that a completelist of losses be drawn up, and submittedto her. If she would
meet theirdemands,they would favor the returnof the castles. But Margaret
made no commitments. On the contrary,in 1385, at the time stipulatedforthe
returnof the castles, she came to SkAnewith a large following.2 She was met
withcourtesybut was firmly told that Skhnecould not be surrendered.However,
she was not a woman to be refused.She took formalpossessionof the province,
bad her son approved as regent,and notifiedthe Hansa of her action.3What
the nextmeeting;ibid.,ii, n. 276. The townsfeltthat theyweremakingprogressbut whenthe meet-

ingwas held in SkAneMargaretdid not appear. A monthlater,at the meetingat Falsterbo,Margaret
again was conciliatorybut made no promisesas to privilegesin Norwayor as to indemnityforlosses;
thus the old difficulties remainedas before.She proposeda new meetingat Helsingborg(SkAne)on
AscensionDay, 1385 (i.e., the day on which,accordingto the StralsundtreatySkane should be re-
storedto Denmark), and to this meetingshe would bringthe royal counciland all papers and make
definitesettlements;ibid., ii, n. 293. On March 12, the same year, the meetingat Ltibecknotified
Margaret that the townscould not meet withherat Helsingborgforneitherthe timenor the place
suited them,but that theywould meet withher at Stralsundas soon as possible. This letterdid not
reach Margaretuntiltwo monthslater; see note 3 below. Skane is not mentioned,but WulfWulflam
was instructedto hold the Skane castles beyond AscensionDay and to patrol the sea against the
pirates; ibid., ii, nos. 298, 299, 300.
1 Ibid., ii, n. 270; refusalto negotiatewithMargaretunless she promisedcompensationforlosses
(January,1384). Ibid., II, nos. 274, 275; III, n. 180, retentionof Skane in orderto forceMargaretto
pay indemnityforlosses. Ibid., II, n. 305, estimateof losses forfifteenyearsand refusalto surrender
SkAneuntilMargaretagreedto pay forthese losses.
' The AscensionDay, 1385. See 'AnnalesDanici ab anno 1316 ad annum 1389' in S. R. D., vi, 534.
3 ' . . . de slote uppe Schone, als Helsingborch,Elenbogen, und Schonor und Falsterbode . . . '
which accordingto the Stralsund treaty the cities should hold for fifteenyears ' . . . mit al eren
tobehoringhenweddergeantwordethebben na unsem willen wol to unser nughe.... ' Their com-
plaints and requestsforprivilegesweretreatedas follows:'Ok schullense uns nichtweddermanen,
of de unse jenighenschaden edder hinderin den herdender vorgescrevenslote gedan hebben. Dat
schal in beyden (syden) quiit wesenund sundermaningebliven.' A hopefulnote was introducedaim-
ing,no doubt,to forestallany violentaction fromthe Hansa: 'Vortmertho wat tidense des van uns
begerendesin, dat wy en vornyende confirmacien, de wy en gegevenhebben up ere privilegienund
vriheitin unsemryketho Denemarken,der vornigingeschullewy en nichtwegeren.'H. R., ii, n. 308,
dated May 11, 1385. Less than two weeks later the Hansa letterof March 12 arrived (it evidently
had been delayed fortwo months)withthe refusalof the cities to meet in SkAnesince 'neithertime
norplace suited them,'requestinga meetingin Stralsundas soon as possible,and ignoringthe Skane
question; ibid., ii, n. 299; cf. also the minutesof the meetingfromwhichthis letterwas sent,and at
whichWulf Wulflamwas instructedto hold the SkAnecastles beyond AscensionDay; ibid., n. 298.
The Hansa lettercaused indignationbut Margaret was equal to the occasion-her diplomacywas a
masterstroke.Three letterswerepreparedand sent post haste to the League, one by King Olaf, one
by Margaret,and one by HenningPodebusk. Olaf's letterwas sharp and carrieda note of threat.If
the cities,contraryto treatyagreements,refusedto returnSkAne,his inheritance,he would complain
to the Pope, the Emperor,to all kingsand nobles,to knightsand squires,to citiesand countries.He
hoped, however,that they would not make this necessary;ibid., iII, n. 190, dated May 23, 1385.
Margaret's letter of the same day was friendlyand somewhatflattering, promisingthe cities her
assistance in preventingfurtherdifficulties betweenthem and her son who was greatlyangeredby
theirattitude;ibid.,n. 189. HenningPodebusk's letter,dated a day later,admonishedthe merchants
to agree to Olaf's termsand give up SkAnewithoutfurthertrouble;ibid.,n. 191.

would the Hansa do? What could the League do?1To object mightmean war2
and the Hansa was not ready forsuch a drastic measure.3As a resultof these
events, piracy gradually died out.4 The economic horizon cleared and trade
progresseduninterruptedly forfouryears. By no trickof fate,therefore, but by
her will and ingenuityalone, Margaret had seen her second policy come to
fruition.Peace had come to the Baltic and the firstperiod of piracy was over.
1 Afterall the unityof the Hanseatic League was confrontedat this timeby numerousproblems.
The Wendictownsusuallyacted in unison.The Prussiantownsalso acted as a unitbut wereat times

suspiciousof the policies of the Wendic towns. The Prussian trade, throughthe Sound on England
and Flanders,sufferedgreatlyfrompiracy,but as long as Skane was controlledby the League they
had hopes forpeacefulshipping.If theyat timesobjected to payingPfundzollforpeaceships,which,
accordingto theirstory,stayed in harborwhilepiratessweptthe sea (H. R., iii, n. 141, 1381), they
were,nevertheless,willingto stand theirshareofthe burden.The Prussiantownsnow began to speak
of the dissolutionof the Cologne Confederation,organizedin 1367. They feltthat the confederation
had been maintainedforthe purpose of administeringSkane, but since Sk?hnewould be returnedto
Denmarkin 1385theconfederation oughtto be dissolved;ibid.,ii, n. 275, March 30, 1384. The Wendic
townsobjected but werewillingto discussthe matter;ibid.,n. 276, April24. On July26 the Prussian
townsproposeddissolutiononce more; ibid., n. 290. At Falsterbo,October 9, the question was dis-
cussed but no agreementreached; ibid.,n. 293. December 18, the Prussiantownsagain proposeddis-
solution;ibid.,n. 297. At Ltibeck,March 12, 1385, the questionwas postponedto the nextmeeting;
ibid.,n. 298. On June13 the Prussiantownsthreatenedto ally themselveswiththe ZuyderZee towns
if the Wendic towns gave up SkAnewithoutforcingMargaret to pay compensationfordamages;
ibid., n. 305. At the meetingon June 24, 1385, after Skane had been occupied by Margaret, the
Cologne agreementwas read and it was agreedthat the confederationnow mightbe dissolvedunless
the towns thoughtthat it could be of futureserviceto them; hence, it was consideredadvisable to
communicatewithall townsin thismatter;ibid.,n. 306. The questionwas thus leftopen forthe time
being.The relationswithFlandersalso caused troubleat thistime,the Wendic townsthreateningto
boycott Brughes; see ibid., nos. 305, 306, and numerousother documentsdealing with Flanders.
Brughes was boycottedin 1388 but a great many difficulties led up to that climax. The Prussian
townsparticularlywereinterested,and on December 13, 1385,theyrequestedinformation as to what
the Wendictownsproposedto do about Flanders,and ifall townswould be consultedin thismatter;
ibid.,n. 312. Aside fromtheseproblemstherewereotherdifficulties, such as the unrulysocial condi-
tions whichin some towns threatenedto overthrowthe merchantkingsand place town policies in
newhands; and difficulties withEngland and Norway.To tryto hold Skane now wouldbe unwisesince
Margaret was willingto restoreHansa privilegesin Denmark and Norway. At least, the Wendic
townswould profitby peacefulsettlements.
2 The Prussiantownsdefinitely objected to war at this time: 'Item man hulde die slos adir nicht,
so welle wirjo nichtorlogen.'Ibid., ii, n. 305.
3 Hence the situation was accepted. On June 24, 1385, Olaf was notifiedthat when his letterto
themof May 11 had been properlysealed two representativeswould be sent to Helsingborgto offi-
cially turnover the Skane castles to the Danes; ibid., it, n. 306. Later a new tone is noticedin their
communicationsto Denmark. On April 1, 1386, the merchantshumblyasked Olaf fora conference
betweenhis representativesand theirsto discuss theirdifferences. It startedout 'Klare vorsteunde
dorluchtighehere . . . begherewy juwerkonninchliken mechtichettho wetende. . . ' that theywere
willingto send theirrepresentatives to Vordingborginsteadofto Nykoping,to meet withrepresenta-
tives of both his kingdomsand to discuss withthem' . . . saken und handelingen,dar unsen steden
unde deme kopmannemacht ane licht.' Ibid., ii, n. 322.
4 The finalblow to piracy in this period was deliveredby Olaf. In 1385 he sent a fleetinto the
sea to scatterthe pirates; ibid., ii, nos. 311b, 311c, 312 330; iii, n. 207; M. U. B., XXI, 11802. Even
so on February6, 1386, the Prussiantownsthoughtthat it mightbe saferforthe merchantsifthey
traveledin fleetsofeightor ten vessels,but theydid not thinkthat it was necessaryto send out peace-
shipssince Olaf had promisedto keep the Sound freeof pirates; ibid., II, n. 313.

But thispeacewas soonto be disturbed.Margaretmadeplansto conquer
Sweden.' Onthethrone ofthatcountrysat a weakling,2
Albert,thesecondson
oftheDukeofMecklenburg. DuringhisreignSwedenfacedfinancial ruinand
disorder.Theseconditions
werenotwholly dueto Albert's norto the
misrule,
factthathehadsurrounded himselfwithGerman hirelings;3
theywereduein
a largemeasuretothenarrow classinterests
ofa nobility
everreadytosacrifice
theircountry to thehighestbidder.4
Margaret foundno difficulty,
whenthe
timewasripe,to outbidMecklenburg. Andthetimewasripewhenherquarrel
withtheHansaoverSk'ane cametoan end.
1 Margaret consideredSweden part of her dominion.On November 10, 1375, she called herself
'Daciae, Sveciae, Norvegiaeque regina' and in the same year,on December 7, 'Norvegiae et Sveciae
regina,filiaet vere heresdominiValdemari'; Erslev, Part I, note 11. Margaret'splans forher son, so
faras Sweden was concerned,werenot made knownuntilshe took possessionof Skane in 1385, and
Olaf wrotethe Hansa towns to that effect.In that letter,May 23, Olaf called himself'Olavus Dei
gracia Dacie, Norwegie,Slavorum Gottorumque,rex et verusheresregniSwecie'; H. R., iII, n. 190.
Olaf's Norwegiantitlealways had been 'Noregs, Dana ok Gota konungr'and his Danish title until
1381 was the same as his grandfather Valdemar's,'rexDaniae, Slavorum Gotorumque'but after1381
he took the title 'rex Daniae et Norvegiae, Slavorum Gotorumque' to which in 1385 he added
'verus heres Sveciae'; see Taranger,iii, Part 1, 181, note. That Margaret had certainrightsto lay
claim to Sweden forherson can hardlybe denied. Even thoughSweden was an electivekingdom,the
Folkungdynastyhad ruledherforgenerations.Olaf was the last ofthisline. His father,Haakon, and
grandfatherMagnus had been dethronedand drivenout of Sweden by the rebelliousSwedishnobles
whothencalled in AlbertofMecklenburg,theson ofKing Magnus's sisterEuphemia whohad married
Duke Albertof Mecklenburg,thoughmaternaldescentas a rule was not recognizedby the Swedish
people. Both Albertand Olaf weregrandsonsof Valdemarof Denmark. Albertwas the son of Valde-
mar's oldestdaughterand Olaf ofthe youngest,but Olaf had a strongerclaimon Sweden than Albert
since he had paternal descent throughhis father,Haakon; either,however,had to be approved
throughan election.It is interestingto note that Olaf was called to rule Sweden througha rebellion
similarto the one that establishedAlberton the throneof that countryand robbedhis fatherof that
crown.
2 Albert'sreignwas fullofdisappointments, both to himselfand to the Swedes. At firsthe enjoyed
the supportof the nobility;see his open letterdated June4, 1367,of whichthereis a shortsummary
in M. U. B., xvi, n. 9637,and a fullcopyin SvenskaRiksarchivets Pergamentsbrev,n. 773. This support
soon came to naught.Graduallyhis powerswere restricted.Four timeshe made writtenagreements
withthe Swedishpeople, i.e., Konungaf6rs&kringar, and each time his powersbecame morelimited;
Tunberg,AildreMedeltiden,pp. 269-328. The conditionsin Sweden duringhis reignare picturedin
bitterwordsby the chroniclers;see e.g., 'ChroniconRhythmicumMajus' in S. R. S., i, Part 2, 58-59;
and 'En lustig liknelse om Sverige och Konung Albert' in ibid., 210-912. Regarding the political
allegoriesof Albert,see Girgensohn,pp. 188-190.
1 See Girgensohn,Beilage 1, pp. 185-188, who thinksthat on the whole the German and the
Swedish nobilitywere not antagonisticto one anotherbut that the real oppositionto the Germans
came fromthe people who weremuch oppressedby them.This oppressionis echoed timeand again
in the Folk-songs(Folkvisor).A good illustrationis the popular allegoricalaccount of Albert'sfriend
Bernhardand the beautifulElisifwho was stolenfroma Riseberganunnery;see R. Bergstrom,'Korta
anteckningarom vara bistoriskafolkvisor'in HistorisktBibliotek(1877), iii, 50. The oppressionin
Albert'stimewas no worsethan thosethat followedin latertimes,particularlyin the firsthalfofthe
fifteenth century.The Swedish nobilityjoined in this anti-Germanoppositionafter1385; Tunberg,
op. cit.
4 The real oppositionagainst Albertnow came fromthe Swedish nobles who found themselves
confronted by a kingeagerto nullifyagreements,garnerpoliticalpowerand confiscateestates,a thing
whichgreatlyendangeredtheirown status in the realm; Tunberg,306 ff.

The real rulerof Sweden at this time,however,was Bo JonssonGrip,1the

stewardof the king,and ownerof more than two thousand estates. Bo Jonsson
died in 1386. Albertimmediatelyplanned to seize his estates. He therefore
chal-
lenged the competenceof the executors,who were all Swedes, for Bo Jonsson
had aimed to prevent the Germans from appropriatinghis possessions.2The
1 This is the mostremarkableman in Swedishmediaeval annals. A man of energy and statecraft,
who startedwithlittleor nothingand roseto the greatestpowerin Sweden. Not verymuchis known
about his birth,his family,or his earlylife.From 1354 untilhis death he was active in Swedishaffairs.
At firsthe supported the Folkung king,Magnus, and was rewardedwith Kalmar castle. Later, in
1361,he brokewithMagnus, wentintoexile because of his anti-Folkungattitude,but returnedagain
and was instrumental in bringingAlbertofMecklenburgto Sweden. As a memberofthe royalcouncil,
he was entrustedwiththe highestofficesof the realm,firstas Mar8k,and in 1375 as Drots.During
Albert's reignhe was in large measure responsibleforcurtailingthe power of the king. He made
himselfthe most powerfuland the most fearedman of the royal council; he had himselfappointed
to numerousofficesin the provinces,and added many and large estates to his already significant
holdings,so that at the timeofhis death about halfofSweden and mostof Finland werein his hands.
Peculiarly enough, in spite of his almost unlimitedpowers and enormouswealth, he was never
knighted.One may finda partial explanationto that in his methods,whichwerenot always beyond
reproach:e.g., whenhis firstwifedied in pregnancyhe had a caesarian operationperformed in order
to determineif the child was alive so that he could lay claim to his wife'sproperty.Historyrelates
that he was successful.Again, he was accused of having caused the murderof Karl Nilsson at the
altar of the Franciscan churchin Stockholm,and appropriatingall of his possessions.Nor does he
seem to have been averse to taking bribes; as, forexample,when he freedJohan Bruddason, con-
demnedto death forrobbery,fromthe gallows because Bruddason signedover one of his estates to
Bo Jonsson.The mitigatingconditionswhich somewhatoffsethis Shylockianmethodsin the last
years werehis anti-Germanfeelingsand his insistenceon Swedishmen forSwedishoffices, whichlaid
the foundationof Swedish nationalism.His last act, leaving the settlementof his propertyto ten
Swedish executors,some of these friendsand advocates of the Folkung dynasty,by whichhe fore-
stalled any attemptsby King Albertand his henchmento strengthenthemselvesin Sweden, was a
masterstroke.A shortbut excellentaccount of Bo Jonssonis in Tunberg,pp. 294-306; but the most
scholarlyaccount is Sten Engstrom'sBo Jon88onof whichunfortunately only Part I has been pub-
lished (Upsala, 1935).
2Bo Jonssondied in August,1386; 'Olai Petri Svenska Chronika' in S. R. S., I, Part i, 276. His
will was dated April 16, 1384, but the date has been questionedby historians;see Rydberg,Sv. Tr.,
iI, page 462, note 1, as to the date of the will. The executorswere: 2 Bishops,Nils in Linkopingand
Tord in Striingniis;5 Knights,Karl Ulvsson,BirgerUlvsson,Sten Bengtsson,ErengisleNilsson,and
Erik Kettilsson;3 Squires, Ulv Jonsson,Sten Bosson, and Karl Magnusson.Of theseErik Kettilsson
was a staunchsupporterofthe Folkungdynastyand consideredhimselfa subject ofMargaretrather
than of Albert.Provisionswere also made forproxiesforthe knightsand squires; if necessarythe
executorscould add othersbut all must be Swedes, and in case of divided opinionsmajorityshould
rule. The importantbusinessforthe executorsto attend to was to see that the debt incurredforthe
kingdomby Bo Jonssonshouldbe paid, afterthat all his privatedebts,to set rightas manywrongsas
possiblecommittedby him,'forthe peace ofhis soul and thatothersmightrestin peace." He also pro-
vided forhis servants,made donationsto religiousinstitutions, arrangedforthe widowand thefamily,
and even providedforgiftsto the executors.The importantthingbehindthe willwas to keep Albert
and his men fromappropriatingBo Jonsson'spossessions.Albertwas in GermanywhenBo Jonsson
died. Immediatelyon his returnto Sweden,he began to interfere withthe workof the executors.He
orderedthemto meet withhim as soon as possible (whichwas difficult since they werescatteredall
overthe kingdom),he appointedhimselfas guardianforthe widow(MargaretDume, a Mecklenburg
woman) and the children,and issued ordersto the commandersof the largerestates of Bo Jonsson.
Meanwhile,he assumed a new attitude toward the country,levyingtaxes, calling in estates,and
breakinghis agreementswiththe people,thingswhichhe neverhad been able to do whileBo Jonsson
pp.309ff.
lived;Tunberg,

thecrownto
resultwas civilwar,and in thiswartheSwedishnobilityoffered
Margaret.'
It was thegoldenopportunity forwhichMargarethad beenwaiting,and she
forthwith seizedit and invadedSweden.2The shortsighted Albertunderesti-
matedthe powerof thiswoman.Derisivelyhe called her 'King Trouserless,'3
butnevertheless at Falkoping
preparedforwar.4The decidingbattlewasfought
1 In the summerof 1387, both Margaretand Olaf were in SkAne,probably for the purposeof ne-
gotiatingwithsomeofthe Swedishleaders,concerningthe rebellionbrewingagainstAlbert,his over-
throw,and Olaf's election.At this verymoment,when Margaretfaced the realizationof her dream
of a united Scandinavian North, fate intervened.The seventeen-year-old Olaf suddenlyfell ill at
Falsterbo and died; 'Annales Danici ab anno 1316 ad annum 1389' in S. R. D., vi, 534. Thus the old
Folkung dynastycame to an end. Althoughthe motherheart must have feltthe blow, the mother
regentsteereda clear course.Mecklenburgimmediatelytriedto capitalizeon the tragedy.The young
Albert(Duke Albert'sgrandsonand King Albert'snephew)tookthe title'heirto thekingdomofDen-
mark'; M. U. B., xxi, nos. 11936, 11937, dated November 17, 1387. But fate also intervenedin the
Mecklenburgplans,forthe youngAlbertdied soon after.The last documentmentioninghimis dated
June24, 1388; M. U. B., xxiI, no. 11995; Detmar says that Albertdied in 1388. Meanwhile,Margaret
workedrapidly.She had herselfproclaimedruler in Denmark and Norway,and on March R, 1388,
she metthe representatives ofthe Swedishcouncilat Dalaborg, Erik Kettilsson'scastle,whereshe was
accepted as 'futlmechtich fruwaeogh raeet husbandae'; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., ii, nos. 411a, 411b, 411c.
Two monthslater a groupof Swedishleaders met at Nykoping,May R0,and sent Margareta letter
in whichtheyagreedto abide by the decisionmade by thoseat Dalaborg; ibid.,ii, n. 411d. Margaret's
acceptance and promisesare of the same date as the Dalaborg meeting;ibid., iI, n. 412. Later, April
V3,she made additionalpromises,particularlyto aid the Swedes againstAlbert;ibid.,ii, n. 413.
2 Troops werebroughtfromNorway and Denmark. The real hostilities,under leadershipof Nils
Svarteskaning,began withthe siege of Axvall castle which,in spite of shortagesin provisions,held

out in expectationof reinforcements fromAlbert.Meanwhile,the main Danish armymoved up from
the south. It was commandedby HenrikParow, a Mecklenburgerwho had joined Margaret'sforces.
The Swedishcontingentjoined thisforce;see ExcerptsfromDetmar's chroniclein S. R. S., iii, Part 1,
188 ff.
I The strugglebetweenAlbertand Margaret is discussedpro and con in the chronicles.The fact
that a man was outwittedby a woman became of primeimportanceto the commonpeople. Hence,
thisstruggleis reflectedin thefolksongsofthe timewhichmakes it difficult to separatethewheatfrom
the chaff.The quotation is from'Ex ChronicoRhythmicoDanico et ejus AdditamentoExcerpta' in
S. R. S., iiI, Part 1, 133,and reads:
'Han kallade meg konningbrogeloss,

han meg saa saare spede, . . .
Han iaette thethstadeligoc soor theraa,
han skulle ey gaa methhette.
F0r han fingewundetmeg Danmark fraa
och Norgisrigae methslaette . . .
Saa lod ieg tha skaerenen hetteny
affwadmel vel faemthenallen . . . '
Anotlher folksongtreatingthe same matteris quoted in S. R. S., r, Part i, 59, note. Accordingto tra-
dition,Albertis supposedto have referred to Margaretas 'the monk'smistress'and senthera whet-
stoneto sharpenherneedleson, insultsforwhichhe paid dearlywhenhe was capturedby Margaret's
forces;see the excellenttreatmentofthissubjectin Erslev,pp. 166-169.
4 He was not ignorantof the rebellionin Sweden.As a matterof fact, he had courtedtroublewith
the Danes by invadingSkAne,1381, 1384; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., ii, nos. 409, 410; and seizing territory
there;by appealing time and again to the Hansa forher supportof Mecklenburgin Denmark,par-

in 1389,1whereAlbertwas defeatedand captured. As a prisonerat Lindholm
castle in Sk'ane2he pined away his days 'musingand mourningwith death in
his mind.'
But Albertwas not withoutfriends.Stockholm,the greatesttradingtown in
Sweden and with a large Germanpopulation,remainedloyal to him.3The city
ticularlyin 1385; H. R., iI, n. 306; and in 1386; see Detmar's accountofthismeetingin excerptsfrom
Detmar, S. R. S., III, Part 1, 188; and H. R., ii, n. 394; and by makingbids forthe supportof German
nobles.He is reportedto have entertainedthe Germannobleswitha splendidtournamentat Wismar
in 1386; Styffe, Bidrag,I, lxxiii.In 1388 he made definitepreparations.Realizingthat he was deserted
by the Swedes,he hoped forforeignintervention. For that purposehe wentto Germany.Beforeleav-
ing Stockholmhe made arrangementsforhis son's successionin case he himselfshoulddie; M. U. B.,
xxi, n. 12002; Styffe,Bidra, i, lxxxi,note 1. In Prague, November28, he made a three-yearalliance
withthe Markgrafof Brandenburg;M. U. B., xxi, n. 12031. This alliance was renewedin 1391; ibid
xxii, no. 12255. He was in Rostockon December6, and in Warnemiinde,December 17; ibid.,xxi, nos.
12034, 12035, 12042. Meanwhile he also appealed to the Hansa forsupport;H. R., iv, no. 664, but
seems to have met withno success,probablybecause Margarethad met withthe Hansa, July19 of
that year; ibid.,ir, nos. 323, 325. On this triphe enlisteda formidableforce,composedmoreor less of
but joined by manyadventuresomeand spoils-hungry
riff-raff, knightsoflesserstanding.But no po-
liticalpoweraroundthe Baltic lenthimsupport.
I 'ChroniconRhythmicumMajus' in S. R. S., i, Part i, 59; 'Olai Petri Svenska Chronika'in ibid.,
276; excerptsfromDetmar in ibid.,iII, Part 1, 188-189. The battle ofFalkopingis consideredby his-
toriansone of the most importantbattles in Swedishhistory.It marksthe beginningof the Union,
and it decidedthe fateofthe Scandinaviancountriesfora centuryand a half.There are good accounts
ofit in Erslev,'Studiertil DronningMargrethesHistorie,'HistoriskTidsskrift, 5 Raekke, iII, 410-425;
Erslev, DronningMargrethe, p. 163 ff.;Tunberg,p. 325 ff.Albert,who came fromGermany,landed
withhis troopsat Kalmar and rushedacross Sweden to relieveAxvall. Margaret's armycame from
the southhopingto cut offAlbert'sadvance to Axvall at Jonkopingbut arrivedtoo late, hence fol-
lowedAlbertnorth.At Axvall's walls Albertreceivedthe newsofthe approachingDanes, hencehe re-
tracedhis steps and came face to face withthe Danes at Asle, east of Falkoping,February24, 1389.
The fortunesofwar at firstfavoredAlbertbut soon turnedto an overwhelming defeat.Both sides re-
ported casualties; the most importantman on Albert's side was Vikke von Vitzen, commanderof
Kalmar; and on Margaret's,HenrikParow.
2 Margaret was not presentat the battle but at Varberg. As soon as she receivedthe tidingsof
victoryshe rode to Bahus to interviewthe prisonerswho had been broughtthere.All were set free
exceptAlbertand his son Eric whowerebroughtto Lindholmin Skane wheretheywereconfinedfor
almost seven years. The imprisonment ofAlbertand Eric - forcontraryto mediaeval customthey
were not given an opportunityto release themselveson paymentof ransom- was referredto by
JohanofMecklenburgin a letterto the Grand Master ofthe Teutonic Order,July,1391,as the most
unchristianact ever heard of in Christendom:' . . . den d[ie] koninginnevon Norwegenswarlichen
ghevangenholt,den sie um god, um golt noch silveren wil lozen laten,keygencristelichenziete,daz
nichter in cristenheit vernomenis ... '; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12324; H. R., iv, n. 17.
3 The mostimportant merchantsand artisansofStockholmwereGermans,and Germansalso held
the importantofficesin the governmentof the city; Styffe,SkandinavienunderUnionstiden,p. 341.
The influxofGermansto Stockholmbegan longbeforeAlbert'stime,but increasedin intensityduring
his reign,a thingwhichwas not looked upon withkindnessby the Swedes. The rivalrybetweenthe
Germansand Swedes was bitter.AfterAlbert's defeat and imprisonment this hatred blazed forth
anew. The Germans,who were organizedinto a societycalled Hattebroderma, were afraid that the
Swedes would betraythemand deliverStockholmto Margaret.Hence, the leadersofthe Swedes were
imprisoned,chargedwithtreason,broughtto a nearbyisland calledKdpplingeholmen (now Blasiehol-
men),and burnedto death in an old woodhouse.About threehundredmorewere exiledfromStock-
holm. This villainousact is describedin a contemporaryaccount 'Omstiindeligberiittelsehuru the

was well fortifiedon the land side' and her gates opened towards the Baltic,
significantfacts in the strugglewhichwas to ensue. The primenecessitywas to
relieve Stockholm,for the city was besieged by Margaret's army and faced
starvation.2Nor was Albertdesertedby Mecklenburg,whosecitiesand nobility
came to his assistance. Duke Johan of Mecklenburg,Albert's cousin,3took
possessionof Stockholm4and the duke and his sons made agreementswiththe
nobilityand the tradingtownsin Mecklenburgto make war on Margaretuntil
SvenskeafTyskarnablevo i Stockholmf6rrAdhne oc brandeAhr1389' in S. R. S., i, Part 2,212-215; re-

gardingthe threehundredexilessee HermanHalle's letterto the Prussiantowns,September29, 1395,
in Styffe,Bidrag,ii, n. 7. The Germans,reinforced fromMecklenburg,held Stockholmagainst Mar-
garetforalmost seven years; Styffe,Skandinavien,pp. 341-342. For a discussionof the Germansin
Stockholm,see Girgensohn,op. cit.,Beilage 1, pp. 185-188; and WalterStein,Zur Geschichte d. Deut-
8chenin Stockholm im Mittelalter (Leipzig, 1905), passim.
I Styffe, Skandinavien,pp. 340-344.
2 Olaus Petri,'Svenska Chronika,'S. R. S., i, Part 2, 276; and Laurentius Petri,'Svenska Chron-
ika,' ibid., ii, Part 2, 102. Both of these writerssay that ifthe conditionswere bad beforeAlbert's
fall theybecame much worseafterhis imprisonment. Stockholmand her surroundingssufferedpar-
ticularly.Cities like VasterAsand Enkopingwereburned,the commonfolkswerein constantterror,
and Stockholm,besieged by Margaret's forcesundercommand of Abraham Broderssonand Algot
Mansson,was in need ofprovisions.For the reliefofStockholm,Wismarand Rostockequipped a fleet
of eightvessels of Vitalienbriider undercommandof Master Hugo. This was in the winterof 1393-
1394. The fleetreached the entranceof Stockholmbut heavy frosticebound it. Master Hugo, who
realizedthat theynow wereat the mercyofthe Danes, hit upon a coup whichillustratesthe abilities
ofsomeofthe VictualBrothers.He orderedhis mento cut trees,place themaroundtheshipsas a wall,
and pour waterover themwhichsoon froze,thus surroundingthe ships withan ice wall. Then he or-
deredthe ice cut as a moat on the outsideofthiswall,and althoughthe channelthus formedsoon was
coveredwiththinice, he was aided by the elements,as a lightsnowfellduringthe nightcoveringup
the hoax. When the Danes attacked,the ice brokeand men and machinesfellintothe water,causing
muchdamage. Soon aftera mildweatherset in openingthe road to Stockholmand the fleetsailed in.
This interesting storyis told by Herman Kornerand by Reimar Kock; S. R. S., iII, Part 1, 208-209,
i.e., in excerptsfromthosechronicles.
3 Taranger,op. cit.,accepts Detmar's version(in S. R. S., iII, Part 1, 190) that Johanwas a cousin
to Albert,whichmay also be deducted fromJohan's letter,Stockholm,June 24, 1390, in whichhe
calls himselfDuke of Mecklenburg,Count of Schwerin,lord of Stargardand Rostock, and 'veddere
konyngAlbrechtto Sweden'; M. U. B., xxi, n. 12211. Koppmann refersto him as brotherof Albert,
and Erslev calls hima near relative.
4 He set out in 1390, suffered greatlyfromstorms at sea, but neverthelessmust have reached
Stockholm,foron June24 he issued a letterfromthere;Detmar, S. R. S., iII, Part 1, 190; M. U. B.,
xxi, nos. 12155,12156,12157; and his letterfromStockholm,ibid.,n. 12211.On August26 ofthe same
yearhe and his sons werenamed regentsforSweden and Mecklenburg,to ruleforAlbertand Eric and
forAlbert'snephew,Johanof Mecklenburg.At that time he was also instructedto have one of his
sons, witha large force,reinforceStockholm;Rydberg,Sv. Tr., ii, n. 416. His son Johanset out for
Mecklenburg'mit grotemhere' in 1391. On his way to Stockholmhe pillaged the islands Bornholm
and Gotland, and finallyreached Stockholm;Detmar, S. R. S., iii, Part 1, 190; M. U. B., xxii, n.
12332. In Octoberof that year attemptsweremade to reach an agreementwithMargaretand to es-
tablishan armisticebetweenthe opposingforces;M. U. B., xxii, n. 12332,note; Koppmann, H. R.,
iv, x, note 15; cf.ibid.,viii, p. 615. In 1391,Williamvon Geldernasked that enmityagainstMargaret
be concluded;M. U. B., xxii, n. 12333; II. R., iv, n. 142. An armisticewas drawnat Nykoping,Oc-
tober1391; Rydberg,Sv. Tr.,ii, n. 418; H. R., iv, n. 57. The damage inflictedon Hansa tradeat Born-
holm,particularlyon that of the Prussian towns,immediatelycalled forthdemands forcompensa-

Albertwas set free.'Wismarand Rostock,the mostimportantMecklenburg
Hansa towns,announcedthattheywouldequipwarvesselsand issuelettersof
aroundthe Baltic,and
This newsspreadlikewildfire
marqueto freebooters.2
tion; see Wismar'sletterto the Prussiantowns,November13, 1391,in whichWismarclaimsthat she

cannotbe held responsible,and lays the blame on Johan'smen; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12353; H. R., iv,
n. 29; and Danzig's answer,December 8, 1391, suggestingthe question be submittedto a Hansa
meeting;M. U. B., xxii, n. 12361; H. R., iv, n. 174, whichis dated 1393 by Koppmann,and Girgen-
sohn's discussionofthisdata, op. cit.,pp. 199-Q00.On March 28, 1393, Johanthe youngersuggested
that the questionof compensationfordamages suffered by the Prussiantownsat Bornholmbe taken
up withMargaret;M. U. B., XXTI, n. 12507; cf.also regardingthisquestionH. R., iv, nos. 53, 54, 55,
643, and M. U. B., xxii, nos. 12508, 12509.
L Numeroussuch agreementsweredrawnup in May, 1391, by Rostock,Wismar, Butzow, Stern-
berg,Gadebusch and Grevesmtihlen; M. U. B., xxii, nos. 1290, 12293, 1294, 1295. For counter-
agreementsby the Mecklenburglordssee ibid.,nos. 12296, 1297, 12298; cf.also Rydberg,Sv. Tr.,ii,
nos. 417a, 417 f.
2 No such Kaperbrief exists,so faras I know.The earliestreference to the openingof the Mecklen-
burgharborsforthispurposeis dated June30, 1391,and is a protestfromthe Prussiantownsto Ros-
tock and Wismar.This lettermentionsa communicationfromthe Mecklenburgtownsin whichthey
servednoticeon the Prussiantownsthat theirharborshad been opened forany one who mightcause
damage to Margaret and her friendsbecause she held Alberta prisoner.This letterreads in part:
'Vortmerals ir uns schribet,das ir uwerhaven geoffent hat alle den genen,dy uffir eygenebenture
wellenkerenund varen,das richeczu Denemarkenczu beschedigen,das uns umbillichund gar um-
beqweme dungketummedes gemeynenkowfmanswillen,der in disensachen von beydenzitenfrund
ez und nichtczu schickenhat mit uweremkrige.Ouch so schribetir uns, das wir dye unsirnsulden
warnen,uwerviendenichtczu sterkenund das richeczu Denemarkenunde ouch andirswonichtczu
9
suchen; .. . M. U. B., xxi, n. 19i319;H. R., Iv, n. 15. Althoughthe letterwhichthe Prussiantowns
referto is lost,thereis one fromRostockto Zutphen'und den uibrigen geldrischenStiidten'August1,
1392, whichin toneand contentmustbe regardedas similarto that one. It reads in part: 'Wor umme
bidde we iw ernstlyken. . . dat gy iuwe borghereunde kooplude tu hus beholden,unde dat zee ok
unses hern vyande unde lant nernemede sterken,unde de ryke Sweden, Denemarken unde Nor-
weghennichten zuken,wante wy unse slut unde havene openenmotenhern,vorsten,rydderenunde
knechtenunde unseshernvrunden,dar in unde uthtu varende,unseshern,des konynghes,unde unse
vyandetu arghende,de rykeSweden,Norweghenunde Denemarkentu beschedeghende, dar uns neen
weel efte overmud tu drift,alzo dat god wol weet, men dat wy dat van ere weghen nicht laten
moghen,wymotenby desmekrigheblyvenin unseshernhulpe; wenteschudeen schade,des ne konde
wyen nichtwedderleggben,unde woldendar van ok zundernamanynghevan wezen,wentedar meng-
herleyelude uppe ere egheneeventuredar by komen,den we nichtsturenkonen. Ok, leven vrunde,
hebbe wy warlekenwol vorvaren. . . 'M. U. B., xxi, n. 12436,H. R., Iv, n. 59. And in Ltibeck's let-
ter to the Prussiantownsthe matteris referredto in this wise: 'Leven vrendes.Wy begherenjuw tu
wetende,dat de van Rostok unde van der Wysmerhebben ere havene gheopenetden Meklenborg-
heschenunde ren helperen,dar vele roves unde draplikschade tho der zee wart ut unde wedderyn
ghedanwertunde van tydentho tydenghescheenis, des vele kopludegheranghen,lyvesunde ghudes
vordervetwerden,wantede roveremitenergrotensammelinighe in der zee ligghen.Dut we juwerleve
scrivenundeopenbare,up dat gyit den juwenunde anderenkopluden,de mitjuw sinmoghen,vorstan
laten unde se warnen,dat se nichtherwartenzeghelen,it ensy,dat se zeghelenin enrer vlote unde sik
thosamendeholden,up dat se des nenenschadennemen.' August25, 1392; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12442;
H. R., iv, n. 60. Similarlettersweresentto othertowns; cf.e.g., M. U. B., xxii, n. 12446; H. R., IV,
nos. 138, 143, 142. The year whenthe lettersof marque werefirstissued has been debated by histo-
rians.Koppmann,Voigt,Daenell, Erslev, Girgensohnand othershave accepted 1391 as the year,but
Lindnerand Cordsenthinkthat the year was 1390; see particularlyCorsen's account in his Beitrage,
page 15: 'Es ist demnachnichtdas Jahr1391, sondernmit Lindner1390 als Zeit der Eroffnungdes
Kaperkriegesanzusetzen.'He also thinksthat the lettersofmarque wereformlettersextendingrights

thus did Margaret's conquesthave an aftermathof freshpiraticalactivity.Out

oftheirhidingplaces thepiratesemerged,'once moreto ply theirtrade, and this
timeunderlegal protection.
Many historiansclaim that because the pirates carried food and stores to
Stockholmthey became known as Vitalienbriider,2 or Victual Brothers. This
name,however,was generallyapplied to all piratesin the Baltic and in the North
to molestthe enemyand to bringstolenwaresto the Mecklenburgharbors.That friendand foealike

sufferedfrompiracyis clear fromabove quotations. When the Mecklenburgtownswere accused of
theoutragesat sea, theygenerallyexcusedthemselvesby sayingthat' . . . mengherleye lude uppe ere
egheneeventuredar by komen,den we nichtsturenkonen'; see above.
1 'Olai PetriSvenska Chronika'in S. R. S., i, Part 2, 276; and Detmar in ibid.,iii, Part 1, 190.
2 'In demesulveniare warp sik tosamendeen sturlosvolk van menigeriegen, van hoveluden,van
borgerenute velen steden,van amptluden,van buren,unde hetensik VitalienBroder.'Detmar, S. R.

S., iii, Part 1, 190. The word Vitalienbriider is not explainedin early sources,i.e., in chronicleslike
Detmar and Korner.Sixteenthcenturywriters,like ReimerKock and Olaus Petri,definethe termas
menwhosuppliedtheirown needs; e.g., Kock:' . . . dusse gesellende sick so vorsammelden,dewilese
nichtup besoldungedehnede,sondernup der egeneeventuhre,noemendense sick Victalienbroders';
Grautoff, i, 494; and Olaus Petri: Och ehvarestthe folloi land giordethe storskada, och the kallades
FetaliebrbderellerFetalianer,therafatt the lupo till sib5s och hemtadefetalie,'S. R. S., i, Part 2, 276.
In the eighteenthcenturyhistorianslikeHolbergand Dalin definedVitalianbriider as menwho,in the
serviceofMecklenburg,suppliedStockholmwithprovisions.Those definitions have, one or the other,
or bothtogether,been used by laterhistorians.That thename is derivedfromthe factthatthe pirates
suppliedStockholmwithprovisionscannotbe substantiatedby the sources.On the contrary,the first
account whichmentionedthese Mecklenburgfriends,i.e., the letterfromthe Prussian towns men-
tionedabove, called them' . . . den genen,dy uffir eygenebenturewellenkorenund varen,das riche
czu Denemarkenczu beschedigen.... ' And whenthe Master of the Orderin Livonia, in a letterto
the Ordensprocurator in Rome, dated October12, 13992, uses the words'fratresvictualium'he speaks of
the pirates who plunderedand pillaged and spared none: 'Isti quoque piratae nominantse fratres
victualiuni,neminiparcentes,nos et nostroset quoscunque alios invadenteset depraedantes,. . . '
L. E. K. U. B., iii, 710. The name Vitalienbriider appears veryseldomin documentsbefore1395,i.e.,
the year Albertwas releasedfromprison,but morefrequently in that yearand in the yearsfollowing.
For dates and spellingsof the word the followingexamples will suffice:December 6, 1393, vitalien-
broders, in Stoltevot'sreport,M. U. B., xxii, n. 12584; March 1, 1394, vitalienbruderen, what should
be done about them,ibid.,n. 19628n; April25, 1395,vitalienbruderen, who sailed in fastships,ibid.,n.
12774; September29, 1395, vitalienbruderen, ibid., n. 12839; about July25, 1394, Detmar, vetalien-
broderat Elbogen in Skane, ibid., 12680; about May 2, 1395, Detmar, vitalienbroder captured by
Stralsund,ibid.,n. 12777; May 12-June14, 1394, vytalienbrodere defeatedby Ltibeckand Stralsund,
ibid.,n. 12654; October20, 1395, vytalienbrodere at Wiborg,ibid.,n. 12850; September3, 1395, vital-
ligebroder, at Abo, ibid.,n. 12818; September15, 1395, vytalgenbroder reportedto be at Abo and Wi-
borg by Herman Halle, ibid., n. 12828; December 21, 1395, vitalgenbroder at Stockholmwith Arnt
Stuke as leader,ibid.,n. 12872; June19, 1395,galgenbruder, ibid.,n. 12794.They are also referred to as
... de lude, de in der zee sind the unses heren,konines,des hulpe . . . ' March 1, 1394, ibid., n.
12629; and'... alle den genen,de in unsesheren,des konynges,und unsemekrighegevarensyntunde
nochvarenwyllen ... 'June 94, 1394; ibid.,n. 12668. Cordsenshowsthatthe wordwas used in other
languagesbeforethistimeand connotedself-supporting men of war and robbers.He feelsthat it was
naturalthat a wordalreadyin use in connectionwithrobberyon land and sea shouldbe applied to the
piratesof the Baltic whenlettersof marque werebeing issued by the Mecklenburgtowns.Thus the
name means pirateswho suppliedtheirown needs and has nothingto do withthe fact that some of
themsuppliedStockholmwithvictuals. For a discussionof this topic see Cordsen,Beitr&ge, chapter
2; and his account of the Vitalienbriider in Jahrbiicher und Jahresberichte des Vereinsf. Mecklenburg,
Geschichte und Altertumtkunde, Jahrg.73 (1908).

Sea. Pirate organizationssprangup with leaders,' headquarters,and rules.2The

islandsBornholmand Gotland3were capturedby thembecause oftheirstrategic
location and served as headquarters. Individual rights of all memberswere
recognized,and spoils were divided equally among them; hence they called
themselvesLikendeeler,or 'equal dividers.'4The motto of these strangefellows
was 'Godes vrendeunde al der werltvyande,'5or 'God's friendsand the foe of
all theworld.'Like birdsofpreytheyswoopeddownupon thetraffic in theBaltic,
murderingthe crews of captured vessels or simplythrowingthem overboard,
whetherfriendor foe. They themselveswere, of course,treatedin like manner
I There are only a fewdocumentswhichgive the names of the leaders. Some of these are: The re-
portofthe Master ofthe OrderofLivonia to Ordensprocurator in Rome, dated October1Q,139P,which

lists the followingnames: Henning Manduvel, Zilkauw, Berkelich,Kraseke, Kule, Preyn,Olavus
Schutke,Ghunnar,ArnoldStuke,Nicolaus Gylgeand Heyno Schutke;L. E. K. U. B., iII, 710. Stolte-
voet's reportto Reval, December 6, 1393, lists the following:Clawys Myres,ArndStuke, Hennynk
Crabbe,Hinrikvan der Lu, DeytliffKnut, Bernevurand his son,HennekeScharbouwe,Prybe,Luder
Ransouwe,Hennekevan me Zee, Bertholtvan me Zee, HinrikTydemans,HennynkNorman,Wytte-
kop, Clawis Zwarte,Crekauwe,Rode Kremer,Hans Meygendorp,Ketelhoid,Clawis Tymme,Beyden-
storp,SkipperWedige,Degenert,Hennynk,VolmerWrede,Schonenberg;M. U. B., xxii, n. 12584.
An accountofthe endowingofa mass in Stockholmas a thanksoffering under
afterthe Vitalienbriider
Master Hugo successfullyreached the town with victuals,dated June 24, 1394, gives the following
names of theirleaders: Rambold Sanewitze,Bosse van deme Kalende, knights;ArndSttike,Clawus
Mylges, Marquard Preen, Hartwich Sedorpe, Lyppold Rumpeshaghen,HinrickLflchowe,Bertram
Stokeled,and SchypherJoseph;Suhm, xiv, 585-586; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12669. The leaders of the
Vitalienbriider that captured Bishop Thord of Striingniis wereArnoldusStuke and Nikolaus Milies,
see below. I have retainedthe spellingof these names as in the documents.For an account of these
men and theirfamilies,as well as a discussionofthe part played by the Dukes of Mecklenburg,in re-
lationto piracy,see Cordsen,Beitrdge, pp. 34-42.
2 Voigt,Die Vitalienbriuder, p. 21, and passim.
3 Detmar, S. R. S., iII, Part 1, 190; and note 89 above. Bornholmserved more or less as the head-
quartersin the westernpart of the Baltic while Gotland was the headquartersof the east Baltic.
Danzig estimatedits losses at Bornholmin theyears1391-93 as worth7,300Marks Pruss. while the
entirelossessuffered by herin thatperiodcame to 9,400Marks and 211 loads ofherring;H. R., IV, nos
643,174,160.
4This term,probablyofDutch origin,does not appear veryfrequently in the documents.In a letter
fromKampen, Deventer,Zutphen,Harderwykand Elborch to Lubeck, withan inclosurefromFries-
land, we read: ' . . . weten,dat wij ernstelikeonse brieueghesenthadden an die Vreesen,die een deyl
van den Lykedeelrenontfanghenende onthoeldenhebben,ommevan hemte weten,wes zijc die meyn
henzestedeende die meynecoepmanende wij tothemvermoidensolden,ofzij die lykedeelreopt water
leetencomen.Dair ons die Vreesenoerebrieueendeantwordewederop ghescreuenhebben,sprekende,
als hirjna voelghet.'"Goeden vrienden.V ghenoigete weten,dat wij uwenbrieflieflikenende wal ver-
staen hebben,sprekendeals van zeeroueren,die bij ons onthoudensouden wesen, ende onse vtleg-
ghers,die den ghemeenencoepmanzwairlikenschadenanbrengensouden".' L. U. B., v, n. 6. See also
1I.R., v, nos. 529, 547, 538. The customofpiratesto share alike was not new nora unique character-
istic of the Vitalienbriider. In later timesit was practicedamongthe Buccaneersand the Filibusters.
Cf. Cordsen,op. cit.,p. Q5. Anothertermapplied to the pirates was 'Ausliegern';see Lindner,Die
DeutscheHansa, p. 79.
6 'Ok so heftuns de sulve schiphereEggert Schof to kennen gheven, dat em de vitalien broders
boden unde bevolen,dat he uns segghensolde, dat se werenGodes vrendeunde al der werltvyande
. . . 'in a letterfromthe Germanmerchantsat Brtiggeto therepresentatives ofthe Hansa assembled
at Ltibeck,dated May 4, 1398; H. R., iv, n. 453.

ifcaptured.The Stralsundmerchantsare reportedto have put capturedpirates

in barrelswith theirheads stickingout througha hole in one end, and stored
themon deck as human cargo forthe gallows or the block,' reprisals,no doubt,
forsimilardeeds committedby the pirates.
The trade of the Baltic sufferedterriblyand numerouscomplaintswere di-
rected against Wismar and Rostock.2They paid no attentionto the League's
threat to 'unhanse' them and even replied ingratiatinglythat the merchants
oughtnot to take thesethingstoo much to heart,for'as you know,dear friends,
whensuch a greatwar is in progress,accidentswill occur once in a while.'3The
accidentswere, however,too frequent.So the Hansa equipped large fleetsfor
action against the pirates.One fleetalone was made up of 40 ships and 3,500
armed men.4 Such measures cost much money5and the League lacked unity.
1 Detmar is responsibleforthisstory.See also Voigt,p. 23; and Koppmann in H. R., iv, x, note 17,
who refersto ibid.,no. 917, ?28; cf.ibid.,n. 290, ?6.
2 The damage inflicted upon trade was enormousduring the period 1391-1395. Complaints and
demands forcompensationare numerous.A fewillustrationswill suffice.In 1393 Liubeckand Ham-
burg complained and Rostock and Wismar answered that they could do nothingto preventit;
LI. R., iv, n. 150; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12489. In 1392-93Holland complainedthat she suffered because of
the wvar; she was advised to join forcesagainst Margaret;H. R., iv, nos 143, 144, 145, 146. In 1393the
trade of Flanders suffered;M. U. B., xxii, n. 12514; L. U. B., iv, n. 579. In 1392-93 Prussian and
Livonian townscomplainedof losses at Aland and Borgholm;H. R., iv, nos. 53, 54, 55, 140. In 1393
Prussian shipswereseized and broughtto Wismar.Wismarpromisedthat the stolenwares wouldbe
returnedafterthe meetingat Falsterbo; H. R., iv, nos. 160, 168, 169, 172, 173, 640, 199; M. U. B.,
xxii, n. 12553. In 1394 Lubeck complainedto the Prussian townsthat in spite of the fact that the
Mecklenburgtownshad promisednot to interferewithpassage from'friend'sland to friend'sland'
the merchantssuffered losses constantlybecause ofpiracy;H. R., iv, n. 238. Regardingthe Bornholm
damages see M. U. B., xxii, n. 12507; H. R., iv, nos. 53, 643; Wismar's answer; M. U. B., xxii, n.
12508; H. R., iv, n. 54; Rostock's answer,M. U. B., xxii, n. 1U509;H. R., iv, n. 55. Rostock claimed
that she could not be blamed forall the damages since many freebooterssailed the seas; M. U. B.,
xxii, n. 12567; H. R., iv, n. 163. An interesting reportdealingwithnegotiationsforcompensationfor
losses incurredis Stoltevoet's,November 27, 1393; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12581; H. R., Iv, n. 169. For
Livonian losses see HI. R., iv, nos. 640, 643, 645. For negotiationsbetweenthe Prussian towns and
Mecklenburgin 1394 see M. U. B., xxii, nos. 1Q673,12674, 12679, 12690, 12745; HI. R., iv, nos. Q35,
236, 253. In the last one of these Wismar writesto the Prussian townsthat all the suffering at sea
grievedhermuch,but thatAlbert'sreleasewouldput an end to all evil.
8 'Wente gi, leven vrunde,dat sulven wol weten,wor alzodane grot een herevartischud, dat dat
zeldeneis,dar en schejo wol schade aff:dar ummedot wol undenemetdat also swarlikennichtto her-
ten,unde nemetdar mogelkedingvore van usen heren,dat sa juw don also vele,alse se juw plichtich
sin ... ' H. R., iv, n. 29; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12353 and note on page 92. See also Danzig's answer;
H. R., iv, n. 174; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12361.
4 'Vortmerumb den grotendraplikenschaden,de in mengherleye zeerove unde mordevan langhen
tiidendem ghemeenien, kopmannetor ze wartghescheenys . . . ' thislarge fleetwas put into action.
Each Hansa town and each districtwas assessed definiteshare in the followingmanner:Ltibeck 6
koggenwith 100 armed men foreach, ' . . . unde to jewelkemcoggenschullenwese 1 schuteunde en
snikke.. ., ' Stralsund4 koggenwith400 armedmen,all otherPomeraniantowns6 koggenwith400
armed men,the Prussian towns 10 koggenwith 1,000 armed men, Kampen 2 koggenand 4 Rhine
shipswith300 armed men,Dordrecht,Amsterdam,Staveren,Harderwykand all ZuyderZee towns
Q koggenwith 200 armed men,the Zeeland towns 4 koggenwith400 armed men, and the Livonian
towns2 koggenwith200 armedmen. Each koggeshouldhave ' .....0 gude schuttenmit erenvullen
wapene unde mit starkenarmborsten. . . ' ; H. R., iv, n. 192, dated March 3, 1394. Hamburg was

The Prussian towns once more refusedto participate.' Their excuse was that
Margaret had failed to compensate them for previous losses, and they now
added othercomplaints.The Grand Master of Prussia also refused.He would
support no movementwhich would injure Mecklenburgand aid the Danish
queen. He would, however,aid the Hansa against the pirates if the merchants
would prevailupon the queen to release Albert.2
Meanwhile,piracytook on tremendousproportions3 and consternationfilled
excusedbecause she had troubleswithpiratesat the mouthofthe Elbe river.The Prussiantownsre-

fusedto cooperatebecause ofthe cost. Furthermore, theywerenot willingto join suchan undertaking
untiltheyweresurewhat Margaretaimed to do about compensationforlosses incurredin the earlier
periodof piracy;ibid.,iv, nos. 205, 909-212. They had been cautionedby tibeck, in 1392, not to let
theirmerchantssail unless they sailed in fleets;ibid., iv, n. 60. This advice they consideredgood,
hence,on November24, 1392,theyorderedtheirmerchantsto sail in fleetsof 10 ships; ibi., nos. 124,
125. In 1394 Lubeck made extensivepreparationsto attend a meetingwithMargareton St. John's
day, for,accordingto Tidemann von Halle, who wrote fromLtibeck to Riga, Lubeck expected to
bring50 shipsand 3,000menwithher;L. E. K. U. B., iv, n. 1359.
5 The moneywas raisedin the usual mannerby Pfundzoll.Sometimesno doubt loans were taken.
The townson the oppositeside must have resortedto loans fromprofessionalmoneylenders,foron
June13, 1393,Rostockrefersto a loan used in the waragainstDenmark; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12533.
1 Theirlossesin the period1380-1386wereenormousand no compensationhad been forthcoming.
They veryfranklyasked the Hansa in 1394 to prevailupon Margaretto pay the long overduecom-
pensations.If she refusedto do so theythreatenedto join the enemyagainst her; H. R., iv, n. 192;
cf. also Stoltevoet'sreport,March 30, 1394; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12628. The Prussiantownsnow had
new grievancesbecause of the piratesand this timetheyblamed the Mecklenburgtowns; H. R., IV,
nos. 28, 32, and p. 61, n. 2 above. In the latterpart of 1394 the Prussian townsfeltdisappointedfor
they weremakingno progresswithJohanof Mecklenburg;ibid., iv, nos. Q35, 236. When they were
asked in 1395 to cooperateagainstthe pirates,because of greatlossesat sea, theystubbornlyrefused;
ibid.,nos. 250, 252,253. If, however,Margaretwould releaseAlberttheywould co6peratein the war
against the pirates; ibid.,nos. 250, 254. The English merchantsnow also complainedof losses at sea
due to piracy;ibid.,iv, n. 255.
2 Behind the refusalof the Prussian townsto cooperatewith the League against piracy was the
Grand Master who favoredthe Mecklenburgside in the war; ibid.,iv, n. 217. He agreedto send dele-
gates to negotiatewithMargaretand said that his futureactionswould depend upon the outcomeof
thosenegotiations;ibid.,iv, nos. 225, 223, 212. The Mecklenburgtownsmade manyoverturesto win
the Grand Master fortheircause; see the excellentand completereportby Rostock's and Wismar's
representatives as to negotiationswiththe Grand Master and the Prussiantowns;M. U. B., xxii, n.
12654,dated May 12-June11, 1394; cf.,H. R., iv, nos. 217-222, 224-928; and the reportby Johanof
Mecklenburg,Rostock and Wismar,as to agreementswith the Teutonic Order and the Prussian
towns;M. U. B., xxii, n. 12668; H. R., iv, n. 223. Margaretalso tried,but in vain, to win the Grand
Master,as the questionofthe old compensationsofhistownstoodin the way; H. R., III, nos. 411, 412;
nor was the Grand Master pleased withAlbert'simprisonment or withMargaret'senormousexpan-
sion in power.
3 This is illustratedby the numerouscomplaintsand demands forcompensation.A fewillustra-
tions of piracymay not be amiss. On October 12, 1392, the Master of the Orderin Livonia wroteto
the Pope that 1,500piratessailed up and downthe Livonian coast; L. E. K. U. B., III, n. 1333. On the
same day he wrote the letterto Ordensprocurator in Rome in which he referredto the pirates as
'fratresvictualium'and in whichhe mentionedtheirleaders; ibid.,n. 1334. In 1393 Albertvon Sands
narratesthe dreadfulconditionsand the murdersat sea caused by piracy; M. U. B., XXII, n. 12470.
On June9, 1394, Tidemann von Halle writesfromLubeck to Riga that the Vitalienbriider were '300
sails strong'and that they had seized fiveEnglish ships and broughtthe stolen wares to Blekinge;
L. E. K. U. B., IV, n. 1359. On April Q5, 1395, Prussian representativeswriteto Prussia that the

the heartsof men.' The Hansa towns,which at firsthad refusedto take sides
in the politicalcontroversy,
now offeredthemselvesas mediatorsbetweenMar-
garet and Mecklenburg.2Their representativesfound the queen well disposed.
She had feltthe dreadfulresultsof piracyfullyas much as theHansa. Her ships
had been seized and destroyed,3Bishop Thord of Strengnaishad been captured
and imprisonedin Stockholmwhile on a journey in her service,4Danish towns
had been sacked and burned,5and even distantBergen had been shakenby the
impactof the scourage.6She had tried to strengthenher fleet7- she had even
Vitalienbriider under Johan iv of Mecklenburgsailed out of Wismar in fast ships and gatheredat
Warnewheretheywerejoined by a contingentofpiratesfromRostock. It was reported,he said, that
they wereheaded forGotland to aid Albertvon Peccakel who was holdingVisby forMecklenburg
against Sven Sture, the commanderof Margaret's forces.He feared,however,and had even been
warnedto that effect,that they were heading forthe Sound to waylay ships comingfromthe east
and the west; H. R., iv, n. 256. The clash betweenSven Sture and the Mecklenburgforcesis also re-
portedin H. R., iv, n. 438.
1 Tidemannvon Halle seemsto voice the commonfeelingswhenhe says: 'Unse leve Got geve des
einengudenende,' whichremindsone ofthe litanyprayerin the Vikingage, 'a furoreNormannorum
liberanos' whenthe Vikingscourgehit Europe. For Tidemann's statement,see L. E. K. U. B., iv, n.
1359,dated June9, 1394.
2 In 1391 Rostock and Wismarappealed to the Hansa to aid in the war against Margaret and for
the releaseof Albert,but the Hansa did not displayany particularinterest;H. R., iv, n. 38. Detmar,
S. R. S., iII, Part 1, 190, indicatesthat the Hansa, ratherthan be involvedin these difficulties, de-
cided to lay down fishingin SkAneforthreeyears; cf. also the decisionmade at the meetingJuly92,
1393, forbiddingherringfishingin SkAne;H. R., iv, nos. 156, 158, 159. A representativewas sent to
Margaretforthe purposeofmediatingbetweenherand Mecklenburg;ibid.,iv, n. 158. The immediate
resultwas that the Hansa was requestedto participatein the meetingat Falsterbo; ibid.,n. 159. At
this meeting,held at Skanor, and Falsterbo, September29, 1393, the Hansa maintainedthat the
surrenderof StockholmforAlbert'sreleasemightbe sufficient. No otherransomwas mentioned,nor
Albert'sformalabdicationof the Swedishthrone;ibid.,iv, nos. 167, 168, 169. On March 3, 1394, the
Hansa again joined in the negotiationsforthe purposeof protectingthe Prussian demandsforcom-
pensations,and forAlbert'srelease; ibid., iv, nos. 195, 192, 193. From now on the Hansa is a deter-
miningfactorin the finalsettlements.
8 AlthoughMargaretdid not have a large fleetwhenpiracybroke loose, she neverthelessdid all
she could to protectDenmark fromthe pirates;ibid.,iII, n. 411; Suhm,xiv, p. 399; H. R., iv, n. 138.
She evenoffered to aid the Hansa in the war againstthepirates;ibid.,iv, n. 236, i.
4 Bishop Thord and his followerstraveledby sea to attend Margaret's meetingat Vordingborgin
1392. They were captured by the Vitalienbriider, under command of Arnold Stuke and Nicholas
Milies, both of Schwerin,and broughtin chains to Stockholmwherethey werekept in prisonfora
year and a halfby Duke Johanof Mecklenburg;see the reportby the Master ofthe Orderin Livonia
to the Ordensprocurator in Rome, October12, 1392; L. E. K. U. B., iii, n. 1334; also the Grand Mas-
ter'sletterto Margaret,JanuaryK1,1393; H. R., iii, n. 411. The leadersofthosewhoperpetratedthis
crime,ArnoldStukeand Nicholas Milies,and thosewho wereresponsibleforthe imprisonment, Duke
Johanand AlbertPeccatel, wereplaced underthe ban of the churchby the Dean of the Upsala chap-
ter.This ban was liftedby Pope Bonifaceix, March 30, 1397,because thebishophad been set freeand
the Pope had been petitionedto liftthe ban; Acta Pontificum Danica (ed. by ]Krarupand Lindbaek),
ii (Kobenhavn, 1907), n. 886; M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13092. See also Suhm,xiv, 399, who gives the date
forthe liftingofthe ban as March 30, 1396,whichno doubt is wrong.
6 ParticularlyMalmoj,sacked by the Vitalienbriider in 1394,while the meetingat Helsingborgwas
in progress;Detmar, and Koppmann in H. R., iv, xv.
6 The date forthe sackingof Bergenis given in diversmannersin the sources and by historians;

requested and had obtained the aid of the king of England' - but all in vain.
Now she was willingto make peace withMecklenburg,providedher termswere
accepted.2These were: Albertwas to be released forthreeyears; at the end of
thatperiodhe was to pay the queen 60,000marksin ransom;ifhe could not pay
the ransom,he was eitherto returnto prisonor to surrenderStockholmto her.
Meanwhile,seven Hansa townsshould go bail forthe king and hold Stockholm
as securityfor the period of the threeyears.3These conditionswere agreed to
i.e., 139q, 1393, 1395. Cordsen,Beitrage,pp. 27-33, aftera carefulexaminationof all sourcesand the
accounts by historians,has reached the conclusionthat Bergen was sacked by Vitalienbriider, 18
shipsstrong,on April22, 1393. Taranger,op. cit.,p. 193,acceptsthe same date.
7 Sometimesby seizingshipswhichbelongedto Hansa townsunderpretextthat she needed them;
H. R., iv, nos. 153, 155; cf. Suhm, xiv, 575.
1 Rydberg,Sv. Tr., ii, n. 420, dated at Westminster,April 20, 1393, in which Richard ii gives
Margaret'srepresentatives permissionto take threeships,withcaptains and crews,fromEngland to
be used by Margaretin the war.
2 Negotiationsabout Albert'sreleasebegan as earlyas 1391 whena meetingwas held at Nykoping.
At thismeeting,Margaretspoke ofa ransom,50,000Marks,but desiredfurther discussion;Rydberg,
Sv. Tr., ii, n. 418; H. R., iv, nos. 58, 59, iII, n. 411. At Vordingborg,1392, she did not only speak of
ransom,increasednow to 60,000 Marks, but also requestedAlbert's abdication. Mecklenburgfelt
thatthesetermsweretoo severe;ransomalone shouldbe sufficient; Rydberg,Sv. Tr.,ii, n. 419; H. R.
Iv, n. 57. Anothermeetingwas held at Helsingborgin the summerof 1393,but withoutresults;H. R.,
iv, n. 153. A moreimportantmeetingwas held at Skanoirand Falsterbo,September99, 1393. It was
agreedthat Albertshouldbe releasedforthe paymentof ransom,that Stockholmwas to be held by
Hansa representatives and to be turnedoverto MargaretifAlbertfailedto pay the ransom,but that
theseplans shouldbe discussedat a Hansa meetingat Liibeck; ibid.,iv, n. 167. Margaretdid not at-
tend the meetingat Ltibeck;ibid.,iv, n. 191. No real progresswas made untilat the meetingin Hel-
singborg,JulySt, 1394. At thismeetingit was agreedthat Albertshouldbe releasedforsix months,
that eightHansa townsand Rostock, Wismarand Stockholmshould guarantyhis honorableinten-
tions,that ifat theend ofthe sixmonthshe had failedto reachan agreementwithMargaret,he should
be giventhe choice of paying 60,000 Marks in ransom,deliverStockholmto Margaret,or returnto
prison.The finalsettlementwouldbe made at Alholmon November1 ofthat year;H. R., IV, n. 236, i.
The meetingat Alholmwas postponeduntil1395,and thenit was held at Skanoirand Falsterbo.For
documentsregardingthesepreliminary negotiationssee also M. U. B., xxii, passim.
a M. U. B., xxii, n. 12789; H. R., iv, n. 261; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., II, n. 422. For the interestingreport
of the Prussianrepresentatives, dated June 19, 1935, see H. R., IV, n. 275; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., II, pp.
509-512; M. U. B., xxii, n. 1794; L. E. K. U. B., iv, col. 61-65. The meetingwas held in May at
Skanoirand Falsterbo,two smalltowns,dormantat thistimebut hustlingwithcommotionduringthe
fishingseason (August 10-October9), each one boastingof a fairlylargechurchand a nearbycastle;
Styife,Skandinavien,pp. 58, 59. Here a greatcompanyof Baltic leadersgatheredto settlethe fateof
Albertand thefateofthe northerncountries.Margaretwas the dominantfigurebecause ofherstates-
manlikegenius and remarkablepersonality.She was assisted by churchmen,royal councilors,and
knightsof the three Scandinavian kingdoms.The Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, Liibeck,
Stralsund,Danzig, of the Hansa, wererepresentedby burgomastersand councilors.The meetingbe-
gan at Skanorbut soon moved to nearbyLindholm,Albert'sprison,wheresixteendays werespentin
deliberations.From Lindholmthe meetingmoved to Falsterbo wherethe finaldocumentswere set
up and letterswrittento all partiesconcerned.The main treatyis dated at Lindholm,June17, 1395;
Rydberg,Sv. Tr., ii, n. 421; M. U. B., xxii, nos. 12788, 12789; H. R., Iv, n. 962. The proclamation
against piracyand against issuinglettersof marque is also dated June 17; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., ii, n.
4Q2a; M. U. B., XXII, n. 12790; H. R., Iv, n. 264. Most ofthe otherdocumentsare dated September8,
and servedas ratifications oftheagreements;see note if.

in 1395 by all parties.'All that King Albertnow had left of his proud kingdom
was Visby and minorportionsof Gotland;2 and Gotland was notorious as a
pirates' nest. This peace was to go into effectimmediatelyand by July25 the
Baltic was to be freefrompirates.3
But this was easier said than done. True, piracynow had been officially out-
lawed and Mecklenburgno longerhad need ofher allies. Stockholmwas virtually
Danish,4and the kingwas free.Peace had come once more to the Baltic; but
1 Albertwas not releaseduntil SeptemberQ6,but the ratificationsare dated September8. These
documentsare as follows:Agreementof seven Hansa townsto go bail forAlbert(i.e., Lufbeck,Stral-
sund, Greifswald,Thorn,Elbing, Danzig, and Reval); M. U. B., xxii, n. 12822;Rydberg,Sv. Tr., ii,
n. 492, 4; H. R., iv, n. 266; Suhm, xiv, pp. 597-601; L. E. K. U. B., iv, n. 1389. Agreementof the
seven citiesto deliverStockholmeitherto Albertor to Margaret;M. U. B., xxii, n. 12823; Rydberg,
Sv. Tr., II, n. 422, 5; H. R., iv, n. 267; cf. also Suhm,xiv, pp. 601-603; L. E. K. U. B., iv, n. 1390;
H. R., Iv, n. 270; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., ii, n. 422, 8. About occupationof Stockholmand promiseto pro-
tect its people by the seven cities;H. R., iv, n. Q71; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., ii, n. 422, 9. Stockholm'sagree-
mentto accept peacefullythe representatives ofthe seven citiesand to offerno resistanceifand when
the citywas deliveredto Margaret;H. R., Iv, n. 272; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., II, n. 422, 10. Certification of
Albert'srelease,the transferof Stockholmto the seven cities,and promiseof aid ifStockholmshould
be capturedbeforethe time set, i.e., September29, 1398, signedby 35 knights,49 squires,11 cities,
AlbertSr. and AlbertJr.;M. U. B., XXII, n. 12825; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., II, n. 4Q2,7; H. R., Iv, n. 269.
Promiseof the seven cities to hold StockholmforAlbertuntilSeptember29, 1398; M. U. B., XXII,
n. 12823; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., II, n. 422, 5; H. R., Iv, n. 267. Promiseof Rostock and Wismarto pay
1,000 Marks a year, forthreeyears,to the seven cities fortheirexpensesin Stockholm:M. U. B.,
XXII, n. 12826; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., iI, n. 422, 12; H. R., Iv, n. 274a. Margaret'spromiseto pay Q,000
Marks a year,forthreeyears,to the seven citiesfortheirexpensesin Stockholm;Rydberg,Sv. Tr.,
II, n. 422, 11; H. R., iv, n. 273. Albert'spromiseto the seven citiesto pay theirexpensesin Stockholm
if theyheld the city beyondthe threeyears; M. U. B., XXII, n. 1782; cf. also Rydberg,Sv. Tr., Ii,
pp. 553-555, and note; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12791. Regardingthe necessarytroopsforthe defenseof
Stockholmsee M. U. B., xxii, n. 12782. Margaret'sand Albert'sdeclarationofpeace to go intoeffect
afterAlbert'srelease; M. U. B., XXII, n. 1R821;RydbergiSv. Tr., ii, p. 525; H. R., Iv, n. Q65.Albert's
agreementto abide by the arrangementsforStockholmand to aid the seven citiesto regainthe city
if it were captured beforeSeptember29, 1398; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12835; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., ii, n.
422, 6; Suhm,xiv, pp. 603-607; L. E. K. U. B.. iv, n. 1391.
2 It was decided at Skanor and Falsterbo that Albert should keep Visby and those positionsin
Gotland whichhis men held at that time; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12782; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., ii, n. 422;
U. R., IV, n. 261.
3 Proclamationthat peace should go into effectimmediately,that the sea must be cleared of
piratesby July25, and that Rostock,Wismar,Visby,and Stockholmno longershouldaid the enemies
ofthe queen; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., IT, n. 452, 2; M. U. B., XXII, n. 12790; H. R., iv, n. Q64.
4 By June,1398,Alberthad givenno indicationthat he would pay the ransom; see the letterfrom
Ltibeckto the Prussian towns,June5, 1398, H. R., iv, n. 655; M. U. B., xxiii, nos 13292, 13308.
On August 1, the representatives of the Hansa, in Copenhagen,indicatedto Margaretthat since Al-
berthad done nothingabout the ransomtheywould deliverStockholmto her at the time set in the
treaty; H. R., Iv, n. 482; M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13328. On August 12, these representativeswroteto
Albertaskingifhe expectedto pay the ransomby September29, ifnot theywould deliverStockholm
to Margaret;M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13330; H. R., Iv, n. 495. Albert'sanswer,dated at Schwerin,August
23, was veryevasive. He hopedthatthe Hansa wouldthinkofhis well-beingas theyhad always done,
but not a wordabout the ransom;M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13334. On Auguste8, Margaret,Eric, and the
Swedishroyal councilconfirmedthe League's privilegesin Sweden; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., II, n. 425. On
August 29, the Hansa served notice on the Mecklenburgtowns, includingRostock, Wismar,and
Visby,that they were not to be includedin the renewalof the Hansa's privilegesin the threeScan

thistimeit was onlya paperpeace.Piracyhadprovedsoprofitablethatthemere
withdrawal ofofficial
sanctiondidnotprovea serioushandicap,especially
as the
Mecklenburg faction
didnotwholeheartedly supportthequeenand theLeague.)
Theyhad agreedto peacebut onlyunderpressure. Thus,thepiratescontinued
theiractivitieswithGotlandas headquarters2 and King Albert'sson, Duke
Eric,3as piratechief.Eric was joinedby menofhighstanding, suchas Arnold
dinavian kingdomsuntiltheyand theirkinghad satisfactorily settledtheirrelationswithMargaret;

M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13337; cf. Rydberg,Sv. Tr., ii, pp. 590-591; H. R., iv, n. 489; Suhm, xiv, pp.
647-648. On the same day Eric of Pomerania, as King of Sweden, confirmedall privilegeswhich
Stockholmhad enjoyedunderotherkings;M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13338; H. R., iv, n. 490. Albertclaimed
that Margarethad brokenthe peace treatysince she had permittedher nephew,Eric of Pomerania,
to be crownedKing of Sweden in 1397; H. R., iv, nos 413, 425. Margaretdid not becomereconciled
withRostock and Wismaruntil September29, 1399, when she renewedtheirprivilegesin the three
Scandinaviankingdoms;Rydberg,Sv. Tr., Ii, n. 429; M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13516; H. R., iv, n. 554. Her
entranceinto Stockholm,September29, 1398,is mentionedin 'Diarium Wazstenenseab anno 1344
ad annum 1545' in S. R. S., i, Part 1, 110.
I In the summerof 1399 the Victual Brotherswereparticularlyactive on the Livonian coast. The
Grand Master frequentlyrefersto them and even fearedthat they aimed to destroythe Order in
Livonia; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12869; L. E. K. U. B., iv, nos. 1377, 1378, 1379, 1380, 1407. Great num-
bers ofpiratescontinuedto swarmin the archipelagoof Stockholmand on the southerncoast ofFin-
land. Herman von Halle reportsfromStockholm,September3, 1395, that many pirateslaid in the
islands as he arrivedin Stockholm;Styffe,Bidrag,ii, n. 5; cf. M. U. B., xxii, n. 12815; H. R., iv, n.
292; L. U. B., iv, n. 629. He also reports,September15, 1395,that a greatnumberofpirateswereoff
Wiborgand Abo; L. E. K. U. B., iv, n. 1392; cf. M. U. B., xxii, n. 12828; H. R., iv, n. 295. For
theiractivitiesin the Aland islandssee also; L. E. K. U. B., iv, n. 1403; M. U. B., xxii, nos. 12818,
12850, 12872; H. R., iv, nos. 312, 334; Styffe,Bidrag, ii, no. 8; Suhm, XIV, p. 609. AlbertRusse,
Stockholm,reportsto Prussia, July3, 1397, that on June28, a fleetof 42 ships and 1,200 men of
Vitalienbruider came to StockholmfromGotland. He fearedthat troublewas brewingbetweenthe
Swedes and Mecklenburg;H. R., iv, n. 410. The citiesof Brandenburgalso complainedofpiracyand
accused Mecklenburgof being implicated; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12832; but on December 9, 1395,
Albertconcludeda six-yearpeace withtheircount; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12870. Koppmann,H. R., iv,
xix, thinksthat both Mecklenburgand Pomerania made bids for the support of the pirates. On
November25,1395, the Grand Master had to remindAlbertthat he was not to open the Mecklenburg
harborsforpirates; H. R., iv, n. 327. All piratesdid not continuein theiroccupationbut, like Gott-
schalk von Preen, who repented,and on August 13, 1395, ' . .. mit vpgherichtedevingherenghe-
sworenheft. . . 'to keep the peace; M. U. B., xxii, n. 12812.
2 ' ... grosenschadenentfingen von den seheroubern,dy czu Gotland lagen und das selbigelandt
beweldigethatten,wend ys mittenin der sehe lyet, und ummelanggros gut roubetenund nomen
. . . '; fromthe 'Partheischriftdes Hochmeisters,enthaltenddie vertheidigungseines Rechtes auf
Gothland' in H. R., iv, n. 438, ?6. The same account, ?5, states that underEric's widow,Margaret
von Barth, and her commander,Sven Sture,the victual brothersfoundan asylum in Gotland, and
that theyhad agreed to pay her one-halfof all booty. A. Winkler,Die DeutscheHansa in Russland
(Berlin,1886), p. 23, says that the victualbrothersmade Visbya dangerousrobbers'nest.
I Eric wentto Gotland in 1396 to wrestthe island fromSven Sture. He was in need of help and
requestedsuch fromDanzig. Sven Sture soon joined Eric and togetherthey gatheredaround them-
selves a lustycompanyof hardbittenmen who, as freebooters, preyedupon the trade of the Baltic;
H. R., iv, nos. 349, 368, 370, 375, 385, 408, 438; M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13004. July3, 1397, AlbertRusse
reportsto the Prussian towns that he fearedthat Eric aimed to seize Stockholm;M. U. B., xxiii,
n. 13143; cf.H. R., iv, n. 410. Eric died July27, 1397,see 'ChronologiaSvecica Ex Codice Minorita-
rumWisbyensiumab anno 815 ad annum 1412' in S. R. S., i, Part 1, 46.

Styke,Sven Sture and Knut Bosson of Viborg) Fortune smiled on them for a
while. From Calais to Finland, accordingto records,they enteredas partisans
in every fray. More than ever did they earn the reputationof their motto:
.... the foe of all the world.'2They struckat Russia and at Livonia, and con-
tinuedto preyon the Hansa trade,fromwhichtheythusextractedperhapseven
more profitsthan the merchantsthemselves.3They even thought that they
could molestthe Grand Master of Prussia with equal impunity.But here they
met formidableopposition.The Grand Master equipped a large fleetand sailed
for Gotland in 1398.4 He captured Landskrona and laid his fleetbeforeVisby
wherehe forcedthe pirates to striketheirflag.5The island was formallyturned
I Sven Sture and Arnold Styke appear frequentlyin the annals of the time. In 1395 Arnold
Stykeseized veryvaluable goods frommerchants.He wentto Stockholmto disposeof them,but was

not admitted;hence,he turnedto Wismarand otherMecklenburgtowns; Heman von Halle's letter
to the Prussian towns,December 21, 1395; H. R., iv, n. 334; and Ltibeck's letterto the Prussian
towns,February25, 1396; ibid., n. 337. In 1399 he surrenderedto Margaret; ibid., iv, n. 550. Sven
Sture at firstsupportedMargaret,thenjoined Mecklenburg,and finallymade peace withMargaret,
October10, 1398. At that timehe agreedto surrenderto herby April20, 1399,all the castles that he
held; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., ii, n. 426; cf. H. R., Iv, n. 522. Knut Bosson, Bo Jonsson'sson, was also
forcedto surrenderto Margaret and give up all of his castles by April 20, 1399; Styffe,Bidrag,ii,
n. 25; Rydberg,Sv. Tr.,ii, n. 426, note.
2 Koppmann, H. R., iv, xviii. Detmar gives an interestingaccount of the wanderingsof the
Jitalienbriider.He says that many sailed to Russia, othersto the Holy Land, the Caspian Sea, and
over the wholeworld.Some ofthemreturned,othersdied in battle or starvedto death; excerptfrom
Detmar in M. U. B., xxii, n. 12880.
3 Many rich cargoes were seized fromHansa merchants.For illustrationssee H. R., Iv, n. 334,
dated December21, 1395; ibid.,n. 336, dated February6, 1396; ibid.,n. 337, dated February25, 1396.
Once moreit was necessaryforthe Hansa to fitout peace-ships.For Prussian peace-shipssee ibid.,
n. 290, dated August 19, 1395. On September29, 1395, Lubeck prepared 11 ships with 1,000 men;
ibid.,n. 308. The cost ofthe peace-shipswas defrayedby Pfundzoll;ibid.,nos. 308, 309, 324, 325, 326.
In 1396 Prussian and Luibeckpeace-shipssailed forGotland; ibid., n. 375; later in the same year
peace-ships fromthe Prussian towns and fromLubeck and Stralsund were at Gotland; ibid.,
n. 385.
4On December 10, 1397, Margaret wrote to Danzig and the other Prussian towns, informing
themthat she was negotiatingwithEric's widow in Gotland. She also suggestedthat the Prussian
townsjoin herin unitedaction against the Vitalienbriider; ibid.,iv, n. 427. On January23, 1398,the
Prussiantownsrepliedthatthe questionofunitedactionagainstthe pirateswas a thingforthe whole
Hansa to decide and whenthe League had done so they would informher of the decision; ibid.,iv,
n. 428; M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13247. This letterwas dispatchedfromthe meetingofthe Prussiantowns
at Marienburg,January23, and at that meetingsecretnegotiationswere conduietedbetween the
Prussiantownsand the Grand Master forthe equipmentof a large fleet,10 large and 30 small ships
with2,000 armed men,to be sent against the piratesat Gotland; H. R., iv, nos. 424-426; M. U. B.,
xxiii, n. 13246; cf. H. Grotefend,'Zur EroberungGotlands durchden deutschenOrder,'Hans. Gbll.
(1886), p. 161 if. In the 'Partheischrift'of the Grand Master, H. R., iv, n. 438, ?9, dated 1401, 84
ships,4,000 men and 400 horsesare mentionedas the forceswhichinvaded Gotland.
6 For the invasionof Gotland,the captureof Landskrona, the difficulties in reachingVisbyover-
land because of heavy snow,and the finalsurrenderof Visby, see the 'Partheischrift'of the Grand
Master; H. R., Iv, n. 438; also in AI. U. B., XXIII, pp. 415-418; and the Visbychronicleby the Fran-
ciscan brothers,S. R. S., i, Part 1, 46.

over to the Grand Master' and evacuated by the pirates.2Their castles were
burned.
This marks the end of the second period of piracy in the Baltic but not the
end of piracyin the north.3The later period,perhaps, is betterknown,but has
by no means been adequately studied.The historyof the threenorthernking-
doms on the eve ofthe Union of Kalmar,4and the Hanseatic League, cannot be
set forthin its entiretywithouttakingintoaccount morefullythan has hitherto
been done the curiousand complicatedrole of the 'foes of all the world.'
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, Los ANGELES.
1 On April 5, 1398, Duke Johan of MecklenburgtransferredGotland to the Grand Master;

Rydberg,Sv. Tr., ii, n. 424; M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13291; H. R., iv, n. 437. On November4, 1398, the
Grand Master requested Albert to give him a writtenstatementas to the transferof the island;
M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13352; H. R., Iv, n. 509. Again on November20, of that year,the Grand Master
communicatedwithAlbertregardingthe transferof Gotland and regardingmortgagesum for the
island; M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13361; H. R., iv, n. 510. On the same day he made a formalannouncement
to Visbyas to the proposedplan forthe futurestatus of the island; M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13362; H. R.,
iv, n. 511. On January7, 1399, he sent Alberta roughdraftof the mortgageplans; M. U. B., xxiii,
n. 13397; I. R., iv, n. 512. The finaldrafthe sent on March 16; M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13428; H. R.,
iv, n. 521. On May 25, 1399, Albertpawned Gotland and Visby to the Grand Master forthe sum of
30,000nobels;M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13463; Rydberg,Sv. Tr.,ii, m. 497. Evidentlythe wholetransaction
was done withoutMargaret'sconsent;cf.H. R., iv, nos. 501, 509, 528, 539, 542. Margarethad never
surrenderedherclaimsto the island; but she could wait. She notifiedthe Grand Master to that effect,
and he answeredher,October 25, 1399, that he neverintendedto take the island fromits 'rightful
owner'; M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13522. This letteris a remarkableexampleofpolitephrases.On the same
day the Grand Master wroteto Albert,inclosingMargaret's letter,and requestingAlbertto defend
his (the Grand Master's) titleto the island withinone year of date; ibid., n. 13523. Albert'sanswer
to the Grand Master was forwardedto Margaret. It is dated November i2, 1399; ibid., n. 13538;
and the Grand Master states,in his coveringletter,that the meaningof Albert'sletterwas not clear
to him,but that he would request furtherinformationfromAlbertand that informationhe would
transmitto her. The Gotland questionwas not settleduntil 1408, whenthe Grand Master officially
transferred the island to Margaret; Rydberg,Sv. Tr., ii, nos. 435, 436, 437. Albertand Margaret
died in 1419.
2 I. R., iv, n. 438, the 'Partheischrift'of the Grand Master. A garrisonof 200 men was leftby
the Prussiansto hold the island. Duke Johan,Duchess Margaret,and Sven Sture with400 Vitalien-
briidersailed away. It is interestingto note that the followingwinterwas verysevere.Accordingto
Detinar, the Baltic froze,a mostunusual thing,so that one could walk over the ice fromRostock to
Denmark and fromLiibeck to Stralsund;quoted in M. U. B., xxiii, n. 13391. -
3 Piracy shiftsfromthe Baltic to the North Sea. On February 2, 1400, the Hansa was forcedto
equip peace-shipsto patrolthe sea. This timeonlythreeships with127 men weredesignatedforthe
Baltic, whileeleven shipswith950 men weresentto the NorthSea; H. R., iv, n. 570.
4The Union was concludedin 1397; see documentsand excellentdiscussion in Rydberg,Sv. Tr.,
ii, pp. 560-585. Cf. also Aarsberetninger fra detKongeligeGeheimearchiv, ed. by C. F. Wegener,II
(Kj6benhalVIn, 1860),28-31, fora copy of 'Unionsaktenof Calmar.'


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Medieval Academy of America

Piracy in the Baltic, 1375-1398

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' . . . grosen shaden entfingen von den

NOTHING is so inimicalto piracyas peace and good government;and nothingso

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officialrecordsof the political states' - a mass of literaturerevealingthe in-

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elect of Denmark,was to be regardedas heir-apparent,and Albert,grandsonof

vorsteherOlef,to Denemarkenkonyng,vnde vruweMargarete,to Norwegenkoninginne,sin muder,

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1 The merchantcomplainedthat the sea was made unsafebecause of the unsettledpoliticalcondi-

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Pfundzoll,lto be levied on all cities of the League. Furtherto safeguardtrade,

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ambition.This ambition,so faras it concernedthe Hansa, was the returnof the

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cussedat themeetingin Luibeck,October4, 1383; ibid.,ii, n. 266, ?9,but thePrussianstownsobjected

Niels Jonsson,Niels Swarteskaning,all of these fromSkane; and Lydeke Skinkel,Eler Rantzow,

... . de koninhynne wil uthmakentwo schepe,herHenninghde drosteok twe schepe,Cort Molteke

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in 1381 Margarethad requestedthe returnofSkAne.This requestwas submittedto a largegathering

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which had sufferedgreatly at the hands of the pirates, were particularlyin-

the nextmeeting;ibid.,ii, n. 276. The townsfeltthat theyweremakingprogressbut whenthe meet-

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The Wendictownsusuallyacted in unison.The Prussiantownsalso acted as a unitbut wereat times

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The real rulerof Sweden at this time,however,was Bo JonssonGrip,1the

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Svarteskaning,began withthe siege of Axvall castle which,in spite of shortagesin provisions,held

'Han kallade meg konningbrogeloss,

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SvenskeafTyskarnablevo i Stockholmf6rrAdhne oc brandeAhr1389' in S. R. S., i, Part 2,212-215; re-

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tion; see Wismar'sletterto the Prussiantowns,November13, 1391,in whichWismarclaimsthat she

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thus did Margaret's conquesthave an aftermathof freshpiraticalactivity.Out

to molestthe enemyand to bringstolenwaresto the Mecklenburgharbors.That friendand foealike

borgerenute velen steden,van amptluden,van buren,unde hetensik VitalienBroder.'Detmar, S. R.

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Sea. Pirate organizationssprangup with leaders,' headquarters,and rules.2The

portofthe Master ofthe OrderofLivonia to Ordensprocurator in Rome, dated October1Q,139P,which

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ifcaptured.The Stralsundmerchantsare reportedto have put capturedpirates

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excusedbecause she had troubleswithpiratesat the mouthofthe Elbe river.The Prussiantownsre-

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dinavian kingdomsuntiltheyand theirkinghad satisfactorily settledtheirrelationswithMargaret;

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Stykeseized veryvaluable goods frommerchants.He wentto Stockholmto disposeof them,but was

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1 On April 5, 1398, Duke Johan of MecklenburgtransferredGotland to the Grand Master;

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