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AAS47310.1177/0095399713513142AgbiboaAdministration & Society
Article
Administration & Society
2015, Vol. 47(3) 244–281
Protectors or Predators? © The Author(s) 2013
DOI: 10.1177/0095399713513142
The Embedded Problem aas.sagepub.com
Abstract
The Nigeria Police Force is widely perceived by the public as the most cor-
rupt and violent institution in Nigeria in a way that is not evidently insincere.
In light of the generalization and banalization of police corruption and devi-
ance, it is surprising that few works have addressed this problem that most
directly affects the aggrieved Nigerian public. This article critically examines
the embeddedness and ramifications of police corruption and deviance in
Nigeria. The article is historically anchored and foregrounds colonial and
military administrative policies that inculcated a strategy of corruption by
coercion in the Nigeria Police Force.
Keywords
Nigeria police force, corruption, deviance, colonial, military
Introduction
Good policing is the bedrock for the rule of law and public safety. The long-
term failure of the Nigerian authorities to address police bribery, extortion, and
wholesale embezzlement threatens the basic rights of all Nigerians.
—Human Rights Watch (2010)
1University of Oxford, UK
Corresponding Author:
Daniel Egiegba Agbiboa, Queen Elizabeth House (QEH) Doctoral Scholar, Oxford
Department of International Development, University of Oxford, St. Antony's College,
Oxford, OX2 6JF, UK.
Email: daniel.agbiboa@qeh.ox.ac.uk
Agbiboa 245
extortion, a profound lack of political will to reform the force, and impunity
has combined to make the Nigeria Police Force a deeply embedded
problem.
Despite the pervasive and systemic nature of police corruption in Nigeria,
there are, surprisingly, very few studies addressing this issue that most
directly affects the aggrieved Nigerian public. The primary aim of this article
is to explore the embeddedness and ramifications of police corruption and
deviance in Nigeria, particularly its intersection with public safety and human
rights. The article contributes to the current body of scholarly literature by
conceptualizing police corruption as a historical and socially embedded prob-
lem. It directly relates police corruption to societal conditions in Nigeria,
particularly to the colonial and postindependence politics of the country,
rather than seeing it as a purely managerial problem, whose solution lies in
simplistic recommendations for internal reform or removal of corrupt indi-
viduals (so-called “bad apples”).
Agbiboa 247
The article is divided into four main sections. The first focuses on the
meaning and typology of police corruption as well as the competing explana-
tions for its existence. The second section provides a historical trajectory of
corruption in Nigeria, with particular reference to the protracted military rule
and its institutionalization of corruption in Nigeria. The third section looks
closely at British colonialism and the (un)making of the Nigeria Police Force.
The fourth section examines the corruptive and deviant conducts of the
Nigeria Police Force, particularly their ramifications for public safety and
human rights. The final section sums up the key points of the article.
The “rotten apple” theory won’t work any longer. Corrupt police officers are
not natural-born criminals, nor morally wicked men constitutionally different
from their honest colleagues. The task of corruption control is to examine the
barrel, not just the apples—the organisation, not just the individuals in it—
because corrupt police are made, not born. (Barker & Carter, 1986, p. 10)
Second, some studies have argued that traditional norms and values sanc-
tion corruption in the sense articulated by scholars like Ekeh (1975), Le Vine
(1975), and Nukunya (1992). The explanation offered by Ekeh (1975) is par-
ticularly instructive. In analyzing post-colonial African Politics, Ekeh draws
a distinction between a “primordial” and a “civic” public.1 The realm of the
former is ruled by indigenous shared norms and customs, but the realm of the
civic public—governed by the post-colonial state and its institutions, includ-
ing the police—suffers from weak moral commitment. The reason for this
detachment lies in the legitimacy deficits of the colonial state and the failure
of many Africans to decouple the post-colonial state from its predecessor
(Ekeh, 1975, p. 92; see also Karstedt & Farrall, 2006, p. 1011; Takebe, 2010,
p. 301). Ekeh (1975, p. 91) further argues the dialectical relationships between
the two publics are implicated in the unique political problems that have
come to characterize postcolonial African societies. Corruption, says Ekeh
(1975, p. 110), is the “acme of the dialectics . . . [and] arises directly from
Agbiboa 251
. . . the legitimation of the need to seize largesse from the civic public in order
to benefit the primordial public.” The moral economy of corruption within
this civic public thus makes it a respectable crime—that is, crimes that “while
being legally culpable and widely reproved, are none the less considered by
their perpetrators as being legitimate, and often as not being [offences] at all”
(Olivier de Sardan, 1999, p. 34). These crimes do not only occupy “a grey
zone of legality and morality” (Karstedt & Farrall, 2006, p. 1011), but “the
real borderline between what is [considered an offence] and what is not fluc-
tuates, and depends on the context and on the position of the actors involved”
(Olivier de Sardan, 1999, p. 34). As such, citizens who benefit from corrupt
transactions are unlikely to express negative views about the police (Takebe,
2010, p. 301). Indeed, based on Ekeh’s analysis, police officers may risk loss
of public confidence if they seek “to extend the honesty and integrity with
which [they perform their] duties in the primordial public to [their] duties in
the civic public” (Ekeh, 1975, p. 110).
But, while corruption certainly implicates cultural factors, they stop well
short of explaining the biting corruption of the post-colonial state (Takebe,
2010, p. 302). More accurately, the displacement of traditional cultural values
by what Assimeng (1986, p. 248) describes as “rugged materialism” explains
the kind of corruption that plagues the Nigerian society. Rugged materialism
refers to a condition of aggressive preoccupation with material accumulation
without regard to values of probity and propriety (Assimeng, 1986, p. 249).
Three decades ago, Brownsberger (1983, pp. 215-233) criticized studies that
sought to explain corruption in the Third World (specifically Nigeria), by
reference to anachronistic traditions and to the special pressures on officials
in developing countries. He argues that the roots of corruption in Nigeria go
deeper, to a materialism and political fragmentation that are the products of a
moment in development (Brownsberger, 1983, p. 215). Brownsberger (1983)
further argues that “the dazzling status of the white man (and the successor
black élite) burned into the populace a desire to appear and act as did their
dominators, and this led the most successful to corrupt excesses” (p. 215). In
short, Brownsberger (1983, p. 228) suggests that a passion for, and sense of
entitlement to, visible élite status is a major factor in the corruption of public
officials (i.e., the police) in Nigeria, and he sees this concern as born of the
vast status gap between the White colonialists (and their Black successor
élite) and the average poor rural Nigerian.
On a broader note, Punch (2000) addresses the possibility that corruption
is due to group behavior that is rooted within established practices in the
police force into which officers have to be initiated. Punch’s suggestion
addresses the fact that the problem extends beyond “bad apples” to group
behavior, which may initially start with a few individuals but, as more and
more officers become involved in the practices, the learnt behaviors would
252 Administration & Society 47(3)
Approach of Study
In general, the term corruption will be used loosely in this study to describe
the misuse of one’s position or authority for personal or organizational (or
subunit) gain, where misuse in turn refers to departures from accepted soci-
etal norms (Anand, Ashforth, & Joshi, 2004, p. 40; cf. Nye, 1967, p. 419). In
particular, the article adopts Roebuck and Barker’s (1974) wide definition of
police corruption as “any form of deviant, dishonest, improper, unethical or
criminal behaviour by a police officer” (p. 423). The corruption problematic
will be approached in this article from the perspective of Olivier de Sardan’s
(1999) sixth thesis on corruption in Africa, which states that “the real border-
line between what is corruption and what is not fluctuates, and depends on
the context and on the position of the actors involved” (p. 34). As such, the
complexity of social experience is considered a necessary condition for
explaining corrupt practices. Relatedly, the roots of corruption will be
Agbiboa 253
Corruption in the developing world is an open fact of life for anyone who
encounters a police officer, voluntarily or not. In the developed world, police
corruption is out of sight, confined by and large to the shadowy world of vice
regulation. It is concentrated among officers who commonly work undercover
rather than among officers who are uniformed and visible. (D. Bayley & Perito,
2011, pp. 5-6)
The high level of corruption during the Babangida era was given greater
rein by two propitious factors: The 9-year tenure of the regime and the huge
surge in oil revenue, including the famous oil windfall occasioned by the Iraq
War in 1991. A whopping sum of US$12.67 billion earned during the war
could not be accounted for by the Babangida-led regime (Agbiboa, 2010,
p. 489). According to Ribadu (2006), this era was tainted with “profligacy,
wanton waste, political thuggery and coercion . . . .” Osoba (1996, p. 381)
argues that for the 8 years of Babangida’s stay in power, the regime “never
took a public stance against corruption.” Instead it proceeded with hitherto
unknown dynamism to establish a sui generis military autocracy, grounded
on “cronyism, blatant corruption of high-profile individuals and groups in
society and ruthless and systematic suppression of so-called ‘radicals,’
‘extremists,’ and other real or imagined opponents of the regime.” As
Kraxberger (2004) argues, “co-optation of oppositional figures was a key
strategy [of the Babangida regime]” (p. 416). Indeed, it would appear that
the main distinguishing feature of corruption in the Babangida regime was the
pervasive culture of impunity: any of his acolytes, however high or low in
status, could loot the treasury to their heart’s content with impunity, provided
they remained absolutely loyal and committed to the leader. Those who
backslide or waver in their loyalty and commitment, were terrorised with
all the coercive instruments of state power, even when they had done no wrong.
(p. 382)
A curious action taken in the late 1980s by the Babangida regime was its
release of the ill-amassed assets seized from top government officials who
served in Yakubu Gowon’s regime (1966-1975), after these officials were
256 Administration & Society 47(3)
under successive military regimes, as it turned out, has impacted on the struc-
ture of the Nigerian Police. For example, the creation of 12 states on May 27,
1967, which was used as Police Commands with each headed by a
Commissioner of Police, rose to 19 in 1976 with the creation of the 19 state
structures. In 1986, 1991, and 1996, more states were created thereby rework-
ing the federal structure into 36 states, apart from the federal capital territory.
Thus, the 37 police Commands in the country. On October 14, 1986, Zonal
Command headed by Assistant Inspector-General of Police was introduced to
conform to the political structure of the country. Today, there exists 12 Zonal
Commands in the country while the Force Headquarters operates as a Police
Command (Omotola, 2007).
Another major impact of military rule on the Nigerian police is the prob-
lem of marginalization and funding. Nigeria’s first four decades following
independence were dominated by a series of military coups and successive
military dictatorships. The police force—which at independence numbered
approximately 12,000—was larger than the military, and thus was perceived
by the military leaders as a threat. Consequently, the police force was chroni-
cally underfunded and marginalized by the military government during this
period (1960-1999; Dayil & Sjoberg, 2010). There was no constitutional pro-
vision that a certain percentage of national revenue be allocated to the police.
As such, the police have been subjected to a perpetual crisis of underfunding
(Omotola, 2007).
An analysis of the national budgets for the Nigeria Police since 1980
reveals a pattern of continuous under-funding (Open Society Justice Initiative,
2010). Apart from 1983, under the Shagari administration when the Police
received an allocation equivalent to 10.7% of the national budget, in all other
years (including 2011 and 2012) the Police with its approximately 400,000
staff got allocated an average lower than 5% (see the appendix—Funding of
the Nigeria Police From 1980-2007; el-Rufai, 2012; Open Society Justice
Initiative, 2010). Furthermore, when the funds are released, the headquarters,
zonal, and area commands withhold substantial amounts leaving only very
little for intelligence-gathering, street patrols, and policing at the divisional
and station levels where most of the law enforcement is done (el-Rufai,
2012). Consequently, rather than benefit the public, the expansion of the
Nigeria Police Force merely increased the number of rank and file officers
involved in corrupt and deviant practices across the country.
Last, successive military governments deliberately installed few effective
checks on abuses of police authority, leaving misconduct and corruption to
flourish. For example, under the military, the suspension of such democratic
institutions as the National Assembly, the Police Council, and the Police
Service Commission all of which have oversight functions over the Nigeria
Agbiboa 259
Police left the police institution as “an orphan at the mercy of the ruling mili-
tary” (Osayande, 2008, p. 6). Recruitment into the Police Force and training
were suspended for many years, while a good number of Officers left the
service through compulsory retirement and dismissals (Mwalimu, 2009).
Subsequently, vices such as “corruption, greed, indolence, tribalism, godfa-
therism, nepotism injustice and various malpractices crept into the police and
attained their peak during this period . . . ” (Mwalimu, 2009, p. 865). Over
time, morale declined and the police’s deteriorating public image deterred
quality candidates from entering the force. As one former senior police offi-
cial described to HRW (2010, p. 13), “It ended up with most of the people
who were joining the Nigerian police, joined it simply because it was a very
easy way of making money.”
In confronting its subjects so violently, the colonial state and its police force
foreclosed all prospects of legitimation.
In the colony, it was the policeman and the soldier who were the “official,
instituted go-betweens, the spokesmen of the settler and his rule of oppres-
sion” (Fanon, 1963, p. 38). Brewer (1992) argues that
[t]he police were central to the success of colonialism because they imposed
law and order on the subject population and, by acting as agents of the state in
civil and judicial administration, helped to disseminate the standards and
practices of the metropolitan society. (p. 518)
In practice, this was done mostly by coercion and consent (Anderson &
Killingray, 1991), and this meant “the use of police to facilitate the process of
pacification of the vanquished countries and the subsequent patrol of cities
and commercial enterprises” (Mwalimu, 2009, p. 865). According to Ekeh
(2002), “right from the beginning, the purpose of the Nigeria Police Force
was to protect [the colonial] government functionaries, sometimes against
natives.” As such, a military character was stamped on the police at inception
by the British colonialists (Omotola, 2007, p. 626).
The colonial police force performed a variety of functions, including
The local police force charged with maintaining order in the colony often
found itself in direct opposition to its own people especially in activities such
as “exacting taxes and labour that for all intents and purposes amounted to
servitude, suppressing dissent, harassment, and abuse of nationalists espe-
cially those agitating for independence and demonstrations in urban areas by
a semblance of labour movements” (Mwalimu, 2009, p. 865; cf. HRW, 2010,
p. 14). As Fanon (1963, p. 38) argues,
In the colonial countries, the policeman and the solider, by their immediate
presence and their frequent and direct action maintain contact with the native
and advise him by means of rifle butts and napalm not to budge . . . the agents
of government speak the language of pure force . . . he is the bringer of violence
into the home and into the mind of the native. (p. 38)
Agbiboa 261
As the police were created as a coercive force to silence all forms of oppo-
sition from Nigerians to colonial rule, and as they were required to enforce
colonial policies, especially regarding labor, taxation, and criminal laws,
As the number one state provider of internal law and order in Nigeria, the
police service remains a federal body because the constitution, as noted
above, does not allow local or regional police forces. Yet non-state security
Agbiboa 263
The police represent for many citizens the most immediate and visible
expression of government authority and power evoked to represent the interest
of victims of crimes . . . their role depends on the character of the state, how a
government defines national security, how fragile public order is, and how
secure the governing elite are in the state. (cf. Kleinig, 1996, p. 13)
on Police Reform in Nigeria found that “the Police today is publicly per-
ceived as the most corrupt government institutions, with its personnel con-
stantly accused of bribery and extortion in the course of performing their
functions” (p. 31). This research is corroborated by Oluwaniyi (2011) and
HRW (2010).
The Nigeria Police Force itself is not oblivious of the pervasiveness of
corruption and brutality in its ranks. In 1990, secretary of the Nigeria Police
Force Ibrahim Coomassie decried the “corruption, lack of supervision, negli-
gence of duty, abuse of office, insubordination . . . misappropriation of funds
. . . extortion and demanding by menaces” that had become regular trade-
marks of senior police officers (cited in Alemika, 1993, p. 200). In addition,
the following statement from a key senior member of the Nigeria Police
Force is supportive:
How can people say that the police are the most corrupt agency in Nigeria?
What about Immigrations? If you have been to other government agencies,
then you will know that there are worst corrupt agencies. Many people complain
about what they face with Customs and even LASTMA. People just apportion
blame on the police because we are the closest to them. Do you know the rate
of corruption perpetrated by our leaders at the National Assembly? I don’t
know what you mean by “police and corruption.” As far as I am concerned,
every sector is corrupt including the most important decision-making
institutions in the country. (Oluwaniyi, 2011, p. 74)
Rationalizations, such as the above, pave the way toward defining the cor-
rupt practices of the Nigeria Police Force as business as usual or “help” to
ease misgivings about police behavior. According to Anand et al. (2004),
rationalizations—the use of socially constructed accounts to recast corrupt
acts in a normal, acceptable and justifiable light—are signs of corruption
normalization and embeddedness in an organizational culture. In particular,
Anand et al. (2004, p. 43) identifies a form of rationalization that he terms
Agbiboa 265
to give them the “right” of passage. The commercial vehicle drivers have
come to accept this as a sacrifice they have to make to avoid higher penalty
and waste of time. As one Mafutau, a commercial bus driver noted, “We don’t
waste time in giving them the money. When you don’t bring out the money in
time, they will tell you at gunpoint to park and then you might be required to
pay more than the regular bribe. They won’t collect anything less than N500”
(Quoted in This Day, 19 June, 2004, cited in Omotola, 2007, p. 627).
Andreski’s (1969, cited in Okereke, 1995, p. 281) description of the behavior
of the police in Africa four decades ago remains valid in Nigeria today:
The Police are among the worst offenders against the law: they levy illegal tolls
on vehicles, especially the so-called mammy-wagon (heavy lorries with
benches and roofs) which usually carry many more passengers than they
are allowed and transgress a variety of minor regulations. [These vehicles] are
allowed to proceed regardless of the infractions of the law if they pay the
policeman’s private toll. (cited in Okereke, 1995, p. 281)
(HRW, 2010; cf. US Department of State, 2013). In most of the cases, the
amount of the bribes paid to the police ranged from N800 to N398,000
(roughly US$5 to US$2.636). The median amount paid, or extorted by the
police, comes to N3,500 ($23; HRW, 2010). Yet, according to police regula-
tions in Nigeria, the police are not permitted to demand or accept money to
release a person in police custody, and there are often posters at police sta-
tions to this effect, stating that “bail is free” (Dayil & Sjoberg, 2010).
Many victims of unlawful police detention live a precarious economic
existence and eke out a living on what they earn as day laborers, drivers, and
market traders (Oluwaniyi, 2011). In most instances, the modus operandi of
the police is to simply round up groups of citizens from public spaces, espe-
cially restaurants, bars, bus stops, and markets, who are then transported to
the police station in a police pickup van. These raids are often done under the
pretext of a crackdown on crime. Once at the police station, police officers
will then demand money for their ransom, either from them and/or from those
close to them. It is not uncommon to hear stories (from victims and/or eye
witnesses) in Nigeria about how Nigerian police officers had commandeered
a commercial minibus, collected unsuspecting passengers at bus stops, and
then diverted the minibus to a nearby police station where they detained them
and demanded money for their release (Network on Police Reform in Nigerian
and Open Society Justice Initiative, 2010, pp. 87-88). This crime is com-
monly known in Nigeria as “one chance.”
The above police misconducts belie the provisions of the Nigerian
Constitution that guarantees that “every person shall be entitled to his per-
sonal liberty and no person shall be deprived of such liberty [except] . . . in
accordance with a procedure permitted by law” (Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria, 1999, Sec. 35(1)). The Constitution further stipulates
that for an arrest without warrant, “reasonable suspicion” must exist that the
suspect committed a criminal offense (Constitution of the Federal Republic
of Nigeria, 1999). In addition, the Nigerian Constitution provides that any
person who is arrested “shall be brought before a court of law” within 24 hr
(Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, Sec. 35(4)). The
problem of (prolonged) unlawful arrest and detention has not escaped the
notice of government officials. For example, a 2008 Report of the Presidential
Committees on Police Reform in Nigeria (p. 195) concluded that the police
“extort money from accused persons” and “those who do not cooperate usu-
ally suffer unlawful arrest and detention.” But acknowledgment of a problem
never translates into action (Ocheje, 2001). Until now, the police leadership
has failed to emplace best practices to curb the pervasiveness of unlawful
detention and police officers are rarely held accountable for their (in)actions
(HRW, 2010).
270 Administration & Society 47(3)
On June 7 and 8, 2005, the police in Abuja killed six young Nigerians, most of
whom were from Apo village, including Augustina Arebun, a 22-year-old
university student. The Police initially claimed the six were armed robbers and
had been killed in a gun battle with the police. On June 8, the police called
Augustina’s family and demanded a N5,000 (approximately $38). The family
was unable to come up with the money and “[s]everal of them were executed a
few hours later.” A commission of inquiry found that Deputy Commissioner of
Police Ibrahim Danjuma and Chief Superintendent of Police Abdulsalam
Othman ordered the “elimination” of Augustina and one of the other survivors,
and then covered up the killing of the six. Five police officers were charged
with homicide in July 2005, but the trial has since stalled. Othman however,
“escaped” from custody at police Force Headquarters in June 2005 and remains
at large, while Danjuman has been free on bail since August 2006. (“Will
Nigeria’s ‘Apo Six’ Ever Get Justice?,” 2009; UN Commission on Human
Rights, 2006, pp. 7-8; HRW, 2010, p. 48)
Conclusion
This article has attempted to critically examine the embedded problem and
ramifications of police corruption and deviance in Nigeria. The article was
historically anchored and foregrounded colonial and military policies that
created a fertile ground for the breeding of corruption and deviance in the
Nigeria Police Force. Several key points may be deduced from this article:
(a) Corruption and deviance are pervasive and systemic in the Nigeria Police
Force; they are not simply a problem of the lower ranks but have been found
at all levels of the police organization; (b) Police corruption and deviance are
continuing problem in Nigeria—there is evidence of corrupt practices from
all stages of Nigeria’s police history; (c) police corruption and deviant con-
ducts are normally perpetuated by coercion and brazenly violate core human
rights; (d) police corruption and deviant conducts chiefly affects poor
Nigerians eking out a living in the workaday world, especially those who
work in the transportation sector; and (e) the coercive strategy of the Nigeria
Police Force is itself a reflection of the nature of the colonial and post-colo-
nial Nigerian state that, from the onset, has always had an extremely narrow
base in social forces and relied unduly on the use of force (or threat of it) to
quench all protests against its exploitative and accumulative dispositions.
Any serious and successful attempt to democratically reform the problem of
police corruption and deviant conducts in Nigeria today must first come to
terms with these key findings.
Appendix
Funding of the Nigeria Police Force From 1980 to 2007
The Nigeria Police Annual Budget Expressed as a Percentage of the National Budget From the Period 1980-2007.
Recurrent expenditure
Total force Federal Govt.
approved annual approved annual % of annual
No. Year Personal cost Overhead cost Capital expenditure budget budget budget
1 1980 121,971,300 63,415,700 8,508,000 193,895,000 —
2 1981 273,164,450 111,005,060 105,728,060 489,897,570 13,450,000,000 4
3 1982 268,107,650 119,181,210 90,792,460 478,081,320 —
4 1983 275,439,430 116,678,520 201,000,000 593,117,950 5,560,937,850 10.7
5 1984 216,157,320 143,723,690 30,400,000 390,280,710 10,008,130,332 3.9
6 1985 231,260,630 150,873,700 19,025,258 401,159,588 11,269,642,320 3.5
7 1986 284,098,880 97,975,450 3,000,000 412,074,330 11,581,732,901 3.6
8 1987 305,768,320 69,768,620 13,461,263 388,979,903 17,517,080,030 2.2
9 1988 406,277,610 114,768,320 60,000,000 581,025,930 24,365,266,325 2.4
10 1989 529,257,610 114,768,320 100,000,000 744,025,930 30,031,718,890 2.5
11 1990 924,865,570 17,000,000 149,000,000 1,243,865,570 39,763,988,955 3.1
12 1991 1,223,912,300 197,107,230 330,339,000 1,751,358,530 38,665,978,779 4.5
13 1992 1,396,830,900 236,564,230 560,000,000 2,193,395130 52,035,943,482 4.2
14 1993 2,173,419,140 502,512,230 893,000,000 3,568,922,370 110,591,994,300 3.2
15 1994 3,550,000,000 749,677,150 1,370,000,000 5,669,677,150 110,200,000,000 5.1
16 1995 3,993,750,000 999,612,580 1,400,000,000 6,393,362,580 98,201,184,130 6.5
17 1996 7,538,120,650 1,174,612,580 1,079,284,500 9,792,017,730 174,000,000,000 5.6
273
(continued)
274
Appendix (continued)
Recurrent expenditure
Total force Federal Govt.
approved annual approved annual % of annual
No. Year Personal cost Overhead cost Capital expenditure budget budget budget
18 1997 7,538,120,650 2,206,311,500 2,565,639,000 12,310,071,150 247,000,000,000 4.9
19 1998 10,456,626,761 3,828,744,420 3,353,690,450 17,639,061,631 260,000,000,000 6.8
20 1999 16,187,875,711 3,427,040,152 3,000,000,000 22,614,915,863 299,000,000,000 7.6
21 2000 20,594,810,050 4,711,831,940 4,641,000,000 22,795,607,650 710,580,800,000 3.4
22 2001 32,187,169,739.33 4,925,434,778 7,884,999,723 44,997,604,240 894,200,000,000 5.03
23 2002 34,448,000,000.00 15,020,266,983 3,593,387,000 53,063,653,983 1,612,801,253,520 3.3
24 2003 46,491,347,624.00 9,777,753,891 11,366,000,000 67,635,101,515 1,617,318,043,375 4.03
25 2004 59,407,514,242.00 4,368,691,376 10,000,000,000 73,776,205,618 2,035,648,344,588 3.6
26 2005 62,500,276,263.00 8,334,767,941 14,500,000,000 85,335,044,204 1,617,629,111,162 5.3
27 2006 73,426,675,062.00 7,221,326,938 5,335,000,000 85,983,002,000 1,899,987,922,467 4.5
28 2007 156,930,961,726.00 11,698,452,627 9,975,790,725 178,605,205,078 2,309,223,949,983 7.7
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publi-
cation of this article.
Note
1. The concepts of “primordial” and “civic” spheres of individual behavior are
familiar analytical concepts in sociological studies (see Geertz, 1963; Shils,
1957). They are similar to Durkheim’s distinction between social relations and
behavior in organic and mechanical societies (Durkheim, 1984, p. 106). The cru-
cial point here is that the distinction between primordial and civic public made
by Ekeh is not premised on any implied value judgment about the moral superi-
ority or inferiority of either public (see Takebe, 2010, p. 301).
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Author Biography
Daniel Egiegba Agbiboa is a Queen Elizabeth House (QEH) Doctoral Scholar in the
Oxford Department of International Development, University of Oxford. He holds an
MPhil in Development Studies from the University of Cambridge, an MA in
International Relations (Summa cum laude) from the University of KwaZulu-Natal,
and an Advanced Certificate in Social Research from the Australian National
University. He has written extensively on issues of corruption and conflict in West
Africa, with over 30 peer-reviewed publications in journals like Third World
Quarterly, African Spectrum, and Review of African Political Economy.