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(TITLE 17 U.S. CODE)510. Notes to pages 173-85
64 Ibid, 130
65 Rosenzweig, The Star of Redemption, 128
66 Ibid, 130-1.
67 oid, 241
68 bid, 240
{69 Microfilm: ‘Comparative Religion,’ 1954, eel 15, item 633, page
70 Rosenzweig, The Star of Redemption, 124
71 Wid, 131
72 Ibid. 133
73 id, 280
74 Wid, 168
75 See particularly his letter to Rudolph Hallo of late January 1923, Franz
Rosenzweig, Briefe und Tagebiicher Gesammelte Schriften, Bd 1, 885, where
he reconciles being a good Jew with being a good German, and how the
former helps the latter.
76 Roserweig, The Star of Redemption, 124
77 Tid. 415.
78 Ibid, 176.
79 Wid, 177-8
80 Ibid. 256.
81 Thid, 185.
82 Ibid, 196
83. One would be hard pressed to find a more succinet formulation ofthe
liberal pluralistic interpretation of Rosenzweig than in the ttle of Ka-
{rin Kirchner’s Fran Rosenstovigs Theorie der Erfairung: Ein Beitag 27
Oberscindunng totaliter Denkstruktures und zur Begriindung einer Kultur
der Pluraltit (Wiireburg: Kénighaus und Neumann, 2003); (ie, Franz
Rosenzieig’s Theory of Experience: A Contribution to the Overcoming
(of Totalitarian Thought Sructures and towards a Grounding of Cultural
Plurality. The book, though, is more sensitive to Rosenzweig’ theology
than the title might suggest.
84 Rosenzweig, The Star of Redemption, 221
85 Ibid, 304-5.
86 Ibid. 308
6, Rosenstock-Huessy’s Incarnatory Christianity
1 Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, Out of Revolution: Autobiagraphy of Westert
‘Man (Norwich: Argo Books, 1993; Providence: Berg Publishers, 199),
235,
2 William Empson, Milton's Gd (Abingdon: Greenwood, 1979)Notes to pages 185-93 511
3 Seemy ‘Will Pride, and Enslavement in Milton’s Paradise Lost which
shows contrary to readings that transform him into either a proto-liberal
radical ~a member of the devil's party, as Blake put it that Milton is
steeped in the Reformist vision of humanity and God. Wayne Cristaudo
and Peter Poiana, Great Ideas inthe Western Literary Caron (Lanham: Uni-
versity Press of America, 2003)
4 The deployment of animals by nations to represent them shows a deep-
seated awareness ofthis archaic truth
5 Se, especially, chapter 4 of Wayne Cristaudo, Power, Love and Evil: Conti-
butior oa Philosophy ofthe Damaged (New York: Rodopi, 2007)
6 CE Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, Practical Knowledge ofthe Soul, trans. Mark
Hues and Freya von Moltke (Norwich: Argo Books, 1988), 1.
7 Bugen Rosenstock-Huessy, Heilkraft und Wahrheit: Konkordavtz der Poli
‘chen wad Kosmischen Zeit (Wien: Amandus, 1991), 191
8 Emil Fackenheim, God's Presence in History: Jewish Affirmations and Philo
sophical Reflections after Auschwitz (New York: NYU Press, 1970), 69-70.
Levinas's ‘Useless Suffering,’ trans. Richard Cohen, can be found in Rob-
«et Bernasconi and David Wood, eds, The Provocation of Levinas: Rethink-
ing the Other (London: Routledge, 1988), see esp. 162-4
9 Rasenstock-Hluessy was a fierce opponent of what Weber called “instru-
mentalist reasoning’ and Heidegger called ‘calculative thinking.’ And his
lectures are replete with barbs about the destruction this kind of thinking
was playing inthe world at large and in the universities with their grant
culture. Two especially powerful attacks on this kind of thinking are his
The Muliformity of Man (Norwich: Argo Books, 1973), and ‘Kirche und
‘Arbeit Eine Rede,’ Die Kreatur 2, ed. Martin Buber, Joseph Wittig, and
Vitor von Weizsicker (Berlin: Verlag, Lambert Schneider, 1927-8, 158-80,
Microfilm: reel 4, item 204.
10 Booket to CD/DVD Here Is What Is, By Daniel Lanois (Red Floor Re-
‘ords) A nice piece of serendipidity was involved when I came across
Piece in Rolling Stone (19 March 2009) on U2's recent album, No Line on
the Horizon, which Eno and Lanois had produced, One track, ‘Moment of,
Surrencet for Eno, gained much ofits power from a busted electronic
drum kit that required certain compensations by the band’s drummer,
‘Adam Mullen, on the high hat. For Eno, this was a ‘miracle’ “These
us." he says with a smile, “they're supposed to be so spiritual they
don't spot a miracle when it hits them in the face” (56). I mention this to
highlight that itis precisely this aspect of existence ~ expressed by such
terms as ‘miracle’ ‘grace,’ and ‘providence’ ~ that is the basis for the ori-
“nations of Rosenzweig and Rosenstock-Huessy, and that i is nothing
‘therworldly and is completely experiental512 Notes to pages 194-6
11 Hence the first volume of his Sozilagie is titled Die Ubermacht der Rie
(The Dominance of Spaces), and he devotes much time to highlighting,
the differences between the spaces of war and those of play His writ
ings on revolution demonstrate how and why the spaces of war canbe
both necessary and fecund, which is not to say that these writings are
calls to arms. In Speec and Reality, intro. Clinton C. Gardner (Norwich
‘Argo Books, 1970) he lists revolution, anarchy, decadence, and war as
four great social diseases evils (12-13). But even though revolution isa
disease, evolutions have been indispensable to improving our lives.on
earth, That sai, taking a moral stand for or against revolution asa social
disease no more cures it than telling someone he or she should or should
not have measles.
12 See Rosenstock Huessy’s discussion of Romanticism in his postscript to
Ja und Nein. Autobiographisce Fragriente aus Anlass des 80. Geburtstag des
Autors. Im Auftrag der seinen Namen tragenden Gesellschaft, ed. Georg Mal
ler (Heidelberg: Verlag Lambert Schneider, 1968); see also Soil, Bi
27H
13 Microfilm: ‘Faculty Addiesson the Potential Christians ofthe Future’
1941, reel, item 358, pages 11 and 12.
114 Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, The Christian Future ~o7 The Modern Mind
Outras, intro. Harold Stahmer (New York: Harper and Rov, [19471196
100
15 Microfilm: ‘Comparative Religion’ 1954, rel 15, item 633, page 6. Note
there that the reading ofthe Bible, though not literal, is thoroughly expe
rientil. This is how both Rosenzweig and Rosenstock-Huessy see the
Bible. Note as well, though itis true that many Christians read the Bible
literally, nowhere does the Bible privilege a literalist reading. Let us
‘member this later when we compare Islam to the Jewish and Cheistan
faiths, Muhammad supposedly read the precise word of God, and as
‘consequence the hermenutical direction of mainstream Islam —be it
‘Sunni oF Shia— is based on ensuring that that word is repeated precisely.
This isthe only way to ensure that God's word is followed —hence the
Importance of rote learning in Koranic schools. It also is why, while some
‘minor streams within Islam are not literalist, that religion's stronger im-
ppetus is literalist. Its also why the iui provide so many examples of
the lives ofthe prophet ~so that he can be quite literally followed. For
Rosenstock-Huessy, only a madman would literally try to model his life
‘on Jesus. That was not Jesus’ purpose he had to ive his ie his way,
and each person must follow the Holy Spirit inthe way the situation de
‘mands. Finally, though the Bible isa sacred book, God even in the BibleNotes to pages 196-8 513
Pag
isa moving spirit of future promise who at all times demands that the
distinction be drawn between spirit and letter.
16 Microfilm: ‘Comparative Religion, 1954, reel 15, item 633, page 8. And
inks ‘Circulation of Thought’ lecture to his undergraduates: ‘I don’t be-
lieve in another world or another Heaven, I think it must be right here.
God ~Jesus ~... didn't create two worlds: one for the dead and one for
the living. He created one world, as we all profess in our Creed. So the
ead are here, very much alive. So the ... Christian peoples have always
acted on one assumption ...: our values are our forbears’ Microfilm:
‘Circulation of Thought,’ 1954, reel 16, tem 634, page 4. But this does not
mean that Rosenstock-Huessy thought that the term ‘go to heaven’ is
meaningless. For more on heaven, see, for example, the ater argument at
these microfilms: ‘Circulation of Thought 1956, reel 16, item 640, page
and ‘Comparative Religion, 1954, reel 15, item 633, page 13. tn this
lastset of lectures, Rosenstock-Huessy discusses ‘heaven’ at length. Also
pertinent are the frequent references in Leters to Cynthia and the Lectures
(on Grek Philosophy. What happens to the soul after death only concerns
Rosenstock-Huessy to the extent that it contributes to the salvation of
‘humankind, He eschews speculation as a waste of time. Life does what it
does ~ that is all we ean know.
17 See microfilm: ‘Faculty Address on the Potential Christians of the Future,’
1941, reel 7, item 358, page 19,
18 Rosenstock-Huessy, The Christian Future, 10.
9 Bid, 100-1.
20 Microfilm: ‘Before and After Karl Marx. Prophesies Fulfilled and Unful-
filled, 1954, reel 9, item 467, page 23.
2 Rosenstock-Huessy, The Christian Future, 9.
2 Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, Die Gesetze der christlichen Zeitrechnung, ed,
Rudolf Hermeier and Jochen Libbers (Miinster: Agenda, 2004), 280.
2B Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, judaism Despite Christianity: The Letters on
Christianity and Judaism between Rosenstock-Huessy and Franz Rosenziveig,
intro, Harold Stahmer (New York: Schocken Books, 1971), 104
24 3Fobruary 1946*. Interestingly this letter also spells out that this same
error had been made by Altmann in his discussion of the 1916 corre-
spondence. Thus he also writes of his relationship with Rosenzweig: In
Leipzig, Lhad as my student an older, far superior thinker (who is now
famous all over the world, and who died in 1929). This man probed into
my faith and my thinking, unexpectedily. And I threw him, converted
him, changed his whole life. This event is described in the “Journal of
Religion,” October 1944 by a man [Altmann] whom I do not know at514 Notes to pages 198-208
all But he declares that at that time, 1912/13, I was the embodiment of
1 Kierkegeardian thinker’ I also think that this claim to have converted
Rosenzweig fully supports the argument in my frst chapter: Rosenstock
Huessy is saying explicitly that Rosenziveig’s becoming, a Jew was the
ul completion of Rosenstock Huessy's attempt to convert hi
25 Rosenstock-Huessy, The Christan Future, 10.
26 Ibid. 98.
27 Ibid, 108,
28 Ibid, 108,
29 Ibid, 109-10.
30 Eugen Rosenstock Huessy, Am an Impure Thinker, ed. Freya von Moltke
and Clint Gardner (Norwich: Argo Books, 1970), 69.
31 bid, 72
32 Ibid, 73
33 Ibid 74.
34 Rosenstock-Huessy, The Christian Future, 108.
35 Ibid, 72. He references Jean Guitton, Le temps et Ieternié chez Plotin
Saint Augustine Paris Vein, 1933), 359.
36 Mark 10:18; Matthew 19.17; Luke 18.19.
37 Karl Lowith, ‘Review of The Christian Future,’ Church History 18, no. 3
(1946): 248-9,
38 On28 October 1919, Karl Barth informed Eduard Thurnysen that he had
read ‘Europe's Suicide, which Rosenstock-Huessy had sent him, and
that he had enjoyed it like a “hearty lunch’ Kar! Barth-Eauard Thurney
Sen: Brsfwecsel, Bd 1, 1913-1921 (Ziich: Theologischer Verlag, 2000),
348. The next day, Rosenstock-Huessy wrote to Barth saying that he had
just read the preface of Barth's Letter to the Romans and that he was look-
ing forward eagerly to reading the whole thing, Throughout the est of
1919 and 1920, Rosenstock-Huessy wrote to him on several occasions
‘The original correspondence is in the Karl Barth archive in Basel, but the
Rosenstock-Huessy archive in Basel also has copies. provide a much
_more detailed account of Barth and Rosenstock-Huessy in ‘Rosenstock:
Huessy’s Anti-Transcendent Critique of Karl Barth,’ in The Cros ard the
Star, 277-89,
39 Unpublished letter from Rosentock-Huessy to Barth, 18 November 191%
40 “Brief an “** [Letter to Karl Barth’ (1920), in Tumult, vol. 20 (Wier: Turia w
Kant, 1995), 9-15,
41 Bid, 10.
42 id, 10.Notes to pages 205-13 515
48 bid, 1.
4 bid, 1.
45 Rosenstock-Huessy a wd Nein, B1. Rosenzweig says that Bacth is a
Greek systematic thinker, 83.
4 This translation is from Nathan Glatzer and can be found in his introduc-
tion to Franz Rosenzweig, Understanding the Sick and the Healty: A View of
Worl, Man, and God, ed. and trans. Nahum N. Glatzer (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1999), 33,
47 Franz Rosenzweig and Jehuda Halevi, raslaing, Translations, and Trans-
lors, rans. Barbara Galli (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s Uni
versity Press, 1995), 208-5.
48 For Rosenstock-Huessy there are two points of agreement that he says,
are put ‘admirably well’ by Brunner. ‘1. That the world waits for the
twelve apostles again, and that this time it is not only declericalized but
frankly dechristianized. 2. That labor and marriage would still be myster-
ies of creation andl would have to be explored if the world were perfect,
whereas the State does belong to the realm of fallen nature only’ Micro-
film: Comments on the Document by Emil Brunner, The Ethical Reality
and Function ofthe Church’ 1942, rel 7, item 366, page 1.
8 Wid 1
50 Wid, 2-3.
51 See Rosenstock-Huessy, Soziologie, Ba 2, Die Vollza! der Zeiten (Stuttgart:
W.Kohihammer Verlag, 1958), 595
52 thi, 60.
53 Ofcourse, Rosenstock-Huessy isnot saying thatthe ascetic begins with
Anthony. But Anthony coins this type in Christendom.
54 Rosenstock Huessy, Sozologi, Bd 2, 601
55 Bid, 604-5.
5% For example, Die Gesetze der christlchen Zeitrechmung, 410; and Eugen
Rosenstock-Huessy, Die europschen Revolutionen und der Charakter der Na
tioen, reve. (Moers: Brendow Verlag, 1961), 525.
5 Cf, ‘Athanasius... was for 40 years hated by the emperors, because he
exalted the Son of Man over the son of Zeus, o Jupiter, on the throne of
Rome. God-likeness would have equaled Caesar and Jesus. The divinity
of Christ exalted Christ over. the life of the Caesars.’ Microfilm: 'Uni-
versal History,’ 1949, reel 16, item 627, page 20. Also microfilm ‘Universal
History’ 1954, reel 16, item 637, page 16, where the point about the divin-
ization of Hitler is made.
58 Rosenstock-Huessy, The Christian Future, 106516 Notes to pages 214-17
59 Microfilm: ‘Universal History’ 1949, rel 15, item 627, page 17.
{60 Rosenstock-Huessy reminds his readers in The Christian Future that this
‘was a Frankish piece of politics, remote from Roman intentions, that
‘would subsequently be used by the Eastern Church against Rome. See
‘The Christian Future, 152ff. For Rosenstock-Huessy, a major difference be-
‘twoen Eastern and Western Christianity involves the historical dynamism
of the later and the ahistorical reading of Christianity of the former -a
reading that he maintains was funelamental in the character of Eastern
Europe and that would be important for the Russian revolutionaries’
view of Christianity.
61 Rosenstock-Huessy, Soziologie, Bd 2, 607.
682 Ibid. 607.
{63 Microfilm: ‘The Terms of the Creed,’ 1955, reel 9, item 488, page 10,
‘64 A neat illustration of what Rosenstock-Huessy is talking about can be
found in a song about the life and teachings of St Jerome by Dion (whoas
‘youth had had been a pop sensation with hits such as “The Wanderer’
The song is called “The Thunderer’ and appeats on the album Sor of Skip
James. Dion ‘translates’ St Jerome's life and teachings into the concise
idiom of the blues.
65. Rosenstock-Huessy, Soziologie, Bd 2,611.
66 Microfilm: ‘Universal History, 1949, ree! 15, item 627, page 12
67 Rosenstock-Huessy, Soziologie, Bd 2,611.
68 Ibid. 759.
69 Ibid. 759,
70 Ibid. 616.
71 See Wayne Cristaudo, ‘The Weight of Love and Evil in Augustine,’ in St
Augustine: His Relevance and Legacy, ed. Wayne Cristaudo and Heung-wah
Wong (Adelaide: ATE, 2010).
72 Philip Schaff, History ofthe Christian Church (Grand Rapids: Eerdman,
1965), vol.3, 650-3, maintains that the phrase was coined during the
religious wars by Ruperthus Meldenius. The mistake was also pointed
‘out in Marion Davis Battles, ed., The Fruit of Lips, or, Why Four Gospels?
(Pittsburgh: Pickwick Press, 1978), 47229. But whoever provided the exact
formulation, itis Augustinian in its spirit.
78 Rosenstock-Huessy, Svziologie, Bd 2, 687. He uses the phrase in the con-
text of making sense of the confessional relationship wherein the confes-
sor has authority over the listener (the penitent) while being subordinate
to the penitent’s salvation. The cooperation between the two is what
holds the power, and in this respect each is necessary for the salvation
of the other. But this particular relationship serves as an illustration ofNotes to pages 219-25 517
the more general principle of salvation through surrender to love's
power
1H See Rosenstock-Huessy, ! Aman Impure Thiker, 35.
15 Bates, The Fruit of Lips, 2-3. A German version ~ with some minor dif.
fences isin Rosenstock-Huessy, Die Spracte des Menschengeschlehts
Eine leibhaftige Granomatikin vier Telen (Heidelberg: Lambert Schneider,
1963-4)-and many of the points made in The Fruit of Lips are covered in
Rosenstock-Huessy, Sozologe, Bd 2.
1% Bates, The Fruit of Lips, 4.
7 tis telling point that in the entre corpus of Plato, slaves are name
less,even in Meno, where a slave boy helps Socrates answer a geometry
problem.
8 Bid, 66.
® Bi, 70.
{0 "The name of Jesus in the ancient Church consisted of four parts —Jesus,
Christus, God's Son, Saviour. The four Greek initials of his four names
were read as ICHTHYS, ((x00s fish). The four Gospels reproduced this
‘name, Matthew the sinner knew the Lord to be his personal saviour
(soter), Mark knew him from the frst as the Son of God (uis ®eot), Luke
saw in him the Christ’ who converted Paul to whom Jesus never had
spoken, to Paul, Jesus could not ‘be Jesus’ but Christ exclusively, and
John, the kindred spirit, understood him as an older brother ~ thats, he
thought of him as “Jesus,” personally. 1, Savioue; 2, Son of God; 3, Chr
4, Jesus, were the aspects under which the four Evangelists wrote. Bat-
tle, The Fruit of Lips, 41
1 eid, 132.
@ Bid, 53.
{8 Ibid, 128.
84 Mid, 131,
5 Franz Rosenzweig, The Star of Redemption, trans, Barbara E. Gali (Madi-
son: University of Wisconsin Press, 2005), 374
86 thi, 374
57 Rosenstock-Huessy, Sozologie, Bd 2, 16-19.
8 Clinton Gardner has provided an excellent account ofthe Cross of Real-
ity in Beyond Belief Discovering Christanity’s New Paradigm: (White River
Junction: White River Press, 2008), He also provides an extremely useful
diagram as an appendix.
8 Rosenstock-Huessy, ‘Die Mythen um die Zahl Vier und die Metaphysick,’
In Soziologi, Bd 1: Die Ubermackt der Raum (Stuttgart:
Verlag, 1956), 266-76.
Kohlhammer518. Notes to pages 226-33
90 Rosenstock-Huessy, ‘Kants Disziplin, in ibid., 280-4
91 Rosenstock-Huessy, Speech and Reality, 52.
92. Microfilm: ‘Dr. Johnson’s Cat and the Assimilation of Reality’ 1936, reel,
item 311, page 1
93. Rosenstock-Huessy, The Christian Future, 168,
94 Ibid, 166.
95 Microfilm: ‘What Is New about Sociology?’ roel 8, item 438, pages 1 and 4
96 Ibid., 1.
97 Ibid. 2.
7. The Ages of the Church and Redemption through Revolution
1 Franz Rosenzweig, The Star of Redemption, trans, Barbara E. Galli (Madi-
son: University of Wisconsin Press, 2005), 299.
2 Ioid, 299.
3 Tid, 301
4 Ibid, 302.
5 Ibid, 294-5,
6 Ibid, 303. Note that Rosenzweig says of the Eastern Church that ‘itis not
a new church.”
Thiel, 295,
8 Ibid, 902-3. Rosenzweig does not mention Kant in this respect, but 1
think it clear that Kant’s great metaphysical questions ‘What can I know?”
“What should Ido?” and ‘What may hope?’ completely destroy the tra-
ditional Christian understandings of faith and love. Kant champions
himself inthe preface to the Firs! Critique for having limited knowledge
to make room for faith (Glauben) — but the faith that is left is a purely
tational one that rests on the possibility of a noumenal self of moral free-
dom. The faith that is preserved is the faith in the humanist idea of moral
freedom. That this faith is unrecognizable from the traditional view of
{aith is patently conspicuous in the way it exists in complete disconnec-
tion from love. Traditional faith, by contrast, is nothing if it is not part of
the triumvirate with love as its main guiding power. But in Kant, love
has been relegated to the realm of appearances to ensure that its morally
heteronomous character does not infect the rational moral subject. More-
‘over, love is ust one more appetite in the admixture of living forces, all of
which should be bent before the moral sovereignty of the pure and dutiful
‘will, What to Kant is a shimmering triumph, the interior equivalent of the
starry skies, is from a traditional view merely the vacuity of faith without
incarnation, God without love, and humanity reposing in the sublimity of
its own grandiose chatter about its dignity.Notes to pages 234-44 519
49 Roserusweig, The Star of Redemption, 286
10 Bid, 286.
1 Franz Rosenzweig, Gesammelte Schriften, Bd IL, Zweistromland. Kleinere
Schriften zu Glauden und Denken, ed. Reinhold Meyer and Annemarie
Mayer (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1984), 588.
12 Letter to Gerturde Oppenheim, 5 February 1917, in Ges
Bd 344-5, my translation.
15 If may be permitted an anecdote, in a recent class of mine in Hong
Kong, the Turkish Consul stated ~ without batting an eye or seeing any
need to elaborate ~ ‘The European Union is a Christian club.”
1M Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, Sozologie, Ba 2, Die Vollzat der Zeiten (Stutt-
fart: W. Kohlhammer Verlag, 1958), 256
15 Ibid, 257, He adds: ‘Hitler’s destructive war against God has made con-
temporaries of the Jews, thus the ast pre-Christian time, the time of Israel
and the time of the Church ... Jews, Catholics, Protestants are contempo-
raries since 1933,
16 Anidjae’s statement that with Christianity begins ‘the becoming enemy
ofthe neighbour, as if prior to or outside of Christianity there was no
enmity, only serves to show how muddled partisan idealist thinking i.
Gil Anidjar, The Jew, the Arab: A Hislory ofthe Enenty (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 2003), 19,
17 Rosenstock-Huessy, So2iologie, Bd 2, 49-50.
18 Bid, 116.
19 Tid, 121.
20 Eugen Rosenstock-tuessy, Out of Revolution: Autobiography of Western
‘Man (Norwich: Argo Books, 1993; Providence: Berg Publishers, 1993), 530.
21 bid, 536.
2 id, 536.
2B Ibid, 538.
24 Bie, 457
2% thi, 473.
2 Ibid, 457.
27 Ibid, 32
28 Ibid, 714.
29 Iie, 365
30 Boi, 368
51 But this does not mean he i not marshalled into the cause for radical po-
litical purpose. See, for example, Slavoj Zizek's In Defense of Lost Causes,
or the writings of La Clau and Mouffe.
32 Jacques Derrida, Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourn-
ing, and the New International (London: Routledge, 1994), 65
amelte Schriften,520. Notes to pages 245-58
33 The Kantian thread of the radical iberal paradigm was not primarily
by choice but rather by necessity. The generation that came of age in the
1960s and 1970s most certainly had the will to change its world; but even
in the most difficult of postwar economic times, there was no catastrophe
big enough to galvanize people into launching a genuine, life-and-death
revolutionary struggle. Also, the working class shared few if any ofthe
goals of the radical liberal paradigm. Revolt thus occurred primarily at
the level of ideas, and could be most effective in those social domains that
‘were receptive to transformation through ideas.
Rosenstock-Huessy, Out of Revolution, 699.
Ibid, 564,
Ibid, 716-17.
Ibid., 739,
Ibid, 475-6,
Ibi, 652
Ibid, 473,
Ibid., 467.
42 Ibid, 475-6.
48 Ibid. 563.
44 Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, The Christian Future — or The Modern Mind
(Outrin, intro. Harold Stahmer (New York: Harper and Row, [1947]1966),
62-3,
45 Ibid., 75.
SSSeugge
in Rosenstock-Huessy
1 Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, Ou! of Revolution: Autobiography of Western
‘Man (Norwich: Ango Books, 1993; Providence: Berg Publishers, 1993), 145.
By liberalism, he clearly means the love of freedom as expressed, for ex-
ample, in Pericles’ great funeral speech in Thucydides.
2 Ibid, 144-5, -
3 Ibid. 236,
4 Ibid, 217.
5 Ibid, 217,
6 Ibid. 217.
7 hid. 407,
8 Ibid., 407. This is not to deny that Luther also followed Paul in demand
ing that Christian subjects obey their princes. But the timing of Luther’s
plea to the peasants to stop their rebellion was as pertinent to his callNotes to pages 258-64 521
foran end to bloodshed as was his attempt to Christianize princes. Fur-
thermore, a central tenet of Rosenstock-Huessy’s hermeneutics of the
Christan faith is the temporality of every utterance — except, perhaps, the
imperative to love, though even that carries the temporal requirement
that one be attentive to the loving act that is required at the time of action
9 Ibid, 408.
10 Bid, 217,
1 Mi, 207
12 Ck ibid, 237,77, 78 See also the entire chapter ‘Wiederetdeckung des
Juden’ (The Reeliscovery ofthe Jews) in Hans Ehrenberg, In der Schule
Pascal (Heidelberg: Lambert Schneider, 1954).
18 Bid, 78, And see also, again, ‘Die Wiederetdeckung des Juden.
1 Tid, 153,
15 Ibi, 152.
16 Microfilm: ‘Abelard: in Contributions to The American People's Encyclo-
pedi,’ reel 1, item 545, page 2.
17 Rosenstock-Huessy, Out of Revolution, 153,
18 Ibid, 155,
19 Ibid, 156,
20 Ibid, 175.
21 Med, 158,
2 thi, 159
2 Ibid, 157.
24 Ibid, 161-2.
235 Bid, 162.
2 Ibid, 163. Surprisingly, nowhere in the chapter does Rosenstock-Huessy
mention the earlier literary master, Rabelais, whose mid-sixteenth-
century attack on the University of Pars, the French clergy, French law-
yets, and, indeed, all the holders of privilege of his contemporaries
reflects the same candousr and power that Dante's Divine Comedy had dic
rected against the scourges of his age. Rabelais reveals the degeneneracy
of the French Church and State well before the St Bartholomew massacre
and the centralization of the French state.
2D Ieid, 167
28 Regarding the building of Versailles, Rosenstock-Huessy writes: ‘The “es-
prit” the inspiration ofthis realm, worked passionately to overcome all
natural obstacles. The fountains of Versailles were wrested from a dry and
‘waterless soil! The Duke of Saint-Simon, chronicler of Versailles, speaks
‘ofthe glorious pleasure of enslaving nature. And nature was enslaved.
‘The physical and the social traditions of France were overshadowed by522. Notes to pages 264-6
the Kings’ domination over nature. And what was the ultimate goal of
this new power established in an arbitrary centre? The new standard was
‘expressed by Richelieu in his Testament: “Le but de mon ministére a été
de rendre a la Gaule les frontidres que lui a destinées la nature, de rendre
‘aux’Gaulois un roi Gaulois, de confondre la Gaule avec la France, et par
tout ol fut Fancienne Gaule dy rétablir la nouvelle.” This was already
the regeneration of a pre-Christian order of things.’ In ibid., 158.
29 Rosenstock-Huessy does not mention this, but itis, think, highly sup-
pottive of his argument.
30 See the Letter to Regius, January 1642, in Descartes, Philosophical Leters,
trans. and ed. Anthony Kenny (Oxford: Clarendon, 1970), 126-7.
31. Rosenstock-Huessy, Out of Revolution, 187-8,
32 Ibid, 188.
33 See especially Book VI of The Discourse, See also Descartes’s Letter to
Huygens, 31 January 1642, in which he discusses Father Bourdin’s obec-
tions to his Meditations: ‘It is now a prisoner in my hands ... Every day
call my council of war about it... Perhaps these scholastic wars will
result in my World being brought into the world.’ Descartes, Philosophical
Letters, 131.
34 Descartes's advice to Frans Burman is apposite: ‘A point to note is that
you should not devote so much effort to the Meditations and to meta-
physical questions, or give them elaborate treatment in commentaries
and the like. Still less should one do what some try and do, and dig, more
deeply into these questions than the author did. He has dealt with them
quite deeply enough. It is sufficient to have grasped them once in a gen-
eral way, and then to remember the conclusion. Otherwise, they dravy
the mind too far away from physical and observable things, and make
it unfit to study them. Yet itis just these physical studies that itis most
desirable for men to pursue, since they would yield abundant benefits for
life.’ René Descartes, Conversations with Burman, trans. John Cottingham
(Oxlord: Clarendon, 1976), para. 48. Also, in a letter to Princess Elizabeth
(of 28 June 1643, he writes that the chief rule he has always observed in his
studies is ‘never to spend more than a few hours a day in the thought(s]
‘which occupy the imagination’ - that i, in scientific thought, which re-
{quires the imaginative construction of models to test against reality ~ and
‘a few hours a year on those which occupy the pure intellect’ ~ that is,
‘on metaphysics. Descartes, Philosophical Letters, 141-2. That (especially
analytical) philosophy undergraduate classes around the world system-
atically ignore this and set up Descartes’s metaphysical arguments for
eighteen-year-olds to cut their teeth on only confirms, for me, why Rosen
stock-Huessy was so suspicious of any approach to philosophy that treatsNotes to pages 266-70 523
arguments as timeless things in themselves, instead of —as it is in most
philosophy generated during revolutionary times ~ urgent acts of speech
conducted at a particular moment forthe most serious of purposes. In
my own The Metaphysics of Science and Freedom (Aldershot: Gower, 1991), 1
provide a lengthy analysis of why Descartes’s metaphysics is meaningless
Without the revolution he was unclertaking in physics, and how its craft-
ing was undertaken mainly for political purposes. Notwithstanding argu-
ments about God and immortality, its content is utterly unretigious; and
while itis superficially scholastic, itis merely a scaffold to support the
view of the universe as lawful, andl the rind as.a set of cognitive Func-
tions enabling the collection of data. His dualism is no more susceptible
‘othe criticisms of his more monistic materialist critics such as Hobbes
because it is meaningless ~ in more contemporary parlance, a category
nistake ~ to dissolve matters of method into a search for material causes.
3 also, as he says to Mersenne on 28 January 1641, ‘contains al the foun
dations of my Physics, But please do not tell people for that might make
itharder for supporters of Aristotle’ Descartes, Philosophical Letters, 4
‘The metaphysics might come first inthe system, but it seroes the physics.
Rosenstock-Hluessy, in Out of Reoolution, 156, rightly says that Descartes’s
Discourse on Method ‘establishes a philosophy which keeps away from any
servitude to theology’ Cf. Julien de La Mettrie, Mare and Machine, trans,
Gerirud Bussey (Illinois: Open Court, 1935), 148 ~ “the distinction of the
two substances, thus is plainly but a... ruse of style, to make theologians
swallow a poison, hidden in an analogy which strikes every body else
and which they alone fail to notice.
% ‘Icannot forgive Descartes,’ writes Pascal. In his whole philosophy he
‘would like to.do without God: but he could not help allowing him a flick
‘ofthe fingers to set the world in motion; after that he had no more need
for God.” Blaise Pascal, Penses, trans. A.J. Krailsheimer (Harmondsworth
Penguin, 1966), 35:
87 See René Descartes, Philosophical Writings of Descartes, 2 vols, trans. John
Cottingham, Robert Stoothoff, and Dugald Murdoch (Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 1985), 197.
538 Microfilm: “There Are No Synonyms, 1944, rel 8, item 387, page 1
29 Wid, 5.
4 Ibid, 2
41 Microfilm: ‘Greek Philosophy, 1956, rel 16 item 641, page 14
42 Rosenstock-Huessy, Speech and Reality, intro. Clinton C. Gardiner (Nor-
wich: Argo Books, 1970), 38
8 Bid,
44 Rosenstock-Huessy, Out of Revolution, 186-7.524 Notes to pages 271-7
45 Tid, 188-9.
46 Ibid, 194
47 Ibid, 194.
48 Ibid. 195
49 Ibid, 193
50 Ibid. 240,
51 Ibid, 243.
52 Rasenstock-Huessy points out that ‘the first two bodies to be transferred
to the Pantheon on Mount St. Genevieve were those of Voltaire and Rous:
sseau Thid,, 179,
53 Ibid, 179.
54 See Paul Corcoran, Before Marx: Socialism and Communism in France, 1830-
48 (New York: St Martin's Press, 1983).
55 Rosenstock-Huessy, Out of Revolution, 180-1
56 Ibid, 180.
57 Tid, 182.
58 Ibid, 184
59 Microfilm: ‘Liturgical Thinking,’ reel 8, item 424, page 1.
60 Consider, for example, .L. Talmon’s classic The Origins of Totalitarian De-
rmocracy (New York: Norton, 1970),
61 Rosenstock-Huessy, Out of Revolution, 190,
62. The importance of social biorhythms ~ time is living rhythms’; see
Rosenstock-Huessy, Die ewropiisclen Revolutionenten, 33 is an interesting
and important aspect of Rosenstock-Huessy’s studies of human societies
and revolutions. As early as 1919, he had written of the patterns that one
‘can see in every fourth to fifth generation; see ‘Der Neubau der deutschen
Rechstgeschichte’; microfilm: 1920, reel 2, item 95. And in his work on
the Church with Jospeh Wittig, as in his early versions of his study of
revolutions, he had been struck by the intergenerational rhythms. This
had in turn alerted him to the importance of Matthew's gospel regarding
this issue. In 1946 he realized that he had a precursor in Giuseppi Ferrari,
‘who had identified four phases of a revolution ~ preparatory, revolu-
tionary, reactionary, conciliatory ~ in his Theory of Revolutions, and who
hhad anticipated Rosenstock-Huessy’s six revolutionary phases: conflict,
despair faith, pride, humiliation, fulfilment (Rosenstock-Hluessy, Out of
Revolution, 486). For Rosenstock-Huessy, these phases are common to all
revolutions and thus enable one to draw asymmetrical correspondences
(see especially ibid., 664) between the time periods of the different revo-
lutions. Like Rosenstock-Huessy, Ferrari noted that revolutions had a
cumulative character, He also saw that past lessons become forgotten asNotes to pages 277-8 525
socal toxicities build up, thus often forcing yet another explosion. For
Rosenstock -Huessy the generational development is a Christian idea that
finds itself expressed at the beginning of Matthew's gospel. As
Rosenstock-Huessy reads him, Matthew has grasped that a catastrophe
cccus after every fourteen gencrations that, as Thomas Haedy puts it
leads to ‘the precipice of an epoch’ Rosenstock-Huessy, Heikraf und
Woleit: Konkordanz der Poitischen und Kosmischen Zeit (Wien: Aman
dus, 1990), 15. Rosenstock-Huessy found Croce’s dismissal of Ferrari as
acackpot to be atypical liberal prejudice stemming, from liberalism’s
general failure to deal with time asa living, and not merely mechanical
power. According to Rosenstock-Huessy Ferrari had predicted an eco-
nomic revolution (ie, the Russian Revolution) in 1917 and had predicted
that in 2000 the world would either perish or be forced to find anew pat
adigm. For an overview of his position on Ferrari, see ‘Der Datierungs-
2awang und Giuseppi Ferrari’ in Das Goheimnis der Universitit: Wider den
Vol von Zeitsinn und Sprachkraft ed. Georg Miller (Stuttgart: W. Kohl-
hammer Verlag, 1958), 35-43. think it far to say that Rosenstock-Huessy
mainly wants us to consider seriously rather than dogmatically deploy
(os ft could turn socal scientists into the children of Nostradamus, the
idea of generational buildup and breakdown and social explosions
6 Rosenstock-Huessy, Out of Revolution, 237.
4 Bid, 146-7
6 Bid, 6.
66 ‘Some onder is required by which Europe be organized economically as
America and Russia are already organized’ Ibid, 640. In 1938 he thought
thatthe prospects ofthis were ‘im’ and that Britain and France were
burdened by different histories that made it difficult for them to achieve
cooperation. Given the ongoing squabbling between France and Britain
inthe EU, his awareness of the tensions is easonable enough. In 1938
he speculated that ‘the common administration of Africa’ might bring
Europe together - though, here, too, he saw Europe as more interested
indivision, What i interesting about this conjecture is that Europe has
abandoned its responsibilities to its former colonies and by and large has
Jefta ruin of Africa. It isthe largest aid donor in the world, yet its protec-
tinist policies have rendered much of that aid litle more than a token.
That said, Europe certainly realizes that it has responsibilities, and ulti
mately it wants to change the world politically through the application of
‘soft power Rosenstock-Huessy would, I think, be somewhat sceptical of
Europe's tact depenclency on the United States’ hard power while pro-
‘moting itself as offering an alternative. And while one can find much to526 Notes to pages 279-82
‘commend in the European Union's efforts to entice and retain members
bby insisting on democratic behaviour as a condition of membership, one
does not need to be a complete cynic to see how abstract ideas are often a
“substitute for real actions.
9, Beyond the Idol of the Nation, Part 1: Rosenstock-Huessy in the
Aftermath of the Great War
1 Desmond Dinan, Ever Closer Union: An Introduction to European Integration
(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1999).
2 Cf, Bugen Rosenstock-Huessy, ‘Schlu8, 1 c/ Seziologie, Ba 1: Die Ubermacht
der Riwme (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer Verlag, 1956). And for a Romantic
reading of Rosenzweig, see Emest Rubenstein, An Episode of Jewish Ro-
‘manticism: Frantz Rosenzzeig’s The Star of Redemption (Albany: SUNY
Press, 1999). But, as with post-structuralist and existentialist readings of
Rosenzweig, such a reading, while it helps delineate similar concerns that
Rosenzweig shares with a particular group, can be quite misleading if it
_pays too little attention to the dialogical and the redemptive, not to men:
tion the specific task of the Jewish and Christian peoples.
3 Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, The Christian Future or The Modern Mind Out-
‘rn, intro, Harold Stahmer (New York: Harper and Row, [1947}1966), 82.
4 Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy with Joseph Wittig, Das Alter der Kirche. Kapitel
und Aken, 3 Bde (Minster: Agenda, 1998), I:
5 Ibid, 54.
6 Marion Davis Battles, ed., The Fruit of Lips, or, Why Four Gospels? (Pitts-
burgh: Pickwick Press, 1978), 33.
7 Bugen Rosenstock-Huessy, Out of Revolution: Autobiography of Western
‘Man (Norwich: Argo Books, 1993; Providence: Berg Publishers, 1993), 485,
8 Microfilm: “The Rise and Fall of Nationalism and Internationalism,’ 1938,
reel 6, item 331, page 4
9 Rosenstock-Huessy, Out of Revolution, 6
10 Ibid, 605.
11 Ibid, 640,
12 Ibid, 515,
13 Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, Die Hochzeit des Kriegs und der Revolution
(Wurzburg: Patmos-Verlag, 1920; reprint 1965), 105,
14 Rosenstock-Huessy, “Menschheit und Menschengeschlect in Hochzeit,
299.
15 See Rosenstock-Huessy, ‘Goethe und Bismarck,’ in Hochzeit. It would be
‘misleading to imply that Rosenstock-Huessy thought that BismarckianNotes to pages 282-5 527
politics was all wrong, In Soziolgie, Ba 2: Die Vola! der Zeiten (Stuttgart:
W.Kohthammer Verlag, 1958), at 97, he acknowledges that from 1865 to
1879 Bismarck was a great statesman. But after 1879, his political judg-
ment deteriorated ‘until he ended with fanciful plans of the German
Reich and a totaly ruined constitution.’ Passing over the socialist laws,
he refers to ‘one criminal act that has remained unreproached by Bis-
marek historians, which set the mould for all the concentration camps of
the Navi’ He then notes the case ofthe liberal parliamentarian Fduard
Lasker, whose love of liberty so incensed Bismarck that when he died in
the United States, and the American congress asked Bismarck to publicly
‘expres its condolences, he refused to do so, To link Bismarck to National
Socialism on the basis of the Lasker case seems a stretch; rather, Rosen-
stock-Huessy uses this example to highlight that Bismarck could see in
Lasker only an ‘enemy’ and that on an occasion requiring that friend/
enemy thinking be transcended, he refused to do so. In this way, he en-
trenched a friend /enemy politics that would be disastrous for Germany.
16 Rosenstock-Huessy, Hochzeit, 153.
1 Ibid, 243.
18 This was how he formulated it in his retrospective summing up of Hoch
2zit in ‘Die jidischen Antisemiten oder die akademische Form der
Judenfrage.’ Microfilm: 1951, rel 9, item 442, page 15.
18 Rosenstock-Huessy, Hochzeit, 156. Cf, Rosenstock Huessy, Fredensbudin-
{gungen der planetarischen Gesellschaft: Zur Okonomie der Zeit, ed. Rudolf
Hermeier (Miinster: Agenda Verlag, 2001), 122.
20 Microfilm: ‘Abbau der poltischen Liige,’ 1924 rel 2, item 138, page 66.
21 Microfilm: ‘industrievolk, 1924, ree! 2, item 139, page 4 Fora more de-
tiled discussion ofthis side of Rosentock-Huessy’s work, see Willibald
Huppuch, Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy (1888-1973) und die Weimarer Republik
Erauchsenenbildung, industrereform, und Arbvitslosenproblematk (Hamburg
DrKovad, 2004).
22 See Rosenstock-Huessy’s Europa und Christheit’; microfilm: 1919, ree 1,
item 60; and ’The Next Homer, microfilm: 1944, Reel 1, item 385
2 Tumult, no. 21.
24 Tumult, vol.20, ed. Frank Bacelman, Dieter Kampfer, and Walter Seitter
(Wien: Turian und Kant, 1995), 20-3.
25 Ibid, 23.
2 Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, ‘Lehrer oder Fuhrer? Zur Polychrome des
Menschen, in Die Sprache des Menschengeschlechts, Bd 2 Heicelberg: Lam
bert Schneider, 1964), 136-56. In his 1958 Minster Lectures, Die Gesete
der chrstichen Zeitrechoung, ed. Rudolf Hermeier and Jochen Liibben528 Notes to pages 286-8
(Minster: Agenda, 2002), at 377, Rosenstock-Huessy writes: ‘All the he-
oes ofthe will, these monstrous men of will, are people who misuse the
‘will, aise the will of a moment in time over themselves to become an
idol. .. Fichte and Hitler ~ that's the same thing, All German idealism
tends in the divization of a firmly set will [des einmal gesetzten Willens)’
27 Rosenstock-Huessy, Out of Revolution, 445. He adds — and this is very
‘easy to misinterpret - that ‘the Nazis themselves are no militarists’ This
is bound to be understood very differently by a Prussian than by an
English-speaking reader. Given what he says here about Nazism and its
dangers, it is clear he is trying to say that the National Socialists are not
driven by a military code of honour.
28 Toid., 444-5,
29 Indeed, the closeness was such that the two of them collaborated fora
time. See Werner Picht, ed, Die Arbeitsgemeinschafl, Monatsschr fir das
_gesamte Volkshockschulwesen (Leipzig: Quelle and Meyer, 1920).
30 23 April 1962#. Michael Gormann-Thelen has informed me in private con-
versation that Picht ‘was one of the very few who had to write the diary
of the German Army during WWIL He edited selections of it at many
times in just these countries the German Army had invaded.’
31 Gritl Briefe, 19 October 1917. Rosenzweig says he could understand
Picht’s anti-Semitism had it been on religious grounds; because it was
‘on racial grounds, he held Picht in utter contempt.
32 See Georg Picht in Giinther Neske, ed., Erinnerung an Martin Heidegger,
(Pfullingen: Giinther Neske Verlag, 1977), 197-205; Ridiger Safransk,
Ein Meister aus Deutschland. Heidegger und seine Zeit (Miinchen: Hanser
Verlag 1994, 271); Alois Prinz, Beruf Philosophin oder die Lobe zur Welt
die Lebensgeschicite der Hannah Arendt (Basel: Beltz Goldberg, 1998), 81;
and Heinrich Petzet in Encounters and Dialogues with Martin Heidegger
1929-1976, trans. Emad Parvis and Kenneth Maly (Chicago: University of
‘Chicago Press, 1993). [first learned of this from Andreas Moeckel in his
e-mail of 12 May 2007 to the Rosenstock-Huessy Gesellschaft. Michael
Gormann-Thelen kindly discussed the matter with me at great length and
‘with great insight.
33 As far as I know, the only time Arendt mentions Rosenstock-Huessy is in
a letter to Jaspers (19 November 1948), where she says she has received
an ‘even crazier letter’ from him that she could not understand. See Han-
nah Arendt and Karl Jaspers, Correspondence, 1926-1929, ed. Lotte Kohler
and Hans Saner trans, Robert Kimber and Rita Kimber (New York: Har-
court Brace Jovanovich, 1992), 122. I know of no mention of Arendt by
ck-Huessy, but I am sure that her work on revolutions wouldNotes to pages 289-91 529
have driven him quite crazy (his frame of reference is simply much vaster
than hers), and I can well imagine him writing her a leter pointing out all
her errors
34 Klemens von Klemperer, German Incerttudes, 1914-1945: The Stoves and
the Cathedral (Westport: Greenwood Publishing, 2001), 81
55 Ibid, 82. Klemperer continues: "The design of Rosenstock, ater 1923
profesor atthe University of Breslau, was, as he later explained, to en-
rich fein the factory by the rhythm of communal life, He also took great
interest in the work camp movement in Silesia which aimed at bringing,
together workers, peasants, and students as well as captains of industry
ina vita communis that would help solve the many economic and social
problems of the area so much afflicted by the World War. In the course of
this undertaking he met up with the Youth Movement in Silesia and also
with a group of men, Helmuth James von Moltke and his fiends, who
during the Third Reich would form the oppositional “Kreisau Circle.” It
‘was upon Rosenstock’s initiative that in September 1927 Moltke got i
touch with Heinrich Briining, then Reichstag representative for Electo-
ral District 7 Breslau), in order to obtain financial backing forthe work.
Inmany ways Rosenstock became Moltke's mentor and after Helmuth’s
death remained closely connected with the family.’ After Mangrit
Huessy’s death, Helmuth’s widow, Freya von Moltke, would become
Rosenstock-Huessy’s faithful companion.
3 Rosenstock-Huessy, Out of Revolution, 20.
3 Tid, 628.
38 Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy Judaism Despite Christianity: The Letters on
Christianity and Judaism between Rosenstock-Huessy and Franz Rosenzweig,
intro, Harold Stahmer, ed. Alexander Altmann and Dorothy Emmet (New
York: Schocken Books, 1971), 47,
5 Franz Rosenzweig to Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy Gril Briefe, 30 April 1917.
4 Franz Rosen2weig, to Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, 30 April 1917, in ibid.
41 Rosenstock-Huessy, Out of Revolution, 715.
2 bid, 718,
48 Ibid, 496. ‘European History is the sequence of these equations between
universal and particular, between local rights and federal government.
The oldest form of this equation is, on one side, the Emperor of Holy
Rome marching on his laborious way through the Continent asthe sole
and universal judge, and, on the other the Lords of the Manor asking
absolute loyalty, including the vendetta from their knaves, chaplains and
children. Tid, 499.
4 bid, 718.