The Experience of Punk Subcultural Identity

THE EXPERIENCE OF PUNK SUBCULTURAL IDENTITY
A Dissertation Presented to
The Faculty of John F. Kennedy University
PsyD Program
In Partial Fulfillment
Of the Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Psychology
by
Timothy Anderson
MAY 2012
UMI Number: 3552670
All rights reserved
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ii
This dissertation by Tim Anderson has been approved by the committee members,
who recommend that it be accepted by the faculty of John F. Kennedy University,
Pleasant Hill, California, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree
of
DOCTOR OF PSYCHOLOGY
_____________________________________________________
Alejandrina Estrada, PhD, Chair
_____________________________________________________
Eric Vogel, PsyD, Reader
____________________________________
May, 16, 2012
iii
ABSTRACT
TIMOTHY ANDERSON
John F. Kennedy University

College of Graduate and Professional Studies
Pleasant Hill, CA
There has been little research on the subjective experience of punk identity.
Popular interpretations of the punk often lack depth and have often been regarded
as inaccurate when compared to the experiences described by the punks
tKHPVHOYHV2¶+DUD7KHSUHVHQWVWXG\SURYLGHVDQLQ-depth examination
of the experience of punk subcultural identity by self-identified punks. Four
women and eight men between the ages of 27 and 52, all San Francisco Bay Area
residents, described their experience of developing a punk identity through semi-
structured interviews. A conventional qualitative content analysis of these semi-
structured interviews identified five common main themes, which also appear to
outline a developmental identity progression: Punk as rejection, Punk as a
response to a feeling of alienation, Punk as empowerment, Punk as community,
and Punk as a quest for an authentic self. The implications of these findings are
discussed in the context of Punk literature and various models of identity
development.
.(<:25'6³3XQN´³6XEFXOWXUH´³&RPPXQLW\´³',<´³6HOI-
$FWXDOL]DWLRQ´³,GHQWLW\'HYHORSPHQW´
iv
DEDICATION
This dissertation is dedicated to people who have felt an unmanageable inner
drive for authenticity, creativity, and sincerity and to all the people who have
supported them.
v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to acknowledge the wonderful people whom without their
invaluable contributions and support this project would have not been possible.
This includes my parents Erik and Carol Ann Anderson, who showed and interest
LQWKLVSURMHFWIURPLW¶VLQFHSWLRQP\IDWKHUIRUGLVFXVVLQJWKHWRSLFDVZHOODVWKH
relevant research at length with me and my mother for her hard work
proofreading and editing. I would also like to thank the several dedicated scholars
that helped with edits and gave their great insight in the analysis of the study
results. These included: Glory Benacka, Jessica Cleckner, Allison Fritz, Simon
Masiewicki, Marlene Sironi, and Grant Tietjen. I would also like to thank the
punk community and all the participants for inviting me into their homes and
sharing this very important part of their lives with me. Finally, I would like to
thank my dissertation committee, Dr. Alejandrina Estrada and Dr. Eric Vogel, for
their invaluable guidance and support for this project.
vi
Table of Contents
Page
Dedication ............................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgment ................................................................................................... vi
List of Tables .......................................................................................................... x
I. Introduction ......................................................................................................... 1
II. Literature Review ............................................................................................... 6
History of Subculture ................................................................................. 6
3XQN¶V%HJLQQLQJV ..................................................................................... 7
Punk Ideology .......................................................................................... 10
Authentic Punks ....................................................................................... 15
Punk as Subculture .................................................................................. 19
Identity Development .............................................................................. 25
Collective Identity ................................................................................... 33
Research Question ................................................................................... 38
III. Method ............................................................................................................ 41
vii
Choice of Method .................................................................................... 41
Participants .............................................................................................. 41
Recruitment .............................................................................................. 44
Data Collection ........................................................................................ 45
Data Analysis Plan ................................................................................... 46
IV. Results ............................................................................................................ 47
Punk as Rejection .................................................................................... 52
Punk as a Response to Feelings of Alienation ......................................... 57
Punk as Community ................................................................................. 61
Punk as Empowerment ............................................................................ 66
Punk as The Search for Being an Authentic Self .................................... 74
V. Discussion ........................................................................................................ 76
Subcultural Theory and The Self Described Experience of Punk Identity77
Punk Identity Development ..................................................................... 81
Feeling Non-normative and Different........................................... 82
Emotional Bond ........................................................................... 83
viii
Community and Support .............................................................. 84
Self-actualization and Authenticity ............................................. 89
Significance of Study ................................................................................ 92
Strengths, Limitations, Suggestions for Future Research ......................... 93
References ............................................................................................................. 96
Appendix A: Recruitment Flyer ......................................................................... 111
Appendix B: Consent Forms .............................................................................. 112
Appendix C: Demographic Questionnaire .......................................................... 114
Appendix D: Semi-Structured Interview ............................................................ 115
ix
List of Tables
Page
Table 1: Number and Percentage of Participants per Theme ............................... 58
x
1
Chapter I
Introduction
There has been little research focusing on the self described experience of
punk identity. Popular interpretations of punk often lack depth and have largely
been regarded as inaccurate when compared to the experiences as described by
pXQNVWKHPVHOYHV2¶+DUD3XQNLVQRWRULRXVO\KDUGWRGHILQH
(Kristiansen, Blaney, Chidster, Simonds, 2010). Punk has been discussed as a
subculture that is at odds with dominant culture and resists the oppression and
hegemony of dominant culture (Hebidge, 1976, Kristiansen, Blaney, Chidster,
Simonds, 2010). Punk has further been described as a lived rebellion that
embraces a do-it-yourself ethic; it is strongly rooted in underground music,
community, and a particular form of dress. Sabin (1999) discusses:
At a very basic level we can say punk is a subculture best characterized as
part youth rebellion, part artistic statement, it has its primary manifestation
in music-specifically disaffected rock bands. Philosophically it has no
³VHWDJHQGDÉXWnever the less stood for identifiable attitudes, among
them: an emphasis on negationism (rather than nihilism); a consciousness
of class based politics and a belief in spontaneity and doing it yourself
(p2-3).
Research on punk has largely focused on sociological studies of punk as a
subculture (Hall, 1976; Hebidge, 1979; Muggleton, 2000; Sabin, 1990), analysis
2
of punk as an art movement (Marcus 1989, Henry 1989, Garenett, 1999), and
historical accounts of the bands, local scenes and biographies of punk icons
(Bindas, 1993; Savage, 2001). There is little research focusing on punk from a
psychological perspective addressing punk as an identity and what drives a person
to become punk and stay punk.
Feminist sociologist and author Larraine Leblanc (1999) discussed her
experience of identity formation in punk subculture as:
Becoming punk was, for me, the ultimate in self empowerment, - I had
PRYHGIURPDSRVLWLRQRIYLFWLPL]DWLRQ«WRRQHRIDJHQF\DVDSHUVRQLQ
FRQWURORIP\VHOIUHSUHVHQWDWLRQ«,ZHQWIURPEHLQg a social outcast to
EHLQJDFRUHPHPEHURIDPDUJLQDOL]HGJURXS«SXQNURFNVDYHGP\OLIH
(P.3)
/HEODQF¶VH[SHULHQFHLOOXVWUDWHVWKHJUDYLW\WKDWSXQNLGHQWLW\FDQKDYHRQ
DSHUVRQ¶VVHOI-concept and sense of overall identity. Research has shown identity
development, identity maintenance, and the subjective experiences of identity are
crucial aspects of mental health (Cote & Levine, 2002; Erikson, 1968; Marcia,
Ashmore, Deaux and McLaughlin, 2004). Several aspects of identity such as
gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity, and choice of career have been well explored
(Meeus, 1996). However, there is little research focusing on the formation,
maintenance, and experience of subcultural identity. Even less research has
focused on a specific subcultural identity such as punk.
,GHQWLW\FDQEHGHVFULEHG³FRKHUHQWVHQVHRIPHDQLQJWRRQHVVHOIDQG
3
RWKHUVZLWKLQDVRFLDOFRQWH[W´0DUFLDS,GHQWLW\LVPDGHRI
multiple components including a sense of personal uniqueness from other people
as well as an identity based on membership of various groups that help define a
person to others as well as to themselves. Social and personal identities are
interwoven, both effecting and mirroring each other. Often social and individual
identities are difficult to WHDVHDSDUW%LRQVWDWHG³ZKHQ,ORRNDWWKHJURXS,ILQG
P\VHOIZKHQ,ORRNIRUP\VHOI,ILQGWKHJURXS´S7KLVTXRWHJHWVWR
the core of how the individual and the social are inherently connected creating an
overall identity.
Many scholars are moving away from distinguishing between social and
individual identity (Ashmore, Deax, and McLaughlin, 2004). When discussing
LGHQWLW\WKHVHVFKRODUVDUHPRYLQJWRWKHXVHRIWKHWHUPµFROOHFWLYHLGHQWLW\LHV¶
as opposed to the more traditional dual concept of a social and individual identity.
These authors use collective identity as a term to encompass the social and group
aspects of identity as well as the individual aspects identity. Social aspects of
identity and individual aspects of identity are seen as interwoven to the point that
it is not useful to think of these concepts as separate; therefore the term collective
identity is used to encompass both the social aspects and personal aspects of
identity. Collective identity is a multidimensional term meant to encompass all
forms of identity such as social identity, personal identity or relational identity,
group identity and individual identity. Many of the concepts pertinent to
FROOHFWLYHLGHQWLW\KDYHWUDGLWLRQDOO\EHHQWHUPHG³VRFLDOLGHQWLWLHV´DQGRULJLQDWH
from Social Identity Theory (SIT) (Tajfel, 1978, 1981). However, for this
4
research project, the term collective identity is used as an umbrella term so as to
include both the social and individual aspects of identity and to avoid confusion
with the parts of Social Identity Theory that do not pertain to this research, such
as the emphasis on in-group verses out-group comparison process.
There are multiple aspects of collective identity (Ashmore, et al. 2004).
Some of these include the identity one identifies with, the evaluation of the
identity, as well as the degree of importance the particular identity has for the
person. Other characteristics of collective identity include a sense of attachment
and interdependence on the group, how the identity is manifested through
physical action, and the degree in which the identity is implicated in social
relationships, and the level of behavioral involvement of the group. Finally, the
personal meaning of the collective identity, the narrative, and subjective
characteristics of the group are important aspects of collective identity.
Authors such as Erickson (1968) and Marcia (1966) discussed identity as a
developmental process. Erickson claimed that this developmental process reaches
D³FULVLVín adolescence when the adolescent explores multiple identities to create
an identity that reflects his/her true authentic self. Erikson thought that part of
creating this authentic identity involved creating an ideology that genuinely
reflects the indiviGXDO¶VWUXHIHHOLQJDQGEHOLHIV,QFRQJUXHQFHZLWK(ULFNVRQ
DXWKRUVVXFKDV/HZLQDQG:LOOLDPV+RKHUW]DQG2¶+DUD
discussed that punk identity is strongly rooted in a particular ideology and a quest
for authenticity. Marcia (1967) HODERUDWHGRQ(ULFNVRQ¶VWKHRU\RILGHQWLW\
development suggesting there are different levels of exploration and commitment

5
to a particular identity. There is a substantial amount of empirical research
EDVHGRQ0DUFLD¶VZRUNVKRZLQJWKDWDVWURQJFRPPLWted, well-explored identity
is correlated with positive mental health (Marcia, 1994). There is little research
focusing on the developmental identity process and levels of commitment to a
subcultural identity such as punk. However, Andes (1998) found in her research
that punk identity is developmental in nature, with specific developmental stages,
but she has left much on the subject to be explored such as the subjective meaning
of the experience.
The proposed research project seeks to answer the questioQ³:KDWLVWKH
self-GHVFULEHGSXQN¶VH[SHULHQFHRISXQNLGHQWLW\"´7KLVTXHVWLRQLVDVNHGDVD
way to address many of psychological aspects of collective identity and the
developmental process of identity in regard to self-described punks.

6
Chapter II
Literature Review
History of Subculture
3XQNHPHUJHVRXWRIDVXEFXOWXUDOWUDGLWLRQ³6XEFXOWXUHVDUHJURXSVRI
people that are in some way represented as non-normative and marginalized
through their particular interests and practices, through what they are, what they
GRDQGZKHUHWKH\GRLW´*HOGHUS,QWKHVHVXEFXOWXUHVWKHUHLVDQ
implied hostility between the subculture and the mainstream culture. The
mainstream culture has often been referred to as the mother culture to denote that
the subculture had been born out of it (Hebidge, 1972; Muggleton, 2000).
7KHDFDGHPLFVWXG\RIVXEFXOWXUHGLGQRWVWDUWXQWLOWKH¶VLQZKDW
would become known as the Chicago School. The Chicago School was a group
of sociologists and social workers studying and working with marginalized
populations throughout Chicago. The Chicago school was renowned for its
formulation of subcultures as deviant groups that collectively work to resolve
their low social status by developing contrary values from those of mainstream
VRFLHW\7KLVFDQFOHDUO\EHVHHQLQ&RKHQ¶VVWXG\HQWLWOHG'HOLQTXHQW%R\V
Cohen discussed working class adolescents who under-achieved in school and
joined gangs to develop a sense of self-esteem. The mainstream values of
sobriety, ambition, conformity etc., were replaced with opposite values such as
KHGRQLVPDQGGHILDQFH&RKHQZULWHV³2QHVROXWLRQIRULQGLYLGXDOVZKRVKDUH
such problems is to gravitate toward one another and jointly establish new norms,
7
new criteria of status which define as meritorious the characteristics they do
SRVVHVVWKHNLQGVRIFRQGXFWVRIZKLFKWKH\DUHFDSDEOH´&RKHQS
Hostility and non-conformity then become a lifestyle and are viewed as virtuous
(Hodkinson, 2010). Here the individuals excluded from full participation in
mainstream society find others who have similarly been excluded and they
become increasingly dependent on each other for community, support, and
validation of their shared way of life. Hence, individuals who are excluded and
rejected from society create a new culture and identity that better meets their need
for acceptance, community, and self-esteem.
Following the work of the Chicago School, the Birmingham Universities
Center for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) was formed. CCCS differed
from the Chicago School in that it did not focus on subculture as a means to
negotiate problems of low social status but was embedded in neo-Marxist
philosophies discussing subculture as a response of working class youth to the
changing sRFLHWDOFRQGLWLRQVLQ%ULWDLQLQWKH¶VDQG¶V+RGNLQVRQ
Gelder, 2005; Cohen 1972; Hebdige 1977). A large portion of subcultural studies
has focused on punk (see Bennet, 2006; Davies 1996: Garnett, 1999; Goshert,
2000; Graffin, 2007; Grossberg, 1986; Hebdige, 1979; Moore, 2004; Muggleton,
2¶+DUD6DELQ6DYDJH*XLOGHU
3XQN¶V%HJLQQLQJV
The summer of 1976 was particularly hot and miserable in England.
Many working class British had to forgo their traditional summer holiday due to
8
the economic decline. A drought was declared and consequently crops died
driving up food prices; water had to be rationed and unemployment was at a high.
Under these conditions riots erupted. Many British youth found themselves in a
social crisis riddled with poverty, class and race conflict, and a rapidly changing
society. The working class culture of past generations appeared unavailable to
them and full of empty promises (Hebdige, 1977).
Savage (1992), Moore (2010), and Hebdige (1976) discussed how punk
culture was born in response to this turmoil. Political and social upheaval was
attractive to many young people at this time and punk was a logical progression of
these circumstances. Punk was based on an opposition to the social order of the
time. Under these conditions, punk was the next step in a range of more
traditional British subcultures such as the Teddy Boys, Mods, Skinheads, Rude
Boys and possibly a retaliatory response to the more passive middle-class hippie
counter culture of the time. Several scholars have claimed that punk is rooted in
social upheaval and dystopian feelings (Kristiansen et al 2010; Hebdige, 1977;
2¶+DUD,WLVZLGHO\DUJXHGWKDWHDUO\SXQNFHQWHUHGRQRIIHQGLQJDQG
shocking mainstream society as a way of expressing their discontentment and
holding a strong belief in anti-establishment ideals.
An example of this can be seen in the highly researched band the Sex
Pistols, which was in many ways at the center of early punk culture. They were
³GHVSised by every respectable member of society for their attitudes, musical
WDVWHVIDVKLRQDQGVW\OH´.ULVWLDQVHQHWDOS7KH6H[3LVWROVGHWHVWHG
the ideals and values of mainstream culture. They purposely worked to offend
9
mainstream society as a way of expressing their dystopian feelings. These
feelings were expressed through their dress, which involved incorporating
bondage gear, wearing offensive symbols such as swastikas, profanity, self-
mutilation, spitting, self-induced vomiting and other socially repulsive behavior.
7KHVHIHHOLQJVRIRSSRVLWLRQDQGG\VWRSLDFDQEHVHHQPRVWFOHDUO\LQWKHEDQG¶V
O\ULFVVXFKDV³*RGVDYHWKHTXHHQWKHIDVFLVWUHJLPHWKDWPDGH\RXPRURQ´DQG
³ZKHUHWKHUH¶VQRIXWXUHWKHUHLVQRVLQZHDUHWKHIORZHUVVZept up in the dust
ELQZHDUHWKHSRLVRQLQWKHKXPDQPDFKLQH7KHUHLVQRIXWXUH´6H[3LVWROV
1977).
Variations of the above mentioned fashions, behaviors, and attitudes were
markers of early punk culture and could be seen during this period by multitudes
of self-described punks. Early punk was often expressed in extremes of clothes,
hair, music, and rambunctious behavior. Punk has been described as a youth
subculture that was based on doing the opposite of what mainstream society found
acceptable. O¶+DUDZULWHVWKHJRDORIWKHVHRULJLQDOSXQNVZDVWR³H[SUHVVWKHLU
UDJHLQDKDUVKDQGRULJLQDOZD\´S,WDSSHDUVWKDWHDUO\%ULWLVKSXQN
subculture as an identity was born out of working class youth responding with
angst and discontentment towards mainstream society.
%\WKHHDUO\¶VLQ/RV$QJHOHVDQGODWHUWKURXJKRXWWKH6WDWHVDQG
beyond, punk culture had evolved into what is more specifically known as
³KDUGFRUHSXQN´+DUGFRUHSXQNZDVDUHDFWLRQWRWKHFRPPHUFLDOL]DWLRQRI
earlier forms of punk (Kristiansen et al, 2010). Hardcore was seen as a rawer
form of expression, ideology and lifestyle. Hardcore was not based in fashion,
10
but purely in discontent and a striving for something more than mainstream
society could offer. Hardcore punks would often congregate to see this new
stripped down; aggressive style of music played in garages and basements with
groups of like-minded others. Similar to the original early British punk, hardcore
punk was politically and socially motivated. This movement strived to be
underground, abrasive, and inaccessible to mainstream society. Hardcore punk
music as well as its adherences has been described as angry, militant, moralistic,
and socially critical (Wood, 1999; Kristiansen et al, 2010). Some of the more
known bands from this era include Black Flag, Minor Threat, Bad Brains, and
Agnostic Front. Also known as modern punk, hardcore can now be seen in
almost every major city in the world. Hardcore punk has splintered off into
multiple sub-genres with corresSRQGLQJVFHQHVVHH2¶+DUD$WNLQVRQ
2003; Haenfler, 2004; Wood, 1991). These include street punk, straightedge,
crust, anarcho-punk, pop-punk etc. Contemporary punk identity then was based
in ideology and longing to live an alternative lifestyle different from mainstream
society.
Punk Ideology
Hohetz (1999) discussed punk as a collective identity formed through the
expression of shared values, ideology, and culture. This identity is always in flux
and reinventing itself. Hohetz believed punk ideology was rooted in five cardinal
values. These included: 1. Sincerity and Individualism, 2. Social Outsiderism, 3.
Anti-Establishmentism, 4. Inclusiveness and Egalitarianism, and 5. Do-It-
Yourself ethic (DIY).

11
Punk as Sincerity and Individualism referred WRWKHYDOXHRIEHLQJRQH¶V
³WUXHVHOI´QRWFRQIRUPLQJWRVRFLHW\¶VVWDQGDUGVDQGGRLQJZKDWDQLQGLYLGXDO
feels and believes is true for them subjectively. It is common for punks to believe
mainstream society is tainted, artificial, and inevitably alienates people from their
true selves. At the core of punk subculture is a desire to overcome the pressures
to conform and to search for a sincere individualistic self. Modern punks are
often drawn together by their strong belief in extreme individuality, renouncing
conformity, and trying to escape the throws of mainstream culture. Punk is a
subculture that allows a person to be extremely individualistic within a group of
others that celebrate individualism and are like-minded in this way. Many punks
feel being punk is rooted in wanting to be an individual, and being an individual
means breaking away from mainstream society.
3XQNDV6RFLDO2XWVLGHULVPUHIHUUHGWRSXQN¶VFROOHFWLYHGHVLUHWRVWD\
outside of mainstream culture. Many people who identify as punk report they are
born feeling different from mainstream society and are naturally in this way
³SXQN´7KLVGLIIHUHQFHLVKLJKO\UHJDUGHGLQWKHSXQNFXOWXUH:LGGLFRPEHDQG
:RRIILWWFODLPHG³7KHSRVVHVVLRQRIXQGHUO\LQJDWWULEXWHVVXFKDVIHHOings
RILQQHUGLIIHUHQFHDUHPRUHKLJKO\YDOXHGWKDQVXEFXOWXUDOVW\OH«DXWKHQWLFLW\LV
established by reference to the emergence and maintenance of a true inner self
WKDWMXVWKDSSHQVWRUHIOHFWRUPHVKZLWKXQGHUO\LQJYDOXHVRIWKHJURXS´S
These rejected individuals have collectively found refuge in punk subculture.
3XQNDFWLYHO\FHOHEUDWHV³RWKHUQHVV´DQGQRWILWWLQJLQWRPDLQVWUHDPFXOWXUH
This otherness had become a core value of punk and was then actively embraced
12
and celebrated. Punks strived to maintain this sense of otherness by further
rejecting and questioning mainstream society. In this way, punks actively work to
be identified as separate and outside of mainstream society. Many declare that
once being exposed to punk culture the\KDYHDUHYHODWLRQWKDW´WKLVLVZKR,DP
DQGKDYHDOZD\VEHHQQRZ,KDYHDZRUGIRULWDQGKDYHIRXQGRWKHUVOLNHPH´
Punk as Anti-(VWDEOLVKPHQWUHIHUVWRSXQN¶VUHMHFWLRQRIPDLQVWUHDP
VRFLHW\¶VHFRQRPLFVRFLDODQGSROLWLFDOSULQFLSOHVDQGLQYROYHVa quest for
DOWHUQDWLYHV3XQN¶VDQWL-establishment beliefs can easily be seen in what is
FRPPRQO\UHIHUUHGWRDVµDQDUFKLVWVHQWLPHQW¶3XQNVFRPPRQO\EHOLHYHWKH
current establishment is overly authoritative, dehumanizing, and oppressive.
Anarchy to punks often represents the opposite of what they believe the current
establishment represents. These opposites include freedom, peace, and autonomy.
2¶+DUDZULWHVWKDWWKRXJKPDQ\SXQNVDUHQRWZHOO-read in the history or
theory of anarchy, most punks share a belief in the anarchist principles of having
no official government or rulers and valuing individual freedom and
responsibility. Anarchy for punks is synonymous with the desire to escape the
confines of the current dominant social and politicaOHVWDEOLVKPHQW2IWHQSXQN¶V
anti-establishment anarchist values are expressed in a variety of ways including
political activism, vegetarianism, and anti-consumerism.
Punk as Inclusiveness and Egalitarianism refers to punk as an open,
accepting community working to promote equality. Hohertz (1999) wrote,
The reason behind this construction is simple, almost syllogistic. Punk

13
opposes mainstream society and the establishment, believing its
hegemony and ranks are structured to exclude. Therefore, punk must be
open, equal and inclusive; punk is about accepting people for their own
individualities because other people will not. (p.24).
Similarly, punk has no leaders and works to have no power structure. An
example of this can be seen at punk rock shows where the bands and audience
members are regarded as playing an equal role in the success of the show.
However, this inclusiveness is somewhat misleading because punks will often not
EHLQFOXVLYHRISHRSOHWKH\VHHDVSDUWRIPDLQVWUHDPVRFLHW\2¶+DUD9),
Hohertz (1999) and Kristiansen, et al (2010) similarly discuss that punk actively
tries to be open and accepting to a diversity of ethnicities, sexual orientations, and
social classes.
3XQN¶V'R-It-<RXUVHOI(WKLFRU',<IROORZVIURPSXQN¶VDQWL-
establishment values. DIY refers to punks producing and creating goods and
services themselves to avoid consumerism and mainstream influence. This
includes making fanzines, promoting their own shows and events, making their
own clothing, food co-oping, recycling food, and creating their own record labels.
+RKHUW]VXPPHGXSSXQN¶V',<SULQFLSOHDV³GRQ¶WEX\FXOWXUH- PDNHLW´
(p. 26). Horetz further quotes Christian Boartz from an interview in the popular
fanzine, Fuck Tooth:
The very basis of punk is integrated with Do-It-Yourself philosophy. The
idea is that we do not need to look to the mainstream, or to any one else in
14
more proper, or accepted channels, to entertain us, or do things for us.
We have it in our own power to create our own music, our own zines,
ODEHOVGLVWULEXWLRQVSULQWLQJSUHVVHV«DQGFRPPXQLW\',<LVDERXW
taking your life into your own hands and about being responsible for the
consequences. (p.27).
Ideology is not only crucial for punk identity but, according to identity
scholars, is crucial to any identity (Erikson, 1968; Marcia, 1993). The renowned
LGHQWLW\WKHRULVWV(ULN(ULNVRQZURWH³WKHJXDUGLDQRILGHQWLW\LVZKDWZH
FDOOLGHRORJ\´S)RUPLQJDQGFRPPLWWLQJWRDQLGHRORJ\LVDNH\
component to buildLQJDQGPDLQWDLQLQJDQLGHQWLW\%DVHGRQ.RKOEHUJ¶V
theory of moral development Erikson stated that humans go through three stages
of value orientation: a moral stage, an ideological stage, and an ethical stage. For
Erickson morality and ethics are inextricably linked to ideology (Cote & Levine,
2002).
Erikson equated the moral stage with childhood, the ideological stage with
adolescence, and ethical stage with adulthood. The moral stage is simply blindly
conforming to authority and is considered to have a low level of identity
GHYHORSPHQW7KHLGHRORJLFDOVWDJHLVGHVFULEHGDV³WRUHDVRQLQUHODWLRQVKLSWR
PXOWLSOHDXWKRULW\VRXUFHVLQDQH[SDQGLQJVRFLDOHQYLURQPHQW´&RWH /HYLQ
p.196, 2002). Here the individual decides what subjective truth will guide their
life and what justice means to them. Finally, Erikson suggested some people
PLJKWPRYHWRWKHHWKLFDOVWDJH7KHHWKLFDOVWDJHUHTXLUHVRQH¶VDFWLRQVWRUHIOHFW
their belief that everyone is responsible for their behaviors, and has
15
responsibilities to the larger society as a whole.
In summary, several scholars of punk have claimed that punk is rooted in
LGHRORJ\2¶+DUD+RKHUW]DQG.ULVWLDQVHQHWDO6LPLODUO\
scholars of identity (Erikson, 1968; Marcia, 1993) have claimed that ideology is
crucial to identity. However, it is unclear how punk ideology is experienced in
the context of punk identity. In understanding the experience of punk identity, it
will be crucial to gain a further understanding of the role of ideology in punk
identity.
Authentic Punks
Lewin and Williams (1999) claimed that the romantic ideal of authenticity
is the guiding principle of punk identity. Authenticity often refers to a person
owning their thoughts, feelings, wants, beliefs and needs, as well as expressing
themselves and behaving in a way that expresses these inner experiences (Harter,
1997).
)RUSXQNVWKHTXHVWIRUDXWKHQWLFLW\LVVLPLODUWR5RXVVHDX¶VLGHDRI³VHOI
GHWHUPLQLQJIUHHGRP´VXJJHVWLQJWKDWSHRSOHPXVWIROORZWKHLULQQHUYoices and
UHVLVWWKHSUHVVXUHVRIVRFLHW\LQRUGHUWRUHFRYHU³LQWLPDWHPRUDOFRQWDFWZLWK
WKHPVHOYHV´/HZLQDQG:LOOLDPVS/HZLQDQG:LOOLDPV
VXJJHVWHGWKDWSXQN¶VTXHVWIRUDXWKHQWLFLW\LVURRWHGLQWKUHHLGHRORJLFDOWHQHWV
rejection, reflexivity, and self-actualization. Through these three tenets punks
³VHDUFKIRUDQGSUDFWLFHDQLQQHUHVVHQFH´S
/HZLQDQG:LOOLDPVLGHRORJLFDOWHQHWVDUHVLPLODUWR+RKHUW]¶V
16
breakdown of collective ideology. However, Hohertz discussed them as an
ideology that pulls punk together as a collective identity, where Lewin and
Williams described punk ideology as a collective motivating force to achieve
authenticity. Williams and Lewin believed punk is rooted in rejecting dominant
culture. Many punks see the majority of people as blindly conforming, and that
this is immoral, leading to feelings of unfulfillment and an empty existence.
3XQNVLQVWHDGVKRZDµGHGLFDWLRQWRWKHLULQQHUHVVHQFH¶7KH\UHMHFWPDLQVWUHDP
consumerism; resist social pressures of conformity, and blind acceptance of
widely held dominant cultural beliefs. Many punks feel the acceptance of
PDLQVWUHDPFXOWXUHDQGLWVLQVWLWXWLRQVZLOOLQHYLWDEO\EORFNDSHUVRQ¶VDELOLW\WR
be creative and their ability to be authentic3XQN¶VUHMHFWLRQRIPDLQVWUHDP
FXOWXUHZRUNVWREUHDNGRZQDQ³LGHRORJ\RIDFFHSWDQFH´WRFUHDWHDPRUH
personal authentic ideology. To be authentic in punk is akin to being an
individual in that one strives to be independent from outside influence particularly
that of the mainstream society because mainstream culture is viewed as deeply
IODZHG7KHUHIRUHSXQNDVDQLGHQWLW\³FDQEHXQGHUVWRRGVRPHZKDW
SDUDGR[LFDOO\DVFROOHFWLYHFHOHEUDWLRQVRILQGLYLGXDOLVP´/HZLQDQG:LOOLDPV
2009, p.68).
The term Reflexivity denotes that punk ideology is not only concerned
with rejecting mainstream socialization, but also about leading a lifestyle that is
FRQJUXHQWZLWKRQH¶VWUXHVHOI:LOOLDPDQG/HZLQZURWH³SXQNVDUH
committed to enacting their subjectively realized belief systems through praxis in
WKHLUHYHU\GD\OLYHV´S+HQFHWKHLGHRORJ\RISXQNPXVWEHSXWLQWRDFWLRQ

17
for identities to be viewed as authentic.
Regarding Self-Actualization, punk emphasizes creativity and originality
as opposed to consumption and conformity. A punk first must reject mainstream
socialization, then through inner speculation create a personal ideology, and then
live in congruence with this ideology. This is the path to the romantic ideal of
authenticity. Levin and Williams (2009) argued this is the path of the true punk
YHUVHVDIDNHSXQNRU³SRVHU´$SRVHULVJHQHUDOO\FRQVLGHUHGIDNHEHFDXVHWKHLU
expression of identity reflects a commoditized false representation, which mirrors
not punk values, but mainstream values and a commoditized form of punk, rather
than a version of punk created by the individual. This idea reflects the punk
LGHRORJ\FRPSRQHQWRI³FXOWXUHLVPDGHQRWERXJKW´2¶+DUDS
Self-actualization naturally follows rejecting societal norms, building ones
own beliefs, and living according to those beliefs. Self-actualization comes out of
³PRUDOFRPPLWPHQWVWRVHOI-discovery and to create and abide by those systems of
YDOXHVDQGEHOLHIV´/HYLQHDQG:LOOLDPV30DQ\SXnks
acknowledge that subculture played a role in the cultivation of their beliefs and
lifestyle, though punk ideology takes no formal structure. Punk is instead
concerned with creating ones own ideas and identity and being a part of a group
that collectively promotes and supports this.
The theme of an authentic or true self emerges often in psychoanalytic
literature. Its opposite, which is the false self, is also discussed in depth in the
literature (Horney, 1950, Winnicott, 1965, Masterson, 1998). Horney (1950)

18
GHVFULEHGWKHWUXHVHOIDV³DOLYHXQLTXHDSHUVRQDOFHQWHURIRXUVHOYHVWKH
RQO\SDUWWKDWFDQDQGZDQWVWRJURZ´S³LWSURGXFHVWKHUHDFWLRQVRI
VSRQWDQHLW\WRRXUIHHOLQJVDQGWKRXJKWV´S+RUQH\GLVFXVVHGLQFRQWUDVWWR
the true self there is a false self that often takes form of an idealized self. The
idealized self is made of attributes and expectations received from others that the
person feels has to be fulfilled. To live up to an idealized self, the individual will
have to act in an unauthentic manner. Horny (1950), Winnicott (1965) and
Masterson (1998) believed to not live in accordance with ones true self, that is²
to not live authentically, will inevitably lead to neurosis and a host of mental
health issues. Research GLVFXVVHGDWUXHVHOILVDQ³DXWKHQWLFVHOI´DQGILQGLQJDQG
creating this authentic self is crucial to identity achievement and maintenance.
Acting in a way that is not in accordance with ones true self is correlated with
mental health issues such as feelings of depression and hopelessness (Harters,
Waters & Whitesell, 1998).
Winnicott (1965) discussed that some people will develop a false self to
the point that they have no true self accessible to them. He stated many of his
patients who have lost touch ZLWKWKHLUWUXHVHOIFRPSODLQHGWKDWWKH\KDYH³QRW
VWDUWHGWRH[LVW´:LQQLFRWWS+RUQH\ZULWHV³RXUUHDOVHOI«
enables us to make decisions and assume responsibility for them. It therefore
leads to genuine integration of a sound sense of wholeness, they [a person with a
WUXHVHOI@IXQFWLRQVZLWKRXWLQQHUFRQIOLFW´S
It follows that authenticity or the true self brings a person to live according
to their intrinsic attitude and values. The activation of the true self brings about a
19
feeling of wholeness and aliveness, giving rise to a sense of identity. This is
the link between being authentic, having a true self and identity achievement.
Authenticity is manifested when one experiences an in-depth involvement in
activities in whicKDIHHOLQJRI³ULJKW´RU³PDWFK´HQVXHV:DWHUPDQ
When Erikson (1968) discussed an adolescent finding a true and authentic
LGHQWLW\KHFLWHG:LOOLDP-DPHV³DQGZKHQLWFDPHXSRQKLPKHIHOWKLPVHOIPRVW
deeply and intensively active and alive. At such a moment there is a voice inside
ZKLFKVD\VWKLVLVWKHUHDOPH´S
In summary, it is argued that punk is deeply rooted in a quest for an
authentic self. The idea of an authentic or true self is discussed in the
psychoanalytic literature as crucial for mental health. However, the role that the
quest for authenticity plays in the experience of punk identity has not been
explored. In understanding the experience of punk identity it will be important to
explore the concept of authenticity and a true self.
Punk as Subculture
CCCS is where subculture theory was firmly connected with punk.
+HEGLJH¶VERRNWLWOHG6XEFXOWXUHWKH0HDQLQJRI6W\OHKDVEHHQUHJDUGHGDVWKH
first formal study of punk (Schulman, 1993). Hebdige discussed punk largely in
terms of style; particularly the way punks expressed themselves through dress.
He discussed that dress was a symbolic form of resistance to the hegemony of its
day. Hegemony, according to Hall (1977), is a dominant social class controlling
another social class and pushing them into subordination. This is often achieved
20
ODWHQWO\E\³ZLQQLQJDQGVKDSLQJWKHFRQVHQWVRWKDWWKHSRZHURIWKHGRPLQDQW
FODVVHVDSSHDUVERWKOHJLWLPDWHDQGQDWXUDO´+DOOFLWHGLQ+HEGLJHS
15-6). Hebdige believed punk was born out of a deep desire to challenge this
hegemonic structure, and this was the force that brought this group of youth
together and drove the development of punk subculture.
Hebdige discussed punk as a group of youth coming together as a cultural
IRUFHWRHQJDJHLQµVHPLRWLFJXHULOODZDUIDUH¶RQPDLQVWUHDPFXOWXUH7KHPDLQ
ZHDSRQRIWKLVZDUIDUHZDVURRWHGLQZKDW+HEGLJHWHUPHGµEULFRODJH¶+HXVHG
this term to describe how punks adorned themselves with everyday items such as
safety pins, plastics bags, and wire to invert their meaning as an act of cultural
subversion and resistance. He wrote:
[To] reconstruct the true text of the punk subculture, to trace the source of
its practices; we must first isolate the generative set responsible for the
VXEFXOWXUH¶VH[RWLFGLVSOD\V&HUWDLQVHPLRWLFIDFWVDUHXQGHQLDEOH3XQN
subculture was constituted in a series of spectacular transformations of a
whole range of commodities, values, and common sense attitudes. It was
through these adopted forms that certain working class youth were able to
restate their opposition to dominate values and institutions. (P.166).
Hebdige uses the example of early punks wearing t-shirts with screen-
printed swastika insignias. The swastika traditionally denotes fascism and Nazi
DWURFLWLHV$OWKRXJKLWKDVEHHQQRWHGSDUWRISXQN¶VVKDUHGLGHRORJLHVFRQVLVWVRI
leftist anarchist sentiment and punks are generally ideologically opposed to

21
racism and genocide, Hebdige discussed punks are attracted to this symbol
because iWV\PEROL]HGµWKHHQHP\¶µHYLO¶µQRIXWXUH¶DQGSXQNVZHDUWKHV\PERO
as a protest against these, as if to say this is what the current power structure is
really about. According to Hebdige, punk was largely about resistance through
style. He also believed punk fashion would soon be incorporated into the
mainstream and therefore it would no longer be subcultural, thus marking the
death of punk.
Hebidge has been criticized by scholars such as Muggleton (2000), Clark
(2003), Kristiansen et al (2010) for reducing punk subculture into little more than
a fashion statement. These scholars argued that although fashion and appearances
may at one time have been a main tenet of punk, this is not the tenet which punk
relies on or at least is not at its core. HebGLJH¶VPHWKRGRORJ\ZDVDOVRFULWLFL]HG
because it largely analyzed punk culture through fashion and symbols and not the
subjective experiences of the punks themselves.
Post subcultural studies take a post CCCS position that has been gaining
notoriety since the 1990s. Muggleton and Weinzierl (2004) discussed that long
DJRDUHWKHGD\VRIZRUNLQJFODVVVXEFXOWXUHµKHURLFDOO\¶UHVLVWLQJVXERUGLQDWLRQ
through semiotic guerilla warfare. Now research in the field of subculture is less
romantic and more pragmatic. It goes beyond the radical potential of symbols
found in subcultural style. They argue subcultural movements are still politically
orientated and subversive, but this subversion is not necessarily through fashion
and its latent symbols, rather it is more ideological and explicit.

22
&ODUNVWDWHVWKHSXQNVXEFXOWXUHRIWKH¶VKDVGLHG$
mohawk no longer has the ability to shock and studded belts can be bought at the
mall. In terms of fashion, punk has been incorporated into the mainstream and
therefore no longer holds its oppositional qualities. The original punk thrived on
being a spectacle. This spectacle has been appropriated by the culture industry
and sold back to the people. This commoditized form of punk has been stripped
of its oppositional meaning and therefore is no longer punk. Numerous writers
note dressing in a shocking manner is no longer a requirement to be punk and
certainly is not at its center. Some argue that idealistically and ideologically
modern punk has nothing to do with fashion, but a clear punk style exists. It is
VWDWHGWKDWWKLVVW\OH¶VSXUSRVHLVQRWVRPXFKWRVKRFNEXWWRLGHQWLI\VXEFXOWXUDO
members to each other and to enhance a sense of community and unity between
subcultural members. Modern punk fashion also serves to signal a distance from
mainstream society. It serves both the purpose to identify as punk and to identify
DVQRWPDLQVWUHDP.ULVWLDQVHQHWDO0XJJOHWRQ2¶+DUD
%HQQHWUHVSRQGHGWR&ODUNVWDWLQJ³3XQNLVQRWGHDGLW¶VMXVWJRQH
XQGHUJURXQG´S3XQNDWWHPSWVWRJRXQGHUJURXQGWRLQVXODWHLWVHOIIURPWKH
superficiality of modern culture (Moore, 2004). According to post-punk theorists
also known as contemporary punk theorists, punk culture is not born out of
response to attack mainstream society but to create a viable alternative to it.
Punks use the term underground to refer to the building of a culture that tries to
escape the influence of mainstream culture through rigorous questioning, rejecting
of social norms, and creating alternatives to the culture industry. This can be seen
23
in the concept of DIY as will be further discussed. Post punk scholars argue
punk is no longer rooted in shocking people through symbols and fashion but
rooted in an ideological position and creating an underground culture that strives
to avoid the confines of mainstream society. Moore (2009) claimed punk has
moved from a symbolic expression of revolt and anarchy against mainstream
society to an actual lived anarchist alternativHWRPDLQVWUHDPVRFLHW\³3XQNKDG
gambled all its chips on public outcry, and when it could no longer captivate the
audience, post punk or contemporary punk, has forgone these practices of anarchy
DQGLVQRZV\QRQ\PRXVZLWKWKHSUDFWLFHRIDQDUFKLVP´S233).
Clark (2003) discussed that the death of the first wave of punk by
mainstream co-option was in fact positive because it gave way to a more
ideological and community based culture; this led to shifting how academics think
about subculture. This new way of thinking of subculture is often referred to as
post subculture. Clarks (2003) writes:
Tribes of contemporary people who might call themselves punk (and who
often refuse to label themselves and their subculture) is partly in revolt
from the popular discourse of subculture, from what has become, in punks
eyes, a commercialized form of safe, consumed subjectivities, including
SUHIDEULFDWHGµDOWHUQDWLYH¶ORRNV3XQNLVLURQLFDOO\DVXEFXOWXUHD
subculture operating within parts of that described discourse, and yet it is
also a subculture partly dedicated to opposing what the discourse of
VXEFXOWXUHKDVEHFRPH«SXQNLVWKHLQYHQWLRQRIQRWMXVWQHZ
subjectivities but perhaps a new subcultural formation. The death of

24
subculture has in some way helped to produce one of the most formable
subcultures yet; the death of subculture is the (re) birth of punk (p.225).
Hence, the shocking fashion of punk had died, but in doing so gave birth
to a new form of punk based not in latent subversion through dress, but a culture
EDVHGRQLGHRORJ\DQGYDOXHV3XQNKDVVLQFHVWULYHGWRJR³XQGHUJURXQG´DVWR
not be incorporated by mainstream culture.
In summary, subcultures are groups of people with a shared identity that
collectively work to resolve their conflict between themselves and mainstream
society. Much of early punk was related to working class youth believing they
KDYH³QRIXWXUH´LQVRFLHW\DQGH[SUHVVLQJWKLVUDJHDQGPDOFRQWHQWWKURXJK
music and fashion. These punks joined like-minded others and started their own
culture, identity, and community with the purpose to jointly voice their
malcontent. However, later hardcore punk focused less on battling mainstream
culture and more on developing alternatives that worked to distance itself from
the mainstream3XQN¶VVXEFXOWXUDOLGHQWLW\LVWKHQLQPDQ\ZD\VEDVHGRQ
individuals who choose to be excluded from society to create a new culture and
identity that better meets their needs.
Punk has thus been described as a subculture based in resistance to
dominant culture, a specific subcultural ideology, and a quest for authenticity.
Yet it is still unclear what is personally gratifying about punks to the individuals
involved. However there is little research exploring how punk subculture is
experienced as an identity and how this identity is developed and maintained. In

25
the next section, the psychological research on identity development will be
reviewed.
Identity Development
$OWKRXJKLGHQWLW\LVDOZD\VFKDQJLQJDQGGHYHORSLQJWKURXJKDSHUVRQ¶V
lifetime, Erikson (1968) believed adolescence was a crucial time in the formation
of identity. He discussed that in adolescence a person goes through what he
termed a crisis of identity. During adolescence, a person experiences increasing
physical and cognitive abilities as well as increasing social demands. During this
time, the adolescent realizes that soon they will be facing adult responsibilities
and roles. This sets the adolescent into a crisis to arrive at a sense of identity to
navigate their impending adult life.
Erikson originally developed his notion of identity crisis treating WWII
trauma victims that had experienced severe identity confusion and dissociation
(Steinberg & Schall, 2000). These veterans had lost a sense of themselves as
having a past or future and therefore their identity was ungrounded and lost the
kind of continuity and structure required for positive mental health. These
patients had lost a sense of a continuous self and were severely psychologically
impaired (Erikson, 1968). After the war, Erikson saw these same symptoms of
identity confusion in many of the youth in modern society. Erikson thought that
increasing technological advances, overwhelming access to information, and rapid
social change were causing a collective identity crisis. Erikson (1968) saw the
VDPHV\PSWRPVRIGLVWUHVVLQ³6HYHUHO\FRQIOLFWHG\RXWKZKRVHVHQVHRI
26
confusion was due, rather, to a war with in themselves, and confused rebels and
GHVWUXFWLYHGHOLQTXHQWVZKRZDURQWKHLUVRFLHW\´S
In preparing for adult life, the adolescent works to differentiate themselves
from parental figures. They do this by exploring different identities until finding
RQHWKDWPDWFKHVWKHLU³WUXHVHOI´,QRUGHUIRUDQDGROHVFHQWWRUHVROYHWKH
identity crisis, they must fiQGWKLV³WUXHVHOI´7KHWUXHVHOIPXVWFRQVLVWRID
³VXEMHFWLYHVHQVHRILQYLJRUDWLQJVDPHQHVVDQGFRQWLQXLW\´(ULNVRQS
Sameness refers to a person experiencing the past, present, and how they imagine
themselves in the future, all being similar and consistent. Erikson discussed this
sameness not only applies to the self, but also in relationships between the self
and others, and a continuity of a functional integration of what Erikson termed the
³RWKHUDQGRWKHU´)RUDQLGHQWLW\WREHWUue the individual must have a sense of
self that appears to the individual as subjectively stable, enduring both personally
and in relation to others. Sameness and stability in relationships with others
stabilize and maintain both social and personal identities.
0DUFLDEXLOWRQ(ULFNVRQ¶VZRUNRQLGHQWLW\+HFUHDWHGDQHJR-
LGHQWLW\VWDWXVIUDPHZRUN0DUFLD¶VZRUNIRFXVHGRQSHRSOH¶VOHYHORI
H[SORUDWLRQDQGFRPPLWPHQWWRDQLGHQWLW\0DUFLD¶VIUDPHZRUNRILGHQWLW\LV
made of four statuses: Identity Diffusion, Identity Foreclosure, Identity
Moratorium, and Identity Achievement. His work launched a multitude of studies
clearly emphasizing the importance of identity in context of mental health.
Identity Diffusion is extreme in terms of both non-commitment and non-

27
exploration of identity. People in this status have no commitment to any
particular ideology and have few life goals. They are not actively exploring any
life choices. This person is largely defined by their circumstances. A person in
the Identity Diffusion status is the least developmentally advanced compared to
the other statuses.
Identity Foreclosure is used to describe the adolescent who makes an
identity commitment without a period of crisis and exploration. In this status, a
person has not created an identity of their own, but has blindly accepted the
identity that has been presented or expected for them to assume, often reflecting
parental wishes and expectation. This identity likely reflects parental figures
more than their own personal identity.
Marcia considers the Foreclosure status as being less developmentally
advanced then the Moratorium and Achievement status, but more
developmentally advanced than the Diffusion status. Identity Moratorium
describes an adolescent who is currently searching for an identity but has made no
commitments to that identity. In this identity status, the adolescent is actively
working to forge an identity but has yet to settle on one, or has not found an
identity that resonates with them. Some people remain in the Identity Moratorium
for a long period. Finally, Identity Achievement refers to an adolescent who has
experienced an identity crisis, explored alternatives, and has committed to an
identity. They have committed to a firm set of values and life goals. This is the
most developmentally advanced identity status and the final resolution of the
identity crisis.
28
7KHUHLVDODUJHERG\RIUHVHDUFKEDVHGRQ0DUFLD¶VHJRLGHQWLW\VWDWXV
paradigm (e.g., Adams, Ryan, Hoffman, Dobson & Nielson, 1985; Adams and
Fitch, 1982; Cramer, 2000; Grotevant & Cooper, 1985; Marcia, 1967; Waterman
& Waterman, 1971). Research has shown several correlations between different
identity statuses and psychosocial function (Markstrom-Adams & Adams, 1995;
Meeus, 1996). Research in this area has investigated the connection of differing
levels of self-esteem, anxiety, depression, feelings of well being, behavioral
problems, interpersonal styles and sense of autonomy with the different ego
identity statuses.
In general, the research indicates that identity achievement is correlated
with self-esteem and identity diffusion is correlated with low self-esteem (Taylor
and Oskay, 1995). Similarly, Wautier (2000) found people with uncommitted
identity statuses experience more anxiety then those in the identity commitment
statuses. Furthermore, Meeus (1993) stated that people who have reached identity
achievement have a higher sense of wellbeing. Similarly, Crammer (2000) found
identity achievement is negatively related to depression.
Often in the psychological literature identity development is presented as a
series of progressive stages. Similar to Marcia, these models often depict a
individual progressing from a state of unexplored and unachieved identity to a
state of well explored and achieved identity. Sue and Sue (1999) discuss identity
development in regards to racial/ethnic identities as follows:
Such models view identity formation as occurring in stages, advancing

29
from less healthy to more healthy. With each stage there exists a
constellation of traits and characteristics. They also attempt to explain the
conditions or situations that might retard, enhance, or impel the
LQGLYLGXDO¶VDGYDQFHPHQW3
An example of such a stage model of identity can be seen in Sue DQG6XH¶V
(1999) model of Racial/Cultural Identify Development (R/CID). These
researchers consolidated several developmental models that were designed with
specific ethnic groups, such as Asians, Hispanics, and African Americans to
create an integrative ³PHWD-PRGHO´RIHWKQLFLGHQWLW\7KLVPRGHOFRQVLVWVRIILYH
developmental stages 1. Conformity 2. Dissonance 3. Resistance and Immersion
4. Introspection, and 5. Integrative Awareness. In the Conformist stage the
individual assumes the values, norms, and lifestyles of the dominant culture as
superior to their own and as of consequence they feel negatively about
themselves. In the second stage, the Dissonance stage, the individual has begun
to question the dominant groups superiority and begins to challenge their
conformist beliefs. In the third stage, the Resistance and Immersion stage, the
individual has fully rejected his or her conformist views of the dominant culture
and has emersion and appreciation of their own cultural group. The fourth stage,
IntrospectionWKHLQGLYLGXDO³EHJLQVWRGLVFRYHUWKDWWKHOHYHORILQWHQVLW\RI
feeling towards (the dominant culture) as psychologically draining and does not
permit one to really devote more crucial energies to understanding themselves and
their own UDFLDOFXOWXUDOJURXS´6XHDQG6XHS+HUHWKHLQGLYLGXDO
actively seeks to integrate the redefined identity into the dominant culture without
30
compromising aspects of his or her own racial or ethnic identity. In the final
stage, Integration, the individual has achieved a balanced identity where they can
appreciate their own ethnic identity as well as appreciate other cultures, and see
the positive aspects of dominant culture, while having an awareness of racism and
oppression.
Stage models of identity have been applied to an array of self identities
including sexual orientation (Cass, 1979, 1984; Fassinger, 1991; Savin-williams,
1988, 1990; Troiden, 1979,1988). These authors discuss the first stage of
GHYHORSLQJD³1RQ-KHWHURVH[XDO,GHQWLW\´ often starts with the individual using
defense strategies to block or minimize their attraction to the same gender, this
stage is then followed by a gradual recognition and tentative acceptance of their
non-heterosexual feelings. This stage is often accompanied by emotional and
behavioral experimentation with homosexuality followed by a growing sense of
normality and comfort with homosexuality. The final stage an individual accepts
their non-heterosexual feelings and integrates them as a positive aspect of
themselves.
Andes (1998) proposed a developmental model of punk identity. She
proposed that punks who have a long-term commitment to punk go through three
stages of punk identity. These three stages are discussed as rebellion, affiliation,
and transcendence. Andes theory of punk identity development is rooted in
%XUNH¶VLGHQWLW\WKHRU\%XUNHGHILQHVLGHQWLW\DV³DVHWRIPHDQLQJV
applied to the self in a social role or situation defining what it means to be who
one is (p.37). The key elemenWVRI%XUNH¶VWKHRU\DUHFRPPLWWHGEHKDYLRUVWKDW

31
reflect identity, reflective appraisal from a reference group, and identity
standards.
$QGHV¶UHVHDUFKLQGLFDWHGSXQNVEHJLQWKHLUGHYHORSPHQWRISXQNLGHQWLW\
ZLWKµSUHGLVSRVLWLRQRIGLIIHUHQFH¶6KHGLVFussed that all of her study
participants report that they had a strong feeling that they were different from the
majority of others (i.e. their peers, parents, and mainstream society in general)
before they became involved with punk subculture. Her research participants
reported they saw punk as being different too and felt a commonality and an
attraction to the subculture.
Andes research stated that when people begin their identification with
punk it is often rooted in deviance. She calls this first stage Rebellion. At this
VWDJHEHLQJSXQNLV³DQ\WKLQJWKDWLVRIIHQVLYHRUVKRFNLQJWRWKHLUUHIHUHQFH
JURXS«PHPEHUVGHILQHWKHPVHOYHVDVSXQNUHODWLYHWRQRUPDORWKHUVDQGLQ
RSSRVLWLRQWRWKHQRUPDORWKHUVOLIHVW\OH´$QGHVS7RSHRSOHLQthis
stage, punk involves being unconventional, shocking, and deviant.
In the Affiliation Stage, punk identity is not based on rejecting mainstream
society, but rather to being affiliated with punks. In this stage punk is not defined
as defiance and opposition to mainstream society, but as a scene, a community
and a social group, with which one identifies and which one participates.
The final stage of Andes developmental model is the Transcendence
Stage. In this stage people do not typically dress in punk style, may not listen to
punk music, and possibly not even refer to themselves as punks. Punk becomes a
32
system of values and beliefs. In this stage the focus is on ideological
FRPPLWPHQWWRSXQNVXEFXOWXUH$WWKLVVWDJHLQPDQ\ZD\V³SXQNVWUDQVFHQG
their own membership in the subculture as a consequence of their deep
commitment to the anti-authoritarian and highly individualistic content of punk
LGHRORJ\´S
,QVXPPDU\ERWKDSHUVRQ¶VLQQHUEHLQJDQGH[WHUQDOHQYLURQPHQWVKDSH
identity. Identity is created and sustained through social interaction (Erikson,
1968). Erickson (1968) claimed that identity development reaches a crucial point
LQDGROHVFHQFHZKLFKKDVEHHQWHUPHGWKH³LGHQWLW\FULVLV´5HVROYLQJWKH
identity crisis is a psychosocial task that engages both the self and the
environment. Identity development is dependent on a person finding a sense of
FRQWLQXLW\DQGDVHQVHRIEHLQJRQH¶VWUXHVHOI0DUFLDHODERUDWHGRQ
(ULFNVRQ¶VLGHQWLW\WKHRU\ZLWKWKHFUHDWLRQRIKHUFRQFHpt of ego identity
statuses. These identity statuses have prompted a large body of empirical
research on the role of identity formation on mental health. In the psychological
literature it is common for a identity development to be presented as a series of
developmental stages. Presenting identity development as series of progressive
stages has been applied ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, and a multitude of
other identities.
Andes research supports the notion that identity, and specifically punk
subcultural identity, is developmental in nature and is describes in a terms of
specific developmental stages. Therefore, further understanding how people
experience, form, and maintain identities such as punk will help mental health
33
practitioners gain insight on how to better serve this population. Both punk
and psychological research neglect to account for the impact subculture plays in
the role of their identity formation. This includes discussing the role of the punk
community in regard to the formation of punk identities and the experience of a
person coming to punk as a sense of themselves.
Collective Identity
As described above, identity is made up of the social, the relational, and
the personal. Several authors (See Brewer & Gardner, 1996; Sedkites & Brewer,
2001; Simon, 1997; Simon, 1997; Simon & Klandrson, 2001) have discussed
moving to using the term collective identity as opposed to social identity, role
identity, or individual identity. Collective identity is used as an encompassing
term to refer to multiple aspects of identity (Ashmore, Deaux, McLaughlin-Volpe,
2004). The term collective identity is used to describe the social aspects of
identity as well the individual aspects of identity. These authors did not
distinguish between social identity and individual identity. They believed all
aspects of identity are innately social in nature and therefore used the term
collective identity to mean both social identity and individual identities.
Simon (1997) claimed that all aspects of the self ³DFTXLUHWKHLUPHDQLQJ
DQGVLJQLILFDQFHRQO\ZLWKLQWKHFRQWH[WRIVRFLDOUHODWLRQVEHWZHHQSHRSOH´S
$VKPRUHHWDOVWDWHG³7RUHIHUWRDQLGHQWLW\DVVRFLDOGRHVQRW
distinguish it from other forms of identity such as personal or relational, that are
DOVRLQKHUHQWO\VRFLDOLQRULJLQ´S7KHVHDXWKRUVVWURQJO\SXOOHGRQWKH

34
works Tajfel (1978) in that many of the concepts central to collective identities
RULJLQDWHIURP6RFLDO,GHQWLW\7KHRULHV7DMIHOGHVFULEHGVRFLDOLGHQWLW\DV³Whe
SDUWRIWKHLQGLYLGXDO¶VVHOI-concept which derives from his knowledge of his
membership of a social group together with value and emotional significance
DWWDFKHGWRWKDWPHPEHUVKLS´S+RZHYHU$VKPRUHHWDOIRXQG
connotations of social identities are more numerous and potentially more
problematic than are those of collective identity (2004). These authors prefer the
WHUPµFROOHFWLYHLGHQWLW\¶EHFDXVHWKH\KDYHIRXQG7DMIHO¶VWHUPµVRFLDOLGHQWLW\¶
to be too ambiguous. For example, Ashmore et al (2004) prefer the term
µFROOHFWLYHLGHQWLW\¶RYHUµVRFLDOLGHQWLW\¶EHFDXVHWKH\EHOLHYHGWKHUHDGHUZRXOG
DVVRFLDWHWKHWHUPµVRFLDOLGHQWLW\¶ZLWK7DMIHO¶V6RFLDO,GHQWLW\7KHRU\
particularly the concept of inter group discrimination and in-group favoritism
which is not essential or primary to their construction of identity.
Many collective identities are based on some shared characteristic such as
ethnicity, occupation, social group, or political ideology (Deaux, 1996; Sedikides
& Brewer, 2001). Collective identity is a subjective claim, in that the individual
acknowledges and feels to be that identity as part of themselves (Dueax, 1996).
Often people hold multiple collective identities; they are hierarchical by
importance and this importance varies GHSHQGLQJRQWKHVLWXDWLRQ$SHUVRQ¶V
identity is better described as a multiplicity of identities that vary in importance
contextually. For example, a marathon runner who is also a social activist will
more likely identify as an athlete while training for a race and identify more as a
social activist when organizing a protest.

35
Ashmore et al (2001) saw collective identity as a multidimensional
concept. At the heart of collective identity is a self-categorization that classifies
the self as part of a particular identity (Deax, 1996). Ashmore et al (2001)
showed that people have many choices for categorizing themselves in any given
situation, and these choices depend on different goals and motives that are salient
at that particular time. In addition, people who see themselves as part of the same
collective identity may have different names for the same groups (e.g. African
$PHULFDQRU%ODFN,QSXQNVRPHSHRSOHSUHIHUWRXVHWKHWHUP³WKHVFHQHRU
KDUGFRUHRUFUXVW´DOORIZKLFKKROGVOLJKWO\GLIIHUent meanings, but generally
refer to the same subculture or group of subcultures. Also, in some cases an
individual may not be willing to take on full ownership of the identities because
they feel taking on that identity will have a negative implication. Several authors
have stated many punks do not directly identify themselves as punk because they
do not want to be strictly defined or categorized in any way (Moore, 2009). This
FRUUHVSRQGVZLWKSXQN¶VKLJKO\LQGLYLGXDOLVWLFLGHRORJ\6LPLODUO\RIWHQJUoup
boundaries are permeable (Huddy, 2001). A person may in some ways identify
with a particular collective identity, but then be unsure when verbalizing that
LGHQWLW\ZLWKSRVLWLYHVWDWHPHQWVVXFKDV³,DPDBBBBB´6HOI-categorization is
at times ambiguous and how often or how strongly the person commits to an
identity depends on multiple factors such as goodness of fit, subjective certainty,
the practicality of the identity, salience of the identity, and perceived desirability
of the identity in relation to their current circumstance.
7KHOHYHORILPSRUWDQFHRIDSDUWLFXODUJURXSPHPEHUVKLSWRDSHUVRQ¶V
36
overall sense of self-concept is a crucial component to collective identity.
Some identities are explicit and the individual can directly state the level of
importance of the collective identity to their overall sense of self. The importance
of an identity can also be implicit. The person is not consciously aware of the
degree the collective identity plays in their life. A specific collective identity is
often more central, while others can be more peripheral. Stryker and Serpe
(1982) explain the organization of identities are in part structured by the
probabilities of each of the various identities being brought into play in a given
situation (p.206).
Attachment has been theorized to be a key part of collective identity.
Research suggests an affective sense of belonging is a key element of collective
LGHQWLW\-DFNVRQ%DXPHLVWHUDQG/HDU\VWDWHG³KXPDQEHLQJVDUH
driven to form positive, lasting, and stable relationships because of a basic need to
EHORQJ«DQGWKDWZHEHFRPHPHPEHUVRIJURXSVDQGFRQIRUPWRJURXSQRUPVDW
OHDVWLQSDUWWRVDWLVI\RXUQHHGWREHORQJ´S,WIROORZVWKHQWKDWSHRSOH
gravitate towards and become emotionally attached to groups that reflect their
self-concept. There is an emotional bond as the self and the group
psychologically merge.
Social embeddedness is another aspect of collective identity. Social
embeddedness is the degree a particular collectivHLGHQWLW\FUHDWHVDQLQGLYLGXDO¶V
sense of social connection. For example, social embeddedness is considered high
ZKHQJLYLQJXSWKHLGHQWLW\ZRXOGUHVXOWLQORVLQJPRVWRIWKDWLQGLYLGXDO¶VVRFLDO
relationships. Many collective identities supply the individual with a social

37
network and social support (Stryker 1980). Often collective identities are
embedded in social relationships. Social embeddedness is different from affective
DWWDFKPHQWLQWKDW³DIIHFWLYHDWWDFKPHQWGHQRWHVKRZFORVHDSHUVRQIHHOVto a
particularly social category. Social embeddedness in contrast refers to the degree
LQZKLFKDQLQGLYLGXDO¶VFROOHFWLYHLGHQWLWLHVDUHHPEHGGHGLQVRFLDOQHWZRUNVDQG
LPSHUVRQDOUHODWLRQVKLSV´$VKPRUHHWDO
Collective identity does not only have cognitive and affective elements but
DOVRFOHDUREVHUYDEOHHOHPHQWVVXFKDVWKHLQGLYLGXDO¶VEHKDYLRUDOLQYROYHPHQW
that implicates their collective identity. Behavioral involvement consists of doing
actions that directly express the collective identity. These behaviors can include
social activities of the group, wearing clothes that reflect the group identity, and
participating in cultural activities that reflect the group.
One of the aspects of collective identity most relevant to this study is
contHQWDQGPHDQLQJ&RQWHQWDQGPHDQLQJKDYHEHHQGHVFULEHGDV³WKHVHPDQWLF
VSDFHLQZKLFKLGHQWLWLHVUHVLGHV´$VKPRUHHWDOS&RQWHQWDQG
meaning are made up of self-attributed characteristics including ideologies and
narratives. In addition, LGHQWLI\LQJWKHJURXS¶VVKDUHGDWWULEXWHVDQGWKHPHDQLQJ
of these attributes is important in understanding collective identity.
Self-attributed characteristics refer to what traits and dispositions are
connected with a particular collective identity. Ideology refers to the groups
FRPPRQO\KHOGEHOLHIV*XULQDQG7RZQVHQGXVHWKHWHUPµJURXS
FRQVFLRXVQHVV¶WRUHIHUWRDPHPEHU¶VFROOHFWLYHLGHRORJ\DQGWKHJURXS¶VJUHDWHU
38
UROHLQVRFLHW\µ1DUUDWLYH¶UHIHUVWRWKHVWRU\WKHSHUVRQKDVGHYHORSHGRf
his/her collective identity (Gergen and Gergen, 1988). These stories contain
thoughts, feelings and images about their experience as a group member.
In summary, collective identity refers to both social and individual aspects
of identity. Multiple writers suggest other forms of identity such as individual,
social, or relational cannot be distinguished from each other because they are
tightly interwoven (Ashmore et al, 2004). There are many important
characteristics that affect the experience of a particular collective identity. These
include self-categorization, evaluation of the group, importance of the group to
overall identity, attachment and sense of interdependence, social embeddedness of
the group, the level of behavioral involvement in the group, the content and
meaning of the group membership as well as the subject characteristic of the
group. Punk can clearly be described as a collective identity. However, there is
lack of research on how self-identified punks experience these multiple aspects of
collective identity and in what manner the characteristics of collective identity are
experienced.
Research Question
Successful articulation and description of what makes up punk is an
extremely difficult task. Punk has been analyzed as a subculture, as an art
movement, and as historical accounts of bands and key figures. There is,
however, very little research on punk from a psychological perspective. Identity
LVGHVFULEHGDVDSHUVRQ¶VVHQVHRIPHDQLQJRIWKHPVHOYHVZLWKLQDVRFLDOFRQWH[W
39
This sense of meaning is crucial to mental health. Aspects of identity such as
gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity, and career choice have been researched but
there is little research on subcultural identity. This research project intends to
explore the psychological aspects of punk subculture as a form of identity.
Erikson (1968) discussed identity as a developmental process that reaches
a crucial period in adolescence where it is essential a person develop a coherent
sense of himself or herself. This sense of identity must be authentic and reflect
WKHSHUVRQ¶VWUXHVHOI$ODUJHSDUWRILGHQWLW\LVGHYHORSLQJDSHUVRQDODXWKHQWLF
ideology. Authenticity and ideology are considered crucial components of punk
identity (Andes, 1998, Horowitz, 1999). Marcia HODERUDWHGRQ(ULNVRQ¶V
work on identity suggesting specific ego identity statuses that are correlated with
GLIIHUHQWOHYHORILGHQWLW\H[SORUDWLRQDQGFRPPLWPHQW0DUFLD¶VZRUNSURPSWHG
a large body of empirical work correlating a high level of identity exploration and
commitment with positive mental health. Andes (1998) work suggests punk
identity is also developmental in nature.
Both the research on punk and the psychological research on identity
neglect to account for the impact subculture plays in identity formation. Ashmore
et al (2001) use the term collective identity to refer to the multiple aspects of
identity. These include the identification of the identity one identifies with, the
subjective evaluation of the identity, the degree of the importance of the identity,
the sense on interdependence the person feels to other people of that specific
identity, and how the identity is manifest through behaviors, how the identity is
implicated in social relationships, and the personal meaning of that identity. This
40
proposed research seeks to address how self-described punks experience these
aspects of collective identity.
7KHUHLVOLWWOHUHVHDUFKRQDVXEFXOWXUDOJURXSPHPEHU¶VH[SHULHQFHRI
subcultural identity and even less on the experience of a specific subculture such
as punk. As described above, there is a significant amount of research that has
focused on identity development but it is unclear how these theoretical constructs
specifically pertain to subcultures such as punks. Similarly, there is a significant
amount of sociological research on the phenomena of punk, however, this
research has not focused on the direct psychological experience of the punks or
specifically focused on the topic of punk identity as psychological phenomenon.
The proposed research seeks to explore the self-GHVFULEHGSXQN¶VH[SHULHQFHRI
punk subcultural identity.

41
Chapter III
Method
Choice of Method
This study examined the experience of punk identity among individuals
who currently self-identify as punks. This study utilized a qualitative
methodology, specifically a Conventional Content Analysis of semi-structured
interviews as described by Hsieh and Shannon (2005). Conventional Content
Analysis provides a summary of the study of a participant understanding of a
SDUWLFXODUSKHQRPHQRQ$VKZDUWKVWDWHV³DFRQFHQWUDWLRQRQKXPDQ
experience as the central topic of psychology seems to lead almost inevitably to
TXDOLWDWLYHUHVHDUFK´S&RQWHQW$QDO\VLVLVDFRPPRQO\XVHGDSSURDFKWR
analyzing qualitative data (Wilkinson, 2003).
Participants
This study utilized a convenience sample of 12 participants, consistent
with the procedures of Qualitative Content Analysis as described by Hsieh and
Shannon (2005). The participants of this study were self-identified punks
between the ages of 27 to 55 with a mean age 37.5 of among the participants.
Eight participants were males and four were females. All the participants have
been involved in the punk community for 14-35 years with a mean of 23.5 years.
Nine oXWRIWZHOYH3DUWLFLSDQWVVHOILGHQWLILHGHWKQLFDOO\DV³ZKLWH´³&DXFDVLDQ´
RU³(QJOLVK´2QHSDUWLFLSDQWLGHQWLILHGDV³-HZLVK´2QHSDUWLFLSDQWLGHQWLILHG
42
DV³KDOI--DSDQHVHKDOIZKLWH´2QHSDUWLFLSDQWLGHQWLILHGDV³EODFN´
Participants had a range of formal education as well as a diversity of occupations.
Educational degrees ranged from GED to PhD. Occupations were diversified
including unemployed, high school teachers, and college professors. All
participants were living in the San Francisco Bay Area at the time of this study.
Below is a brief description of the twelve participants. These descriptions include
WKHSDUWLFLSDQW¶VHWKQLFLW\DJHJHQGHUOHYHORIHGXFDWLRQ\HDUVUHSRUWHGRI
involvement in with punk subculture, and a brief description of some of the ways
they have been involved in punk subculture.
P1 is a 27-year-old Jewish male who holds an Associate of Science
degree. He currently works in urban farming. He has been involved in punk for
14 years and has played in bands on both the East and West coast. He has toured
both coasts playing in bands and as a roadie. He regularly houses traveling bands
in his home.
P2 is a 31-year-old white male who has worked mostly as a retail manger.
He has been involved in punk for 17 years and is a high school graduate. He
worked for 7 years as the head coordinator for a long-standing, all age DIY music
venue and community center.
P3 is a 43-year-old white male. He works in a warehouse as a book
distributor. He has completed some college coursework, but did not obtain a
degree. He has been involved in the punk scene for over 30 years as an active
community member in multiple ways including producing t-shirts for both local
43
and touring bands, attending shows and social events.
P4 is a 47-year-old white female high school teacher. She has been
involved in the punk scene for 35 years. She has earned a Bachelor of Arts
degree. She organizes an annual international punk festival and has lived in an
infamous all-women punk communal living house.
P5 is a 35-year white high school teacher living in the Bay Area. She
KROGVDPDVWHU¶VGHJUHHDQGKDVEHHQLQYROYHGLQSXQNIRURYHU\HDUV6KH
regularly contributes to the longest running and widest distributed punk fanzine.
She appears in multiple books documenting the bay area punk scene.
P6 is a 31-year-old web product manger. She identifies ethnically as half
white and half Japanese. She has been involved in punk for a total of 12 years,
DQGOLVWVKHUHGXFDWLRQOHYHODV³VRPHFROOHJH´6KHKDs been involved with punk
both on the East and West coasts as well as in Japan. She has lived communally
with punks in a warehouse that was also was a rehearsal space for multiple punk
bands as well as a regular DIY concert venue.
P7 is a 37-year-old white male who has been involved with punk for over
24 years. He holds a PhD is currently an adjunct professor at a San Francisco Bay
Area university. In the past he has supported himself as a bicycle messenger. He
regularly attends punk concerts and community events.
P8 is a 34-year-old black doctoral student. He has been involved with
SXQNIRURYHU\HDUV+HKROGVDPDVWHU¶VGHJUHH+HKDVSOD\HGLQSXQNEDQGV
on the East and West coast as well as in the Midwest. He is a long time volunteer
44
at a long-standing, all-volunteer-run DIY punk music and bookstore.
P9 is a 42-year-old white woman. She currently is a student and also
ZRUNVDVDQDGYRFDWH6KHKROGVDEDFKHORU¶VGHJUHHDQGKDVEHHQLQYROYHGLQWKH
punk scene both in the Midwest and West coast for a combined 30 years.
P10 is a 36-year-old white male who has been involved in punk for twenty
years. He has completed his GED. He has played in multiple punk bands both on
the East and West coasts and has toured the US and Europe. He lived at a punk
communal warehouse that was also was a bi-weekly DIY music venue.
P11 is a 52-year-old male. He ethnically identifies as English. He has
been involved in punk for over 35 years, and his education level is unknown. He
works as a roadie for larger punk bands. He has toured extensively throughout
the world. He is currently the singer for a San Francisco Bay Area punk band.
P12 has been involved in the punk scene for over 20 years. He is a high
school graduate. He identifies ethnically as white, was 33 years old during the
time of the interview, and was unemployed. He was a long time volunteer at the
longest running all-ages non-profit DIY venue. He worked there in multiple
capacities including booking bands and working the door. He also has
contributed to multiple San Francisco Bay Area punk zines.
Recruitment
Participants were recruited by flyers (Appendix A) placed at music
venues, bookstores, and music stores that commonly serve the punk community.
The researcher identified key-informants in the punk community such as event

45
organizers, writers, and musicians that helped publicize the study to
participants. The researcher also utilized snowball sampling to recruit study
participants; participants provided leads for the recruitment of additional
participants.
Data Collection
Consistent with the procedure of Qualitative Conventional Content
Analysis as described by Hsieh & Shannon (2005) data was collected through
face-to-face semi-structured interviews. All interviews were conducted in the Fall
of 2011, and were conducted in Oakland, California. The location of the
LQWHUYLHZVZDVLQWKHSDUWLFLSDQW¶VKRPHVSDUNVRULQDFRQYHQLHQWFHQWUDO
location that provided confidentiality. The length of each interview was between
one to two hours. A formal semi-structured interview was conducted in which the
researcher asked the participants to answer certain pre-defined questions along
with follow-up and clarifying questions that arised as the information provided by
the participant unfolded (Appendix D). Most questions were open-ended and the
researcher allowed the participants to express themselves in their own words. All
interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim. To safeguard the
disclosed data, code numbers were used on the transcribed documents and the
demographic questionnaires. Participant names and identifying information were
stored separately from the audio recordings and transcripts. All documents were
kept in a locked cabinet accessible only to the primary researcher. Participants
also completed a brief demographic questionnaire (Appendix C) and signed an
informed consent form (Appendix B).

46
Data Analysis Plan
In keeping with the procedures of Qualitative Conventional Content
Analysis, the interviews were transcribed verbatim (Hsieh and Shannon, 2005).
(DFKRIWKHSDUWLFLSDQW¶VWUDQVFULSWVKDVEHHQUHDGIURPEHJLQQLQJWRHQGWRJDLQD
holistic sense of the data. The transcripts then were reviewed to identify themes
in the text that described the experience of punk identity. From these initial
codes, a system of categories and subcategories were developed into a
comprehensive coding scheme, detailed in a codebook. Then all raw data were
coded, modifying the existing coding scheme as needed. (Barker, Pistrang, Elliott.
2002). Finally, narrative descriptions of the categories and subcategories of the
coding scheme were rendered from the final form of the codebook.
47
Chapter IV
Results
A conventional qualitative content analysis of semi-structured interviews
was conducted with 12 self-described punks who discussed their experience of
punk identity. This analysis identified 5 main categories reflecting the dominant
common themes in the content and multiple subcategories reflecting more specific
and less consistent themes in the content. These categories included: 1. Punk as
rejection: study participants described feeling both rejected by dominant society
DQGDFWLYHO\UHMHFWLQJGRPLQDQWVRFLHW\¶VQRUPVYDOXHVDQGFXOWXUH3DUWLFLSDQWV
described that this often started to occur before participants formally identified as
punk. 2. Alienation: participants described punk as a sense of alienation that
provided a common ground for bonding with individuals who also felt alienated.
Similarly, participants described that punk had enabled them in multiple ways to
move away from their experience of alienation. 3. Punk as community:
participants described punk as a welcoming, accepting, and as a supportive global
community that fits with who they are. 4. Punk as empowerment: participants
described their experience of punk as empowering. Participants described punk
not only enabled them to move away from their feelings of alienation but also as a
community that allowed, encouraged, facilitated, and even required individuals to
participate, contribute, and create. Study participants described punk as an
avenue that empowered participants to question, learn, and express themselves in
ways that felt organic and natural to them. Finally, 5. Participants described punk
as the quest and creation of an authentic self, and that through punk they were
48
empowered to be that authentic self. Table 1 below shows the categories and
subcategories as well as a breakdown of the participants corresponding to each
theme and the percentage of participants per theme. Overall, there was a
UHODWLYHO\KLJKSURSRUWLRQRIFRPPRQFRQWHQWLQSDUWLFLSDQW¶VUHVSRQVHV
suggesting that punk identity was experienced similarly across participants.
Table 1
Participant Breakdown and Percentage of Participants per Theme
Thematic category Subcategory Participants Percentage
Punk as rejection P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, 100%
P6, P7, P8, P9, P10,
P11, P12
Wanting to reject P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, 100%
mainstream society P6, P7, P8, P9, P10,
and culture P11, P12
Feelings of disdain P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, 100%
for dominate culture P6, P7, P8, P9, P10,
P11, P12
Difficulty relating P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, 75%
to mainstream P6, P9, P10, P12
culture
49
Experience of P1, P3, P4, P5, P6, 83.3%
Rejection by P7, P9, P10, P11,
Mainstream culture P12
Specific P1, P3, P5, P6, P8, 66.6%
circumstance of P9, P10, P12
rejection
Punk as a response P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, 100%
to feelings of P6, P7, P8, P9, P10,
alienation P11, P12
Experience of P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, 91.6%
alienation as a P6, P7, P8, P10,
common ground P11, P12
that leads to
bonding
Experience of punk P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, 100%
as an avenue to P6, P7, P8, P9, P10,
move away from P11, P12
feelings of
alienation.
50
offering P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, 83.3%
understanding and P6, P9, P10, P11,
validation P12
Punk as community P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, 100%
P6, P7, P8, P10,
P11, P12
The experience of P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, 91.6%
punk as community P6, P7, P9, P10,
in which members P11, and P12
support each other
punk as a P6, P7, P8, P9, P10,
welcoming, P11
accepting and
inclusive
community
Example of punk as P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, 58.3%
unconditionally P6, P9
accepting
Punk as a safe P2, P3,P4, P5, P6, 50%
haven P9
51
Punk as family P3, P4, P5, P7, P9, 58.3%
P10, P11
Punk as a global P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, 91.6%
Community P6, P7, P9, P10,
P11, P12
Punk as P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, 100%
empowerment P6, P7, P8, P9, P10,
P11, 12
DIY Ethos P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, 100%
P6, P7, P8, P9, P10,
P11, 12
punk as P6, P7, P10, P11,
empowerment to P12
participate, create
and contribute.
punk as P6, P7, P8, P9, P10,
empowerment to P12
question, learn and
express,
52
Punk as the search The experience of P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, 100%
for and being a punk as search for P6, P7, P8, P10,
authentic self an authentic self P11, P12
and being an
authentic self
Punk as Rejection
Study participants described an experience of both feeling rejected by
mainstream society and themselves rejecting mainstream norms, values, and
culture. This rejection was a mutual process between punks and mainstream
society. This rejection contained an implied hostility between participants and
mainstream society. Many of the punks described that they felt they were
different from most people and did not fit with mainstream society. They stated
that because of this they were rejected. They experienced hostility from
mainstream society and in turn felt equally hostile. This rejection and hostility is
a mutual process between punks and mainstream society.
All Participants discussed feeling disdain towards mainstream society.
They discussed taking a defiant stance against mainstream institutions such as the
government, the culture industry, the school system, capitalism, as well as a
greater system of socialization. They reported that they found these forces
oppressive and alienating. They described difficulty relating to peers, popular

53
culture, and social norms. They discussed that dominant culture reflected an
experience that was not in congruence with how they experienced the world or
ZKRWKH\IHOWWKHPVHOYHVWREH3DUWLFLSDQWVVWDWHG³,VLPSO\GLGQRWILWLQ´RU
³WKHUHZDVMXVWQRSODFHDWWKHWDEOHIRUPH´6HYHUDOSDUWLFLSDQWVdescribed they
were unable to successfully conform to mainstream culture. They discussed they
felt a compulsion to reject. This included a rejection of institutions as the ones
discussed above as well as rejection of dominant ideologies, popular culture, and
social norms. They described that stemming from this rejection was a desire and
a strong motivation to search for an ideology, culture, and manners of behavior
that would better reflect their experience and satisfy their needs and desires.
P2 discussHGSXQN¶VUHMHFWLRQRIGRPLQDQWPDLQVWUHDPLQWXLWLRQVVXFKDV
the government, the cultural industry, and the school system. He described in his
experience a general difficulty to conform to mainstream society. He discussed
rejecting mainstream society in order to create and define his own experience.
P2. The rejection thing for me was so big. I generally felt like I could not
pull myself to cooperate with mainstream society because I thought it was
fucked. Punks were mostly anti-government, mostly anti-normal society,
like against what television and your teacher wants you to believe is
normal. You can define your own life and your own world, but we were
all doing that by rejecting everything. Rejecting and being against things.
Participants P1, P3, P4, P5, P6, P7, P9, P10, P11 and P12 described not
only rejecting dominant society but also feeling that they had themselves been
54
rejected. Multiple participants discussed that when they tried to assert
WKHPVHOYHVLQDQDXWKHQWLFZD\WKH\IHOW³SXVKHGDZD\´³LJQRUHG´RU³DYRLGHG´
7KH\GLVFXVVHGUHFHLYLQJWKHPHVVDJH³KRZ\RXDUHDFWLQJDQGZKDW\RXDUH
GRLQJLVQRWRND\´7KH\GLVFXVVHGWKDWWKH\IRXQGWKH\ZHUHXQDEOHWRILWZLWK
their peer group and society at large. They felt a demand for an amount of
uniformity and conformity that they were unwilling or found they were unable to
provide. They discussed that this high demand for uniformity and conformity
would require them to act in a way that was unauthentic and not true of
themselves. Participants described that when they acted in an unauthentic manner
WKH\IHOWDQ[LRXVFRQIXVHGRUVLPSO\³EDG´7KH\IRXQGPDLQVWUHDPVRFLHW\LQ
general, as lacking in authenticity. This lack of authenticity was described largely
as individuals conforming without first engaging in a mental and emotional
process to decide if what was presented was congruent with their sense of self.
This conformity was further described as individuals and groups readily engaging
in the cultural industry and readily submitting to authority structures without
questioning or analyzing dominant modes of thought. They discussed this process
as lacking critical thinking, creativity, and sincerity. They described this
conformity as immoral and void of virtue.
P1. Honestly, a lot of it was feeling rejected in the first place. Feeling like
my attempts to be myself and at the same time get along with squares was
JHQHUDOO\«,FRXOGQ¶WVSHDNP\PLQG,FRXOGQ¶WEHPH,GRQ¶WKDYHDQ\
interests in such and such a TV show. That has nothing to do with who I
DP,¶PQRWMXVWJRLQJWRJRDORQJZLWKWKHIORZRIZKDW\RXJX\VDUH
55
EOLQGO\GRLQJ,JXHVVLWGLGQ¶WZRUNRXWZLWKWKHP,IHOWWKDW
generally, dominant society was something that had no substance and was
based around some kind of idealistic version of what life should be. Like
WKDWZDVQ¶WUHDOO\KDSSHQLQJIRUPH7KHLUZLOODOZD\VEHSHRSOHZKRDUH
social outcasts and I think it was identity building to outwardly identify
yourself as a punk, an outcast.
Participants P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, P6, P9, P10, and P12 discussed that they
often were unable to relate to dominant culture in a way they found meaningful.
They described they could not be who they felt they were and at the same time
conform to mainstream society. This motivated participants to identify
themselves as outside of mainstream society. Several participants described they
could not bring themselves to conform to mainstream society in meaningful way.
Participants often described rejecting dominant society and having
experiences confirming their choice to reject dominant society. Participants P1,
P3, P5, P6, P8, P9, P10 and P12 gave specific examples of an experience in their
early adolescence of feeling rejected. They described in these examples that they
responded to this rejection with a desire to identify as an outsider and withdraw
their participation from mainstream culture. The contexts of these experiences
were varied. P3 discussed his experience of rejection as a young gay person in
homophobic community. Participant 8 discussed his experience of racism in the
context of dating as an African America teenager in a predominantly white
suburb. P9 discuss having experienced limited opportunities to participate in
mainstream activities due to little economic resources. P1, P5, P10, and P12
56
discussed being heckled by their peers for their awkward social mannerisms
and appearance. P1 and P12 both described the experience of having rocks
WKURZQDWWKHPDQGEHLQJFDOOHG³IDJJRW´'XULQJWKHVHH[SHULHQFHVSDUWLFLSDQWV
GHVFULEHGUHFHLYLQJWKHPHVVDJH³<RXDUHQRWRQHRIXVDQG\RXDUHQRWZHOFRPH
KHUH´DQGWKHQWKLQNLQJWRWKHPVHOYHV³:HOOLIWKLVLVZKDW\RXDUHDERXWWKHQ
WKHIHHOLQJLVPXWXDODQG,ZDQWQRWKLQJWRGRZLWK\RX´3GLVFXVVHGKLV
specific experience of feeling rejected for being different from mainstream society
and this contributing to his desire to distance himself from mainstream society.
P12. I think that being yourself and walking home from the bus and people
driving by and calling me a faggot and throwing rocks at me or something
OLNHWKDWZDVDELJLQIRUPDWLYHH[SHULHQFHWRPH,WZDV³,GRQ¶WFDUHWKDW
I am different and if you are going to call me a faggot because of it then
that is just reaffirming that I want nothing to do with you.
P11 contributed a strong example of mutual feelings of rejection and
hostility between himself and dominant society. He described this hostility and
rejection as key ingredients in punk. He discussed strong feelings of disdain for
mainstream society and that he felt members of mainstream society had a strong
disdain for him. He discussed both a lack of trust and a lack of sense of safety in
regards to mainstream society. He described that he did not want to engage with
mainstream society and strived to avoid interaction.
33XQNKDVDOZD\VPHDQW,KDWH\RX,¶PSXQN,GHVSLVHWKHJHQHUDO
SXEOLFMXVWDVWKH\GHVSLVHPH'RQ¶WWUXVWWKHPDVIDUDV,FDQNLFNWKHP
57
I hate the general public. I will never give them the time of day. They
will never give PHWKHWLPHRIGD\,GRQ¶WWDONWRWKHP7KH\DUHVKLW,
work at night. They only see me when I need postcards and cigarettes.
Punk as a Response to Feelings of Alienation
All study participants discussed punk as a response to feelings of
alienation. Participants P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, P6, P7, P8, P10, P11, and P12
described the experience of alienation as a common ground that leads to bonding.
It was discussed that punk is made up of people who deviate from social norms in
varied ways. They discussed that due to this deviation they did not fit well with
mainstream society and felt rejected and alienated. They described that holding
attributes of differences from mainstream society as a commonality among punks.
This commonality bonded them together DVJURXS3H[SODLQV³$PRQJVWWKH
punks we have all shared in this because, in our own way, we are all different
from square society. So amongst each other that is what we share and that is one
RIWKHWKLQJVWKDWELQGVXVWRJHWKHUVRFORVHO\´
Often participants described that at some point in their lives they had felt
sense of rejection or alienation. This experience of rejection or alienation was
GHVFULEHGDVKDYLQJDGHHSLQIOXHQFHRQWKHLQGLYLGXDO¶VOLIH7KH\GHVFULEHGWKLV
experience of alienation lead to bonding between themselves and others who
similarly had felt alienated and rejected. This experience rejection and alienation
was described initially as frustrating, stressful, and causing anguish. It was
discussed as bothersome and something in which they struggled to gain insight

58
and understanding. Several participants described that their experience of
rejection and alienation put them in a particularly informed position that allowed
them to empathize and support other people who had gone through similar
experiences. They described that this mutual empathy and support between punks
as creating an emotional bond. This process of bonding and support was
described as comforting, stress decreasing, and improving their overall quality of
life. P2 discussed punk as bonding with others who has felt similarly alienated
and rejected:
P2. You have had to go through life in a way where you have gotten to the
point that you feel alone and different, totally alien. If you are someone
who has felt that, you can tell when someone else has felt that. ... You can
tell when someone has been a jerk to the point that they have been
separated from most people and denied themselves. It starts with social
rejection but the attitude becomes a lifestyle. You know so, active
indifference. Like fuck your boss, fuck the cops, fuck the TV, and fuck
the mainstream world. Just fuck it. There is just a lot of anger and pain in
everything. The world is a horrible place. That is going to leave a mark
on you for a long time. I went pretty far into it and the people I feel I can
WDONWRDSSUHFLDWHWKDW«,ZRXOGPD\EHQHYHUHYHQEULQJLWXSPD\EH
never even talk about it, but I would be closer with that type of person. I
can be a really good friend to that person because we had that common
experience. You learn how to communicate together in ways and
XQGHUVWDQGWKLQJVRWKHUVGRQ¶W6RWKDWWRPHLVZKDWSXQNLV
59
All participants described punk as an avenue that enabled them to move
away from their feelings of alienation. Participants described feeling that they did
not fit with their peer group and mainstream culture. Participants described that
WKH\IHOWWKH\ZHUH³GLIIHUHQW´RU³DVRFLDORXWVLGHU´7KH\GHVFULEHG³,VLPSO\
GLGQRWILWLQ´7KH\GHVFULEHGthat through punk they found a sense of
acceptance and empowerment that led to decreased feelings of alienation and
rejection. Participants often discussed that these feelings of alienation were
decreased as punk provided a format for them to voice their feelings and thoughts.
Several participants discussed that through conversations with supportive
members of the punk community and having the opportunity to express
themselves through participation in the punk community, they felt validated and
encouraged to be themselves.
Participants often described that through punk they were able to feel
comfortable with themselves. They discussed that in the context of punk their
traits of differences were not seen as problematic but actively celebrated. It was
discussed that traits, such as social outsiderism and non-conformity, which were
grounds for rejection in mainstream society were encouraged, rewarded, and a
source of esteem in punk. It was found in the context of punk they could be
themselves and other punks would accept, encourage, and praise them.
P10 discussed that punk enabled her to move from a place of feeling
distressed about who she was, to feeling comfortable with her self. She discussed
that she moved from feeling alienated and alone to feeling a sense of belonging
and engagement.
60
P10. Punk made me comfortable with myself. I realized anything that I
think or feel is okay. I was never ashamed anymore or felt like I was
fucked up or crazy for thinking and feeling the way I am. Like, I used to
feeO,KDGWRWU\WREHVRPHRQHZKR,UHDOO\ZDVQ¶WDQGWKDWIHOWEDG,Q
punk I could be myself and people loved it and encouraged it. They liked
I was weird. They rooted for me to be myself. I went from feeling totally
alienated to feeling like I had the biggest posse in the world, feeling like I
ZDVWKHZRUOG¶VELJJHVWMHUNWRIHHOLQJOLNH,ZDVDZHVRPH
Participants P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, P6, P9, P10, P11, and P12 discussed that
in punk they had the experience of asserting themselves in an authentic way and
having their subjective experience heard, understood, and validated. In
mainstream society, several participants reported they often felt misunderstood.
They discussed receiving the message that they were odd, unusual, flawed, or that
there was something wrong with them. It was discussed that in the realm of punk
their experience was normalized. Participants moved from a position of
estrangement to one of engagement both with their peers and with their subjective
experience. They discussed receiving understanding and validation that led them
to feeling connected with other people, engaged, and positive about themselves.
Participants described that feeling heard, understood, and validated led to wanting
to explore their subjective experience more, and to express and assert themselves
more. P5 gave an example of how punk allowed her to move away from feelings
of alienation. She discussed that she felt particularly anguished at the time she
discovered punk. She discussed she often found her peers in mainstream society
61
as not being able to relate to her. She discussed that when she tried to describe
KHUH[SHULHQFHSHRSOHZRXOGUHVSRQGE\VD\LQJWKLQJVOLNH³ZKDW¶VZURQJZLWK
\RX´DQGSHRSOHZRXOGGLVWDQFHWKHPVHOYHVIURPKHU6KHUHSRUWHGIHHOLQJ
misunderstood and alone. She described that she felt rejected and alienated from
her peers, and in many ways from her own experience. However, she discussed
in the punk community, her experience was normalized, validated, and she was
engaged. She discussed that this allowed her to feel at ease with herself.
3<RXDUHWKLVDQJXLVKHGSHUVRQDQGDOO\RXUSHHUVDUHOLNH³ZKDWWKH
IXFNLVZURQJZLWK\RX"´DQGWKHQ\RXILQG\RXUSHRSOH:KHQ\RXIDOO
into punk, its like anguish is normal. So there has to be real sensitivity
and a fair amount of outrage, and you go from hating and fearing what you
may find in yourself to loving it. You love being able to finally be
yourself.
Punk as Community
Punk was most frequently and commonly discussed as a community. All
participants discussed punk as a welcoming, accepting, inclusive, and supportive
community. Participants described punk as a community where they found the
acceptance and support they lacked in mainstream society. They discussed that
they were looking for acceptance and eager to offer acceptance and this
acceptance bonded individuals together in the form of a community.
Participants P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, P6, P7, P8, P9, P10, and P11 described
punk as accepting of a diversity of lifestyles, social statuses, behaviors, and

62
viewpoints. They discussed punk was particularly attractive to those who felt
unwelcome in mainstream society. They discussed punk as accepting of people
who felt different or awkward in some way. Participants described that they
themselves had felt different and awkward from mainstream society, then found
acceptance and belonging in the punk community. They discussed that they then
worked to extend this acceptance and sense of belonging to others who had
similar experiences. Participants described punk as both accepting and tolerant.
They also described punk as unconditional in its acceptance.
Several participants described punks as tolerant of behavior and views that
are not only unpopular in mainstream society, but also that are unpopular within
the punk community, or that deviate from their personal preferences, beliefs, and
values. Participants P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, P6, and P9 used specific examples of
community members displaying behavior that they found to be self-destructive
and harmful to the community. They described the individual would often still be
accepted and welcomed in the community and punk strives to be tolerant of a
diversity of behaviors, lifestyles, or values. P5 summarized how punk is
welcoming, accepting, and inclusive as follows.
33XQNVGRQ¶WFDUHWKDW,PLJKWEHDZNZDUG,QSXQN,IHOWDFFHSWHGDQG
we accepted people as they were and welcomed them into our spaces, our
VKRZVRXUKRXVHVRXU%%4V,W¶VVWXGHQWVDUWLVWVGUXJJLHVSURVWLWXWHV,
mean there are all kinds of people. There were all different walks of life.
So, you could be any of those things and still have a place and still be
welcome. You could be person from a rich family or from a poor family.
63
You could be a PHD or a social worker or you could be the most
fucked up waste of life piece of shit and you would still be accepted and
welcomed and invited.
Participants P2, P3, P4, P5, P6, and P9 described the punk community as a
safe haven for people who fell outside of social norms. They described punk as a
place where people who felt rejected could find a sense belonging and acceptance.
0XOWLSOHSDUWLFLSDQWVGLVFXVVHGWKDWSXQNLVPDGHXSRI³GHYLDQWV´³PLVILWV´DQG
³UHMHFWV´7KH\GLVFXVVHGWKHVHWHUPVZLWKRXWWKHQHJDWLYHRUVWLJPDtic element
that they might carry in a mainstream cultural context. They discussed that
people who have this experience of stigma and rejection in mainstream society are
RIWHQDFFHSWHGLQSXQNDQGQRWIURZQHGXSRQ3DQG3UHIHUUHGSXQNDV³DQ
island oIPLVILWWR\V´WRGHVFULEHSXQNDVDSODFHZKHUHSHRSOHFDQFRPHWRJHWKHU
support each other, and create a sense of sanctuary for one another. Participants
P3, P4, P5, P7, P9, P10, and P11 compared the acceptance and belonging they
found in punk with the acceptance and belonging a person may find in a
ELRORJLFDOIDPLO\7KH\XVHGWKHWHUP³IDPLO\´WRUHIHUWRSHRSOHZKRDFFHSWDQG
support each other unconditionally.
Several participants described their experience of punk as a community
that met their specific need for acceptance and belonging. P4 gives an example of
punk as a community of people who did not fit into mainstream society and found
acceptance and belonging in the punk scene.
P11. You realize you were accepted in a scene. Punk is made up of so

64
many social rejects, fat kids, shy kids, inept kids, socially awkward
NLGVDQGWKDW¶VZKDWNHHSVLWJRLQJ,WKLQNWKDWLVRQHRIWKHPDLQ
IRRWLQJVRISXQN,W¶VDOO\RXUGHYLDQWNLGVRUNLGVZKRDUHQ¶WUHDOO\JRRG
at anything in square society, but can really find a family in punk rock. I
FHUWDLQO\GLG8QWLOWKLVGD\,KDYHORYHGWKDWIDPLO\,W¶VVWLOOJRLQJRQ
Today you see young kids going into the punk scene are the misfits of
VRFLHW\,WGRHVQ¶WPHDQWKH\¶UHIXFNHGXS,WMXVWPHDQVWKH\GRQ¶WILWLQ
ZLWKZKDWWKH\¶UHVXSSRVHGWRILWLQ3XQNLVSHUIHFWO\DFFHSWLQJRIWKDW
Study participants P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, P6, P7, P9, P10, P11, and P12
similarly described punk as a community that is a source of both emotional and
material support. They discussed emotional support as giving and receiving
companionship, reassurance, empathy, compassion, and love. They described
physical support as sharing resources, labor, and skills. Participants described this
support as a network made up of close friends, acquaintances, friends of friends,
as well as strangers whose only association is that they identify as punk.
Participants described receiving support through regular interaction with
close personal relationships with other punks. They also described that they
receive support through the greater community of punk. Participants P2, P3, P4,
and P10 gave the example of fundraisers, such as concerts to support community
members were in financial and emotional need. Participants P1, P2, P3, P4, P5,
P6, P7, P9, P10, P11, and P12 used examples of receiving both emotional and
material support from punks in other countries, whom they had little or no
personal connection with other then they were both members of the punk
65
community. They described beinJLQYLWHGLQWRWKHVHSXQN¶VKRPHVDQGVKRZQ
around the city they were visiting. Participants described that the support they
received through punk helped to decrease their anxiety and decrease their level of
stress. P4 described her view of punk as a support network of individuals who
have a particular need for this support. She described punk support as
unconditional and enduring.
P4. Punk provides this wide net of support to you. There are a lot of
people I can call when I need help. There are a lot of people who have my
EDFN«,WKLQNDORWRINLGVLQWKHSXQNVFHQHDUHWU\LQJWRILQGWKDWWR
find somewhere people love you and accept you, for who you are.... We
support ourselves. You know, if there was a problem, we figured it out.
In that way we are a family«you help each other. You know, Jerry needs
DQH\HRSHUDWLRQZHJLYHKLPGROODUV«,WKLQNLWLVKDYLQJWKDWLGHD
of a family, a tribe, a support network and having people that love you. I
WKLQNZHDUHDOOORRNLQJIRUWKDW,W¶VDYHU\WLght group. ...Our
relationships have gone up and down but we still stick together. And I
think that is very similar to what you would consider a biological family.
There is that effort to be together. We take care of each other and people
really rally behind each other through thick and thin even when people
have done completely fucked up shit and people have supported them and
that is what I would want from a family.
Several participants discussed that punk is a global community.
Participants P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, P6, P7, P9, P10, P11, and P12 described feeling a
66
part of a larger global community and felt a sense of security in the belief that
they are connected to people throughout the world. Participants told stories of
traveling and being welcomed into the homes of punks they met in the street and
feeling a bond with them. They described that these punks offered both emotional
and physical support. Participants discussed punk as a global community to
emphasize how punk is a large support network and to describe the connection
and support they receive from other punks. P3 elaborates:
P3. You can travel anywhere in the world and look for punks. You can
find them and they will accept you into their community even if is just for
a night. You can find punks that identify with you even though they have
never met you in their life because they know what you have gone though,
and that is one of the things that really keeps me in the community is that
ERQG7KDWZHKDYHWKDWVKDUHGH[SHULHQFH,W¶VWKHVKared experience
that holds us together.
Punk as Empowerment
All participants discussed their experience of punk as empowering. P1, P2,
P3, P4, P5, P6, P7, P10, P11, P12 participants discussed their experience of punk
as empowerment to participate, create, and contribute. Participants discussed that
due to punk Do-It-Yourself ethos (DIY), anti-consumerism, and strife to avoid
participation in mainstream society, punks are often making, organizing, creating,
and working together. They discussed that punk gave them ample opportunities
to participate and contribute to the punk community in this way. The punks
67
interviewed stated that being able to participate and contribute made them feel
they were part of a community working together and this gave them a sense of
value to the community. Participants further discussed that punk allowed them to
do things in ways that were accessible and syntonic to them.
$OOSDUWLFLSDQWVGHVFULEHGSXQN¶V'R-It-Yourself ethos as a key
component of their experience of punk. Participants discussed DIY as punks
creating goods and services themselves without relying on the larger capitalistic
system of production or other institutionalized means of production. They
discussed DIY ethos as virtually limitless in this application. They discussed DIY
as the creation of cultural performances, clothing, art, publishing literature,
community gardens, and housing. This included the recording and distribution of
music. Participants also discussed that DIY referred to the education of
themselves and creating and searching for a highly authentic sense of self.
Participants discussed DIY in terms of the search and building of an identity, a
way of understanding the world, and a sense of self.
Participants commonly discussed DIY as an approach to life. They
described DIY as having changed the way they think and how they approached
their environment. They discussed DIY ethos included a process of questioning
and analyzing what they came across in their environment, recognizing
opportunities to be creative, and utilizing resources. They described that DIY
allowed them to see opportunities that they had not seen before. They discussed
that DIY ethos led them to feel a greater sense of empowerment, engagement and
connection with the people around them and the goods and services they created.
68
P4 discussed how punk DIY ethic works to empower people:
P4. I think one of the big values in punk is people doing things for
themselves. You start your own record label. You start your own band.
You create your own garden. You take over an abandoned squat. All of
those things were highly valued in punk rock. It is to take what is there
and repurpose it or just make something yourself because a void exists. I
think that is really empowering on a number RIOHYHOV«EHFDXVHWKHUHLV
the implicit idea that it is possible. It makes you look at things differently
DQGTXHVWLRQWKHPDQGFUHDWH\RXURZQOLIH/LNHWKLVGRHVQ¶WH[LVWVR,
am going to make it or create it. And I think that is absolutely integral to
punk...We created everything from scratch. There is creativity to that kind
of thing that makes your brain work different and just makes you think
differently about everything that you touch.
This experience of DIY was discussed as proactive. They described that
DIY ethos is based in a practice of active participation by all those involved.
Study participants discussed that in punk they found a large amount of
opportunities to participate and actively contribute in the community due to its
DIY ethos. They discussed that by actively participating and contributing in punk
they felt a sense of engagement, belonging, and meaningful personal connection
with the punk community and also with their subjective experience. P1 elaborates
on how punk empowers, even demands, participation to create:
P1. Punk is different than people who are into football or some shit, where
69
LW¶VDOOVSHFWDWRUGULYHQZLWKOLNHPLOOLRQVRISHRSOHDWWHQGLQJDIRRWEDOO
JDPHDQGZKRGRQ¶WSOD\IRRWEDOO,W¶VQRWWKHVDPH3XQNLs not for TV
OLNHIRRWEDOO,W¶VQRWIRUQRUPDOSHRSOH,WLVDSHUVRQDOL]HGFRPPXQLW\
To be punk you have to participate. You have to show up. You are part
of the action like it or not. Punk is made and supported by punks. You
will have to be actiYH7REHSXQNLVWREHDFWLYH,W¶V',<<RXKDYHWR
GRLW\RXUVHOI,IVRPHRQHHOVHGLGLWIRU\RX\RXDUHQRWSXQN,W¶VD
GHHSHUFRQQHFWLRQEHFDXVHLWµVVRSDUWLFLSDWRU\:HDUHGRLQJWKLV
ourselves together. We are not buying some bullshit. We made this for
us, by us, together, period. That is something I will always be interested
in doing and a connection I will always have to people, even strangers.
Multiple participants discussed that punk empowered them to participate
and contribute in ways that felt natural and indigenous to them. They discussed
that they often felt they were not successful in mainstream society because the
³PDLQVWUHDPZD\³RIGRLQJWKLQJVGLGQ¶WZRUNIRUWKHP7KH\GHVFULEHGWKDWLQ
DIY punk they could do things in the manner of their choosing and this was
empowering to them. They described a kind of excitement, motivation, and joy in
their work in punk. They attribute this to having the freedom to choose their
work, decide how to approach tasks, and define what constitutes success. They
discussed that there was a feeling of excitement, motivation, and joy lacking when
tasks were delegated to them, when they were instructed how to mange tasks, and
the measure of success was dictated to them by a third party. DIY was described
as freedom to do what a person wants to do and how they want to do it. They
70
describe it as a sense of control and self-efficacy.
Multiple participants describe DIY as especially of value to those who
have found a lack of success or meaning in more mainstream and intuitional
settings where tasks were dictated to them. They described that in these settings
they often felt frustrated, isolated, and that the task held a lack of personal
meaning to them. Participants discussed that through the process of collaborating
with other punks, creating goods and services, and sharing these goods; they felt
acknowledged, appreciated, and validated. They described that DIY produced
experiences and goods that were personally meaningful to them and in many ways
an expression of themselves.
P2 described DIY as juxtaposition with his experience in mainstream
society to how DIY is empowering. He gave an example of how DIY allowed
him to define and approach tasks in a way that felt organic to him and allowed
him to be successful. He discussed how punk created in him a sense of esteem.
+HGHVFULEHGSXQN¶V',<HWKLFDVHPSRZHULQJDQGOHDGLQJWRUHZDUGLQJ
meaningful experiences.
P2. Punk is meaningful to me because of its DIY ethic. It allows people to
do things their way. This is especially important for people who feel in
WKHLUKHDUWWKHPDLQVWUHDPZD\GRHVQ¶WZRUNIRUWKHP<RXGRQ¶WKDYH
to do that because it is so empowering to do things on your own. Punk to
me is: just do it because you can. There is nothing stopping you.
Everyone hates you and they are wrong. You do whatever you want. This
71
LVDWRXJKWKLQJWRDUJXHZLWKLIWKDW¶VLQ\RXUKHDUW,WKLQNHYHU\RQHLQ
VRFLHW\DWVRPHSRLQWLQOLIHGRHVQ¶WIHHODFFHSWHG3XQNVSHFLILFDOO\
speaks to people in those times in their life. They found this music and
FRPPXQLW\LW¶VWHOOLQJPH,DPDZHVRPH3HRSOHDUHJRLQJWRGR
something with that if it hits you the right way. Punks appreciate what I
KDYHWKHSRWHQWLDOWRFRQWULEXWH,GRQ¶WKDYHWRGRWhis in this bullshit way
WKDW,GRQ¶WHYHQXQGHUVWDQGWKDWGRHVQ¶WHYHQVHHPOLNHWKDWZRXOGHYHQ
ZRUN$QGWKDWZDVOLNHKRZ,IHOWDERXWVFKRRO7KH\GRQ¶WNQRZKRZWR
bring the real effective part of me out. Like, they just hope something
clicks and LILWGRHVQ¶WOLNH\RXDUHFRQVLGHUHGWURXEOH,QSXQNLWIHOWOLNH
I can do me. I can do things in a way that is me and that makes sense to
PH,WZDVEHFDXVH,ZDVWUHDWHGWKDWZD\,GLGQ¶WKDYHWROLYHXSWRD
standard. There was no standard to live up to. It was anyone is welcome
KHUH7KDWZDVZKDWWULJJHUHGWKHHIIHFWLYHQHVV,GLGQ¶WJHWWKDWLQ
school. I got that from punk.
Participants P1, P2, P3, P4, P5, P6, P7, P8, P9, P10 and P12 discussed the
experience of punk as empowerment to question, learn, and express themselves.
The participants interviewed describe punk as opening them up to learn about the
world. This learning was often through song lyrics, literature, political activism,
and debate. The punks interviewed discussed that they found punk provided a
platform to question, learn, and express themselves, especially the negative
emotions and dystopian thoughts they felt were not safe to talk about in
mainstream society.
72
Several participants discussed that questioning is a key component of
punk identity. They discussed that this consisted of questioning dominant
discourse, authority figures, and social norms. They discussed that questioning is
initially part of the process of rejecting mainstream society but later becomes a
praxis applied broadly to multiple aspects of their life.
6HYHUDOSDUWLFLSDQWVGLVFXVVHGTXHVWLRQLQJDVSDUWRISXQN¶V',<HWKRV
Participants discussed questioning, learning, and expressing as essential to
resisting conformity. They described that questioning, learning, and expressing
gives them the ability limit the influence of mainstream culture and live more
autonomously. Participants described questioning inevitably leads a person down
a path of learning and self-expression. Questioning involves critical thinking, the
quest for knowledge, and expressing through a multitude of behaviors. P10
discussed her experience of questioning, learning, and expressing as a key
component of punk. She described questioning, learning, and expressing as part
of DIY ethos. She stated that the practice of questioning, learning, and expressing
VWHPPHGIURPSXQN¶VDQDUFKLVWOHDQLQJV7KHVHSUDFWLFHVDUHSDUWRIWKHSURFHVV
of an individual working to figure things out for themselves in a way that is
sincere and highly authentic. She discussed that questioning is essential for
creating an ideology, lifestyle, and sense of self that is outside of mainstream
culture.
P10. There is definitely an idea of questioning what is set before you,
blind acceptance being a negative quality in people. There is usually some
EDVLFNLQGRIDQDUFKLVWOHDQLQJV,W¶VSHRSOHWKLQNLQJIRUWKHPVHOYHVZKR
73
ZDQWWRGRWKLQJVIRUWKHPVHOYHV,W¶VDERXWFUHDWLQJDOLIHIRU\RXUVHOI
without falling into trap that society sets for you in terms of what is good
and what is bad, but being able to make those decisions for yourself
intelligently, figure it out, and then follow through on it. I think a lot of
punk is an internal process how people think about themselves, how they
treat the people around WKHP,W¶VDERXWKRZWKH\TXHVWLRQDQGDUHQRWRN
with what is just set before them culturally, artistically and intellectually.
6R\RXKDYHWRWKLQNWDONLWRXWDQGOHDUQZKDW¶VULJKWIRU\RX,GRWKLQN
there is that general commonality of a basic belief system that things are
IXFNHGXS7KHZRUOGVWLOOLVQ¶WULJKWDQGZHVWLOOGRQ¶WILWLQDQGWKDW¶V
okay but we have to figure out how to make it okay for ourselves. To do
that, we have to think, learn and express it.
Participants discussed punk as an entrance to new ideas. They discussed
how punk provided them with a sense of freedom and motivation to question,
learn, and express themselves. They described this as an effort to escape
mainstream influence on their experience and sense of self. P7 discussed that
SXQN¶VSUD[LVRITXHVWLRQLQJOHDUQLQJDQGH[SUHVVLQJLVDQHIIRUWWROLPLWWKH
influence of social norms on an individual. He discussed how punk culture has
motivated him to question, learn, and express.
P7. If you have reached 14 and just starting to kind of get out from under
these social norms that you are surrounded by, you need some kind of way
or an avenue of doing that. Like, there is no limitation to the format. Punk
is like an entrance into new ideas. It makes you feel really liberated. It
74
makes, for me, it makes me feel really excited, you can almost feel,
like, your pulse getting faster. Like, you feel like getting up and doing
VWXII,W¶VUHDGLQJGLVFXVVLQJVWXG\LQJDQGH[SUHVVLQJZKDW,OHDUQHGDQG
how I feel, through discussions, through music, through art.
Punk as the Search for and Being an Authentic Self
All participants described that they had the experience that punk was a
personal search for finding and being an authentic self. Participants discussed
that this naturally follows from rejection of prescribed life paths and identities.
They discussed punk not as a pre-fabricated identity, but as an avenue to create a
self that is highly original, authentic and non-traditional. Multiple participants
discussed searching for an authentic self as the practice of DIY in its highest
IRUP3GHVFULEHGSXQNTXHVWIRUDXWKHQWLFLW\DV³ILJXULQJRXWZKR\RXDUHIRU
yourself, and not relying on someone else to tell you who you are or how to
behave but choosing for yourselI´3DUWLFLSDQWVGLVFXVVHGWKDWILQGLQJDQ
authentic self requires an individual to create for themselves an ideology, sense of
morality, and an identity that is highly autonomous fashion. They discussed that
this meant the individual must be pro-active in their development so as to limit
mainstream influence to have as much freedom and autonomy in their experience
as possible. Participant 8 describes his experiences of creating an authentic self as
FUHDWLQJKLVRZQLGHQWLW\ZKLOHUHMHFWLQJ³VFULSWHGLGHQWLWLHV´DVIROORZV
3,WLVFUHDWH\RXURZQLGHQWLW\DQGLWZDVQ¶WVFULSWHGOLNHRWKHU
LGHQWLWLHV,WZDVDQDYHQXH/LNHDOOWKRVHVFULSWHGLGHQWLWLHVGLGQ¶WVSHDN
75
WRPH/LNHWKDWZDVQ¶WZKDW,ZDVDERXW7KHSXQNWKLQJZDVOLNH
there are so many things that you could be. Ideally you could be anything.
6RWKHUHLVPDQ\DOWHUQDWLYHVDQG,DOZD\VORYHGWKDWWHUP«,WUHDOO\
was like there was an alternative and there was multiple alternatives to
what people were telling you that you were suppose to be. You had to
figure out who you were and what you believe all by yourself. I think
punk is an avenue for people to realize themselves, because you can
explore alternative to mainstream society.
Participants also discussed the search for an authentic self not only
consists of rejecting dominant discourses and seeking alternatives, but also
consisting of self awareness and to act in a way that reflects a persons true
thoughts and feelings.
P3. The challenge in being part of the punk community is reaching full
realization of yourself wherever that may go. Whether it is for good or
bad. To me, that is what punk is. It is about realizing and reaching your
potential and being your real self wherever that takes you.
Participants described punk as an avenue to finding a sincere, authentic,
autonomous self. They did not discuss punk as an identity as an end point but as
an on going path of discovery, striving, and practice of an authentic self.

76
Chapter V
Discussion
This chapter will present the major findings of this study, discuss the
relevance of the data obtained, and examine the outcome in light of the literature
on punk subculture and theories of identity development. Past research has
discussed punk as a subculture, a post subculture, and a collective identity as well
as a quest for authenticity.
Several writers including Cass (1979) Erickson (1968), Helms (1995),
Marcia (1966) and Phinney (1992) have discussed identity is developmental in
nature; however there is little research on the development of a specific
subcultural identity such as punk. The present study sought to understand the
experience of punk identity. This study is particularly interested in the
psychological aspects of the punk experience, specifically, exploring the
emotional and intellectual gains obtained from being involved in punk and
understanding how punk is meaningful to the individual.
Results of this study indicates that the experience of punk identity is a
developmental process where a person increasingly pursues having their
psychological, intellectual, and material needs met by participating in a shared
community and culture. The participants in this study discuss the final stage of
punk identity is to create an authentic self that is capable of self-actualization.
They described punk as helping them have their needs met in a manner that
77
positioned them to work towards this final goal. The results of this study are
LOOXVWUDWLYHRI0DVORZ¶V1943) theory of human motivation, which proposes that
when the basic human needs of belonging, acceptance, and self-esteem are met
the person will strive toward self-actualization and authenticity.
Subcultural Theory and The Self Described Experience of Punk Identity
Historically, subcultures such as punk have been regarded being made up
of people who are marginalized in some way (Cohen, 1955; Hall, 1976; Hebdige,
.ULVWLDQVHQ2¶+DUD6DYDJH,WLVTXHVWLRQDEOHLI
participants in this study fit the common notion of marginalization when defined
as powerlessness or excluded from mainstream society that results from a
disadvantaged social position. Participants of the current study appear to be from
social groups considered privileged such as middle class and educated whites.
However, participants do clearly described living on the fringes or outside of
mainstream norms but not as consequence of being economically disadvantaged
but by choosing an alternative lifestyle anchored in Do-It-Yourself (DIY) ethic to
limit the influence of mainstream culture in their lives. This is significantly
different from traditional subcultural research that discussed punks as a
marginalized population due to economic and political disadvantages. In part,
study participants describe this lifestyle as a conscious choice. However,
participants described it was imperative for them to find an alternative way of
living to the one offered by mainstream society to find contentment and have their
psychological needs met. P1 discussed feeling marginalized when he attempted
to be genuine and openly express his ideas in a dominant cultural setting.

78
P1. Honestly, a lot of it was feeling rejected in the first place. Feeling
like my attempts to be myself and at the same time get along with squares
ZDVJHQHUDOO\«,FRXOGQ¶WVSHDNP\PLQG,FRXOGQ¶WEHPH,GRQ¶WKDYH
any interests in such and such a TV show. That has nothing to do with
ZKR,DP,¶PQRWMXVWJRLQJWRJRDORQJZLWKWKHIORZRIZKDW\RXJX\V
DUHEOLQGO\GRLQJ,JXHVVLWGLGQ¶WZRUNRXWZLWKWKHP,IHOWWKDW
generally, dominant society was something that had no substance and was
based around some kind of idealistic version of what life should be. Like
WKDWZDVQ¶WUHDOO\KDSSHQLQJIRUPH7KHUHZLOODOZD\VEHSHRSOHZKRDUH
social outcasts and I think it was identity building to outwardly identify
yourself as a punk, an outcast.
A tension and implied hostility between a subculture and the mainstream
culture is well noted in the literature (Cohen, 1955; Hebdige, 1979). Moore
(2010), Savage (2002) Kristiansen et al (2010) discuss early punk was born out of
the frustration of working class youth in response to social conditions such as
unemployment, race and class conflict, and a rapidly changing society. Similarly
Hebdige (1977) discusses that early punk was born out of revolt against the
KHJHPRQ\RIWKHVRFLRSROLWLFDOODQGVFDSHRIODWH¶V%ULWDLQ$ILQGLQJRIWKLV
study was that although the participants had an awareness of their frustration and
discontent with the current political and social conditions, they did not identify as
either working class or particularly disadvantaged. Participants described an
overall discontentment for mainstream society. This discontentment included
rejection for many aspects of the prevailing governmental and economic systems
79
as well as social institutions that endorse capitalism, government control, and
the ruling cultural industry. P2 gave the following example of how rejecting
dominant cultural systems and institutions played on his experience of punk
identity:
P2. The rejection thing for me was so big. I generally felt like I could not
pull myself to cooperate with mainstream society because I thought it was
fucked. Punks were mostly antigovernment, mostly anti-normal society,
like against what television and your teacher want you to believe is
normal. You can define your own life and your own world, but we were
all doing that by rejecting everything. Rejecting and being against things
Results from the current study indicate valuing anti-establishment values
as part of the experience of punk identity development. Anti-establishment values
included rejecting mainstream social and political institutions, then searching for
alternatives. They described that they found the mainstream institutions such as
government, capitalism, and the current social hierarchy as unjust and oppressive.
Congruent with subcultural theorists such as Hohetz (1999) and authors such as
.ULVWLDQVHQHWDO2¶+DUDDQG*UDIILQSDUWLFLSDQWVGHVFULEHG
holding some basic anarchist leanings. They described anarchy as a utopian ideal
where people can live communally with others without exploitation, coercion, or
physical force.
Hebidge (1977) discussed punk largely as expression of hostility and
frustration through style, particularly in style of dress. According to Hebidge, the

80
style of dressing among punks represented a form of resistance to the
hegemony of the time. The results from the current did not indicate dress as a
major theme in the experience of punk identity. Some study participants briefly
alluded to punk dress as helping them to identify themselves to other punks and
de-identify with mainstream culture. However, three participants firmly noted that
punk dress had nothing to do with what punk meant to them. Congruent with the
finding of the current study authors Muggleton (2002), Clark (2003), and
Kristiansen et al (2010) argue that dress may have been a main tenet of punk at
one point in time but that this is not the current tenet that lies at the core of punk.
Post subcultural theorists such as Clark (2005) Muggleton (2004) discuss
that the days of punk as a form of resistance through fashion is a bygone era.
According to these theorists, punk is no longer born out of a response to attack
mainstream society but strives to form an alternative to it. Moore (2009) states
that punk is no longer a symbolic expression of revolt and anarchy, but an actual
anarchist alternative to mainstream society. This is consistent with the findings of
the current study. The participants did not discuss identifying punk as a means to
wage war on mainstream society, but rather as becoming a member of a
community working to create an alternative to mainstream society that aligned
with their worldview and their sense of themselves.
The experience of feeling unsatisfied with mainstream society and
experiencing punk community and culture as more satisfying was expressed by all
the participants in the study. They described that the punk community had met
there emotional and psychological needs in way they had not found available in
81
mainstream society. They discussed punk as a community that eliminated the
burden of conforming to mainstream society. They found in punk an increased
freedom to behave and express themselves in non-normative ways. From the
SDUWLFLSDQWV¶SHUVSHFWLYHSXQNZDVODUJHO\DERXWDOLEHUDOFROOHFWLYHLGHRORJ\DQG
supportive community that allowed people to create an authentic and unique self
that often diverged from social norms.
Punk Identity Development
In the psychology literature, identity is most often discussed as a
developmental process with several specific developmental stages. Cass (1979)
Erickson (1968), Helms (1995), Marcia (1966), and Phinney (1992) described
identity development largely as process of exploration and commitment to an
identity. The results of the current study veer from this conceptualization of
identity development. The results from the current study describe punk identity
development as a process where an individual increasingly had his/her needs met
through involvement in the punk community and culture that resulted in increased
involvement in the punk community as well as increased commitment to punk as
collective identity.
Ashmore et al (2004) state the content and meaning a person holds
concerning a particular identity is a crucial aspect of identity. The results of the
current study point to a prevailing narrative shared by punks about the content and
meaning of their unfolding experience of punk identity. Their narrative began
witKDGLVFXVVLRQRIDWLPHLQHDUO\DGROHVFHQFHZKHQWKH\IHOW³GLIIHUHQW´DQGKDG
82
GLIILFXOW\³ILWWLQJLQ´7KH\KDGXQPHWQHHGVIRUEHORQJLQJDFFHSWDQFHDQG
feeling understood. Their narrative included a description of an emotional
connection and bond with other punks around a shared history of not fitting into
PDLQVWUHDPVRFLHW\7KHSXQNFRPPXQLW\PHHWLQJWKHLQGLYLGXDO¶VQHHGVZDV
ultimately expressed as the end result of their transformation into punk identity.
Active involvement in the punk community brought a sense of belongingness,
acceptance, understanding, nurturance, empowerment, as well a social network to
rely and buffer against everyday stress. Perhaps most significantly, punk identity
created the possibility of striving for and authentic and self-actualized self. In
essence, punk helped position the individual to begin to work towards this
ultimate goal.
Cass (1979) Erickson (1968), Helms (1995), and Phinney (1992) provide
models of identity where an individual moves through a series of developmental
stages. Considering the common narrative of punk identity and the findings
SURGXFHGE\WKLVVWXG\¶VDQDO\VLVWKHH[SHULHQFHRISXQNLGHQWLW\GHYHORSPHQW
can also be discussed as series of sequential developmental stages. The unfolding
developmental trajectory of these stages can be identified as: 1. Feeling non-
normative and different from mainstream society; 2. Development of emotional
bonding with other punks; 3. Acceptance in the punk community and having
multiple needs met; and 4. Feeling empowered to self-actualize and search for an
authentic self.
1. Feeling Non-normative and Different

83
Study results indicate feeling non-normative and different from
mainstream society is intrinsic to the experience of punk identity development.
This was described as having the experience of feeling different, rejected,
marginalized, and alienated from mainstream society prior to identifying as punk.
Participants were often vague when talking about these topics, but their
descriptions conveyed the feeling of being misunderstood as well as not finding a
sense of acceptance and belongingness in mainstream society. This was attributed
to their inability or unwillingness to conform to social norms. These findings are
FRQVLVWHQWZLWKWKRVHIURP$QGHV¶8) study indicating that individuals who
LGHQWLI\DVSXQNH[SHULHQFHGWKHPVHOYHVDV³GLIIHUHQW´DQGEHLQJVRFLDORXWVLGHUV
long before they identified as punk. These findings are similarly consistent with
the research of Gelder (2005) and Cohen (1955), which describes subcultures
such as punks as groups of people who are in someway non-normative or
marginalized through their interests, activities, and collective attributes.
2. Emotional Bond
The results of the current research indicate that an aspect of the experience
of punk identity is gaining a bond with others and feeling a sense of emotional
connection. Development of an emotional bond with other punks stemmed from a
shared past experience of feeling alienated and different from mainstream society.
It was further described that having a shared history of rejection, difference, and
alienation acted as a catalyst for understanding, compassion, empathy and
emotional safety among fellow punks. Participant 2 illustrates developing this
emotional bond as follows:

84
P2. You have had to go through life in a way where you have gotten to
the point that you feel alone and different, totally alien. If you are
VRPHRQHZKRKDVIHOWWKDW\RXFDQWHOOZKHQVRPHRQHHOVHKDVIHOWWKDW«
the people I feel I can talk to DSSUHFLDWHWKDW««,ZRXOGEHFORVHUZLWK
that type of person. I can be a really good friend to that person because
we had that common experience. You learn how to communicate together
LQZD\VDQGXQGHUVWDQGWKLQJVRWKHUVGRQ¶W7RPHWKDW¶VZKDWSXQNis.
McMillan and Chavis (1986) discussed that emotional connection and
emotional safety are definitive elements for an individual to establish a sense of
community. These authors further describe that emotional bond and emotional
safety are rooted in having a shared history such as the history discussed by the
participants of this study. This sense of emotional safety empowered them and
engenders a sense of comfort to express themselves. Knowing other punks had
similar experiences of alienation combined with feeling heard and understood
HDVHGWKHSDUWLFLSDQWV¶IHHOLQJVRIDOLHQDWLRQ7KH\GHVFULEHWKHHDVLQJRI
alienation was accompanied by feelings of relief, decreased anxiety, and an
overall sense of wellbeing. These experiences of personal validation can lead to
ego enhancement, emotional regulation, and self-exploration (Bohart, &
Greenberg, 1997; Linehan, 1993). Furthermore, Ashmore et al (2004) point out
that the nature of this bond and quality of emotional safety is an essential
component of collective identity.
3. Community and Support

85
The most prevailing and dominant theme discussed by participants was
the theme of punk as community. Sense of community is often an aspect of
personal identity (Sarason, 1974). A significant finding highlighted in this study
is that participants find in punk a community that fulfilled their needs for support,
belonging, and acceptance. In essence, punks met their need for community in
ways that were unavailable to them in mainstream society.
Study participants talked about looking for acceptance and were eager to
offer acceptance to people who had a history of social rejection and exclusion.
Participants reported a shared history of not being accepted and included in
mainstream society in a meaningful way and being drawn to the punk community
to meet their needs for acceptance, inclusiveness, and belonging. Hohertz (1999)
GLVFXVVHG³SXQNPXVWEHRSHQHTXDODQGLQFOXVLYHSXQNLVDERXWDFFHSWLQJ
people for their own individualities because other people will not´S
The need for acceptance and belonging as a fundamental human need, and
the innate drive to fulfill these needs is amply supported in the literature
%DXPHLVWHU /HDU\0DVORZ0DVORZ¶VKLHUDUFK\RIQHHGVPRGHO
proposes that people are inherently motivated to find acceptance and belonging as
a way to seek fulfillment through personnel growth. Participants described being
motivated to be active in punk as part of a longing for acceptance and
inclusiveness. P11 Discusses punk providing acceptance:
P11. You realize you were accepted in a scene. Punk is made up of so
many social rejects, fat kids, shy kids, inept kids, socially awkward kids,
86
DQGWKDW¶VZKDWNHHSVLWJRLQJ,WKLQNWKDWLVRQHRIWKHPDLQIRRWLQJV
RISXQN,W¶VDOO\RXUGHYLDQWNLGVRUNLGVZKRDUHQ¶WUHDOO\JRRGDW
anything in square society, but can really find a family in punk rock. I
FHUWDLQO\GLG8QWLOWKLVGD\,KDYHORYHGWKDWIDPLO\,W¶VVWLOOJRLQJRQ
Today you see young kids going into the punk scene are the misfits of
VRFLHW\,WGRHVQ¶WPHDQWKH\¶UHIXFNHGXS,WMXVWPHDQVWKH\GRQ¶WILWLQ
ZLWKZKDWWKH\¶UHVXSSRVHGWRILWLQ3XQNLVSHUIHFWO\DFFHSWLQJRIWKDW
The findings of the current study suggest the punk community is made up
of individuals who felt a lack of fit with mainstream society in some way.
Participants describe coming together collectively as a community having a
shared identity and mutually striving to meet the needs of one another. A
significant finding of this study that is worthy of attention is that punk is held
together as collective identity by providing many of the benefits associated with
traditional communities. Baumeister & Leary (1995) state community has
traditionally been regarded as providing social connection that comes with
advantages of shared resources and responsibility. Participants discussed that in
many ways they were drawn to punk because they were looking for a support
network that would provide them with a sense of safety and stability in their lives.
More specifically, participants discussed punk as a support network that is
comparable to a biological family. Participant 4 gives an example:
P4. We support ourselves, you know? If there is a problem, we figure it
out. In that way we are a family. You deal with each other and you
VXSSRUWHDFKRWKHUDQG\RXKHOSHDFKRWKHU«VRRQFHDJDLQLW¶VWKDWLGHD
87
of a family, a tribe; a support network of people who love you.
It was described that punk provided a support network of individuals
during times of stability, as well as times of need. Emotional and psychological
support was perceived in expressions of trust, reassurance, caring, empathy, and
love. This emotional support cemented their sense of belonging and acceptance
within the punk community. They gave examples illustrating how punk offered
material support such as labor, sharing skills, and provided specific resources
including financial assistance, help with housing, or caring for the sick.
The psychological and material support provided by the punk community
creates a safety net that reduces anxiety. Cohen and Willis (1985) uses the term
³VWUHVVEXIIHULQJ´WRGHVFULEHKRZREWDLQLQJVXSSRUWIURPRWKHUVZHDNHQVWKH
adverse effects of stressful events. Research indicates that supportive
relationships are conducive to overall mental and physical health regardless of
whether a person is under a direct form of stress (Cohen, Underwood, & Gottlieb,
2000). Supportive relationships are beneficial when a person is simply dealing
with daily activities that they experience as not being particularly stressful. All
participants used the example of traveling to other countries, where they were
readily offered support when meeting other punks. They talked about this
experience as an example that illustrates the strong bond and support shared by
punks. In punk, community is not limited to the immediate community where the
person lives but goes beyond this geographical perimeter to include the
international punk community.

88
A finding of the current study is that punk collective identity and
community is built through multiple experiences of reciprocal support between
community members. The high level of involvement and reciprocal support
stemmed from a collective DIY ethic.
P1. It is a personalized community. To be punk you have to participate.
You have to show up. You are part of the action like it or not. Punk is
made and supported by punks. You will have to be active. To be punk is
WREHDFWLYH,W¶V',<<RXKDYHWRGRLW\RXUVHOI«,W¶VDGHHper
FRQQHFWLRQEHFDXVHLW¶VVRSDUWLFLSDWRU\:HDUHGRLQJWKLVRXUVHOYHV
together.
Participants of this study described DIY as creating alternatives to
mainstream society by doing things for themselves. DIY activities included
creating cultural performances, designing and making clothing, developing art,
producing literature, generating food sources, organizing community activities,
and establishing community living spaces.
+ROW]PDQ+XJKHV 9DQ0HWHUGLVFXVVWKDW',<LV³WKHLGHD\RX
can do for yourself activities normally reserved for the realm of capitalist
production where products are created for consumption in a system that
encourages alienation and non-SDUWLFLSDWLRQ´3,QFRQWUDVW',<HQFRXUDJHV
engagement and participation and is inherently anti-capitalistic. This includes
both active participation of the individual with the punk community and
engagement with the goods and services they create. This level of personal
89
engagement leads to the creation of goods, services, and activities that are both
meaningful and unique expressions of the individual.
&RQVLVWHQWZLWK+ROW]PDQ+XJKHV 9DQ0HWHU¶VGLVFXVVLRQRI
',<WKHUHVXOWVRIWKHFXUUHQWVWXG\VXJJHVWWKDWWKHSXQN¶V',<HWKLFOHDGVWRWKH
opportunities for individuals to engage and actively fulfill a valuable role in the
SXQNFRPPXQLW\$FFRUGLQJWRVWXG\SDUWLFLSDQWVSXQN¶VFROOHFWLYH',<HWKLF
allowed them to approach tasks in ways that are highly creative and autonomous
that led to a feeling of empowerment and encouraged participation in the punk
community. Having this strong connection with punk secured their feeling of
belonging, acceptance, and empowerment. Results of this study indicate that
actively contributing, engaging and playing a role in the punk community is a
catalyst for increased sense of belonging, acceptance, and self-esteem.
4. Self-actualization and Authenticity
As discussed above, the results from the current study indicate that punk is
a developmental process in which the individual progressively seeks to have basic
needs met and strives towards achieving a state of authenticity and self-
actualization. Researchers such as Erickson (1968) discuss authenticity as a
crucial aspect of identity and overall mental health. Andes (1998) pointed out that
LQWKHODWWHUVWDJHVRISXQNLGHQWLW\³3XQNVWUDQVFHQGWKHLURZQPHPEHUVKLSLQ
the subculture as a consequence of their deep commitment to that anti-
DXWKRULWDULDQDQGKLJKO\LQGLYLGXDOLVWLFFRQWHQWRISXQNLGHRORJ\´S
Participants of this study often referred to a time during adolescence when

90
they became aware and felt drawn to be a sincere and true to self in a manner
that contradicted the expectations of mainstream society. Attempts to conform to
dominant culture felt dissonant and incongruous. This lead to participants
actively searching for a way of being in the world that provided them with
opportunities to explore and behave freely, from a place of authenticity.
Participants drew attention to being drawn to punk because as a community it
holds a strong belief in the value and practice of individuality, sincerity, non-
conformity and authenticity. Participants believe that to live according to
GRPLQDQWFXOWXUH¶VH[SHFWDWLRQVDQGYDOXHVDSHUVRQPXVWFRQIRUPWRGRPLQDQW
social norms and sacrifice authenticity. Punk as a community tries to escape the
demand to conform by living outside the dominant culture paradigm.
Lewin and William (2004) claimed the ideal of forming and authentic self
is the guiding ideal of punk. Similarly, the self-described punks of the current
study described punk identity development as a progression with the end goal of
forming an authentic self and living according to this true self. They view this
goal not only and ideal but as imperative. According to Lewin and Williams
(2009) punks form an authentic self through the practice of rejecting mainstream
society, leading a life of congruency (reflexivity), and having a commitment to
self-discovery (self actualization).
Becoming an authentic self involved a process of self discovery and taking
RZQHUVKLSRIRQHVWKRXJKWVIHHOLQJVEHOLHIVDQGQHHGVWKDWHQWDLOHG³ILJXULQJRXW
who you are for yourself, and not relying on someone else to tell you who you are
RUKRZWREHKDYHEXWFKRRVLQJIRU\RXUVHOI´DVZHOOas creating a belief system

91
and lifestyle that expressed a sincere and authentic self. Participants said they
strived to behave in ways that reflects their authentic inner self and practice a life
of authenticity. Participant 10 described his process as follows:
37KHUHLVGHILQLWHO\WKHLGHDRITXHVWLRQLQJZKDWLVVHWEHIRUH\RX,W¶V
DERXWSHRSOHWKLQNLQJIRUWKHPVHOYHV«,W¶VDERXWFUHDWLQJDOLIHIRU
yourself without falling into the trap that society set for you in terms of
what is good and bad, but being able to make those decisions intelligently,
figuring it out and following through on it.
The practice of questioning, learning, and self-expression was seen by
SDUWLFLSDQWVDVDQH[WHQVLRQRISXQN¶V',<HWKRV)URPWKLVSHUVSHFWLYH',<LV
not just about creating ones own goods and services, but about creating ones own
LGHQWLW\LGHRORJ\DQG³OLIH´7KLVSURFHVVFDQEHVHHQDV',<LQLWVWKHKLJKHVW
IRUP3DUWLFLSDQWVGHVFULEHGUHMHFWLQJD³SUH-PDGH´DQG³VFULSWHG´LGHQWLWLHVDQG
ideologies DQGFUHDWLQJWKHLURZQUHTXLUHGD³'R,W<RXUVHOI´HWKLF3DUWLFLSDQW
discusses his experience of punk identity and acquiring an authentic self that does
not conform to pre-fabricated or scripted identities. P8 notes as follows:
P8. Punk was creating \RXURZQLGHQWLW\DQGLWZDVQ¶WVFULSWHGOLNHDOO
those other identities. It was an avenue. Like all these scripted identities
GLGQ¶WVSHDNWRPH/LNHWKDWZDVQ¶WZKDW,ZDVDERXW«,WUHDOO\ZDVOLNH
there was an alternative to what people were telling you, you were
supposed to be. You had to figure out who you were and what you believe
all by yourself. I think punk is an avenue for people to realize themselves.

92
%H\RQGJDLQLQJDXWKHQWLFLW\SXQNLVD³PRUDOFRPPLWPHQWWRVHOI
discovery and to create DQGDELGHE\WKRVHV\VWHPVRIEHOLHI´/HZLQDQG
:LOOLDPV$VGHVFULEHGE\SDUWLFLSDQW3XQNLV³UHDOL]LQJDQGUHDFKLQJ
\RXUSRWHQWLDODQGEHLQJ\RXUUHDOVHOIZKHUHHYHUWKDWWDNHV\RXJRRGRUEDG´
Significance of Study
This study produces several new and significant contributions to the
literature on punk and identity. For instance, previous research findings on punk
proposed that punk was a symbolic form of resistance and protest to hegemony
(Hebdige, 1979). Moore (2009) discussed punk as an anarchist alternative and
lifestyle to mainstream culture. The current research however differs dramatically
IURPWKHSUHYLRXVUHVHDUFK7KHFXUUHQWVWXG\IRXQGWKHSDUWLFLSDQWV¶VHOI-
described experience of punk consisting of a collective coming together of
individuals to form a community and share a common identity to reciprocally
meet each other needs as a means working towards an authentic and self-
actualizing self.
Several researchers including Cass (1979) Erickson (1968), Helms (1995),
Marcia (1966) and Phinney (1992) discuss identity as a developmental process
consisting of different phases of identity exploration before committing to an
identity. The current study similarly found punk identity to be developmental in
nature, but largely as a pURFHVVZKHUHWKHLQGLYLGXDO¶VEDVLFQHHGVIRUDFFHSWDQFH
belonging, support and empowerment are met which leads to increased
involvement in the Punk community and strengthens their commitment to punk

93
collective identity. Congruent with the research by Andes (1998) and as
Lewin and Williams (2009) participants described the end goal of punk as
transcending collective identity. They describe the end goal of punk is
empowerment to create a highly authentic, individualistic and non-conforming
ideology; thus attaining individual identity.
Another significant finding of this study is that punk identity extends
beyond youth subculture. This finding is supported by the demographic data of
participants whose mean age was 37.5. This suggests that punk collective identity
extends in to adulthood and should no longer be seen as strictly as a youth
subcultural phenomenon.
Strengths, Limitations, Suggestions for Future Research
This study had a number of strengths. It is one of two studies in clinical
psychology looking at the self-described experience of punk identity (see
Arellano, 2011). The majority of research done on punk has focused on punk as a
youth subculture, the current study included participants between the ages of 27-
55 and are well into their adulthood years, This dispels the notion of punk
exclusively a youth subculture, and offered a new understanding of punk identity
development over a time span reaching into adulthood.
Largely due to the recruitment of participants through snowballing, there
was a large prevalence of study participants that were highly involved in the punk
community. These participants likely played a more significant role in the punk
community than the average punk. Several study participants were in bands that
94
had large followings, ran influential DIY music venues or had written for
popular widely distributed fanzines and books. This had the benefit of gaining
information from sources that were knowledgeable and experienced in punk.
Another strength of this study is that all participants lived in the San Francisco
Bay Area, which is the home of a strong and consistent punk scene, this lead to an
abundance of participants who had wealth of experience and knowledge of punk
culture and identity.
With the strengths that this VWXG\¶VVDPSOHSRSXODWLRQSURYLGHGDOVRFDPH
with limitations. The relatively homogenous adult sample did not include the
experience of people who stopped identifying as punks when they reached
adulthood or those people who played less of a central role in the punk
community. These participants may have a different description of the experience
of punk identity then the currents studies sample population. Furthermore, the
FXUUHQWVWXG\ZDVOLPLWHGGXHWRDVDPSOHSRSXODWLRQRISDUWLFLSDQW¶VRQO\OLYLQJ
in the San Francisco bay area. Including participants from other regions may lead
to variations on how participants described their experience of punk identity
development. The sample population of current study contained eight men, four
women that predominately self-identified ethnically as white. It will be important
for future research to seek a more diverse sample in regards to ethnicity, gender,
age, level of participation in punk, and geographical location as a more diverse
sample population may lead to a differing description of the experience of punk
identity.
Another limitation of this study included that all study results were based
95
RQVWXG\SDUWLFLSDQW¶VVHOI-described experiences. The objectivity of these
experiences may be questionable. For example, it is possible participants were
overly idealistic, positive, or may have tended to romanticize the experience of
punk identity. This may have lead to skewed research results. Future research on
punk identity could benefit by making use of objective measures as well as direct
observation techniques. The results of the current study indicate those
SDUWLFLSDQWV¶LQYROYHPHQWDQGFRPPLWPHQWWRSXQNDVDQGLGHQWLW\ZDVLQIOXHQFHG
greatly by how punk met their needs, especially psychological needs. It would be
XVHIXOIRUIXWXUHUHVHDUFKWRORRNDWKRZWKHH[SHULHQFHRIKDYLQJRQH¶VQHHGVPHW
informs specific identities.

96
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111
APPENDIX A
Recruitment Flyer
PUNK RESEARCH
Looking for participants to interview about their experience of punk community
and identity.
Please Contact Tim Anderson at 916.718.1656 or send an email to
Timanderson77@ yahoo.com to become a volunteer in a psychology research
study the experience of self described punks and punk identity.

112
APPENDIX B
Consent Form
CONSENT FORM
My name is Tim Anderson, and I am a student in the Psychology Doctorate

program at John F. Kennedy University in Pleasant Hill. This form provides
information about my study, in which you have been invited to participate.
Purpose
This study explores the experience of self-describHGSXQNV¶H[SHULHQFHRISXQN
identity. I hope to obtain a rich, in-depth understanding of this experience.
Why you were selected
You have been selected to participate in this study, because you find punk is
descriptive of you and punk plays a role in your identity. This study will be
limited to study participants over the age of eighteen.
Procedures
If you agree to participate in this study, you will be asked to fill out a brief
demographic questionnaire. You will then be asked to participate in an interview
of 1 to 2 hours in length. You will be asked a number of questions related to your
experience of punk's influence on your identity. I will conduct the interview and
it will be tape recorded for research purposes.
Compensation
There is no financial or other compensation for participation in this study. I
greatly appreciate your participation in this research on a free and voluntary basis.
Withdrawing from this study
You may withdraw from this study at any time prior to the completion of the
study. You do not have to provide any explanation for your decision to withdraw,
all information gathered from you, as part of this study will be destroyed.
Confidentiality
Your participation in this study will be kept strictly confidential. Audiotapes and
all information regarding your identity will be kept under lock and key. Any
quotations from your interview used in this study will be careful selected to
provide no indications as to your identity.
Concerns and complaints
113
If you are for some reason distressed by your participation in this study, I can
give you a list of low-fee psychotherapy providers in your area.
If you should have any concerns or complaints about any aspect of this research,
you may contact either my chair or the research director of the doctor of
psychology program at John F. Kennedy University, whose names and contact
information are listed below.
Dr. Alejandrina Estrada, Project Chair

100 Ellinwood Way
Pleasant Hill, CA 94523
(925) 969-3400
Dr. Sara Carroll, Director of Research

100 Ellinwood Way
Pleasant Hill, CA 94523
(925) 969-3400
If you are interested in the results of this study

If you are interested in the findings of this study, please give me your e-mail
address and I will provide you a summary of the findings when the study is
complete.
I, the undersigned, have read this consent form and understand the terms of this
study and the participation it describes. My signature below acknowledges my
agreement to participate in this study. The principle researcher, Tim Anderson,
will also sign to the conditions stated above.
'DWH3DUWLFLSDQW¶VVLJQDWXUH3DUWLFLSDQWVQDPH
(print)
Date Tim Anderson, researcher

114
APPENDIX C
Demographic questionnaire
Demographic Questionnaire
1. Gender: ___________________
2. Age: ______________________
3. Ethnicity____________________
4. Current town/state: ____________
5. Occupation:____________________
6. Years involved in punk scene:_____
7. Marriage status:____________________
9. Highest level of Education______________
10: Yearly Income:_____________________

115
APPENDIX D
Semi-Structured Interview
Semi-Structured Interview
Research Question:
How do self-identified punks describe the experience of punk Identity?
Questions to participants:
I. Describe your very first experience of punk?
Follow up: How did this inform how you thought about yourself at the time?
II. How did punk influence your social life?
Follow Up: what is your relationship to other punks?
III. How did you go from your first experience of punk to becoming punk?
Follow up: How did this impact how you thought about yourself?
Follow up: How has your experience with punk changed through out the years?
IV. What part has punk music and going to shows played in your life?
V. What part has punk clothing and dress played in your life.
VI. Describe a experience when you were strongly aware that you were punk?
Follow up question: How is this experience meaningful to you?
VII. What is the meaning of punk to you and why is it important to you?
Follow Up: How did punk affect your beliefs values and ideas? (how did this
process impact who you are?)
Follow up Question: how has your understanding of punk changed through out
the years?
VIII. What is important about punk to you, in your life?

The Experience of Punk Subcultural Identity

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THE EXPERIENCE OF PUNK SUBCULTURAL IDENTITY

The Faculty of John F. Kennedy University

Of the Requirements for the Degree of

All rights reserved

INFORMATION TO ALL USERS

THE EXPERIENCE OF PUNK SUBCULTURAL IDENTITY

John F. Kennedy University

as inaccurate when compared to the experiences described by the punks

tKHPVHOYHV 2¶+DUD 7KHSUHVHQWVWXG\SURYLGHVDQLQ-depth examination

of the experience of punk subcultural identity by self-identified punks. Four

residents, described their experience of developing a punk identity through semi-

structured interviews. A conventional qualitative content analysis of these semi-

outline a developmental identity progression: Punk as rejection, Punk as a

response to a feeling of alienation, Punk as empowerment, Punk as community,

discussed in the context of Punk literature and various models of identity

This dissertation is dedicated to people who have felt an unmanageable inner

I would like to acknowledge the wonderful people whom without their

their invaluable guidance and support for this project.

List of Tables .......................................................................................................... x

II. Literature Review ............................................................................................... 6

History of Subculture ................................................................................. 6

Punk Ideology .......................................................................................... 10

Authentic Punks ....................................................................................... 15

Punk as Subculture .................................................................................. 19

Identity Development .............................................................................. 25

Collective Identity ................................................................................... 33

Research Question ................................................................................... 38

III. Method ............................................................................................................ 41

Data Collection ........................................................................................ 45

Data Analysis Plan ................................................................................... 46

IV. Results ............................................................................................................ 47

Punk as Rejection .................................................................................... 52

Punk as a Response to Feelings of Alienation ......................................... 57

Punk as Community ................................................................................. 61

Punk as Empowerment ............................................................................ 66

Punk as The Search for Being an Authentic Self .................................... 74

Subcultural Theory and The Self Described Experience of Punk Identity77

Punk Identity Development ..................................................................... 81

Feeling Non-normative and Different........................................... 82

Emotional Bond ........................................................................... 83

Self-actualization and Authenticity ............................................. 89

Significance of Study ................................................................................ 92

Strengths, Limitations, Suggestions for Future Research ......................... 93

Appendix A: Recruitment Flyer ......................................................................... 111

Appendix B: Consent Forms .............................................................................. 112

Appendix C: Demographic Questionnaire .......................................................... 114

Appendix D: Semi-Structured Interview ............................................................ 115

Table 1: Number and Percentage of Participants per Theme ............................... 58

been regarded as inaccurate when compared to the experiences as described by

pXQNVWKHPVHOYHV 2¶+DUD 3XQNLVQRWRULRXVO\KDUGWRGHILQH

(Kristiansen, Blaney, Chidster, Simonds, 2010). Punk has been discussed as a

hegemony of dominant culture (Hebidge, 1976, Kristiansen, Blaney, Chidster,

embraces a do-it-yourself ethic; it is strongly rooted in underground music,

community, and a particular form of dress. Sabin (1999) discusses:

At a very basic level we can say punk is a subculture best characterized as

in music-specifically disaffected rock bands. Philosophically it has no

³VHWDJHQGD´EXWnever the less stood for identifiable attitudes, among

them: an emphasis on negationism (rather than nihilism); a consciousness

of class based politics and a belief in spontaneity and doing it yourself

Research on punk has largely focused on sociological studies of punk as a

psychological perspective addressing punk as an identity and what drives a person

to become punk and stay punk.

Feminist sociologist and author Larraine Leblanc (1999) discussed her

tKHPVHOYHV2¶+DUD7KHSUHVHQWVWXG\SURYLGHVDQLQ-depth examination

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The proposed research project seeks to answer the questioQ³:KDWLVWKH

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