LANKA GUARDIAN February 15, 1996 Price Rs. 10.00 Registered at the GPO, Sri Lanka U. N. MEDIATION — HA Seneviratne WOOLF’S SWISS SOLUTION —Neelan Tirucheluam ENTER GENERAL INFLATION — Mervyn de Silva VIOLENCE : PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS : — Indra de Soysa CENSORSHIP: THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS ‘Suriya Wickremasinghe RUSSIA: CAN BORIS WIN? — Horace Perera FOREIGN POLICY: NO INDIA PHOBIA — Humayun Kabir AUSTRALIA: MINORITIES ISSUE —Laksiri Jayasuriya ISLAM: prtash nanceRECENT ICES PUBLICATIONS BHUTAN NEPAL REFUGEE ISSUE A Report of a Fact Finding Mission to Nepal May 1-7, 1995 by Niaz Naik and Bradman Weerakoon 1995 19pp Re. 50.00 CONTROL OF STATE LAND: THE DEVOLUTION DEBATE. Sunil Bastian 1995 S2pp Rs. 75.00 DECENTRALISATION AND THE ACCOMMODATION OF ETHNIC DIVERSITY Yash Ghai EVOLUTION AND DEVELOPMENT IN SRI LANKA, Edited by Sunil Bastian 1994 282pp Rs, 400,00 ELECTORAL POLITICS IN PAKISTAN: NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS 1993 Report of SAARC-NGO Observers 1995 136pp Rs. 250.00 ETHNIC VIOLENCE IN GALLE A Report of the Independent Committee of Inquiry, June 2, 1995 1995 33pp Rs. 60.00 FEDERALISM AND NATIONALISM; THE FUTURE STATUS OF QUEBEC Charles Taylor 1995 12pp Rs, 50.00 INDIA-SRI LANKA CONSULTATION ON DEVOLUTION Papers by Ramakrishna Hegde Ashok Mitra A.G. Noorani Nirmal Mukarit 1995 49pp Rs. 50.00 LIVING WITH TORTURERS AND OTHER ESSAYS OF INTERVENTION; SRILANKAN SOCIETY, CULTURE AND POLITICS IN PERSPECTIVE Sasanka Perera 1995 89pp Rs. 150,00 OCTET COLLECTED PLAYS Regi Sirtwardena 1995 172pp Rs. 175.00 ‘TAMIL AS OFFICIAL LANGUAGE: RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT. A. Theva Rajan 1995 126pp Rs. 150.00 All orders to: ICES, 2, Kynsey Terrace, Colombo 8 Telephone: 685085NEWS BACKGROUND GENERAL INFLATION TAKES OVER Mervyn de Silva he_Economy stupid ..1 Mt J. R. Jeyawardene's “greatest gi to his people was not his Gaulist “Executive Presidency” of which ne is cerianly the most persistent and ag: gressive adveriser. His contrbuton was froe-market economics. He was the pponeer in the Indian sub-continent. The most convincing, if reLictart, witness to that facts Present Chandrika Kumarer tunge, a commited “Iftist", who agrood ta fake the IMFNorld Bark route... ust as other South Asian leaders, committed “socialcts’ most of them, were soon converts to the gospel of plate enterprise as preached by the Bretton Woods twins. Though the Si Lankan voter vs in ‘a mood for change by the early 1990's, candidate Chandra Kumaretunga inched the matter by her public, somewhat reluctant, conversion to the Gospel of growth preached by the Bank ‘and the Fund. Her PA. wes. amoscongor cf other good news — the glad fcings of peace. C.B., a genuinely new and attractive personality on Opposition plat forms, promised a ‘negotiated settle ment” of the 11 yearetfinic conflict which had alroady ascumod tho character of 2 serious internal war. t was as “Peco Geniidete” that she drew the crowds that the 8 party “P.A” had failed to do in August. All the minorities tusied her — the Tamils first of all, and the ‘Musims once Mr, Ashraff was on board, and the Christians ...... together with 2 fraction of the (Indian) Tarril plantation ‘constituency. PEACE CANDIDATE Evenjbody loves peace and a peace candidate. But Mrs, Kumaratunga’s manifesto had another vital tem — the economy. In simple anthmetic the vote ‘on miliary spending, thea running at about 2 milion dollars a day, could be. gradually reduced. The savings could {0 to “poverty alleviation” and “develop- ment’ — jobs, and perhaps some subsidies for the poorest of the pocr. Capitalism, in ober words, with a human face. The equation wae cimpio; tho massage loud ard clear. Prebhiekaran hated President Prema daca. Ho regarded the Sd Lankan president as an ertiul dodger, @ double- Crosser. He helped the LT.T.E. in o to got the IPKF. out Tha LPKF. presence was a flagrant violation of Sti Lankan sovereignty ..... although the LPF, was here on invitation, the J.B, Jeyawardene- Rally Gandhi “Peace Accord". Once the .P.KF. left not only ad Premadasa-Prabhakaran relations be- ‘come inorecsingly cool but Promadaca- Rao relations stiowed a new wermh. The pilgrimage to Budha Gaya and Prime Minister Rao's reception looked strong evidence of a nev Golombo-Delhi rapport. Or so it was seen by Prabha: karan top advisers, closely watching the Rao administration's atitude to the anghi assasination trial, and Mrs. Soria Gandhi's increasing influence in the Congress establishment Premadase was a “doublo-crosser”. He had to co. (On May 4st 1993, the usual prescription and {reelment. A suicide-bomber. Mr, D. 8. Wiotunga takes over. With “peasant cunning’, D.BW. tums the governments atiention to the Eastern province, the ethricaly mixed (Tamils, ‘Muslims and Snnelesa) and the Isand's “ice bowl", anyway strétegically more important than the Jaffna peninsula and the north. The army does an excellent job — complcicly maignalising the LTTE. The UNP. is defeated; the PA moves in — but Iterature published by PO-LT.TE. (or semboffical LTT.) groups suggested that the LIVE. analysts old special attention to tho big difference in the percentage vole of the P.A. in August (a modest 50%) and the record. 62% of Candidate Chandrika some weeks later. Candidate Chandi- a's platform was “Peace”, a negotiated saitlemert. What ean a militant organisa- ton ike the LT.T.E,, an organisation that fought the world's second largest army for thros years or more, do? It must go through the motions of “peace negotiations” while proparing for ELAM WAR 3. Thats procisely what the LITE, did — unill they trelned ther guns on the ermy’s garcons. (Cominuod on page 4 GUARDIAN Vo.18 No.19 February 15, 1996 Price ‘Fis. 19.00 Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo - 2. Ector: Mervyn do Silva Telephone: 447534 Printed by Ananda Press 82/5, Sr Ratnajothi Saravanamutu Mawatha, Colombo 13. Telephone: 435975 CONTENTS “The Swiss Model Noocad: A Novirl Mediator Winning he Peace “he Lifing ofthe Consership siiLarken Women Whither Russia (2) 2 {s Accoré Stl Vai 6 Plraliam (9) 8The Swiss Model! Neelan Tiruchelvam eonerd Woolf the Iterary entie and publisher was @ colonial cvl savant in Coylon from 1904 to 1911, ‘and served both in Jafira in the extreme North and in Hembantota in the deep South, Meny years later in 1938 as an ‘advisor to the Labour Party he reflected ‘on the questions of minorty protection ‘and constitutional reform. He argued in favour of @ constitutional arrangement which ensured a large measure of entitled to transfer or alienate land and ‘engage in land use and land settiomont schemes. The centre may however for the purposes of a reserved subject request a Regional acmiristraton to ansfer stete land to the cenire. There is an obligation on tho part of the centre 10 consull the region with regard to such requirements. Law and order including the mainienance of public order havo been clearly devolved on the Region although there would be Gsputes as to whether the investigation of offences relating to the reserved list of subjects should be vested with tho rocicnal or national police service.‘An ingenuous artangement envisaged by the scheme for the seilement of Inter-segional disputes is the Chief Mini- ‘sieis' conference. The conference which is to consist of chisf ministars of all tho regions has the power to take ell actions and measures which are nococsary to ensure full compliance the chaoter on devolution in accordance with the spirit and intention of the consiitulion. The conference also has the power to setle disputes between the regions through mediation end coneitation and where such offots fail, rofer the mattor for ajucication to an arbitral trounal consti- tutod by tho disputing Regional Councilc. If the Chief Ministers’ confarance is to play meaningful ole In the implementa- 3 of thie echome, ite juiadiction must clearly exterd to the resolution of centra- regional disputes, ‘The Sn Lankan goverment has placed emphasis on the devolution pro- posals to bring about a rosclution to the national question. The legal texts recently presented would need to be further refined and even strongthaned if itis to adequately reconcile the com- peting interest of the centre and the diferent regions. The Constitutional re form exercise however must be ultima: tely linked to the efforts to bring an end 10 the war in the north-east. Several non-government organisations have Urged the goverment to ether directy or through an intarmodiary present the proposals to the LTTE and to see upon this opportunity to revive the process of nogetiation. This process is likely to be a complex one and there is a legacy of distrust t2 be overcome. However eengonsus botwean tho two mejor poi- cal partes on the power-sharing scheme would be a signifcant step inthe process of peace and reconciliation. Needed: A H. A. Seneviratne he bomb explosion in the heart of Colombo on January 31, kkling several scores of unermed people and damaging ceveral builcings inclu ding the Central Bank snould awaken the masses of the people of Sri Lanka to ask the government and the LTTE to end this wer and discuss a lasting solution to the ethnic problem on the basis of a tangible and meaningtul devolution of power. In fact the aftermath of the govem- ment’s Operation Aiviresa which resul ted in several lakhs of people in Jaffna becoming refugees snould nave been ‘enough reason for the Sinhala speaking and the Tamil soeaking people to cal for an Inmediats hat to the ongoing ethnic war. But most Sinhala-speaking people were lulled by covernment propa ganda info an imaginary prospect of Continuing with the war in order to achieve peace. Bynow it should be clear toall sections f the people inckuding the extremists (on both sides of tho ethnic-divide that this is a war of altrton that has pushed both the government and the LTTE to desperation. it will devour both warring parties, whist crippling society Itsetf in the procase, ‘The General Incustial and Media This i a siataman of the Concral Sesrotary Of fo Industial and Modla Warkers Union, Neutral Mediator Workers! Union (GIMWU) and the Wore ers! Solidarity Oroanisetion (WSO) are of the view that the legal draft of the govornmont’s devolution proposals ‘ssued on January 18 does not contain any basis to end the war, Indeed these proposals constitute a relrogressive step rot eniyin the ongoing ethnic war but also in the county’s Constitutional development in the context of the process of democratisation which Became the mein platiom of the ruling Peopie's Alliance (PA) duting the Paria- mentary 2s well as the Presidential election campaign of 1604, In the first instance the devolution proposals officially released by the gova- rmment on August 03, 1995 and which appear to be the basis for the procont legal craft were never discussed tully, ‘openly and in depth with the ground situaton in mind by either the govern- ment ranks or by the other organisations, parties and individuals having accoss to state and or privately oymed media. The present legal craft of the gova- rnment’s devolution proposals thereiore has retained what was cbnoxious in the earlier proposals. Stil worse: it has oblierated even the semblance of a formula the earlier document offered, minimally though, for a pailtcal settle- ment of Sri Lanks's protracted and escalating ethnic war. By indulging in desperate miltary operations like Operation Alviesa and Operation Aivicanathe government hes atiompted to whip up ethno-chauvinistic seniimenis among the majorly Sinhala people. Thus a govemment that rode fo power on the crest of 8 wave of enthusiasm among the people — both Sinhala and Tamil — for = change in governance and above all for a peaceful settlement of the ethnic war has ended Up on the side of deadly elhno-chauvi- nism which is the last resort of the poliical scoundrel, This is the inevitable falo of ary government thal hes no answers to the country’s social and economis ills, Itisalso inevitable that the government vill ieve to call upon te majority Sinhala voters, from on ethno-chavinistic siand- Point to vote for the government. But this will be no easy task pariculaiy in the present contaxt for 2 government that hed come to power on a non ethno-chauvinistic basis. Caught up in this contradiction the covernment. wil continue to warmonger saying at the same time that it stands for peace, ‘The present legal draft of the gove- mment’s devolution proposals rellecis this contradiction. This contradistion will have to be resolved if the county itself is to be saved from disaster. No proposal for a solution of the 3country’s tnic problem wil succeed Without the participation of the LTTE, The proposals embodied in the present draft law wil not even wean away the LTTE from the war. Nor wil it attract tho Tami speaking poople in the North- East secior or anywhere else to act as a catalyst. ‘The Minister of Conetitutonal Affairs Was reported to nave Indicaled that matters such 25 the number of units of regional administration and their boun- dares could be agreed upon after discussion and that the Parliamentary Select Committee on Consttutional Re- form was tho proper forum for such discussion. in our view these are matters. that require open and public discussion before being referred to any kind of perkamentary commitiee or pariament ‘cel. Executive Presidency Linked with the presidential poner to dissolve a regional unit is the question of the executive presidency which the PA solomnly pladged to abatich within a spect timeframe particulary during its presidential election compzign of 1994. The unbridled executive power exercised by the President under the prosent eystem of executive prosiconcy is also linked with the question of powers undar @ state of emergency. We believe the strongest bond that wil keep the units of pottical power together as free and vcluniary unite is democracy Isell. Democracy becomes ‘a mockory with an exscutive presidential sysiem that seis up a Bonaparist regime. Therefore, itis our view thet any kind ‘of develution of political powor should fot be isolated from tre process of democratisation which brought the PA. itself to power but that it should ka evolved as part of thal process. AAs far 28 roligien and the alate is concemed we believe that Si Lanka should be a secular slate. Relcion should be looked afier by religious leaders and cther bodies. This mears that the only reference to relgien in a modem consituion should ba in the form of én arice that safeguards the right to freedom of thought, conscienee and telgon es In Aric 18 of the Unied Nations’ Declaration of Human Rights. It is also essential that the central government should declare its commit- Ment and provide for a mechanism to protect not only the body of human and demooratc rights enunciated in tha Universal Deciaration of Human Righis but more importantly the rights set out in the International Covenant on Chil and Polltcal Righis as basic rocuire- ment. The entire future of the couniry de- pends, however, on the peaceful ending of the war. Each passing day wil convince every righthinking parson of the nescersty to end forthwith this senseless war. The GIMWU and the WSO reiterate the positon taken up in their earier statement and tha resolution emphaci- sing that the goverment must intiate en immediate ceasefire and bring the LTTE to the nagatiating table. Earlier, the goverment had take (hough represented by poitically not- o-important personaltias) wih the LITE ‘sans any kind of proposals. Wt failed. Now there is a legal drt of the ‘government's devolution proposals sans any kind of talks with the LTTE. It is also hound ta fall The only way open to the government, the LTTE and the county for that matter now is to commence talks between the goverment and the LTTE on the basis f a ceasefire under the supervision of a neutral peacekeeping force backed by the United Nations, if neceesery, and to workout proposals for a tangle and ‘a meaningful devolution cf power. There is no other way. General Inflation Takes Over (Continued rom page 1) ECONOMIC FACTOR The "Peace Candidate” had morethan peace on her mind. She know her economics. The “wet” was economic haemorrhage — a million US dollars a day at least. But once the “Tigers” fred on tho army's well-doforded forts, and unilaterally broke the truce, President ‘CBK had no other opiion then to launch 2 new, much bettar planned campaign. lis climex was OPERATION RIVIRESA, (GUNRISE). The sun shone brightly on the PA. and its able leader who had adopted a well-conceived strategy — offer peace talks to the LT.T.E, present ‘an autonomy package, and thus tako the moral high ground, This automatically wins the support of the Tamils, the Tart daspore, the other minorties, the al- important'‘Aid consortum and of cou! the US-led westem alliance, many members of which are troubled by (a) a refugee blocd and (b) dafance spen- ding, and its economic consequences. ‘with the resumption of hostlties, mniitary spending hes gone up and up. ‘The olhar Tamil parties, particulary the T.ULLF. the recognised spokesman of moderate, pariamentary opinion, and the ‘examiliant groups lke the ENDLF which hhas representatives in the House, would help the PA in Parliamont. (The PA. has to rely on a one-vote majority). That would mean the isolation of the L.T.T. What's more, India would back the PA's initiative, President C.B.K. had metPrime Minister Rao and Wis. Sonia Gandhi The Indien support was certain and unquaifed. And so the total isolation of the LILLE, which had falled to detend Jaffna — a conventional confrontation in which it overplayed its hand — and compelled to return to hit-and-run tactios and pure terrorism. Yes, the LTTE. Was reduced to terrorism but what @ cold-bloodedly calculated exercise it proved to be. And what briliartly picked target — tha Central Bank in the haar Of the “Fort” Le. the banking, businass, tourist hotel district. You take Waifra: we Fit Colombo, ‘This wes economic warfare but what a mastetly opsraten. And so, Vr. Ronnie de Nel, the billant finance minister of the UN's 17 yoar regmo could ask in Periament: “ithe State cant quara the Central Sark what ean thay guard?" Delence vols in 1995 was 640 milion dolars. Tho government spent over 750 millon. What now? General inftion tekoe command?Winning the Peace (Some psychological and polilical determinants of a tasting solution) Indra de Soysa jow thet the "battle for Jatinat js won, it might be prudent io puttings in perspective before people star geting caried away, becoming myopic to the ullmate reaities, History teaches us, a8 Fred W's (1885) epi book ile sugges: “Every Wer Must End." The ening of "a bale” however, does not necessaily mean the “war” has eon Wen. I this were the case, Germany would have vion both Weld Wars. Japan would have deteatod the US at Peatl Harbor, and the Southern United States would row be referred to as ho Confedorato Staloe of Amorca. Ator ail, the ot quoted, yel rarely folowed Clausewizian dictum, *winring the war but losing the peace,” is historically borne out time andadcin, most nolabl he blunderna Gf tho victorious powers at Voreaillos ator WoW. Versailles afer all paved tha way for WWI twenly years. down the rac, deed causing some to correctly treat the two everts as one (Cary, 1899), Then there was the blundoring by the victorious sypor powers that folowed the end of VAI Which led to a greater calamity known as the "Cold War” @ misnomer, # aver fora Was one, becalise it was enormously costly in tems of livee and recourees, and t thyeatened to annihilate al mankind, These lessons should serve 2s a dear reminder that te *peaco” can indeed be very easly lost, fenering the celebrations cf a victory by tho Se Larkan goverment and the popuiain at large rather premature. Remember that the bulhoms sounded in Berlin with the fall of Frence in 1940. In two successive articles published in tha Laake Guardian recontly, | argued why. ‘polliceseitlement without the Tigers was. Impossible kecause they hald tho balance of power vis-evis other Tamil polticel ppaties, and that any peace was impossible ‘without their paricipaticn and acquioccon- 2. | arqued in effect tat the only option was Low Intarsty Containment, a strategy, ‘akin tothe globel strategy thai wes followed by the US agains! the Soviet Union. A “battlo for Vafina," | predicted would be ‘a ratior costy endeavor, a great expenitu- re in towns of men and materiel to get back to square one. Hoisting the flag over Jafina, it is clear now, is not going to demoralize eyanide capsule carrying fana- tics ke the Tigers. They have already ‘vowed to camry cn the struggle by other The witer ea PPA, Sinden at the Univey ef Alabama, USA ‘means, means that thoy aro good at and which the goveinment foros will not be able to counter easily. It will be back to “‘werfare on the cheap” forthe Tigers. The Sil Lanken army's superionty in tepowar terms wil not bo = factor anymore, and more lives are going to be lest in more andmore frustrating ways. Fromthe relative ‘safety of defence Iinse, the government forces have, et great cost, hoisted hem- solves up from a defensive posiicn to be “siting-ducks" once again. The war has not been won. and the peace has yet to be determined Peace, such as that which the European dpiomats sat down at Varssillas 10 make is quintessontially 2 poliical ac’, and let us not forget Clause Wilz's most femmous dictum: "war is the Continuation of poliics by olhor means.” I necessarily follows thus that pesce is the continuation of war by other moans, The solders have ostensibly "done their jb," nov the polticiens must succeed in thoire, Tho balaneo of power in favor of the Tigers s upset only temporarly, neces- stating quick and decisive action by all moderete pares in poltics it a lasting solution is to be resched. What psychological feciors do the polt- cians face? Tha Eaitle for Jaffna undoubt- cily is a cathartic experience for much Of the Si Lanken popuation. As Joachim Habormas has pointed cut, violence carried out by enmed forces Is an extension of the willofthe entire society that symbolically Identifies with them. In olher wards, each Individuals violent desires are satisied by prory fo the vielenoe carried out by the forces. Wines the way in which many moderete Tamils in Colombo were some- how offended by the offensive, despte it being dtected against the hated Tigers. Thus, there is a peychological logic in ware oof alison that degenerate inevilably to mass violence perpeirsted by groups fageinst each other, the entre society anicpates in one way or another. This Isaphenomenon that inislly ealisfied many Sinhelese vide the numerous pogroms agzinstthe Tamils, untl of coursa the Tigers slaited their own brand ef violence. The Si Lankan experience, thus. is not devoid of this paychological facter. We are ‘ll guilly of secrety tallying the score in terme of body counts whenever skirmishos between the Tigers and the anmed forces Ware reported in tha newspapers. | knew ‘one wayward Sinhalese soul who éelibera: {oly onjoyod reading the misinformation in the Qaiyy News because It was more Salisfying to read doclored accounts then having to read that more goverrment sode’s cled rather than Tigers. Simlariy, despite tho loss of hundreds of young Si Lankan men in the latest fgitng, others back in the relative safety of the south ‘can celebrate the capture of Jafna, al that mates Is that more of “them” are dead. The capture of Jetina tisali matioss lito, not the poitical consequences 10 follow, This psychesis is precisely the way in which tho Tigare bocamo “the boys” of almost all Tarrils, the way in whieh the Tigers became “the boys” of almostal SriLankans. ‘hen they were kiling Inclans (Prabakha- ran earring the distinction “man ofthe year” in the ZG, net to mention tho way in which Tespoctable Sinhalese reluctant deplored the atocties committed against Tamils in the numerous pogroms as_mentioned earlier. We can add also, the shameless way in which “Colomboitos" tured a blind eye to the extalegal kilings during the AUP insurrection — us against thom — Until that viclence sueideniy Fit dose 10 home with the abduction and murder of ‘ono of thoir own, Richard de Zoyea. Unil we ackiomledge this psychcloglcel fogic, Tam acid, no mesringful stops towards peace can be taken, nor the gargantuan politcal task of building a lasting peace successfully undertaken. It there 1s a psychological locic to the mode of viclone, how might wo evarsomo. this to biing about peace? First, let me ‘oiterete the pointmade above—peacema- king is inherent a political sc, the solders cen cnly pempatrale viclence to enhance ‘ha possibilty, Thus, in order to Ereak wih ‘he logic that has diiven the communities {and factionaiized grouns) to this combative peychosi that secraty finds sustenance in the vidlence that is camied out by their chosen gtoup_of “boys”, tho polifcal leaders, boli Tamil ard. Sinhalese, and all the other poitcal pares will have to make © conscious and sincere effort 10 come together with the primary purpose ‘of cradicating violonce as @ woepon. Tho: government, which has te largest capac for perpetrating Volence, will have to Insure tho safety of every indvidudl, reaardiess. of afiiation, from harm and efford redress, ‘om injuctice. This would be the foundation pon which a compreiensive “meting of minds" can rest. In oher wards, the tme is ripe for rebuilding “cil society.”Current events have come to a heed because just suci a meeting of minds ned already taken place after tho tumultuous era of Indian intervention and the JVP insurecion. What seemed to be the indomitable UNP was defeated primariy as a result ofthis politcal realonment that placed a high pramium on peace, ths despite great fears thatthe new government Would be bad for the pocket-books, that tho PA ora would eve a reversion to the SLFP efa ofthe 1870s. ItIs in is consext that the election of the People's Alfanca and Chandrika Kumaratunga as president must be analyzed. There wes ceafly. in ii Lanke, a rovuleion of vicleneo factor, a revision stemming from the Woody period fellawing the JVP insurrection in the. Tate 1960s, lasting tvough the eavly 19308 and all of this folowed very cosey by 8 sting of ascascnatons in the hear of arses where people tad felt safe before. The "Colomboites" were jolted out of their complacent paricinstion in the perverse: eycholocical logic that tueled a War of ation. In there ary wonder that it was Vietnam Vels that slarted the peace mova- ment in the US while the vast majority of people tallied the body-counts at nome: in front of tne TVs —ivingroom wars are ccerfortablol Neventieless, assuming thet the realign ‘ment maans a *meaing of minds" in terms. ‘of ending violence, what can be done: Polifcally? The PA administration hes taken a major step towards addressing the riyhag problems of this conflict by offering Soniicant devolutn of power 10 the North and East — the so called "Union of Regions.” This is a good siait and ts Jime to look abt farther — What s roculred for reconstucing a soviely thal accepls ‘hase changes responsibly? And what will prevent a breakdown of “normalcy” in the: fuluie? | suggest that the current crisis lems from the breakdown cf damocracy = in Fobert Dali's terms a gradual shift way from “polvarchy.” According to Dahl, ‘most of the advanced democracies of the: word where violence Is minimal and nommal pals proval are polyaichies. A polyarchy 'S a form of democracy where corpetifon and inclusiveness ate tigh, but a system. ‘hat will not survive (especially ina multna ‘ional state) if theres sense ofealumacy for the forms and procassas of the system. and if poltical ecivsis are unable 10 ‘cooperate, This is the essence of Farmony in Hoang aczercing te Arend Ljphart who argues that the Dutch place a hoh-premium ‘on “accommodation” and many othors have aigued sirilar pallems for Sweden and even India where the notion of “syrihs- sis" is actively practiced, Tho ervcial Yariable for accommodation, however, (s the realization by all parties that they have: more to galn fiom cooperation tian by 6 confrontation. The problem mey be ftemed ina “prisoners dlerrma® framework, na prisenors dilomma game, two prisoners (A & 8) have committed ¢ crime and ara inlerrogated separately. thay own tp, they get 2 Ighter sertence than if they Were prosecuted. The options for the priseners ara to own up or blame tho otnor and get off lightly. Thus, If A blames 8, B gels punishad and A gets off 1B blames A al the seme time, the authorities havo a sclid case against both and ostensibly both gattha maximum toe in prison, Thus, the best option forboti A& Bistocooperats by otning up and gating alighiot sentence Owring up, however, isa factor of “rust. ‘That 's, A and 8 wil both own up if they trust ene ancther net to tlame the other, because If A owns up and is also blamed by B then A wil teke the full purishment. Whst thave domenctratod in thooretie tome [5 the Importance of ust among poltical aciivisis if indeed building polyarchy in Sa Lanka is going to be feasible, Winring the peace in Sri Lanka crucially depends upon the bulding of “trust” among tre dieparats pdlical activists involved in politcs, and Vargue below effective Ways in which the state can rebuild tust Despiie the polticel reclignment that reflected the desire for peace in Sti Lanka, the peace initative to 60 whally state-lod, This causes a ralhor laigo problem of credbilily because the ultimate miscream in this whole nasty business is the state, (or viewed es such ky many. The reason, ppatly, of the massive exodus fiom Jafina {and the apprehensions of many Colombo Tamils is cue manly a3 a resut of this credibility gap.Thus, is it possible for a slate-led peace iniaive to Le convincing? ‘The zeipeist around tha globe presently Is certainly based on the realization tat the state must recede and “poltics’ miniré- 203, Yol, how can the gale encure the construction of civil socisty? The cardinal Virtua, indoed the vary allar on which "eit sosiely” fests Is the rule of law. Thus, reconstructing the rule of law in Sri Lanka Is perhaps the most pressing task. As many have argued, Si Lanka pract- ees a form of “democracy,” where un- falmess In legal terms Was let Wo successive logislaturos to docido. Such a system fs highly conducive, as thes proved 1b ba, to be manipulated’ and. abused by the democratc process itself. The “wil of the malory” eesiy amples onthe “his of tho minories" often the diving force behing iis process Bena democratic party competion, Indood, S.1W-P.D. Bandarand kes Sinaia only" poley wes a maniesta- tion ol tha electoral exigency of creating what Anthony Bows (1856) fies called a “passionate mgjriy.” S\W.R.D. paid the ullmate price unfortunately when he tied to rectly what he tad done. in any case, ‘a eycter that tes to conte law through {egstaton wi inoviably benign coercive, toribly inaicirs uch as what the Soviots tied {0 do with their econorny), ard would lead to disesier. Thus, itis time for Si Lanka te lake the path of adopting laws based on universal norms, gether than that ddotarrinod by tho popular will which is Olen pemicous. It Is te 10 adopt laws that would apply equaly to al, folowing Immanuel Kents universe rules of just ‘conduct. Its time tha all partios realize that proforaiialtrastment (this case the Pielertec are the majorty, unlike in he USA wihor itis a minorty that has boon scrninated against in tha pas) isarecipe for disaster and counterpreductive for everybody in the long-run. Today, # must bs recocnized thatthe leaslatve path, as FA, Hayek hae argued, is "Tho Rcd to Sertéom" — Sil Lankans espedaly could ates! 19 ths fact. Thus, the legisiaiva path will not provide the corfon tet distusting minorities or cher potical opponents seek making 1 imperalve that the sialc begin addressing the need for unversel norms and for building ‘rust — this fo what wil wif te peace and Irsure polyarchy in St Lanka In conclusion, peace does not eulomati- cally follow winning on tha military fent IVa stable peace is 10 be actieved in Sil ‘Lanka, the underying problems that caused tho contict in the fist place have to be fesolved. It Is argued Nere tat those fprebloms will rly be eolved by reconstruc: ting polyarciy — a highly Inclisive and compeiive system of damccrary. Yet because of the system and the resultant hisiory of viclence, polyarchy willbe dificut to conetrt without a high cogroe of truct ‘among politcal acilsis belonging to al the disparate groups. Trust is especially hard to buid because of the inherently ‘comforiable psychological factor that go- vvomne incividual peychos in wars of atrtion. has aso been argued above that the ppreblem can be famed in a prisoners lemma" game where itis now benefice {or all contasting groups to cooperate rather than ceniront, but cooperation is dependent ‘on trust. Hopefully, the devolution of power ppreposad by this government is going to be the foundetion upon which this mutual trust and security can be rebuili — the ‘most crucial aspect fer rebuilding polyeschy and a lasting peace in Sn Lanka Only this achioveniont will justify tho noocless expense of lle and resources our nation fhas incurred in the past years. This is a fiea lo al Si Lankans to accept accomma- aton — it benefis us al. Let us bring ‘somo “rivitoza" to tho entiro island 80 thet sudu-nelum” may bloom,PRESS FREEDOM The Lifting of the Censorship ‘Surlya Wickremasinghe 4 restriction sought to be justtied 7 the ground of national security is 29t legitinete if iis genuine purpose ‘or demonstrable effect is to protect interests unjelated fo national securily, inoluding, for example, to protect a goxernment rom eaibanassmenl or ‘exposure of wrongdoing, or fo conceal Information about the functioning of its publie institutions, or to entrench 4 particular ideology, or to suppress inghistrial unrest.” ‘Any restriction on the free flow of information may net bo of such a nature 2s lo tart the purposes of fuman fights and humantarian law, In pamtoular, governments may not prevent journalists or representatives of intergovernmental or non-gavern- menial organisations with @ mandate (0 monitor acherence to human rights (or humanitarian standzros from ento- fing areas viiore there are reasonable grounds io bolieve that violations of human dehts or humanitarian tawy are Laing, or have been, committed A goverment may not excluae four. Tete or representatives from such oranisations from areas that are ‘experiencing violence or armedcontict excep! wnere their presence would pose a clear rick to tha safely of coihers."* he Oli Rights Movement wel: comes the ling of the censorstip.* This censorship was one which should not have been imposed and. imple: mented in the way that it wos. The assessment of the precise needs of Rational securiy in the midst of any paricular sitiation of armed confict may not aivays be an easy task. Intemational slancards nevertheless require that re- Stictions on leedom of expression be recessary to mest the stated end, and that the suspension of basic rights on the grounds of nationel emergency may only be to the extent strict required by the exigencies of te sivaion Sia Wevrerasrohe ie the Seeley of he (GHiT Fights Movement of Si Lanks. ‘The “banned” subjects ‘The regulations conteined an absolute prohibition on publication of cortain types ‘of news. An exemination of the banned ubjacts shows that they were drawn extremely broady. For clanty, we have broken up below tho differant clomonts of the relevant reguation. Whet was protitited was the publication of ‘any material containing any matter which pertains to any operations carried out orproposed o be carried our by the Armed Forces or the Police (inchiding tho Spocial Task Force), The procurement or the proposed procurement of arms or supplies by any such Forces, the deployment of troops or personnel, or the deployment or the use of equip- ment, inclucing aircraft or naval ves- sels by any such Forces, or the deployment or the use of equip- ment, including aiveraft or naval ves~ sole by any uch Forces, or any statement pertaining to the official ‘conduc! or the performance of tho Hoad or any member of any of the Armed Forces or the Police Fores. This formulation would, for instance, stiut out any exposure of corruption in tho prccuroment of arme and eupplies even if such exposure were wholly in the public interest and could in no wey endanger national security. ‘The last prohibition set out above wes addod to the regulations by an amend ment of 26 September (publisied in Gazette of 2 October), and is the least defensible cf al. Interpreted titerally — ‘and there is no other interpretation as the language is unambiguous — t would prohibit not only erticism but also praise of any amy or police officer. More disturbing is the fect thet such constrainis on freedom of expression are a serious interference with the waichdag role of the press and of independent human rights organisations, an essenticl ele- ment of which Is highlighting maiters ‘such ae any corruption, human rights Violations, or other misconduct by the authortios. ‘n this regard GRM emphasises that there are binding international standards rolating to the restrictions that may legitimately be imposed on freedom of ‘oxprossion. Any such testictions have to be “necessary” to mect the desired end. Moreover, depariure from basi rights in times of national emergency my only be “to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation”. These ate objective tests, ‘and not juct what a goveinment might feel expedient. They are the require- menis set foth in the Intemational Covenant on Givi and Poltical Rights (CPR) which Sit Lanka is bound by intomational law to obsorve in its intornal law and practice, having ratiied the ‘Covenant in 19802 The practical application of these principles in given real Ife situations has been the subject of decsions of national couits, ntemationa tribunals and specia- list studies. The most recent! and compre- hhonelve such study was held in South Aca in Cctober 1935 by a group of ‘experts in Intemational ‘aw, national ‘security and human rights.* This resulted in the Johaonesburg Principles on Natio~ nal Secutty, Freedem of Expression and Aocess to information, The Principles are based on intemationel and regional law and standards ralating to the protecton of human richis, evolving state practice (@s reflected, intor afa, in judgments of national courts), and the general princ- ples of law recognised by the community of nations. They lay down guidelines ‘on the restrictions that may legitimately ‘be imposed on the graunds of national security, during the course ot which they‘ta. a restriction sought io be justiied on the ground of national securily is ‘ot legitimate it As genvine pupase or demonstrable affect is 10 protect ‘interests unrelated to national securily, ‘including, or example, to protect a government fom embarassment or expasure of wrongabing, or a canceal information about the functioning of #5 pubic institutions, or to entrench @ paricuiar ideology, or to SJppress industial unrest.” ‘Thsse quidslines also emphasiso that peaceful expression that “is avrected at ‘communicaiing information aboutalleged Volatians of human rights standaros or totemational hurrannaitan aw” shall not be regarded de constituting a threct to nationel security. Reporting the conflict, This brings Us to tho all important question of the reporting of the armed conflict scl. It is essential here thal any constraint be strcly confinad to tho exigencies of the situation, This is necessary not only to protect human rights and humanitarian standards. To deny correct information on what is happening on tho military front is to impair the abity of citzens to come to responsible docisions on the politcal font. Here goain the principles that should guide a goverment In such situations have been formulated with cere and cleriy: “Any restiition on the rea tow of inlermation may not be of such a natu as to thwart the purpesos of human dgtts are hurmanianen la. tn pattiela; goveraments may not prevent joumalsis or representatives Of intergovernmental or nor-gorern- mental erganisatons with a mandaio (© mentor acnerence to human rohts or hummantarian stenderds trom ente- ting areas where there are reasonablo grounds to beleve that violatons of human rigite or humantarten law are being, oF have been, commited A govemment mey rot exciade journa- sts or representatives from such organisalons trem areas that aye exporiancing volonce eranned contct ‘except where thelr presence would pose a clear isk 10 the salely of ‘thors. "® ‘Ths raises a further important qua- sticn. The lifting of the censorship Is a step in the right diroction but io not, In iisef, sufficient, it is essental that Joumatsts and human rights and huma- Nitarian orgarisaiicn be allowed as ex- tensive access to the north and east ‘as pracicablo, in pertiular to those ‘aieas which are or have recently been the scene of miltery action, and lo places where refugses are concentrated. Oddities and Ulocicalities in the regulations The emergency regulations them- sehes were sirenge in several respects their manner of operation stranger sti By thelt wording the regulations imposed @ folal and absolute prohitition on ubication of cerizin types of news. There wes no provision that such news items could be cariod if spproved by the Competent Authorty. The Govern- mont novertholecs eppointed a Com petent Authority to whem news tems were in fact submitied for “approvai” before publication, and who eft insis- ted on ceftain cuts. There were mary complainis about the deleys this process involved, and ahout the inconsistency ard ineppropriateness of some o! the decisions. What goncrally escaped peo- ple's attention, however, was the fact that the publication of all news tiems —even the govemments own communi- ques — on the prohibted subjects fomained illogal even if the Competent Autiority’s approval was obtained, be- cause in fact the regulations themselves mado ro provision for this. (There was provision for the appointment of a Con Petent Authoriy, but to perform another function) Infact, during tis period there Wes in the press @ debale about the conduct of a Deputy Inepector General Of Police, and controversy about the conduct of named army officers; topics which, in terms of the regulations, were banned, R is naiculous to think that all this was in fact ilegal. There were other featuras that were arity, unclear or confusing. The ‘censorship was appied only to the local meda, the foreign correspondents boing adiinistealively exempted, Even as te gards the local modia, the censorship Was in law operative only in those areas subjectto emergency rule, ciealing doubt and unclarty aso the rights andliatilties of persons in, say, Metara or Kandy. Such absurdities, ‘ilogicalites and inconsistencies do net merely affect the fight of the public to be governed by leer, comprehensible and sensble aws. They also tend fo bring tho law itself as an instiution lato disrepute; this has fong term implications for the building of a stable society. The regulations (as has been the case with many emergency regulations on other topics) appear to have been drafted hastily, with ther manner of implementation not well thought out. The night of free expression ina democracy Is so fundemental that it should be tampored with only in a carefully thought out manner with mini- ‘mum trespass on the right of publication and information, and with the practical workings of the media — with its deadlines, and ite diversity as regards levels of stati, technology and other resources — in mind, CRM urges tho government to be exiremely circumspect as regards eny ‘suggestion of imposing censorship in future. CRM also urges the govammont to be guided in any such decision by the Johannesburg Principles, which strike a careful balance between the interests involved, with a view to preser- ving the overall interests of a froo and democratic society. CRM further urges the govemment to take without delay the essential next step of ensuring that journalists and others wilh a legtimate interest in the situation have due access 10 conitict areas, Notes 4. The dhannesturg Prnsplas on atiensl Soau fly, Froedor of Expression and. Atwoss to Inionnaton. 2, Thocensoship was imposed on 21 September 1995, amended on 28 Sapiomter 1895, and lites en 20 Decanter 1935, 2. The inematonal Covensnton Gil and Polticl Flbhs, Ale 19 and Avice 4. Tha presen! onstivton of SH Larke Jale het of fe standards lid down, bu De erat new fea Menal_ngns chepier incorporates these aspects ofthe Covenant 4. Gemened by Atible 18, the Iterations Cente: Against Censorstin, n calatoraton ih the Cartre for Applet Logal Ques of ‘he Univeraiy ef the Wiwalerane, 5. Piinepl 10, Aeseos to Resticted Avess. The tanrestury Prncbies on Natoral Security, Freedom of Expression and Access fo fern tenWOMEN Sri Lankan Kalinga Seneviratne Although the women of Sd Lanka bring in most of the country’s much-needed foreign exchange, they have ‘Yet to receive adequate legal protection against violence 2nd other social threats confronting them. in March 1995, ata _ press ‘conference during the Urited Nations Social Development Summit in Copen- hagen, a Norwegian jounaist asked the ‘Si Lankan President Mrs Chancrika Kamaratunga how she coud help to Improva tie siatus of women in St Lanka. She smiled and said: What more do you want? We have a woman President ‘and a woman Prima Minister, and six other woman ministers in a Cabinet of 24. Women educate themselves as mush as men. Job cpportuniies for women are not less than for mer’. However, Prosident Kumaratunga added that ithad not solved the problems women face in Sti Lanka. Thor's a ew problem — violence against wo- ‘men,’ she explained. ‘Social violence like apa, even rapa cf litle children. Physical violence, (some) not heard cf before, Is on the increase’ ‘She acknowledged that there was a lack of legsation in Sti Lanka to protect women against this type cf violence and said that her governient would soon draw up lecislation to overcome it While the President has set up a task forceto draw upnew legislation to protect women from viclence, many cf the social reforms promised during the 1994 elec tion campaign have been put on the bback bumer since the Literation Tigers f Tamil Elam (LTTE) broke off peace tells in Apri 1995 and re-launched the ‘ainga Senovietne is Si Lankar-bam Ausra Uenjounaks, broadcaster and med researcher Women ferocious war against the Sti Lanken Goverment, to carve out # separaia slate for themselves in the countiy’s north and the east Dr Deepika Udagama, the drecior of tho Contre for the Siudy of Human Figh's at Colombo Universiy, agrees with tha President's postion. ‘Many in South Asia think that warren in Sri Lanka ere better off then ther counterparts in other counties of South Asia. To somo exiont this Is true. (In terms of education level, women helcing management positions, women In professions and even in normal sociel norms, Sxi Lankan women enjoy a better position than those in Pakistan, Bangades’ or India, But in tha recont past there's been a tremen- dous upsurge in acts of violence against women; she says. ‘Though she does not see the change in laws as the remedy, Dr Udagaria argues that las are necessary in tha lafger social process that needs to be put in place. Pitiful work conditions "Women have entered the public arena in a big way, (bul) there's been no ‘corresponding protection to goaiong with that phenomenon,’ she observes. ‘Right now there's no law ageirst sexual harassment, It is a vary common factor wherever women are.’ Today, the Government acknowledges and even boasts tht garmenis and foreign employment of Sri Lankens are the two. biggest’ foreign exchange gamers for the county, They have overtaken traditional commodity exports lke tea, rubber and coconuts in the last docade, Tho ‘ruth of the matter is that it is women who create most of this income for Sri Lanke. ‘Their piiful work conditions jn thase areas seem to be nobodys concer, agree many sosial welfare analysts here. Sri Lanka earned 766 bilion rupees (about US $ 1.5 billion) in 1994 from garment exports produced mainly in the Free Trade Zonos (FTZs) In the county — which made up 48% ofits export income. Out of the 100,000 Jobs created in the FTZs in recent years, 80% have gone to women. There are 500,000 migrant workers, mainly in the Middle East, who contibuied Rs. 35 bilion (US $ 0.7 billion) to the national coffers in 1994 — over 50% of them are women, working as maids, In March 1995 alone, 11 deaths were reported from the Middle East. The Si Lankan embassies and local nor-gove- mmental welfare agencies get an avera- ge 400 complaints a month about phys:- cal and verbal abuse, and there are some $00 Sri Lankans in the Unitod ‘Arab Emirates (UAE) prisons. On 18 April 4995, when most Si Lankans were celebrating the national new year, @ young Sri Lankan maid Sitht Unisa faced a fring cquad in the UAE, ‘The Foreign Ministry in Colombo learnt about her death only four days kaler. ‘The family knew about it through a telephone message delivered fo @ neal by temple from another maidin the UAE. Another maid who had retumed home from the UAE told Unisals famty that she had been executed for a murder she had never commited, An infant child had cied after falling of the hands of her moter, but the mistress blamed the maid for the desth. This is typical of mary cases which come to light at regular intervals regarding Sri Lankan maids oversees. Helen Perera, the President of the Rural Women's Front (RWF), which is discouracing women from leeving their villages for jobs abroad, argues that the Govemment iS not opposed to Si Lankan women going overseas to work because of the foreign exchango tho national coffers recalve as a result. Showing @ filed letter, sho tells me ‘1 get letters like this every day. This is about abuse and exploiiaion et (our) 9embassy in Saudi Arabia. There are also women who have gone and cisappeared ‘overseas. Some familiss whoco lovod ‘ones have never retumed after cong for jobs oversecs, have joined our ‘organisation.’ Mis Perera seys Si Lankan women ‘ere going through Unbeliovablo harc- ships overseas. ‘One has said that her famiy has eaven mon and all of them sleep with her, she says, and adds, showing anciher leter, This later says that once in Saudi Arabia our worren ate being Sold. This Is lke the old slave era, The men who buy thom of course treat the women tke animals Though RWF members go eround the villages tring to discourage women from going overseas, Ms Perera admis thet they are faci a formidable teck, The main reason Is the lack of employment opportuniies in the vilegss, whore very cften, the only Way for survivals through ally casual work, which is lowly paid end unratabla, ‘When pecpie see the exieral show of those who hava gona overseas and retumed — and have bought or buit houses — they think they themselves ‘can carry on trying to survive on casual employment, the only solution is to get ut andi go for a job in the Middle Esct... most of the altracton is this external look of the rotumees; others think they have gone overseas and had a good time, Ms Perera observes, Inany village in the south of the istand there ale at least 10 motiers who have left behind their familias and gone overseas to work, according to Ms Perera. She pcints out that this has created a huge social upheaval in rural Sti Lanka. 'If you look a their families, you find that the children have missed the loving care of their mother. Many girls at a very young age have got into Unwanted things, like having casual affairs with boys, some even getting manied and later breaking up. Then there are boys who have developed very eggressive personalities.’ Social Education specialist Sujatha Wielileka agrees that migrant worker schemes have created a lot of social Problems In the couniry. Because of language barriers, sometimes tho women have even signed contrecis to 10 be the mistress of the employer, she ‘says. ‘If they reuse, sometimes these men ascaut them (and) # thoy give in, they may get assaulted by the wives. ‘Some have come home camying babies. Then they are not wanted by the villagers.” Anothar problem Me Wijstioka has opserved is that, when the mother eaves, the fethor sommctimes finds ano- ther companion, neglecting the chidren, Recently Sri Lankans were shocked the reported fo Dr Tilak Heltiarachi, Senior Lecturer in Psycholo: gy st the University of Colombo, thie has mainly happened in homes where tho wie is in tho Middle Eest and the man Is leit alone with the children, ‘When money starts coming in, the man gives up his job and starts consu- ming alcohol and sleeping with his daughier. The worse thing is, men even jusify thetr actions’ says Dr Hatiarachi. in many cases these men have sald that since thoir wives aro awey, thoy need to be satisfied sexually and this they get from their daughters.” Chinte Belesoorva, Executive Drecior of Wornen In Need (WIN), another women's wolfere agency, argues that the increased incidents of reported incest ie due to the fact that groups like hers have publicised and created awaraness in the community that women need not suffer sient. We Fave roally over-bur- dened the worten, They have become broad winnors in mest of these families. Its realy unfortunate men take it for ‘rented,’ she says. Many women social workers here have mixed feelings about the Increased job creation for women under Sri Lanka's economic beraiisation policies since 1977. As Ms Wijeticka observes, the posiive sido to itis that it has eased the unemployment problem for women in te countyside and sconomis benofits have fowed to the vilagas, but on te nogetive side it has crested big cocal probems. The FIZs which have been at the hhub of Sri Lanka's economic iberalica- tion policies have crested more jobs for women than mon. Most of the women Who work in these are young gis who havo boon protected in the vilages and afe now on their own in thess zones. To aitract foreign investors, Si Lanka has completely done away with the law which previously prohibited women from working night-shits. Thus some women finish work late at nignt or eatly in the moming and get srposed to many dangerous situations on their way homa, Ms Balasooriya argues that when you look at violence against women in the S1i Lankan society you have 'o take into consideration the situation with the FTZs, The laws of the country don't apply there’ she says, adding that recently when she visted an FTZ, she found the gits ‘caged in their small houses.’ ‘One gil told me how there are 16 living in one of these houses and they. have only one tollet, (Thus) she nas fo got up at thros in the moming to Use the tollet so that she can gel to workcat seven,’ explains Ms Balasooriya, Ms Wietiieke, who works as a Pro- gramme Officer at the Swedish embassy in Colombo, says that the embassy has fecently funded the women's service centre at the biggost FTZ at Katunayake near the Colombo aliport. They have found large numbers of cis coming to the centie pregnant, crying for heb, Fiecent studios dono by the Colombo University nave found that the FIZs have been the preying grounds for pimps from brothels in Colombo and the tourist ‘centres on the coast, where they befriend unsuspecting vilage girs. They are gradually transformed from belng gif fiends to sex workers. Dr Udagama observes thal for some time Si Lanka has boon touted as a very docila place with a vary skiled workorce, to attract foreign investors. ‘There's this perception that ordinary labour laws don't apply in these free trade zones. The fact is, where women are conceined, there's Sexual explolta- tion’ She argues that the govemment will have te look into providing thoce female Workers not only with employment secu- rily, utalso protection against workplace harassment of a ‘very sexual nature’. ne of this must be regulations on the working hours and the length of shits. — Thiet Word Netwerk FeaturesGeneric Drugs ? The World Health Organization recommends that people should be kept informed about the facts on medication and provided with the knowledge and skills to protect themselves from the inappropriate use of drugs. Public education in drug use will increasingly become a part of mass education via the mass media. The knowledge and skiils thus acquired will still not provide adequate protection to the public if the items in doctor’s prescriptions are effectively disguised by various brand names and promoted for indications which have not been fully validated. Generic Drugs are those known by their pharmacopocial names and can be prescribed only for their established clinical indications. Most Pharmacopoeias now carry a section on Patient information giving a brief account of the indications, benefits and risks in use of a particular drug. Thus Generic naming and identification of use is a vital part of this public education programme advocaied by WHO which aims to prevent brand name promotion making medication revert to being one of the Black Arts. Generic Drugs from MSJI FOR RATIONAL USE OF DRUGS. MSJ Industries (Ceylon) Limited Factory and Laboratories, P.O Box 430, Colombo.WHITHER RUSSIA (2) The Presidential Stakes Horace Perera he Presidenial electrons ere ‘scheduled for 16 June this year, In View of the poor showing ofthe reformers In the 17t) December elections for the Duma there are fears in some poltical Circles in Russia that Yolisin may post: pone the election and continue to rule by decree, He could do this if he was 60 mindad but it ic vory uniikoly. In fact. inthe same circles simiar fears regarding the elections for te Duma proved to be tolally unfounded. The more than the 60% voler furr-out on 17th December showed that “Russians have come to relish exercising their voting rights and have developed a sort of commitmant" to this first step of the democratic process. This lact wil not be lost on. Yoltsin, however anyious he may ba to remain President, and @ can be taken {or granted that he Presidential etections will bo hold on the due date. Equally faulty is the assumption that the “Victory” of the Communists and Ultra Natfonaliets in the elections for the Duma foreshadows a victory for sithar Of thelr leaders on 16th June, It must be ncted that the Communists fared only slightly batter than they did in 1993 and that i is felt that the party wil have to put forward a candidate with more charisma than Gonnadi Zyuganov who is regarded as a rather obscure soviat apparatchik “witn” a cardboard doctorate in Manjit Philosophy. “Also note should be taken of tho fact that the Ultra-Nati nalists post ground strongly. What is clear is that if thee are no new ‘contenders from thor partios and uniess the democratic groups are able to unite under a highly tegerded and popular leader, Zyugenov, or a mora suiteble candidate put forward by the Communist block, and Zhirinovsii can be the cand dates in the run-off election for the Presidency. 12 After the elections to the Duma, the contest was naowed down 1 four possible candidatos. These wore Zyuga- Nov, Zhirinovski, and Yeltsin or his Prime Minister Chemomyrdin of the "Russia is our House Party’, and the leader of tha Yabloco block (a reformist grour), Grigori Yaviinsk:. Zyuganoy wil provably be replaced, Zhinovski is said to be regarded as a “raving lunatic” and, for some reason not yet disclosed, is repor- led to be despised by women! Yeltsin's populatity has, as stated carlior,plumet- ted and Yavlinki is not very optimistic of his chances, particularly because of the divisions and feuding among the Hberal economists and democrats A new candidate eppeared on the cone on 26th December 1995 in the person of General Alexander | Lebed the wel know commander of the 14th Pussian army in a “breck-away" region of Mokiova. Ha has much popular support for his view that Moscow bears a responsibilty for protecting the righis of the 25 Nilfion ethnic Russians who are today miorties in the former Soviet Republics. He has also been a sharp ertic of Yetsins intervantion in Che- chnya. ltmay be appropriate al ths stage 10 refer to aleter, signed by a hundred Russian intellectuals and published on the front page of the lavesta, calling on Yeltsin to sion this fratricidal war “the senselessness end unpopularity” of which “ie cbvious to evoryone" end which, at the end of the 2th century, When the peaceful setlemert of disputes is en accepted principle, “appears for the Fussian and world community to be a wid anachronism’, The letter received wide coverege and it may be usoiul for Yeltsin to consider its impact on the Presidential Election before he finaly makes up his mind in February to run in the Presidential Stakes, Lebed is said to consider Yeltsin and Zhirino- sky his princpal rivals. His reason for iscounting the communists is not clear, Itis possible that in his view — a view held by many Russia watchers — personaliies rather than polices wil carry more weight. Yeltsin, for the present is keeping Russians and the world guessing, He is not above resorting to Machiavelfan ‘tactics to keop himself in power. He is aid to have hinted that he could regain popularity by increesng waces end Ponsions and widening subsidies. For this it will be nacessary to print massiva ‘quantities of rubles causing hyperinla- tion and drowning the very people whom hhe hopas to help. His recent appoini- ment, of Yevgeni Primakov to roplace ‘Andrel Kozyrev is apparently intended 0 take some of the wind out of tha sails of the Communists and Nationalists, Kozyrev has been attacked in the Duma for being too much of a fliend and edmireroi the Western Democracies end there ky contriouting to the loss of Russia's supar-powor status, Primakov, on the other hand, belongs to the old guard commited to Soviet economic theory and Russian superpowordem. When George Bush was pushing Gor bachey for @ more éynamic economic programme il was Primakoy whom Gor achey appointed to ovorsea economia evelopment and to go to Wastington to explain to Bush the diticulty of implementing in the Soviet Union the speedy ‘elorme which tho Western Powers mada a concitionality for major ald asssiance. One has to wat and 00 as the next few months pass how far in the ditocton ef the communists and the nationalists Yeltsin wil go. In spite of doing this he cannot be sure of winning. it he loses one can onlyhope thet he will be the first Russian President to step down gracefully. Nore candidetes can enter the Prest dortial Race. As a matter of fact, French Television in channel one reported on 7in January that Gorbachev “thinking Of tie issue all the time" and is “inciea- singly moving to a positive decision’ itis theteiore impossible at this stage tolayabet on who wil emerge victorious in the Prosidentl stakes. The question that occupies the altertion of polical Commentators now is whether Russia wil revert to @ communist form of dictatorship. In other words to a totalita- tian form of government. This cannot be ruled cut completely seeing the yearring of the majority of the people for taw and order and economic and socal certtude as well es a measure of egaltarianism even with a privieged “ruing class’. But othore think that “polical and economic reform in Fussia has advanced 109 far to be brought to a dead slop," even by a Communist President. The New Duma looks a more conservative bedy than the one it renla- ced but al the same time much less Uniflod and therefore eoldom or never able to form a coalition that can secure @ twoshid majority to overun Presi- dential vetoes or decrees. The elections to the Duma should bo troatod as a waming against speedy and rigorous refer and not @ prelude to totaltar nism, Even Zyuganev has assured his audiences that, though he considers “democracy a mess” and one which has made Russia ¢ “bleeding wound’, he has no inionton of a restoration of a one-party stale. He sees no need to change te name of his party and hide behind some disguise of "Social Demo- cratic Perly” 2s communist pasties in other post Soviet Renublics have done. Whats likely to merge, given the power tho constitution grants the President and adivided Duma, is a form of autheritaian tule wih such elements of democracy ‘a5 2 mulliparty system a considerebie ‘moasuto of frocdom speech, prose and ralgion as well as regular, # not always JUstand far, elections, The West shouid understand this, Give Russia its due place in intemational affairs, provide more aid and technical assistance and teirain from efforts to extend the Euro: pean Union and NATO towards Russia's frontiers. The question has been raised as to whether Russia would try to restore the Soviet Empire. The answer to this was givan to the writer by a Professor ‘of Moscow University. ia Hussian does not dream of a ‘Russian dominaled Empire,” he said “! would say he has To hear. if he winks that t can be restored | would say he has no brains” that really sums at the positon. Waiting — 17 Tennekumbure ‘The boundaries waver between tie and life ‘There 1s past life in all this landscape ‘The old Ford stalled by an earth god's shrine Where the Oya joined the river. The mossy slabs with lapping voices said Forsake that machine And with the waters soft call ‘Summon that boatman, he will take you home. So across the earth brown river ‘The boat cut Two miles from my homeward run Rowed out of the yellow wild sunflowers Into the mid-stream sun And the yellow, zig zagging butterfies Going my way (09, up the other bank Over the hill to you, waiting Late for lunch and love. Past ife all this, ‘Though may be still ‘That once sweet home ts there by the hill And far at the rim of the valley ‘The Sleeping Warrior with his helmet on his chest Where the river falls from Dumbara. But now where the car stalled ‘The impounded river flows Over the terraced fields and the Pitiya Devale And the old limestone bridge All past life beneath ts waters, U, Karunatilake 13A Selection of the Finest International Brands. SU WARRY GOW cHetse DIAPERS ent HucGIES F SUNSWEET. uAPERs prunes eS DENTAL CARE Palmolive FERSONAL CARE $ JAMS R BOUNTY Tait Leng DAIRY PRODUCTS TOBLERONE CHOCOLATES e— ELLA BERRI HAIRCARE Sole Agents PURE FRUIT JUICE STASSEN Hetlgg BREAKFAST CEREALS Maxwell House corre Ardmona CANNED FRUITS: LURPAK BUTTER SOUPS AND PASTA Foops TOMATO PRODUCTS ATT INSTANTNOODLES @ CANNED MEATS. 833, Sirimavo Bandaranalke Mawatha, P.O. Box 1970, Colombo 14. ‘Tek 522871-2, 522830, 522832, 522934, 522155, 522375. Telex: 21418 Tasstea CE, 21991 Selpro CE, 23426 Soltoc CE, Cable: Tasstoa, Telefax: (941) 522013. Quality and Variety within your reach. “Available at all Supermarkets & leading groceriesSRILANKAN CONFLICT Is Accord Still Valid ? Humayun Kabir ome peope in Si Lanka tend to argue that the Indo-Sii Lanka Peace Accord of 1987 has fost lis vallty aiter the withdrawal of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IFKF) from the island in March 1990, and because India did not full HS part of the deal, viz., the disarming of the Tari militant groups." It is trie, bit the de facio vaidity of an agreement conclided between two tunequel contecing parties dces not depend on the ‘nonfulfiment of terms by the stronger side, the hegemon. What tatters most for considerations whether the victim stata or the hegemonised side is In a postion to defy or sidesten the hagemon on the issues invoNved. in other words, can SriLankaignore the influence of India and enjoy policy autonomy in respect of ite ethnic problem and foreign policy? | shall argue here that the Peace Accord is very much in force, since Sri Lanka is now more ‘mindful of India's secunly interests and concems, and Cognizant of New Delhi's enduring Influ- ence over the islands ethric iscus. The lete President Premadasa was known for his anti-Indian attitudes. His enchant for Sri Lanka's ASEAN con- nection in the early 1980s, his proverbial ‘opposition to the Peace Accord and the pubic display of his dsgust with the IPKF were only some of the examples of his poitical mindeat and policy profer- ence. He even allied himself with the LTTE in his efforts to get rid of the Indian troops. Even then, he did not unilaterally renounce the Peace Accord, although he unsucoessiully attempted 0 replace it wih a Treaty of Poace and Friendship with India. The IPKF wes Withdrawn, but so was the Israeli Mos- sad. Moreover, from mid-1901, Prosidant Premacasa had begun to move closer to India and indeed the inter-state telaionship had improved a grect deal, This may be explained by the fact that he was very disappointed with the LTT who dupod tho Si Lankan President by staging a facade of peace negctia- tions with him for actually gaining tme fo regroup and reinforoo, and by an improvement in the chemistry of personal relationships with Nerasimtia Reo who bocame India's Prime Mirister atter the tragic assassination of Rajiv Gandhi on 21 May 1991." However, the fact of the matter ie that Promadasa, having realsed the hard way, apparenily came found to the view that India after all could play 2 useful role in contoncing with the menace of Tamil tigers, the LTTE. The consequences of the end of the Cold War for Sri Lanka in iis felations with india may have been another factor contiibuting to his eppa- ont mellowed atftude toviards India in the later part of his tenure as President of Sri Lanka.!® It was discussed eatller how in 1987 in great powers had devalued Sri Lanka in preference for India. The post-Cold ‘War world order has become even more favourable to India. The two mast impor- tant fealures of this evolving order relate to the intemational power structure end the currency of international power. The glotal bipolarity has given way to a slowly-emerging multipolar international system. Geo-poltics seems to have been overtaken by gco-esonomics as the determining factor in the nature end conduct of intemational politics, to the effact that the contro of gravity of world politcs/interstate relations appears to have shifted from security to economics. The de-idcologised and ‘de-paliicisod’ Intemational relations appear to have three cffecis on the functioning of the Intemational system. One, tha greet Powers are not scrambling for spheres Of influence 2s belore. Two, gee-econo- mics has rendered the countries with big markets and with more opperturities for investment more important io the eveloped world. And three, the decline in US power has made t more depen ent on regional powers, particularly economically. And because of the loss in China’s strategic manocuvrabilty that she enjoyed uncer the bipolar intemaiio- nal system, her apprehensions about the post-Cold War uncertaintios, and tho felt need to succeed in her modemisaton programme including meinteining the highly impressive rate and extent of her econorri¢ giowih, she Is seeking an Uninterrupted period of peace and stabif- ty in the world, particulaty in jis ne ghbourhiood. That perhaps goes to ‘explain the heightened salience of the neighbours in China's recent foreign policy postures, as rellecied in her attempts to improve relations with them, including India. The implication of all tis {or India and Sri Lanka is only obvious: India has become a more Important factor in regional and global polities, whi Sri Lanka's clout in the comity of nations has considorably reduced. Sa Lanka's position is unlixely to change under tho PA goverment of Chandika Bandar raiko Kumaratunga, who set an example of a meteoric palitical rise by having been elected Prime Minister on 15 ‘August and President on... November 1934 Tho foreign polcy orientation of the Chancrika govammant is different from thet of the thee successive UNP regk ‘mes which bagen their long haul of 17 years of muie in 1977, particurly from that of the Jeyewardene goverment This is due to several reasons. First, with a view to heralding a break with the preceding UNP foreian poly that is being condemned for having been subservient to extemal forces and inie- resis (implying the pro-US tl), the PA government is seemingly creating an impression that it intends to restore Si Lanka's self-respect and confidence in its foreign policy conduct. While high- lighting the Chandrika government's foreign policy and its priorities, Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar has sla ted: “Si Lanks has a fundamental ‘ational selF-respect to be protected and 15promoted at all tmes. We have no Feason to be servile or supine and, in accordance with the UN Chartor principle Of the sovereign equally of states, we must conduct ourselves in the intematio- nal community with digrity and confde- ‘nee in our principles and policies’."* Second, unike the Jayewardene brand of non-alignment, the PA govern- ment's independence in foreign policy is to find expression in adhering to the Non-Aligned Movement (NAN). Foreign Minisier Kadiigamar said that *.. the PA government believes the fundamen- tal piinciples of this movement [NAM] remain relevant to the needs and aspira- tion of the couniries of the South, Ho elaborated on this by saying, alignment is an attitide which mai the selF-espect of a people. We dont want to be leckeys. There- fore, tho epiit of non-alignmert is very much ava. It is a_good thing. for developing counties, The essential fe2- {ure of non-aignment is the desire to judge issues as they arse trea of pre-concsived ideological commit- mont’. 18 Third, conscious of the crucial diiving forcos in today’s world, tho PA govern- ment appears fo be shifting the focus of the country’s foreign policy from the. West to the East. Kadirgamar said in an interview to the Sunday Leader newspaper: “Relations with Asia will be @ pronounced thrust of foreign potoy. This area has been negiectod”. Later on, he also said, "We have failed to realise that we belong to tho Asian famty of nations. We have leaned too much lowards the West and neglected Asia. And tho noxt century belongs to Asia’. Elsewhere he sic “Develooments in Asia, inciuding South East Asia are to be concentrated upon whilo maintaining {good relations with all nations. Melaysi rather than Singapore was to be looked. at with special intorest 2s 2 role modo! for Sii Lanka’. It i$ reported that the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister had even. apologised to the Malaysian loadors ‘when he met them at the UN for having neglected cementing good relations with the South-east Asian county in the recent pasi."° 16 At the global level, the Jayewardene regime's policy of primacy of the paliical appoars to be giving wey to the PA policy of primacy of the economics, pariculaily to wade and investment. Constious of tha nocd to properly relate Sil Lanka to the post-Cold War clabal trends, Foreign Minister Kadirgarmar sta- ted: “As wo approach tho 21et century, Asia is surging foward lo a dynamic era in which Sri Lanka must play an integral role..”.*” In fact, in addition to Japan, Sri Lanka's new government is Planning to rejuvenate relations and atiract more trade and investmant from sian nations, incuding Taiwan, Ausira- lia and the ASEAN counties. The Foreign Minister said, “We will try hard to attract captal from Asia. We want to make it clear to our Asien neighbours that we will take stops to rejuvenate our relations, We have been basically sleeping over that for some time”." In telalion to the West also, he spoke of economic interesis. He sald, “we can stil look to Wesiem marke's and remain non-aligned. Thera is no contlict between these two positions”! Fourth, mindiul of the constructive potential of ragional cooperation, the Chandrika government has reiterated its ccorrmitment io the South Asian Associa- tion for Ragienal Cooperation (SAARC), Butit will also explatt its bilateral ecanc- mig relations with the SAARC nelgh- bours. Whether this means attaching ess importance to SAARC is difficult to ascentain.'® What may be relevant to point out here is that tho PA cloction marifesto mentions about SAARC alter dealing with the intended relationship with India, while in the UNP manifesto the places for the two are in reverse order. And finally, he most significant change in the Sri Lankan forcign poticy in last nearly two decades is the PA govern- menl’s ceappraisal of the cegionel geo- politcal rosliics, which essentially ‘means ‘correcting’ Jayewardene’s strate- sic lapses’ and making efforts i redefing Indo-Sri Lanta relations by being appre- ative of tncia’s regional interes's and concems. President Chandika Bandar naike Kumaratunga aid: “... We do not have an Inda-pnotia tke the previous goverment did. Wo are reclistis in that We accept that we have a oigantio neighbour nex! fous and we must have ‘good relations with hor. We aro off to 4 cod start, because our party is known to have hed good relations wilh India. We hope to resiat that and havo a very dynamic relatonshp, not just a good relationship..." Foreign Minister Ke- dirgamar has repeated it a number of limes that it Is very Important for Sit Lanka fo establish a sound end siable relationship with India and that restoring such relationship was one of his gove- mment’s priorities." As a matter of fact, che of the cutcomes of Sti Lanka's experiences with Inia in the 1960s has been the femergence of a national censenaus in the sland that itis its prime Enperaive fol to antagonise India." The Island and Daly News are the two newspapers that are representative of the largest chunk of the poltieal spectrum in Si Lanka, Once the ediiorat of the Island wrote: “Even in regard to our leng-tem securly interests, cultivating the Asian noighbours [essentially implying India] is likely to pay beter dividends than planing cur hopes on the West who have but a transient intrest in our part of the wortd’" One Daily News editrcl suggostod that “coriel reatione with our immacicte neighbours, particulary Ine should be @ comer stone of Si Lanka's forsign policy’ But there are several challenges bo: fore the Chandika government in the Conduct ofits foroign policy, particularly conceming is foreign economic rela- tione, These challenges stem from both domestic andinternational sources. Fist, there seems to be an Incompattbitty between the PA govorment and the donor nations and lending agencies, such as the Werld Bank, Intemational Nonetary Fund (IMF), Asian Develop- ment Bank (ADB) etc., in their economic phiosophy and policy. The commitment of the PA goverment to market econo- my is not unaduiterated. Notes TH Dr Vornon Mons eof he epiton that 2 waa ‘hs io te viral absonce of spray on te at of he syevartne govermenitatocsoxy tod for ts fare ia onlsing extarogened ‘sunpot or St Larka aganst cia, sd te Unwitngrase of i Wana Hance Ta vow1a, rs 16, 12. se 12. 164 was egress by tim dng my ete with fim Conte on 13 January 1965. “his cgraton wae phy highly nal set of 4 G4 Lanan peal ting on 60 ly 1967 athe fate gad of tena fr aly Nis on tis ead. Then fader row scape his possble death wih only rit frucng on hs none ena outer by fnaly ‘leave ching Uns news coateabe wate couk I fe tra oo, than tw a dagace ws ne welds four lxgest amy; it the tt, then It speaks onda’ long stteny of neping lve fe pry ores fn Si Lk {vas [Bd aiog my itarvow in. Goarbo rary 1955 win one tho cecest avers to inl Preslon Portas thatthe Sf Caan lear ved ofl urerloraba wih to ost tn poo ties of rire Gan Fay Gunn, ‘nie «tary widonpiond bot my So Lark that to was assailed ty Tel Tigo's do te i Potnebbing ih ed “Tore eo cory vows abo Wat Promadeee fd alvays boon ardreian ard edd os Sun, Tal nay be We Due fom eres ‘hat he,tofs edt hadleamed tobe pragmatic i his dings wih ec. Nooo hare t=) ‘hot a publ domand lr IK wihdeawal wa ‘ald for more by he exigency of bang he VP aco We casts damasie pales an by my ober ecpuos. Daly News, Cotanbo, 20 August 1004. ibid: Th Sursny Leader, Colao, 18 Ocober “The Sunday ador, Colonbo, 16 Ober 1994 ‘he Sunday Ties, Cobb, 24 August 1934 Daly Nowe, Clarbo, 2 Desontor 1934 Daly Nowe, Colaba, 26 August 1954. Daly News, Clare, 2 Oster 1594 “The Sunday Lester, Colonbo, 16 Octbar 1958 fs, suc a questen was put 10 Misir Kaaipamar by With de Cichara.t re Suncay Lider The Miser sited the quston by shying “tha objectioe (ottera wih Inde ane AAO) are ot mubely extuse. We iit ‘parade rlaon na toss, ot covngrade cles" Th Sunday Leaor, Coombe 18 Oc- tr 364 See Electon Nantesbs o FA and UNF, 1994 Conta, “The Surday Ties, Cdambovs September 1994 Latah Kaseganar repaid at 4 BCIS ‘arse Corony on 14 Separsor 1004 “This contnion is basa on my patsoal expe nce. Duta my savermanh lng stay he Lenka Ihave mek, ermal end foal, quite A teresa ccseancon of the St Lankan soci. And shld fer my cpio. “he blend, Colombo, 21 Cetsbor 1004. Arter aloe pupa sores te Oprion al “- artagonism coud be dnotorus to bath aos ral 1 Lark an tod rene (collec ual bell. the PA governor fepatrly wal appreclea the importance o ood peihbouross [wih nda). NW DS ‘egecad that te new governor wil mcke Sergey Sah Asan ta pie rae 1h ts foreign poly agin. Tho ldand, Bundy Eaton, Conte, 4 Daconber 1004 3. Estria Daly News, Como, 25 Aur 1954 ‘Islam is not bigotry and aggression’ ta fime when deliberate atempis bang made 1 create trouble Hindus and Musims by a secicn jane and intollectuals, oclogonaiian Gandhian and former governor B N Pande has decided to travel around the lncia to expose “thelr distored views,” Excerpis fom an interview: @: One hears these days a lot about aggressive Islamic fundamentalism. ‘What you think of this phenomenon? A: dam can neither be aggressive nor fundamertalist, The Koreahas emphasised that all men are brothers ard thet there is a singe God who has sent prophels to diferent consnuniies fo preach universal loveand Eretherhoed. Infact, theholy Koran’ says that he who diffeentates between one proohat and cthore ie a roal Aafiz So how can sia be aggressive? Thal i why | 108 tho non-Muslime to change their stereotype image of Islam. Simiarly, | tell the Musiims that Islam is net whet the mullahs tll @: Then what about tha concept of Jabadin the name of which so many Ieamic terrorist atcups ere lusting their acions, be it Kashmir or Afchanisian? A: tn bath Keshmit and Aighenistan, the ongoing disturbances have nothing io do with Islam as such, Because, according to Koran, jehadsare of two types: Jlahachi- Asgar end Jehad-i-Akber-\n the fist type, ‘a Muslim can resort to vidence only when semmeone doprives him or any of He doar ‘ones of Ife and propery, not otherwise, As regards Jahad-Akbar, which is the greatest fefed indesd, the ideal Muslim 's he who contols tha five senses or what wo Hindus call days. @; How do you then explain the fact that co many wars have boon fought ln the past for the sake of Islam? A: Horo two things are important to femember. One Is that Ist was con veniently used to justly those wars ky the Muslim kings. I was no doubt wreng, but then the fact is that rulers belonging to other religions were exactly doing the sare thing. Jus take the example cf the famous war of Crusades, which lasted for 260 yeats. Here, te Christians used slogans fike “exterminate Islam ard exterminaie Muslims." It is to be noted that in the medieval times, both in west and central Asi, Islam Drought in intellectual awakening, In the court of the Khalifa of Baghdad, research was certied out on science and technology, fuge libraries were built and important ttoatcos and texis of svory raligion wero. tianslated, Q: How do you oxplain the storios of Muslim kings Invading india throughout the Middle Ages, looting Hindu temples: ‘end killing non-Muslims mercilessly? Those days, end this was ine of all the religions, tho rung tibe keenly valued the concent of valour. For instance, alter Vijaya Dachamd voy yoar, every Hinds King went to anotner Hindu kingdom and demanded Yudham Dehi, which moat come for war er else submit your kingdom to me”. Gong by the same logic, | must ‘ay that thore have boon more wars among FRjputs than between Musim invaders and Incian kings. Similarly, the Muslims have fought more among themselves than they. have fought egainst others, The invaders were not just Muslins. ‘Many peoale do not know that Mohammad ‘of Gazni had a Hindu general named Tia wo suppressed the relion in tre ten urkéstan. @: If the facts are so different trom the storeotype image of Hindus and Mustims, then what led to this im pression? Az | think it was basicaly due to the way story bocks were written during the Brlichperiag. The Brichers, in my opinion, eliberately overcierited the ruies of Ghan- ragupla, Maurya, Ashok and Vikramediya {0 give an imptession thal the rule of the Hinau kings in the past was simply mapnif- cent and that ail this came to an end wit the advent of the Nustims in India. The study of medioval history was roglactod, | strongly belisve that reading the madie~ val history of tho county wil go @ long way In restoring Hindu-Musimn arity, Q: Wouldyou please elzborateon this? A: The medieval period was the ona which saw the Muslim Suie and Hinds sans coming together to preach tha ‘message of oneness, love and broferhiond. lam referring to the Brake cult. Thereiore, my message is let us go back to links of the medieval period in order tobridge the numerous divisions confronting, ‘rol only our country but alco the wholo world, Inteviewed by Prakash Nanda WwPLURALISM (3) Increasing presence of second generations of ethnic origin Laksiri Jayasuriya ecording to the ABS (1995), second generation Australians of ethnic origin, .o., people bom in Australia who fave at least one overseas bom. parent, account for 19% of the population G41 million). However, this. statistical View is not strictly accurate because it ‘excludes children of overseas bom, who ‘ame in infancy or childhood and should bo properly classified as ‘second gonera- tion’ (Vasia 1394), The increasing prese- ‘ice of second generation and generatio~ fal differences in the eUinic cormposition of the population may create, as sugge- sted eailier, a different sense of ethnicity = one which is largely a symbolic ethricty. Generational iffereneas are also marked ky an inoreasing incidence of inter-ethnic marrage among the second and third genorations. What thie signifies fiom the point of view of the diversity and pluralem in society, is tho likctnood of a biuting of ethnic group bounderies. This is wall sttestod ty the high dogres of language shit in te maloiiy of families based cn exogenous marrage’ (Clyne & Jachiing 1989, 71). Price (1993) estimates that naarly 40% of tho Fopulation wil bo olhnically ‘mixed’, and Slates this may create a more ‘mxed’ cultural society than a multicultural so- ety. Concurrently if overseas research is any guide (eg, Lemben & Tayler 4990) these perscrs may, for purposes of socal adaptation, mobiise their elhn= ity expressed in symbolic tems es ‘hal breeds! or double breeds’ Furthermore, as Birell and Khoo (1895) point out, the second generations have oxparionced a substantial degree of mobilty (verical as well as horizontal) relative 'o their parents’ generation. Bult, al the same time, other data (HREOC 1993) indicates that many of these second geveration Australians (often ethnic marginals) hava had to compete with other Austialian bom for scarce resources in dificult economic circums- tances. Consequently, they have had to experience severe hardships in he labour market, partly due to eccnomic competition and partly because of discri- mination. This competiive striving and lis uicome is that it is Ikely to lead to a heightened ethnic group awareness: 418, and, more importantly, to whet Gans (1992) has recent lebalied as ‘second generation decine’, ie, a. situation Where ctlccen of immigrants fail ‘to find the income, job socuriy, and working concitions tey expect (p. &2). This ebove profile of the demographic ‘and social characteristics of ethnic dive- ‘sity makes it imperative that differences attibuied 10 ‘race’ and ethniciy be analyead and understocd in conjunction with assooiated relevant structural fealu- tes, particulaily those relating io gendor and class. Itis these Inter-connectons between ‘race, elhnicty, gander and class that makes ‘difference’ inteligible as a distinctive feature of tha contempo- rary social really. Essentialist conce- pions of cuture and ethnicity, characteri- tie of primordial cthnicly, often convey a disiovted end inacourate representation of difference, by failing to acknowledge the structural, politcal, and historical basis of tha experience of difference, This is exemplified in the way In which the second generation construct hair ‘sense of ethnicity by an iateplay of ‘situctures and peoples’ perception of, ‘and relating to thess structures’ (Bott mley 1939), ‘An ‘ethnic minority status" conceptual ‘sation presents @ more authentic portra- yal of cifference and identity because Of its flexbitty and sensitivity to sllualo- nal factors and the way in wich the subjective and objective interact. The interrelations between ethnicity and the economy which are becoming more salent are belier understood within. an ‘ethnic minority’ viewgoint than in an essentialist cultural framework. Furthe- more, by adopting such a view, one avoids denying or minimising etnnic Gifferance, and giving an improssion of unreal hhomogerelty, and, above all, ponmits an understanding of difference and elhic ideniily divorced from an inherent subjectivism and rigidity. itis able to view culture as a changing process, constenily engaged, depending ‘n| one's situational location, in the ‘expression of diferent iantites. Pugliese (1998) is one writor who has recently expressed this pointedly by stating that: minority groups are themselves into lly Siratiied and ditferentiatod by Fierarchias of gender, cthniciy, class, sexualllies, age and so on, It is invariably the desire of the dominant groups in a culture to promote the Roiicn thet a minority group is a type ‘of undifferentiated singularly which is ot marked by all the factors listed above (1995, 105.6), In short, we need to move away from essentialist notions of cultural continuity ‘and uniformity, by recognising that: cultural practices are always conta- sied, always in process, and never coterminous with ‘ethnicity’ (teof a ‘contested notion). Culture and etini- iy are conilated to [achiove] 2 homo- geneity of civersity end neglect of the fact that class and gender ere them- solves culturally conciituted’ (Bottom- ley et al 1893). ‘Tho consiruction of the ‘new elhnici- ties’ associeted with the cultural produ- ons and artistic offorte of multicultural witers (Hal 1992; Bottomley 1991), Perhaps, rallecis this new pluralism of Australian society more vividly by expo- sing the contradictions and tensions that xist in the orthodoxy of multicultural discourse. Hence, the need for a more Complete understanding of the civersity of the Australian population eschewing the superficial aspects of multicultural discourse framed In an essentialist dis- Course of culture and ethnicity ‘Summary and Conclusion In the context of the Conference theme, the crux of the ergument of this paper has been to show how practical measures, such ae educational and training programmes directed towerds improving the overall quality and effeci- Veness of policies and programmes in a multicultural sccisly, are constrained by the vay in which the diversity and pluralism of a sccialy is characierised, As in the case of other sivilar seiler Socieles, in Australa foo, ‘iferencs’ arising from civersity has een located within the prevaling ciscourse of multcu- lturalismm which normetively prescrioes the meaning of difference in 2 given sociely. Hence, we have sought to expiore and clique the ways in whichthe ciscourse of Australian mulicutura- lism hae been tamed in public policy ‘terms as well as in scientific theorising: and, importantly, to show how this ‘conventional discourse and is forms of representation may be il suited to portray acculelely the current and evolving Teality of Australia, not as a plural society but 2s a pluralistic eociety.. Stated diferently, we have sought to ‘examine the ‘meaning of difiorence! the discourse of Australian multcultira- lism, and to identify the ways in which the undeniable reallly of tis ‘cifierence’ hhas been conceptualised in the theori- sng about cultural pluralism. In the language of this discourse, difference is Copictod aa ‘cutural diversity’ compri ad of ‘cullurel groups’, and the concept of ethnicity — with ‘boundary markers’ identfying distinct ethnic groups — is Used to differentiate the really of cifere- nce. A distinctive feature of this ‘cultura- list’ discourse is that ethnicity is equated ‘with eulture, and is marked by a univorea- lism and an essentialist view of culture ‘The inherent universalism, expressed as ‘multiculturalism for all, while celebrating diversiy, serves to contain and limit the Manifestations of sociel belonging, of particusrism, in ethnic structures. The essentialist viow of culturo is thooriaed from the limited perspective of cognitive anthropelogy as shared meaning systems and ‘primordial bonds’, The cilique of this discourse has shown that the ‘poitics of universalism’ Whie it may have been functional and elfective as 2 first genoration etratogy of migiant settlement, fs enlienched In the proverbial paradox of cultural plura- lism, viz, that the sanitsed homogeneity itprescibes confronts the very differance: it seeks to avcid or minirise, viz, the Presence of ethnic stuciures end the ‘existence of groups with special neods and aspirations. Equally problematic is the ideaisVprimordial views of cultura, which exaggereles the ‘archaic culture’, the notion of cultural heritage, and rofies culture as a fixed, immutable reallly. The etical analysis of the shortcom- ings of this discourse, as revealed by the inherent contradictions. of cultural pluralism — the polities of univerealsm and the flawed distorted Jogic of culture thaorising —suggests an eltemative ‘of conceptualising the diversity and pluralism of contemporary Australian Soctely. This reinterprotaticn of pluralism, as poliical pluralism (MoLenaan 1995) is based on a reformulation of universa- lism and re-theorising culture and athnici- fy from a sociological standpoint. In the first place, the polites of universaiom is refemed a5 a ‘Poliics of Difference’ Faylor 1992), enabling recogrition and representation of difference in the stiu- lures of society, conceved of as a genuinely pluralistic society (Jayasuriya 1984), This Is more Ikely to be acco- mmodated within a framework of ‘corpo- Tete pluralism’ which would be wiling to give formal recognition to diference ina pluraisic socialy. Without denigrating or devaluing the concept of cultura, it nods to be undeisiood in such @ manner that 1 Is ot Gssociated from lived social practi ces — those embedded within complex structures and palters of social rala- tions. Accordingly, ethnicity and ethnic Idently are seen 10 be stuationally dotermined, dynamic and changeable ae a resource, govemed by objective circu- mstances; and, ethnic groups are elru- cturaly located as permanent callectivi- ties demarcated by selected "boundary markers! (physical and cultural attiibutes) and responsive to specific features of one’s eosial location, {In brief, ethnic groups ere seen ‘inonty nlerest groups, wisere the ‘mino- rity status’ of a group is markedy inlluenced by structural factors such 2s acozss to resources, power, and perce- pion by others. The ‘interes! based’ approach conceives of ethnicly as a process of classifying and labeling inclu- sior/exclusion processes used by tho dominant groups in sociely using some interest crileria or criteria. However, the minority status of ethnic groups is mal- ntalned, not in terms of ethnicly per 86, butas a function of the cross-cutting cleavages arising from the structural location of thes groups as ‘ctatus devalued groups subject to inequallies and cisadvantages. The re-theorising of culturelethnicily and reformulation of tha pcliics of universalism, permit a more sensitive, appropriate and relevant portrayal cf ihe toally of ‘difference’ in. contomporary Australian scciely. The socal and demo- graphic structure occasioned by new ‘Waves of migrants end changes wrought by the transformation of the economy, hhas created a new social landscape. We have argued that the new reality of difference and divorsity is marked by a ‘new elhnicly’ heavily iniuenced by generational diferences, gondor and less relations. Regrettably, the recent oificial docu- ment entiled: Muticuttural Austell, tho Next Steps - Towards end Beyond 2000 (NMAC 1995), singularly falls to ackno- wedge and capture the reality of the pluralistic nature cf contomporary society = Jet alorie the emerging future, It is a bland and unimaginative document, steeped in the language and discourse of an oulmoded doctrine of cultural pluralism, replete with culturalist policy stiategies of an earier era, By is continuing rescrt io the conventional discourse of culture pluralism, and iis flawed theorising it serves to distort and misrepresent our undersianding of dive- Isity and pluralism, As a result, there is litle evidence, and an appreciation of the fact that we are, and wil continue 40, grow as a pluralistic society. In shot, this document noiably falls to grasp the challenge of poltcal pluralism (NcLe- nran 1995; Jayasuriya 19948). In refashioning our understanding the diversity and pluraliom of present day society, we need to acknowiedge that the ‘poltics of difference’ (Taylor 1992) is about social subjectivity which Is seen as ‘transcending particular subcultures, social locations end value slances! (WeLennan 1995, 88). Cricially, this difforenee has to bo represented through @ new palitcs of identity where “idenity’ is no longer primordial but situationally determined in a pluralistic society (Jaya~ suriya 1904b); it is to be coon as a negotiated outcome in speciiic soclo-cu- liural situations vihich involve hegemonic control. The contextualisation of difference is central ots representation in the various forms of discourse that involve dif ‘ice. In this regard, the quest for identity ooms large, and identity formation, as Hall (1992) puts it, amounis to ‘nagotia. ton and erficulating hybridity”. The eme- ging ‘nev ethnicities’ of the second and third generations rovoalod by cukural productions and practices which enga- {ge5 rather than suppress difforonco, ara Central to understanding the diferenca Yowards and beyond 2000: In this context ‘hybridity’ may, indeed, be ‘one Ct the distinctly novel types of identity produced in the era of lai modemity’ (Hall 4992, 310), We need to acknowle- ge, confront meaningfully, respect and represent difference, not’ to deny. or f the challenge for all of us not just policy makers, educators, and intelleciuals, but for ‘society as a whole. oterences 8S (Auta Bureau of Stats) (1860) Austen ‘Standard Cssictan of Cours ea Scot Stee. Crberra: AGPS (Autralan Covemmant Pubiting Sores. 19ABS (1008) Astatan Seca TranlsCarbars GPS. Angeles, Teresa (689) ‘in Search of Witenes. Dron 7(9) Baler 6.1989. Aa, Evinety and Powar London: Rosladga lel, Bcb & SE. 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Cains 8 CW (od), corsa tam, Gicoasie and Soosty 11 Carsce. Tora: Unversty 0 Tororo Poss. Zone 4. 1667. “Nuticaaten ard Ye Sear toc Roos: Fist Anna Lect Cons oc Mateutal ‘Shing Adlai: Funds Unversty. Danze, 1862) Muarusuaisr oe Ab Ausracs, ‘Centon AGES,EMM Elen Cau COCs AE LE ENC) eC Eaten ment jobs and benefits, Leta nearer i) mean to my people and Post Iie (aad acer eer tel By lla Privatization wil lead to higher levels of investment and to the exoansion of industry an jobs Itaso contributes to enhanced producthity and company revenue which in tur leads to higher salries ard employee benefits. The economic and welfare needs of your constituency vil continve to be met under private management. 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