LANKA GUA Vol. 18 No. 10 October 1, 1995 Price Fis.10.00 MEDIATION: U.S. Knock on the door —Mervyn de Silva Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWSI94 VIOLENCE IN GALLE: Who dunit? P.A.: Ist YEAR REPORT More minuses than pluses — Pearl Thevanayagam Chandrika’s Reforms: | s. sathananthan P.A.’s FEDERAL FORMULA — Partha Ghosh ENGLISH WRITING IN SRI LANKA — Kamalika Pieris 15{01@):€-3) DEVOLUTION THE ANSWER? —Martha McDougallWITH THE BEST COMPLIMENTS OF ELEPHANT HOUSE SUPERMARKET QUALITY AT AFFORDABLE PRICES NO. 1 JUSTICE AKBAR MAWATHA COLOMBO 2.BRIEFLY... Prelates against proposals. Ata meeting of the Maha Sanga held in Kendy to protect the ‘governmert’s devolution proposals mary prominent prelates seid that their views hac been ignoedby the government. Also, state controlled ‘megia was boing usod to sing mud atopponents of the proposals: only views of the supporters found axpression, they said. Dr Bellanwila Wimalaratara Thera sald thal the author of the proposals was not rol. L. Pelis as wdaly believed ‘but Dr. Tirucholvam who had org- nally presented these proposals to aj Gandhi in Indian 1965 butthe Indian Prime Minister had rejected them. SUBSCRIPTION RATES Air Mail Canada/USA. US$ 65/ for 1 year US$ 45/ for 6 months U.K., Germany, New Zealand, ‘Australia, Netherlands, France, Japan, Holland, Fhilippines, ‘Austria, Norway, Sweden, China, Ireland, Swiverland, Nigeria, Belgium, Denmark, Paris, London, US$ 85/for1 year US$ 85/ for Gmonths Hong Kong, Saudi Arabia, Dubal, Baharin, Arabian Gulf Syria, Singapore. US$ 45/ for 1 year USS 25/ for 6 months India, Pakistan. USS 40/ for 1 year US$ 29/ for 6 months Local Rs. 250/-for 1 year Rs. 150/- for 6months ‘There was a powerful intoma- tional conspiracy to dastroy the Sin- hala reco and the Buddha Sasena. All those who were attached fo the. Wider Instituion which pubkshed the book ‘Budchism Betrayed?” writen by a Tamil professor were rowbehindiha PA Govemment, the Venerable thera said. ‘The Most Venerable Pottewela ‘SriPagnasera,MahaNayake Thora of the Sri Lanka Ramanna Nikaya said: However, that the majorty ‘were fo: the devolution. It the pro- posals were unsuilable an alterna- tive set of proposals would have to bbe prepared, he seid. Censorship War news came under censor ship ‘rom Soptombor 22. Media Ministy Secretary Edmond Jaya- singhe was aproiniod Compotork Authority. Media Minister Dharmasini Sena- nayake told a press briefing: "There has been distorions and exagera- lions (by the press). Some of the information being disseminated wil ensure that there would be no end to thie war. | do not think there is. such intesponsitie reporting anyivhors in tho world”, Danger on the campus Undergraduates forcibly occu pying « hall of the Peradeniva Uni versily are beived to have stocked large quantiies of petiol and wire nails. A notice Issued by the Registrar said: "In view of the deteriorating ‘securly situation nthe campus and the information that large quantiics Of pettol and nails have been pur- chased irom Kandy and brought fo the Hida Obeysekera Hall... Immediete action may benecessary to evactaiethe students occupying the Hall forcibly”. ‘The university has been dosed ‘end the campus has boon declared cut of bounds by the autnortles following violence and inimidation of stat, Lankans stuck in Singapore Grooked od agents have dumped ninety Si Lenkene in Sir- gapare after promising them lucre- live employment in Europe. Euro pean countries do not grant visas for Sii Lankan job seekers but no visee.are necessary to enter Singa- pore. The unscrupulous joo agents Unload thom jn Singapore and disappear. Investors meet Fowzie MrFowzie, the Minister of Health ‘and Highways, metwith prospective investorsin Canada curinathexxtn World Read Congress held in Montreal. Mr Fowzie explained the ‘opportunities available for invest ment in infastructure facilities on BOO-BOT basis and concessions the government had on offer. Many reportedly expressed wilingness (0 invostin Sri Lanka, LANKA Vol 18 No 10 Ortobe: 1, 1895 Price As. 10.00 Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian PublishingCo. Lid. No. 245, Union Place Colombo -2. Editor Mervyn de Stiva Telephone: 44758 Printed by Ananda Press 8065, Sir Ratnajothi Saravanamutu ‘Mawatha, Colombo 13. Telephone: 435975 CONTENTS News Background 2 “The Violence in Gate (2) a {8 Year Ups and Downs of tho P.A. Goverment 5 Devolution Propesats An Assessment 6 APeltcal Aralsie a ric Gort (2) 3 Engleh Weng 6 Boks 6NEWS BACKGROUND CONFLICT: U.S. MAKES A MOVE Mervyn de Silva he incorigibly unpredictable and uncooperalve Mr. Newt Gingrich, Speakerof the House of Representatives has watched Congress, now dominated by the Republicans, approve a resclution on Sti Lanka that was passed urani mously. Since the United Siates is more than a superpower — the collapse of the ‘Soviet Union mace it ihe sole superpower — few countrios can afford to ignore the formal gesiures o!the US Conaress. Ithas Offered iis "good offices" to help resolve Sri Lanka's harrowing ethric confit. It has gone a step further. In the resolution unanimously passed by the House, the ULS. would urge ALL parlies “to negotiate good feith with a view to ending the current armed sirfe and to find a just and lasting poltical setticment to Si Lanke’s ethnic contict while assuring the torrtorial integiity of the country Now, the quaston of Sri Lanka's unity and ferriorial integrity & precsely the issue rased by some 3,000 Bucchist monks who launched a protest campaign ten days ago in Kandy, the ancient Sinha- Jese capital and the traditional seat of “Melwatie” and *Asgiiya” which some of ‘our British govemors often identified with Canterbury and York. Though Sri Lanka iS nota theooratic state; both major par ties, the UNP in office and tha SLFP in ‘ppasition forthe other way about) made it a point to enshrine in the constitution the special status o} Buddhism, its “pre- ‘eminena”, INTERNAL CONFLICT All this may not have mattered if only President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s “Peoples Aliance” could dismiss the Maha Sangha's allegation that the P.A. is vulnerable io the pressure of the minor ties... and therefore responsive to their demancs, often at tie expense of Sinhalese Buddhist interests. NOUF. This is an intensely domestic confit. The P.A.isno ordinary “United Front” lke Prime Minister Sirima Bandaranaike's coalition of 1970, which included the two leading Leftist partis, the L.S.S.P. and the G.P, Thess two Marxist partners did have sharp ciflerences since the pro- Soviet Manxist-Lerinis's launched the Communist pany. But by the 1970s the "Trotzkyism’ of he L.S.S.P. (more Titoist in practice than TroisWyite) made litle impression on the day-to-day behaviour of the party's powortl iroika — Dr. NIM, Perera, Dr. Colvin R. de Siva and Mr. Leslie Goonewardene, President Kumaratunga’s problem is NOF the ideological divarsly of the Peo- ples Alliance, though it does sometimes affect the paliteal “ino” of each const fuent pany on a particular item on the agenda of the PA as @ government, Numbers rather than ideological or potcy differences make Ife forthe P-A. is Pres= dont and Cabinet dificult. Ithas no stable majorty in the 225 seat Parlamentwhore the SLFP-Lett coallion's traditional foe, the conservative UN,P. can count on 80-25 Votes on any major resolution before the national esserrby, As for the clergy, its siralegists need ‘only ask ‘how many battalions has tho ‘TULF (Tamil United Liberation Front), the SLC (SriLanka Muslim Congress)or the G.WE. (Ceylon Workers Congress) got? ‘The UNP.. though defeated, wes by no ‘means cruchad. Besides the P.A, had to be satsiied with a very modest 60% at the August parliamentary polls. The over- whelming majority of Sinhalose [74% of thelsland's populaticn] is Buddhist. Besi dos, the cortlict that thieatens to tear this tiny island apan is an ETHNIC conflict, conflict rootedinantagonisticgroup identi- tive, The more heightened the tensions, the stronger the hold of collective alle glance. The Mana Sangha has greater impastthan the word's greatpowers, and their attention end energies anyway are directed to conficts nearer home or of greater strategic significance. Apart from the bipartisan blessings of this rare resolution, the US. Corgrase, should benoted, must approve the econo- mie aid programs of the administration. A powerful Congressman or an influes "lobby'' can ceriainlyblockordelay Amer can aid programs. No Sti Lankan party in ofice can efford to ignore this since Sti Lanka relies so heavily on the IM>World ‘Bank sponsored consorium forprcjector commotity aid, tied or untied. Hence the Pilgnmage to Pans each April though the factsand figures are known to offcielsand the minister long before tho ceremonies, ‘The donorgroup usually pledues between 700-800 milion dollars, and the U.S. is quite often the No. 4 donor The naarer Big Neighbour, India, was the other countty which influenced Sr Lankan decison-makers — the powertul and the proxmate. the U.S, and India ‘Thore was a time, when the pofces of the Indian govemment, ran counter te Washingion's South Asian policy. That was obviously true in the Indira Gandhi’ years when there was what American Sommentaters called a Dahi-Moscow axis. There may be a Moscow but thera is no Soviet Union any more. The Soviet disinion has in fact left President Velt- sin’ Fussia $0 weak and lonely that the USied NATO ignored Moscow in the recent Bosnian operetion During the last years of the Cold Wer, the years in which an oroanisation caled the LITE became news in Colombo, Prime Minister Incira Ganchi was deepiy ‘suspicious of the fore'gn polcy ot the pro-US President Jayawardene. The hos- iilly was strong enough for Mis. Gandhi to order covert assistance (\raining end. Weapons) to anti-Colombo guerilla, ‘groups in tie Tamil north. No such pro- blem faces President Kumaratunga who hes the unequivocal support of the Congross administration in Delhi,INVESTIGATION The Violence in Galle Mr. Burke continued: “The people Wete coming from the roof; thal there Were No jon gatas io Keep peonle out and that the attacks were so well organi e¢. Funheimore, Mr. Burke sia‘ed thal the police were unable to contain the fres because they lacked proper apparatus ot Putingoutthefires Inanetferticcisperse the crowds Mr. Burke reported that the pole opened fre, away irom the crowds and used large amounis of tear gas. Alibough the police were unable to protect the common sunéry shops, Nr. Burke siaied thel they did protect the Jewelry stops, When asked about the anii-Tamil posters that had besn reportedly hung throughout the Bazaar, Mr. Burke adkrit- ted that there had been posters tnat the police removed atthe request ofthe shop- keepers. In regerdsto the reason or the attacks, Mr. Burke slated that Galle is a very Sensitive place. wih 2 history of racial tenions. Allhough etatng that investiga tions were stllunde! way, hebeliaves that the wholesale trade monopoly of the Tamils and Muslims may have provided the metivation ior the attacks, He also slatod that come Muslims were tespon- sible for the attacks on incividual homes in Thalapitiva, Nr. Burke confirmed thatthe potes had amested people in connection with the attacks. However, he clanfied that they hacnotarrestedthiearsonists, Rather,the arresie wore of secondary acters those Who fad Ieo'ed the stores subsequent io the attacks: Ir. Burke reported that after ine Gale attacks, at the request of tha Minister of Educaton, three police officers hiad been transferred to diferent stations. ACCOUNTS OF THE INDIVIDUALS AFFECTED BY THE GALLE ATTACKS NOW LIVING AT THE SIVAN TEMPLE Mindful of the fact thal the affected Individuals with whem the Commitee spoke have already been targeted by Violence, and in an effort to respect the (2) privacy of these individuals and fo ensure that this report does not lead to further vietimizaiien, tne names of hase intervie- wed have been replaced by thelr infials, Mr. PS, ‘About a waek ago there was a poster in front of my shop advocating that tho Tamils be kiled. Some Sinhalese them- selves told ma to inform the police about it and to get it removed. There was talk among the people ‘hat if there was any trouble the army and the pelice would not intervene. We didnot teke ‘hat seriously, ‘After 4.30 p.m on Friday we felt unsasy ‘and old the police. The police toldus that there would net be any troubie and if eny trouble Ocouired they would see about After 5.30 on Friday we dacided to clos the shops. | closed both my shops, adv- sed the employees io go io theirresiden- ces and | wont home, Because it was Friday |wenttotheKoviltoworship, There wore a large number of Sinhalese there and | was glad because | tought it was an incication that thors would net be any trouble, At about 7.50 p.m. | wont home from the Kovil When | was at home @ big cormrotion was heard from the town, Wo were living n a house rented fom a Muslim, When the nolse was heard | get ‘onto the toad. The Mustims fold me thet Some trouble was going to take place and asked mo 10 get inio the house, and to goto a stil mare secure piace i possible. We went to a noarby house and hid ourselves. Thien a group.came and asked Whether the people of our shop were there. They were Sinhalese. Than we came to know hat our mo shop wors being burned. But because there was no Security we diinot goto sea them. Whan such things happened on clher days the alice used to come and take us there, ‘and holp us to put oul the fre. However, Ii-did not hepoen this tme. (On the third, 2 group of some people Informed the police and the MPs adout ‘whathad happoned. Thoresfterthepolce provided security. The police tumse the tivo Kouils into refugae camps and got al the Tamil people iosiay tere, By thattime had noticed that both of the chops had been bumed down. The stores of the shops had been breken into and the goods — rice, sugar, milk powder, chil, etc. — looted Ourrequestis that fectives be providad forus to coniinueourbusinessinthesame laces. | have susteined losses amoun- ting 10 about 25 lakhs. Mr. AT, (25 told touch an interpreter): have lived here for 45 years. My san is a shopkeeper in Gallo. He lives in ‘Thalapitiya. My son's in the hospital now. Before jhe attacks many people were ‘coming into my son’s shop, threalening my son and teling him to leave. We did Not take the warnings to heart, But then tive or six days before the attackaplacard was hung on tras ataprominentaincture in the Bazaar, for all Tamils 10 see, that said the Tamils should notbe inGatoand that the Tamils wil be harmedifihey don't leave. There were other placarcs too, We formed the police about the placards around the 23th or the 0th of May and they rorovedthem, We then vient on with ur usiness. The shopkeepers asked the polos forprotection but the poicojusttold Us not to worry. They dd net provide security or the shops. On the 2nd of June, ‘a3 my son was closing the shop, a mob ‘came tohis shop. The peoplewerearmed ‘They told ue to loave and they looted the shop. There wore four crouns of people ‘who went to different shops. The move were only gohg after Jaffna Tamils. We Were atraid thay wouldharmus so we lef, the shop and wenthome. This happened at6.00pm..1 know thepalice ware celled about the attacks by 8.00 p.m I didn't feel safe in my home <0 | went to my.son’s home in Thalapiiya. The mob ‘came to my son’s nome. They went into Fis home, looted it, snd set his things on fie. They also assaulied my son. They had weapors. Ore of them used a spar like weapon and stabbed hin — they ‘siabbed him in the arm. Nowhe isinthe hospital. Also wnen themes ceme into his, home, one of them picked up one of my ‘son's chiicren and threw the child on the ground, iniuring the child, My son's wife took he children and rantothehouse next door for protection | cama to the roftigoo camp on the morning of June 8, When I got here there was no security atthecamp. Butthen,that 3right, a group of pariementatians visited the camp. After hal, securly wes prov ded. (NOTE: On 18.June 1995, Mr A.T. was physicaly assaulted by a group of ion ‘people infront of the Galle Palice Station, Prior to the incident, Mr. A.T's son, who was assaulied n he Galle altacks, repor todthe names ofhisatiackersto the police Who subsequently arrested and released the individuals, Accorting to hie son, Mr. ATs altack was retaliation for the ansts,) Mr. TT. (On June 2, around 10.20 pm. a mod of 150 people came omy place shouting They were armed with shot guns, galkat- as and swords. Some of them cared a petrolean, Realizing the danger, | ran out ‘through the back door. | wanted to go to ‘our Muslim neighbors house for orotec- tion, Since | could not go there through the main tac hadto cima the root. Some membera of the mob spotted mo while | was on the root. They dreggedme down, assatlled and stabbed me several tinos. ‘Then somabody shouted the pole is coming’ and the atlackers fled. By that time my house had bean damaged and ur belongings were on fire, Our Muslim neighbors took me inside their house and airanged for medical care. | stayed wilh them unil the next moming when the police tockmeto the hospitalarcund 90 ‘am, The doctors could not teat me until 10.80..|heardsomeo'the hospitalemplo- yees were saying thal | should not be given medical care. | wes givenabed only after surgery. The hospital environment was very tense. | wes given police pro- tection, Iknowat least fity ofthe attackers. The person wha fod tho aitack was known as “tnree-ineeter Ukku’. | know him very Woll infact, he bought 60 sacks of onions from my shop that morning, The names Gf thosa who stabbed me are Fahim and ‘Sakir, Most of the allackers were from Galle town, There were some from Ra- thgamna too. I never had any fights with these people. Most of the people who came to attack me vere elther supporters ‘or members of the United National Party thave made complainiste the police about tho identties ofthe attackers. Mrs. C.T. (On Friday the 2nd of .lune at around 10 p.m. a mob of about 50 men carrying 4 swords, knives and ‘alavangu' (iron rod with tapered end) came to our house. ‘They were shouting and making 2 loud noise. When we heard the mob coming towards our house, my husband and! took ‘our baby and five year old son and ran to our Muslim neighbor's house. The crowd stood ouside our hcuse and shou- ted my husband's name "Relan, deman- énghimto core out. They threatanod to attack the Muslimhouse fhedidnotcome ‘out. Fearing that the neighbors would be hurtaswell, we came backinto our house ‘and my husband came out. Tho mob attacked my husband. One attacked him withthe svi, cutting his arm through the bone, andanother hithmonthenead with the ‘alavangul. Anothor person took hold cf our five year old son and threw nim. My son wes injured on the head and elbow. Then they set fre to our house. We havo lost everything. We have only vihal we were Wearing at the time o! tne ‘tiack. We hid again at our neighbor's house, We ware scared to even take my husband io the hospital, We hid in our negibor s house untl the policecame the nox aftemiocn at § pm... Thoy took my husband to the hospilal and brought us to tho Sivan Tomplo, My husband is at the Kerapity hospital. Mr. S.S. ‘The fires started around 8:30 p.m. By 8.30 [had already caled Frankin Burke andiniommedhim about theirs. livewith my moter, faihar, older sister and her thio children. AMtor 9.00 pm. wo hoard ‘@ mob of about 100-150 people coming. down the lane, They were shouting and making a loud noise as they came. We all ran to our Muslim noighbor’s hous through the back door and hd in ther bathroom. We heard the mob calling for the Petian Agency people. We had got word that our chops had baon burned by the mad, They siood at the gale and shouted and threw arrack bots and stones at the house. A crowd of Muslim boys from the neighborhocd gathered in front of the house and tned to prevent the mob from entering Rt. We rent our house from a Muslim family. The foot of one of the boys was badly cut by glass pioces ‘om the broken arrack bottes. A'ter what seemed like anoternity tnemobleftsaying that they wil be back in an hour, The: Muslim family was frightered to hide ue and asked us to leave. We were ternfied, not knowing what to do. Wa hid until tho police cams the next cay at5,000.m. and took ust the Sivan temple, Mr. S. (as fold trough an ierprater Lovina hate! anda grocery store, both ‘of which Were fuly damaged in the attack. ‘On June 2, sometime before 800m, a group of people came into my store and fod me to leave. Thay said they were goingtobumitdoyn, Itook them seriously 80 left. Icaled the police Dut they didn't come. When | Ia my chop | didn’ soo any police in the area. THs is because: tho police are ani-Tamil. After! leit my shiop |went home. At about 9.80 p.m. a meb came fo my home. They tookmy things from myhome. They damaged my things and my home. It wasn't safe there so I had to leave. | don't knaw how the people knew where ived. The address of my home is not listed any where except with the police. I think the fires staried around 8.00 pm. | came to the Sivan Temple on June 3rd. Ms. B.S: I'make cigare at homo and soll thom toralse my three children. On Friday the 2nd of June around 9:40pm. alomy load of men came to our house, There were about 100 of them, They were Sinhalese ‘and Muslims. They atlacked our house and broke the windows. We ran to our neighbor's house and hid unti the oclice came te next afternoon and brought us tothe Sivan temple. Irert my house from ‘a Muslin family. On the 4th went to my housa to sea how it was. The owners of ‘my house ecolded me and told me not te come back and that they can’t rent the house to Tamils anymore. Wo hoar that there are posters threatening death to Anyone who gives houses to Tamils. Ms. S.V.: On the 2nd ot,June, eround neon, some of my Sinhalese friendscame tothe stores and informed re that there were plans to attack Tamis in Galle There had been Tumors to thet effect eztlen, Posters by ‘group called Deshapremy Sangvihara- ya called its members to ll Tamils. We have informed the polce several times. The answer we gol was mokuth karanna ba’ (nothing can be done). On the 2nd | closed the stores et 7.00 a.m. and went to the police sation to make another complaint. | rotumed home around 8.00 p.m... Minutes after, a group f pacple — | could not count'them — vralked into ny house shouting, Weitmme= iately ran through the back door. They removed all cur belongings incusing my motor baycle, heaped them on the road ‘and act fir.A year of ups and downs Despite a yeerin office, PA government's peace plans remain mired, says Pearl Thevanayagam. ho {7ysarlong rule of the Urites National Party had vexed the voting ppopuiace co much thal the People's All ‘ance (PA) was in 2 plum postion where the masses were hungry for a change in ‘government. Hence i managed to swing {63 per cent of the voles ‘o gain power on the eacton pledges iobring a solution to the ethric crsis, ebolsh the executive ppresidenoy, eradicate brivery andcorup. tion, protect fundamental human rights, adopt free market poley and hereasec measures among cther things. ‘The PA was ful of washed-behind:the: ears entnusiasm with i's severel inielec- tuaisas key ministes much tothe chagrin ‘of seasonedpolticians; Eutthe end ofone year term report cannot give ita definte “pass or falf f one goes by its mixed bag of broken pledges, rising cost ofessentia) ‘commodities, workers’s unrestand onthe other hand to its crodita sincere effort to devove power tothe regions and insite Corsitutional reforms, bringing malprac tice in state departments belore commis- ‘sions of inguiry and most of allerding the fear psychosis which prevailed duringthe UNP government, ‘Tha PA promisedte abolish the execut ‘ve presidency within montns of comming inte power. The issue is in cold storage with the LTTE’s unilateral resumption of hostitios on April 19, The laformaticn tourism and aviation minister Dharmas Senanayake said that the PA's perfor- mance so far has been quite good, “The extremist forces are trying to bringus back to he 1983 era, but we are not deterred Tourism has shown a growth of five per cant and thera is a postive approach to investment opportunities. The right to Ife has also been firmly established. Consti- lutional affairs minister GL. Peis s thePAhasachieved somepositiverasuits jn sclving the ethnic issue and ii was regrettable the hostilities resumed with the unilateral declaration of war by the LTE, ‘Tha government's paace proposals offering substantial autonomy ‘othemino- rity Tames by way of eight regonal coun. ‘The wor is @ sal witer ofthe Sunday Leader ‘andColombo Corresponcentolthe Times Inia cils are interproted by Sinhala extremists as detrimental to tha unitary state of the island, However, the central goverrrnent would stil have the power lodssclve the regional councis should there be an armed rebellion or insurrection, Analysis interpret this as a violation of the constitution ang feel thal in suci oi cumsiances the devolution would caase tohave any meaning. Recenily LITE spokesinan Anion Balasingam had expressed desire for holding talks with the government. Mr Peitis disrissed this as not conducive at present singe It would be unfair for both the armed forces and the peoole as a witole especially when the LTTE repaa- ‘edly refused opportunitias to anive at a negotiated settlement despite fourrouncs of paace talks, A Tamil MP S. Sivasithambaram said although it has been difeul pevioc for:ne PA, its devolution proposals ara a favour- able change for democracy. “The govern- mont should take on the LTTE’s suggos- lion to hold talks and reach a settlement with them. Algo it should not have roimpo- sed the economic embargo and caused immense euffering io tho evliane in the north and east’, he said, ‘The MP wie refusing to comment on tho military offencive of the government forces seid the ovlian casualties were unfortunate, Vasudeva Nanayakhara, the pro-Ternill Marist Sinhala poltican summed up the PA performance as not meeting the 2x- Deciations of the people who voted for them. *Expeciations were high among aciivists and the people. The cost of iving, hes gone up considerably. Plunder and looting of public property go on unabated: Hope of ending the war and arriving at a eaceful settiemanthasbeenjeopardised by the government's knee-jerk response to the LTTE's resumption of hesilies", he said Taken as a whole, Nanayakkara said tha performance cf the PA has boen poor for the first yeat of any government. He added tha government has token somo purposeful and meaningful steps. “The proposals tput forward this month should have been made at the beginning and taken up for deoussion and dobatc, Although Workers’ Charter was promised in tho election manifesto, nothing has materials, Instead We saw a prolilera- tion of workers’ unrest’, he pointed cut, The positive achieverrents ofthe gove- mment has been the eradication of fear ‘among the people of volence, arbitrary arrests and harassment of civitans. The conly exceplion is the recent discoveries cf bodies of purportedly Tamil youth found floating in rivers in the last two months. Amnesty Intemational has requssted a Teport cn these Incidents and despite inquiries by the spesialinvestigatingteern, there had been no developmenisor clues tothe identity ofether the murderedyouth corihe murderers. Operation Leap Forward, the major ffansive of the government forces, star ted few weeks ago allowing Tigerattacks con the ermy base in Mendetivy island! in Jaina also caused random civilian casi ales. Particularly when elmost 165 elvi- lians died in ai-raid bombing as the church they scught refuge in was bor tbarded by eight bombs. To this day, the ‘government denies air force or riiltary involvement although the. Intsmational Gommitiee of the Red Cross issued a statement of an eye-witness account of the incidents beingan al-raidbombing, Inieligence reports fromthe Eastreveal the LTTE to be gotting roady for a maor offensive. The LIT had issvedacircuar raring the Tamils in the police ard mili: tary forces to vacate their posts. Wide spread shelling and arralds and the Tamilsin the area ara fleeing heichomes cGuring the right fearing attacks, In the North the LTTE is said to be [Brocuring Goods meant jor civitans by paying relailpricesinColombe regarcless éf transport charges atthough only a irao- tion of goods ate being allowed into the North, Therefore, it romaine uncertain wheinertheone-yearrule of PAnasmade ‘any substantial progress on poace front. Times of riaPresident Kumaratunga’s Devolution Proposals: An Assessment S. Sathananthan Tre Peonies Alliance (PA) Govern- ‘ment took ffico about one year ago. Since then numerous individuals and Organizations have urged the Govern ent fo submit a proposal which could form the bess for a negotiated solution to the Tamil Question. On the 3rd. of ‘Augus, afteralmost nine months noffice, President Chandrike Bandaraneike KU maratunga announced hor "Devolution Proposals (Dally News, 4/8/85), “The Minister of Justice and Consiitutio- ‘al Affais, Prof GL Peirs, explained that the President's Proposals are her "basic Ideas with regard to devolution that is almostin the form of a Green Paper. The ext Slage is for the Weft chapter of the eW consttution on devolution to baipre- ‘sonted to the Parliamentary Select Com- mittee (PSC) on Constitutional Reform, Within about ‘wo or three weoks we wil {ty to finalise that document end that wil be placed before the PSC.... we villhave fulldiscussiontoreach aconsensuswithin that forum. Theteafier ican be presentec to Patlament where we would need 2 ‘218d majority. And having obtained 2/ard Tajorily we will be In a postion to pace these proposals at a referendum. Tha's basically how we will work" (The Island, i5/95), Given that the President's Proposals contain merely her "basic cleas" and are incomplete, iis dificult to reach firm con- clusions aboutthemerits oftheProporas, Cioatly there is a long way to go belore the Government's proposals are finalised throtigh the various etages dosoribed by Prof Peitis, Therefore itis necessary 10 stress thal the PA Government has sill NOT formulated iis proposals for conflict resolution, ‘On the face of it President Kumara- tunga’s Propocsle appear 'o sata frama- work for a negolaied solution to ine Tamil Question Ardlthay appear ioreveal seme of her views on the nature end scope of poliical referm neeced to re-astebish peace. ‘The present assessmentbegins enthe above stated assumption and it will exa- mina tha President's “basic ideas” and assess their suitabilly es. basis for con- figt resolution in Sri Lanka A, The “Devolution Proposals” 4, Nature of decentralization (a) The term “Union of Ragions” in the 6 Proposais (sec 9.4(a)) is an adaptation of the term “Union of Slaies” eppied in the December 1985 Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) Proposals (pari |) pre- sented to the Prime Minister of india, Mr Rajv Gandhi. In 1985 the term "Union of Siaies" creeted the ilusian of federalism Whist retaining the unitary State siucture Similary tho term “Union of Regions! loday create the impression that the Ha gionswillenjay ahighsrlevelofauionemy than the Provinces Gounder the 1937 13ih ‘Amendment. But this 100 is an ilusion Because eubstantive power-sharing ‘imputed by the tetm "Union of Regions” is absent in the Proposals, as will bo shown below. (b)_ The terms “Regon’ and “Regional Counciis* wore frst appliod thiry-eight years aco, in the 1957 Bandararake- Chelvanayagam (BC) Pact (Pari B). There isa well know precedence forthe deceptive use of he word""Union”. Itrrust be rememberedihai the country named the Democratic Socialist Reputlic of Sri Lanka. The word "Socialist”,hasno maa- ning or relevance whatssever to the country, 2. The centre (a) _The Presidant's Proposals envision an xtra geographical urit, a "Capital Tenitory” (Sec 1.5) which willbe separate from any ofthe Regios, Thsisostensibly based on the Union Teriitories In he Indian model; and it implies that the Certral Government would be reformed, (b) However the Proposals nowhere envisage a structural chargo in Ceniral Government to aliow power-sharing be- tween etnnic groups in the Centre. In const, = the 1972 Mode! Consiitution of the Federal Party (FP)hadrecommendedthe Wweduction of a cocond chamber, the ‘Charnber of States” (art 82); = the 1984 All Party Conferanca (APC) Statoment of the President proposed the eslablishment of a second chamber, a *Counci of State"; — the 1985 TULF Proposals tecon- mended that “membership in Parliament shall refiect the ethric proportions of tie Union’, and that “no Bill or Resoution oF part thereat affecting any nationaity shall be passod unless a majority of Members ‘of Pariament telongingto that nationality agree to such a Bill or Resolution or part thereof" (oar I); and — the 19 December 1986 Proposals suggested the creation of the ofice of Viee Presicent (pera V) Thus many previous infiatives went far beyond the Presidents Proposals by at least parially rocogricieg the national questions. They envisaged a degree of power-sharing in the Centre between Sin- halese, Tamils, Muslims and Up-Couritry Tamils. Ths reform oF the Cente Is the absolute pre-condition for a successful devolution of power, 3, The region (@)_The President's Proposals refer ta "Regions" (sac 1.1) but do not inchoate how many such Regions are to be ldenti- fied. Evidently the intention is io rename Provinces and Provincial Courciis (PCs) ‘as egiorsana Regonel Councils (ACS). (0) Tha Proposals makareferencotothe rexdemercation of only the North-East Province (NEP) (sec 1.4). In other words, the Proposale envicage the de-mergertne NEP but along new borders which have yel to be defnad. It fellows that the unt ‘of decentralization in the north-east has rot bean determined. (©) The Proposals are silanton the que- stionola RC orotherinstiulfonalariange- ments for Musims and Up-Countyy Ta mils In contrast, = the 1957 BC Pact provided for the clvision of the then Easter Pravines into “two or more areas" (part Bj; = the 4972 IVodel Constiutien recom: ended the demarcation of the Ampara istrctasa "Musiim majorty state" (page 3); — the 1985 TULF Pronosa's provided that "epecial provision shall be mad to ensure the representation of Musimmsand ‘Tamils of recent Indian Origin wao do not ‘Occupy contiguous areas” (part |); and that an Assistant Governrront Agent (AGA) Division for UP-County Tamils shoud be demarcated (par IV) = the SiLankan formulatonatthe 1986 Bangalore Discussions. suggested that “tee Provincial Councis Svall be exea tedfertha Eastern Province.... One forthe Tamil people, one for the Sinhala people‘and one for the Muslim people" (para 10.2) = the 1990 Ampitied Proposals, jointly made by the All Ceylon Tamil Congress {AGTO), Democratic Peoples Liberation Front(DPLF), Eelam National Democrat Liberation Front (ENOLF), Eelam Peo- ple's Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPALF) and Tamil Eolam Liberation Organization (TELO), recognised the need for weighted representation for the ‘Muslims within the NEP (parae 2,5,7. and — tho 1991 Thondaman Proposals sun gested thet “Pradeshiya Scbhas with a Substantal Musim majorty in he Ezsien Province... mayforma Union cf Prades! ya Sabhas* wihin tie NEP (page 7). (@)_ The Proposals do NOT contain oro ‘sions which ampoworthe Central Gove- ‘mento UnllateralydissolveaAC. Thus the Governor ecuiddissolvea RC only on the “advice” cfs CM (sec 1.3.2). Conse: ‘quently, hey appear tootfera hiandearee ‘of autonomy for oach Region as implied by the term "Union of Regions". However, Prof Peiris clarified that “in exceptional cases if a regional council embarks on a course of action that is larly incompatiole with the sovereignty andunited characterofSiLanka,inthose Gireumsiances the Centre can interve- ne... We wil incorporate cuch a provision in the Draft Chanter on Devolution when Me prosent itto Parliament” (The Isiand, 6/8/35). The words “sovereignty” and “united characier” are open to exttemely wide interpretations. I! adopted, such an amendment wil water-down the promised ‘autonomy; andso the exten’ cf decentral= zations in doubi, 4. Legislative power (a) ThePresident’s Proposals wilidelete Aiele 760 the Constitution (see 92) and vest ecislative power within eech Region in the respective RC (Sec 1.2.1) (b)_ The Proposalc provide for the esta bishmentofa PermanentComrrission on Dovolutionte address Centre-Regionand linjer-tegional disputes (see Vil). This is an mpcovernent on ihe previous inital (©) On the other hand the Proposals make a murky provision that RCs “wi ‘exercise exclusive lecislative and exceuti- ‘ve competence”. Themeaningof the word “competence” is not defined. (®) However, contiadictons between the suipjacts on the Regional List anc those on the Reserved List were exami ‘ned by the Ceyon Workers Congress (CWC). They show thatin mostinstances powers which are offered in the Regional List are neuiralised or superceded by frovisions in the Reserved Lisi (Sunday Times, 6/8/95). (e) Moreover, the Proposals are silent regarding conticls between legislation ‘enacted by the Centre and the Ragion. ‘The unavoidable conclusions that the Gs are empowered to enact only subor dinate leciclatior; and that n Centre-Re- {gion conficis of laws the legislation of tha Genire will prevall. This iS charactetstic of the unitary Stato structure and is con- ‘rary to practice In'a“Union of Regicns". 5. Executive power (a). The President's Proposals vestexe- cutive power in the Governor of each fegion who would act on the "advice" of ‘he Chief Minister (CM) and the Regional Boerd of Minisiors(c02 9.1(4)). Butitdoes ‘ot spect that ihe advice of tie CM wil be bincing on the Governor. Similar pro- Visions were made in the 1987 1th Am- encirent (art 1540). In contrast, more progrescive suggestions had been mace tovastoxecuve power nregonal vores, nus — the 1972 Model Constitution vested execullve power in tie *slaleassembles” (en; — the 1985 Draft Framework of Accord and Understanding formulated in New Delhi vestad it in the "Chief Executive of the Provincial Counet” (pera 10); and — the 1985 TULF Proposals vested exe- cutive power in the "Chief Minister and Counc of Ministers" (part Il). (0) The Proposals empower the Presi Gent to anpaint the Govemor with the "concurtence” of the CM in each Region (ec 1.3). Ths provision Is en improve ment on — the 1985 TULF Proposals whichreg, red mera “consultation” (part Ii); and. — the 1987 ‘Sth Amendment which alo- WedthePresidentto appoinithe Governer \wilhout even consultation, Moreover iis in keeping with the 1891 Thondaman Proposals whichrequired tho “concurrence” of the CM. However, no provision wes made for the respective Governor 10 be elected by the people of each Region. [0] Tho Proposals empower the Go- Yyerno: {0 eppoint as Cnet Minister "the person who eommands the confidence of the majority nthe Flegional Counc’ (sec 44), This clause is @ throwback to the 4085 Draft Framawark, which provided thatthe Chief executive of a PC shallbe “one o| tha members who n the Prasie dent's opinion Is most Ikely to command the confidence of the Council (para 10), In contrast, the 1986 Chidambaram Pro: osals were more progressive end prov! dod ‘hat “the leader of the party which commands a mejority in the Provincial Council shall be appointed as the Chict Minister’ (annexure 1). It was subsian- tially reproduced In the 1987 13th ‘Arrondment (art 184), (@)_The Proposals allow tho Cortral Go: vemment to appoin! a Regional Public Service Commission (RPSC) “in consul. tation with the relevant Chief Minister” (sec 7,1), Since the “concurrence” o! ine CM is net required, it follows that the Gonire Is free 10 Impose ils will on the Region; therety cenying the extensive ‘auicnomy imputed ky the term “Union of Regons’. The formation of a RPSG had been recommended by the 1984 Annaxure C (ara 8) and the 1885 TULF Proposals Gari), 6. Judicial powers (a) The President's Proposals enviseas the setting up of "a Hioh Cour in every Region” (cec 6.1). Similar provisions had been made in — the 1984 Annexure G (pare 7), = the 1685 TULF Proposals (part I), =the 1986 Chidambaram Proposals (annexure |), = the 1987 13th Amendment (art 154P) and = the 1991 Thondaman Proposals. (0) The Proposals provide for a Regio- fal Juctcial Service Commission (JSC). This is an improvement on the 13th Am- endrent. The only previous instance Where such a provision was made was inthe 1991 Thondaman Proposals. (0)_ The Froposeis allow the Governorio “appoint @ Regional Attorney General who wil advse ihe Governor on the con- sftutionally of lavis passed by the Regio- nal Counc!” (sc 6.4). Howover tho Re {Glonal Attomey General would in practice bocome the Centre's ‘regional poice- men”. Tals will undermine the extensive yyolution promised in the concept of @ “Union of Regione 7. Official language (a) The President's Proposals intend to recognise Tamil and Sinhala as “oficial languages" and English as a “Yinklangua: ge" (preamble). (0) Howayer, the Proposals do not indi- Cale whether Tam! wil be an offcial fan: ‘uage of Sri Lanka. Because, although the 1987 13th Amendment made both Sinhala end Taml official languages, 7specifed only Sinhala as the official language of Sri Lanka (art 16). 8. Land (a) The President's Proposals declare that “Land will be a devolved subject and State land within tho Rogion willbe vested in the Regional Counci’” (sec 4.1). This 1s an impravament on the August 1983 Dra Framework (annex 2) and the 1987 din Amerdimant (ist 1) which vested State land in Contra! Goverment. How ever, the term “State land’ is nownere Gelined in the Proposals. It is unclear whether oF not “State land” Inclides lang vested in State agencies, sich as the ‘Mahaveli Development Authority. (®)_The Proposals are silanton the sub- Ject of Land Folicy. In contrast, the 1234 ‘Annexure C had alocated *Land Falcy” tothe RC (paras). (0)_The Proposals sllow the Central Go: vornment fo take back Slaie lands vesteo {i the RC ater the lormality of “consulta tion” with tho relevant RC (eec 4.1). No Provision was made to Secure the “con. currence” of the RC. (G) Modifeatons in the selection of alloltees in land settiement scremes ara Testricted to “Yulure” schomes (seo 42). ‘Thus present sciemes and extensions of resent scnemes are excluded, Provisions in c) and (¢) undermine the extensive devolution promised in the concept of “Union of Regions" 9. Lawand order (a) The President's Proposals empower the CM to appoint the Regonal Police Commissioner “in consultation” with the Govemor (sec 3.1), Thisprovsion offered the CM wide discretion, Butthe offer was noutrelised by euthoiising the Natonal Police Commission (NPC) ta trensfarpoli- ce officers into andoutofa Region merely “in consultation” with the Recional Polica Commission (RPC) (e9c 3.4). In addition, Use of the vid “concurrence” Was avol. ced, (0) The Proposals allocate the functions cf “recruitment, iransters within the Re- Glon, dsmssal anddsciplinary conirel"of members of the Regional Polos Service (RPS) to the HPG (Sec 3.3), This empo. @erment wae undormned by the provi ‘ion thatthe RPC willbe apponnied hy the Central Gaverament*inconcultetion" with tho relevant RG (sec 9.5), Again usa of the word “concurrence” was avoided (©) The creation of nationaland regional police services was provided for in = the 1955 Chidambaram Proposals (Annoxire Ih, = the 1987 13th Amendment (ist!) and = the 199] Thondaman Proposals (ist (@)_ The Proposals are silent about ine compesttion of the armed forces. How ever, the 1884 Annexure G specified that “he armed ferces of Sri Lanka will ade. ‘quately refectthenational ethnicposition’ (pare 8); = the 1985 Drafi Framework suggested that ‘reoruitmant to the Armed Forces 10 be carried out so as to ensure thal the ‘Armed Foices reflect the ethnic ration as for as possbie within 2 spectied tme frame” (para 17); and = the 1985 TULF Proposals required that “the composlion of tie armes forces Shall be Drought in line with the rational sthnicratowithin fve years" and spectied that “the creation of a separate Tamil ard Muslim regimant shall be undetek: (Annexure Il), (2) The Proposals are also sienton the Compasition of the RPS. in contrast, — the 1984 Annexure C required that“in the Norther and Eastam Hegions. the Police forces for internal coounty will also, relleat the ethnic composition of these regions” (para 9); = he 1985 Draft Framework specified that “at least 60 pst cent of members of the Police Force servingin Police Statens within any Provincial Council Area, wil be those recruited within the Provincial Council Areas” (anmax |; ane — the 1991 Thondaman Proposass pro- vided tnat ‘the National Poles Fores shall Teflect the natonal ethnic proportions ‘and “the Provinaial Police Force shal Tellect the provincial ethnic proportions? (ist). 40. Finance (a) The President's Proposals provide for a National Finance Commission (sec 244), A simler provision haabaeninclided in = the 1972 Medel Constituion (art 16) = the 1984 Annexure C (para 6) = the 1885 Draft Framework (para 11); — the 1985 TULF Proposels (para I — the 1987 13th Amendment (art 154%), (0) Some previous intiatives went jur= ‘her than Proposals and spectiod the ethnic composition of the Commission. Thus = the TULF Proposals, which required tho Commission to consist 0! the Gover Nor of the Central Bank end three men: bers “ona of whom shall bo a Sinhalese, ne @ Tarr and one a Muslin’ (para ll): atid — the 13th Amencinant, whieh sposified that the Commission shculd be “eompo- sed of the Governor of the Cental Bank, Secretary to the Treasury and thiee ob er members repiesenting the three major communities" fart 154F), (c) The Proposals allowed the ROS Powers0f taxation in spectied areas! as defined by Cantral Govemment (sec 2.2) and enumerated in the Regional List. Similar powers were grarted in = the 1957 BC Pact (pan B); = the 1964 Annexure G (para 6); = fhe 1885 Dralt Framework (para 11): = the 1985 TULF Proposals (part il; and — the 1987 13th Amendment (ist!) (2) However, powers to tax ‘income, aplial and wealth o!incividuals, compa: Riesand corporations" areretainedby te Central Govemment. The basis ard extent fo which powers of taxation will bo shared between the Cente and the Fé. gion are unspectied (@) |The Proposals empower RCs o"set Up their own financial istiutions" (sec 2). This provisionis an improvement on Previousinitiaiives,noneal which granted this powerto Regons, Howeverthenatu- fe of these institutions and their rolaton. Ship to national fancial institutions are Unspecified in the Proposals (The Proposals althorise RCs to bor- Tow money end impose a ‘preseribed ‘imi on their intemetional borrowing ‘Above this lit “the ccncurrence” of the Central Government's required (s2¢2.3). Nevertheless, this is an improvement en Previous initalives, none of which per mitted Intemational borrowing by the Region (g)_ The Proposal authorise the ACs to Teguiate and promote forsign directinve- stment, international grants and develo- pment essistancs. subject fo such cond. tions asmay specticdiby the Centre” (sec 9.4), This is an apparent aqvance on Previcus initaves. Howaver, "Natonal Planning” is a reserved subject, and RCS cannet tecelve end dsburse cranis and evelopment assictance, The “Specified arees" of taxation, te “plescribed irnt’ on intemational boro. wing ard the “conditions” imposed on mobilising foreign investment. juncs and development assistance, and the erterie ‘of Conire-Regon interaction beween financial institutions are unspectied, ‘Theretore the scope of power-sharing is unknown,Chandrika’s Federal Package: A Political Analysis Partha S. Ghosh he SinhalaTamil ethnic strife is nowaboutiourdecadesod. Stil, here does not seem to be any ray of hope at ‘he endothe tunnel towards its peaceful ‘managerneni. The warbeiween the gove~ ment forces and the LTTE isbecorring ‘more and more flerce and no one knows what would its final outcoma be. How this point of no retum has been reached s a long story butt would suffice here justo underline the harsh realty thet successive Sil Lankan govemments and Tamil tea~ dorships have rrissed one opportunity alter another to address the problem from fareaiatio sense of judgomont. Their suc- ccumting to all nds of pressures of ext teniial pollics fs now making them bear ‘an unacceptable cost which tha present strienas brought in ts rain. Ths, of course, is nol peculiar of Sri Lankan police. All sociatias suffer from similarmyopla, Only when matters goour Cf hand do the leaderships realise the gravity of the stuation. But by then itis ‘aready loo late, What Machiavelli hac said about haif a rrillennium ago sounds as valid ioday as it sounded then, Physicians say of consumption (Liber culosic), that in the early stages of this disease itis easy to cure but dificult to diagnose, whereas, ier on, ifithas nat been recognised and treated at the beginning, itbecomeseasyiodagnose but difficult to cure. The same thing happens in the affais of state. Against this perspective of philosophy ef hisiory, tho two-pronged sirateay of President Chandrika Sandaranaike Ku maratunga aimed at rocoiving tho ethnic problem o} her siand:state deserves some carelul analysis. The strategy is two-pronged because on the one hand ‘ere Is an all out effort to deal with the Tigers militarily while on the other to address the ceep-seated poitical qjie- vances of the Tamils through etriking a political deal wih the latier onalong-term basis. Empirically speaking, sie cannot be faulted as this isa time-tested t ‘Dr Ghosa ise Deco, inden Counc of Soci Seionca Messer, Now Dali cf extending tha aims of friendship vile keeping one's powder dry. Bul the pro- blom wih the LTTE miltancy is much more serious than lust deterrng them by igplaying the big stick. Even tho mighty Indian army had failed to tame them. But belore discussing the LTTE let us ss0 what Chandrika has to offer in terns of politically empowering the Tamils of the North-Eastomn province, ‘On Augusts,Chandnkaannouncedher federal package. {Incdontally, the Fou- Jers had leaked the news about a week earlier). In the package she look congni- sence of all the major grievances of tha Tamils, namely, he question oflenguage, land cettlomant, law and order, and the overall issue of regional autonomy. She vitualy conceded on every point to tho {uifiment of the Tamil demands. Wihout mincing words she confessed thal her primary task was io find, ‘anew approach predicated on unguali- fied eccepianceo! thefactthatthe Tamil people have genuine grievances for Which solutions must be found. {do not racallofany Sinhaleseppoitician, to have ever mada such 2 cetegotical remarkinfavourofthe Tamils. Objactively speaking, it was probably a bit of an over-statement “The package contains al the concoiva- ble provision necessary for granting auto- omy to he Tamils. Pendngtheredemer- cation of the boundary of the Tari-majo- ry Nortn-Eastern province, it has been proposed to divide tho island inio cicht ‘aulonomous regions (hitherto, called pro- vinces). Thus, insteed of being a untery tate Sri Lanka would now be a Urion of Regions, The terrtorles comprising the ties of Colombo and Sri Jayawardena. ura-Kotte would be excluded from this arrangement and elthough geographi- cally within the Western region they would be Uitecily adirinisteed by the Centie. Theregions wouldbe uly eutonomous bothin terms of executive and lenislative powers. Aricle 76 of the Constitution Which gives absolute power of lecislation jn the country to the Parliament is to be ‘abrogailed as the same power is now io bo chared by the Regional Councils as Well. The respective powsrs ofthe Cente {and the fagions are contained in the Re served List and the reqonal Listrespect!- vely. The former has S8subjectswhiethe latter 45, Thare viould be no Concurrent sl. To ensure that the centre does no} meddle in the affairs of the regions thas been clearly provided tnat the Chie! Mini- tere cannot bo removed from office so ong as they enjoy the confidence of tne Regional Councils. The Gevernorsrenot supposedito be the watch dogsof Central Interests as is the cese in India end their appointment by tho Presidont will bo trey with the concurrence of the Chief Ministers, Teresolve disputes between the Centre and the regions or betviesn anc among the regions there will be a Pemanert ‘Commission on Oevoluticn appointed by ‘ne Constitutional Council The Corrmiss ‘sion would have poners of mediation as \wellas adudication. There wil beaNatio- nal Finance Commission entrusted with the job of allocating grants'o the regions Keeping in view balanced regional develo pment. The Recional Councils wil hava the power to borrow as well as to set up. their cwn financial institutions. Internatio- nal borrowings beyond a prescribed lit ‘vil, however, require the concurrence of the Contre, In shor, the package is tha mostideal evolutionary arrangement one can think of. But all good things donot necessariy ‘work, least of al in the realm of poitics. It fs surmised that the very genuineness ofthe offer itself could become its Fabilly There are forcesboth within the Siohalese ‘and the Tamil populations which have reasons 10 oppose the move. In respect ‘of Tamil response to the proposals the very factthal the later tend to receivethe approvalo’ the majority of Temils t would be opposed tocth and nail by the LTTE. Ina recent article published in the Econo mie and Poltical Weokly (Bombay, Jane 24,1995), have exolainedthe underlying 9cause thereto, It would suffice here to relterete that since thentonosals hava tha potential fo wrest fromthe LTTE thelr own constituancy, that is, tho Tamile of the Nortn-Easter province, they cannot ‘agroatto them, ‘tie also apprehendedithat the more the Tigers sharpen their teeth against the Package, he greaterwould be he distan- Ce batween the latter and the moderate Tamils, itnot fo; anytiing else butat bast for their personal sccurty, The LTTE is capable ofctivingsuchfearintotha spines of all Tamil politicians, notably those loca tedin the North-East. Topolticalycompe- te wih the Tigers for the same hearis of the North-Eastam Tamis the moderate Tamil parties would be obliged to pose as it they are equally on guard against the Possbilly of being taken for a ride by Chanda, a game which accardingtothe ‘Tamis, the Sinhalese politicians have been playing ever since the days of S.W.RD. Bandaranaike (1956-59). inthis kind of a situation ther demand for the *“Tanil homelard” would come in handy to them thereby raking up the issue of permanent mergor of Northem and Easlem provinces without any tampering Of the existing boundaries, The TULF leader, M. Sivesithamparam,has gono on record to say thal this is one thing which isnon-negetiable"” To any studontof Sri Larkanpoltiositis etementary knowledge that the mattoris poitoaly leaded and all kinds of ethnic sensitiviies are intricately inteowined, ‘Then there is also the problem of daa- Ingwith the Sinhala hardiners. Since tho packege warrants constiional amend- ments which require two:thirde majeriy of the Patliament and then a popular endorsement through referendum, the possibilty oftheir runninginto rough wea ther is high. In the 225-member Parlia- ment the two arch rivals, the UNP and tho SLFP (the present ruling coaltion, the PA, — People’s Alliance is dominated by the SLFP|, aie more or less evenly balanced withthe UNP having94 members and the PA 105. The Tamiliparties zecaunt for 14 ‘andthe Muslims forseven. Theremaining five Seats belong to the small partcs, It has been Si Larka’s expertence that tha party in power ic gonerally accommode- te of the Tamil demands but the one in Oppasition gathers all its strenglh to sa borage it. Ths has been true right from 10 the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam (BC) Pact (1957) through the Du Senanayake-Chelvanayakam (DC) Agreement (1965) through the indo-Sr\ Lanka Accord (1987). In tho last case it was opposed even from within the UN Government, most notaby by Prime Mini ler R, Premadasa, It is indeed as well ‘nue that much water has flovin the Maha- vali iver in the intervening period and ‘everyone has leamed from experience the danger of proc-astnation and obsi ancy. Stil, as noted at the outset, exis tential realpolitk know no logic, and sanity 5 always the casuatty, ‘The UNP which is virtually leaderiess afterallits prominent leaders, Lalth Athu- lathmudel, Ranjan Wijratne, R. Prema dasa end Gamini Dissanavake, have been killed by the LTTE i likely to g-ap the opportunity of projecting itself as the defenders of the majority Sinhala-Bud- hist nlerests, The revolutionary cecom- ‘mendation in the devolution package to deciare the state as a Union of Ragions in piace of a unitary state would provide it the necessary hanclo to excte the Sinhala masses. against the package. ‘Though the UNP Parliamentary Pacty ee der and the Leader of the Cpnosition, Ranil Wickermasinghe, has been discre- 48, Susii Munesinche, another prominent INP leader, has gone on record t0 say: ‘You cannot have anything ether than unitary state”. Ibis general quess that a significant eection of the Buddhist clergy holds this position The other point that the Opposition Partics would use to embarrassihe qove- Mment is with rogard to tho suggestion to make the post ct the Chief Minister of 2 region inviolablo. Ac mentioned above, ‘according to th package the Chief Mini- ster cannot’be femoved by the Centre as long as he enjoys the confidence of tne Regional Council. Given the tradition of Sci Lankan Tamil polities which has veered found the demand for a “Tami homeland’ tho epecire of partition of Si Lanka looms large in an average Sinhala mind. The UNP would exploit this fear to Its politcal advantage. No wenderthatthe ‘Chandrika Government has already mel- lowed its tone, GL. Peirs, the Justice Minister and the chiet archieat of the package, has clarfied that the Central Government would have the powers to dismiss a Regional Govamment fitthrea- fonod the integrty and sovereigaly of Sri Lana, ‘There are also some coneeptual pro- blems wih the package Insofar as the bases of a pluralistic democracy aie oncemed. There has been ro effort io distance tho ctate from teigion. On jhe contrary, Gnandiika has tried her best to ‘woo the Buddhist lobbies to support her ‘scheme, One of the subjects.in ha Resor Yed Listis "Budchism’, meaning thereby that there is no intantion to do away with the special status clause tor Buddhism in the Constitution, Retgion isalwaysadiv= sive poltical symbol which a clemocracy can il atford The most vexed question of all woul, howaver, be the redomarcation of the North-Eastern region, an issue which Chandrika’s detractors would explcit 10 the hill. Shenas proposed the redemerca: tion “in full consutation with a view 10 feconciling Sinhala, Tamil and Musim interests". Ifthe Musimmand Sinhalarnajo- fity areas of the present North-Eastern province are excised (rom it and acded to othar Sinhala majcrity areas then eifec- tively what it would mean is that there Would be analmostexclusive Tamil-Hindy areaintheNNorth-astern ragion but there would be two oF three Siniiale majonty regions with TamitMusim or Estate (indian) Tamil disticis where they would predominate locally. Far from paliating the symptoms of ethnic distrust it may ‘oxacotbate them. From e long term pers pective it is unwise end dangerous to freeze the geo-ethnicily of the islend. It would divide the communities foral tme to come. In that situation it would never be possible to think of a North-Eastern ‘Tamil becoming the President of Sri Lan- ka. Both ideally and realistically speaking ita minonty Tami or Musin communiy canstay ina Sinhala-najoity ragionwnat isso sacrosenctabout Tamil othnicity that itcannet accommadaiea Sinhala minority within its torntory. These are serious mal- tors and must be so treated lest the price may be too high for the state in the long fun, Let us naw discuss the roal ue for everyihing ese is secondary without itssolution — the milion dollar LTTE que- stion. Hovisover mantthe Chancrika Go- ernment claim to adicress the Tamil pro- bblem without the Tigers, the hard realty is thatno solution can be possible without ether accommodating them into the system or breaking thelr backtone com- pletely. The way the war is boing wagod against the LTTE it seems thal the gove- mment warts to tak to them from a posi tion of sirength. But the problem is that seldorn a regular army has been able to ‘overpower a guerilla force and that too jin ungle terrain of the variety available jn the Norh-Eastom provinee, Tho indian Tami) (CWC) leader S. ‘Thondaman's suggestion that the LITE should be offered to form the government inthe North-Eastem region urderthenew ssciteme deserves mention in this regard Indirectly what Taondamen has meant is that the Tigers should join the poltical process. But is this not oxactly what the ‘Chancrika Government tied to achieve by initiating the peace process in the first Instance? it has been the experience of all, whether it is the Si Lankan Gove- mmentorthe Indian Government, that the Tigers are too vily in their poliical deals ‘and once thay weathortheourrent cificu- ties they go back to thelr old cemand ot Eclam, As euch, even fitis hypothetically ‘agreed that the LTTE joins the poltica! process, but given the military power that it commands is it rot tkely that in the elections they would use that muscie to browbeat the voiers to fallin lino. Some kind of "booth-canturing” may be introdu- cod to SiiLanica'e electoral procoss which the nation is stil mercituly tree from, Wouldnotan LTTE Government soinstal- led in power become a greater liabilty to the state? But granting that Thondaman has proved himself to be the most seasoned Tamil (estats)polticianwhohasextracted maximum benefit for his community irom SriLankan Govammentby sheer pragma: tism,one should beadvlses|againstpooh- fpoohing his suggestion as mere gidbe nish. But in the present case his acvice ors not seem to have many takers, rreitherinthe government ncrinthe Oopo- sition. Probably he wants to play the role cf a go:betwaon to rovive the peace pro cess. It is not unikely that his ulterior ‘mative could be to1emerge as a poilician cf national stature particularly agains! the background that of ete his hegemony in the estate areas has been serously chal- lenged by a couple of up-and-coming politicians, ‘The conflict between the LTTE andthe SriLankan state has reached such a bind that iis oxttomely diffcuit for either party to extricate iself from the mess. For the LITE they have reached tho ond of tho oad. Even it itis hypothetically conceded: that they carry the cay and overpowerthe: Sri Lankan amny in several decisive bat- tles, it does not fellow that their cream of Eelam would he achieved. Without extemal recognition a new state Is never creatad in the modern world, Given the success of Sri Lankan diplomacy lately it is almost certain that they would not got Intemational recognition which is one of the mosi important ingredients of a mo: dem sovereign stat2. Gne may recall hat almost immeciately after the breakdown (of the peace process in late Apfil the Intemational aid donors pledged an unprecedented US $350 million. This Underlined the fact the international com munitywasin favourcfa negotiated setls- ‘ment of the ethne problem and had full confidence in ho Chandrika Government. Toads tothe complication isthe request Of the Indian Goverment to extradite the LITE supremo, Velupiliai Prabhakaran, the prime accused in the Rejlv Ganchi assassination case, although everybody knows how childish is the demand in the feal sense. But herein lies the danger of Sri Lankan decision making becoming a hostage to the ups and downs of Indian politics. There should not be any doubt in any body's mind that the real shols in the LTTE are called by the one and the ‘only man — Prabhakaran — and it was forthe frsttime thatthe realand substeni- vve one-to-one exchange had taken placa between him end the head of the Sri Lankan state, There was an exchango of ‘more then forty personal letiers between Chandiika and Prabhokaran rir to the breakdown of talks. Imagne a situation that the lalks succeeded and Prabhaka- ‘an came out ofhs jungle hideout ta form, ‘agovernmentintlieNoith-Eesiemregion! ‘And then the demand for extradition is renewed. From the foregoing, the following conclusionsmay bedrawn although inthe Sri Lanken situation all conclusions have fo be tentative only. One, it must Be concededdthat whaiever misgivingone mightexpress aboutChan- drka's federal proposal itis a told ctoo for which sne deserves kudos, Even her ‘staunchest artes de not ses heras a wily Sinhala chauvinist poltician who cioes everything keeping the nex! election in mind. This is her biggest assat Two, this asset is he fabilty too for it forecioses the LTTE dream of an Esti ‘coming true resulting in prolonged military and state repression, The danger is that any slightest mishandling of the situation can lead to ani-Tamil rois putting the clock back to the postion of 1983, Three, the war between the SriLankan Govamment and the LTT would have to be a wer of atition. in any war of attrition the stata has the natural advantage. It ll depends on how long itis able to drag it without of course causieg hardship to the Tamil people of the North-East and violating human righisofthevarielyashas surfaced recently — the kiling of several Tamil youth in. Colombo by the Special Task Force (STF) and towing their bociesina ake adjacentto the Pariamant house. Four, Incia tias a very responsible role toplay, Itmustde abieto viewthesuccoss ofthe SriLankan army, ttany, wih eque- nimity and steer clear of the pressures of Tamil Nadu local politics to intervene as ithappened priorto the food-dropinvJafina bytheIncian AirForeein June 1985. Suen templations must be resisted keeping view the larger ragional cocurity interests ofthe country. Five andlast,lstue all agree that in any ‘case no poilcal solution can be toolproot at tho fire: instances iteolf. What is indeed is a healthy debatein the press, pulpitand platiorm sothat some ofthe roce obvious hholesin the package can be plugged, But tulimately that would be possible only it the present govarnmant remsins siable and the disruptive potential of the LTTE is curbed. Together the door must bekept alar for the latter to. come back to the negotiating table, India may nave to se Ficusly reconsider in that ace at coma point of ime is demand or Prathakaran’s extradition, "A Selection of the Finest International Brands. HAPPY GOW CHEESE suitweer. = PRUNES (SHIGKEES) BOUNTY Twit ie TOBLERONE CHOCOLATES PURE FRUIT JUICE DIAPERS: DIAPERS DENTAL CARE Palmolive PERSONAL CARE Ola JAMS, DAIRY PRODUCTS waa HAIRCARE Sole Agents ASS te é BREAKFAST CEREALS Maxwell House COFFEE Ardmona (CANNED FRUITS LURPAK BUTTER SOUPS AND PASTA a Foops TOMATO PRODUCTS. INSTANT NOODLES e CANNED MEATS 833, sinmayo Bancarcnake Mawatha, P.©. 30x 1970, Colombo 14, ‘Tol: 522871-2, 522830, 522832, 52294, 522155, 522373. Telex: 21418 Tosstea CE, 21991 Selpro CE, 23426 Sellea CE. Cable: Tasstecs Telefax: (941) 622913. Quality and Variety within your reach. “Available at all Supermarkets & leading groceriesETHNIC CONFLICT (2) Regional Factors K.M, de Silva FFeraing reetions wih the courts ‘of Asia vas another stand of Si Lan- a's foreign policy. After the Britsh wih- rawal of mittary beese fom Si Lente, Bendaranalke's govemment accorded a highprioriyto ragicnalbalance ofpawer strategy. He genuinely attempted for an enlarged Colombo Powers orcanization, to be established in Colombo, 10 jointly Oi their common concerns ** Having received scant response irom ihe poten- fal mombers of the proposed pollical organization, Bandaranake repeatedly caladin 1958 and 1959 oven forregonel economic conferences® to be ealed to deiberale on various regional ecenamic problers,and devise means toovercomns them fo the mutual bereiit of ak conce= med. Athouch theso attempls were not sronned wil success, the essence re- mains that he made eforts to recress no balance against India through seeking a regional courterposse, As part its regional balance of povier stralegy Sri Lanka also atlerplecto forge lose relationships wih India'srivals, such 5 Pakistan and Grina. In the context of ‘Sino-Incien power rivaly in Asie, China ‘ppeared to Sri Lanka a a natural coun terbalance lo India. Under Prime Min ‘Sinmavo Bandaranake Sino-Lanka rela- tions became more extensive, cordialand urpose-criented, An epprehensiveness of potential dan. get from India continued to condition the foreign and security policy of Mrs Banda. fanaike's government. Felix Bandaranal- ke, Parliamentary Secretary to Mrs Ban- daraniko, stated i Parliament that Sri Lanka's security did not “depend merely ‘upon goodwill towards and friancliness towards Inda and an assumption that we will never get into ditficulies with Incia..."°” Wirtings and pronouncements of Nehru, Panikkar, Appadorel and other leaders and opinion makers continued to be quotedin the SriLankan Pariarnerit ‘as these stil contibuled to Si Lankan leaders’ threst parcoptions. So, from ¢ sirategicpointoiview, China's imponanse to Srilanka continued tobe considerabie, SriLanka further developed its ade rela- tions with China involving nee andnuboer, tha island's two mejor impor and exsort comimeodties respectively.” In the light of the above views and compulsions, Mrs Bandarancike offered hhet good offices to seek an end 10 the Sino: Indian border war that broke out in Gciober 1962and fused Lrend China aS the eantessor. Instead, she took the inative in summoning ihe Colombo con: ference of sx non-aligned naions with a vvew 9 exploring ways and means o| bringing ndiaand hina othe conference table ahd setting the Doundery dispute ‘The proposals which emergod from thie conference, together wih thelr clariica- tions were personally explainedin Peking by Mrs Bandaranaike and Subandiio O| indonesia in January 1963, end in New Dalhiby herand roprecentalives of Egypt and Ghana the same month," Inda.acos- Piedihepioposalsntolo, while China dd 50 with reservations." Although ne con tele achievement resulted from these proposals, Mrs Eandaranaike's inative displayed her skin avoiding elvng ot- enceto Indie while notconderrning China asthe aggressor. Sri Lanka’e rolations with China were consolidated withthe signingofaMaritme ‘Agreement on 25 uly 1963 batwaen the two counties, grantng each other the MEN siatus. But Mis Bandatanaike's go- vernment did not accodo to the request othe Chinese counterpart that Sn Lanka should.use only ships approved by China for Sino-Lankan tiade. What talov's from the above is that Sri Lanka's policy of building a countorpoise against India isnot to be at the expense of ne island's atonal interesis, and that the counter- balancing stretegy should ro. be mace co obvious to jeopardise Calombo's {rionéship with New Delhi, This is the essence o! the pilot fish paicy. Pakistan and Sri Lanka had common threa! pereepiions as fer as Inda was cencemed. Sr Lanka locked upon Paki stan, a country which had the wil if not always the moans to challenge India's predominance, as a countervailing force against India. That explains why during the Bangladesh crisis in 1971 Sti Lanka Was not sympathetic tothe cause of Ban- gladesh; the island-nation was opposed lo en eventually of Pakstan belng dis- membered. Falowing Inda'sbanon Pali- stan's overfight of ts clvilan aircraft, which transpoited Pakistani tronpsin cvie lian disguise from Karachi te Dheka, Sri Lanka granted air transit facilties tough Colombo to Pakistan's commercial aireratt, Such SriLankan posturingindeed offended Indian susceptibiltias, Under Such changed regional creumsiancos, Gino-Lanka relations acquireda more pro: Minent role in Golombo's siratecic calcu- lus. Relations botwoon the two counties during Mis Bandaranake's United Front ‘government (1970-77), therafore, boca- me closer than ever before, nolwihstan- ding China's suspected complicity in the 1971 Guovariet insurrection of the JVP in Si Lanka.” Nonalignment as Security Strategy The noraiioned forcion paliey of Sri Lanke hes been anoiher mejor plank of hersecurty strategysince 1956, Although Bandaranaiko's nonalgned forsign poley ‘vas nol always to the king of the West, itwasgenerally Intandedto ensure secun- tyfor the small state by keepingitself aloof ‘rom both power blocs. With respect to India, Sti Lanka's nonalignment also served as a diplomatic instrument which as used to avoid provoking its qerthom neighbour. At the same time, INS poicy, Was intended to be pursued as asacuily insurance, as the istand’s memibarship in the Nonaligned Moverient (NAM) Was conesived as a broad security umbrella This secunty dimension of Si Lanka's membership in the NAM was highighied by Mrs Bardaransiko horself in the NAM sunmitat Lusaka in 1970." Demiilitarisation and Peace in tho Indian Ocean as a Guarantee of Sti Lanka’s Security Die to its strategic lecation Sri Lanka has always bosn aware of dangers io its independence andsecunty thatmayema- pale from the Indian Ocean area. All th colonial invasions since the early 16th century by the then major Eurepaan sea powers, such as Portugal, the Nelher- ands and Great Britain, came from the Indian Ocean. In addition to extra-regional powers, India, withits strategicaspirations Inthe Indian Ocean region, has also bean ‘a major source of concem to Si Lanka, ‘The Sitish military oresence on theisiand in the 1950s acted as a dotarrent to both these perceived sources of thea Ihe ‘superpower presence nthelndan Ocean Since the 1960s had considerably heigh- ‘ened the tension in the area. Since then 13demiltarising the Indian Ocean and qua- raniesing peace in the area has been a ‘major foreign and securty policy objective of Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka's Indan Ocean ppolizy has, therefore, been, on the one hand, to remove foreign miltary presence from the area, paricularlyitsnuciearcom- ‘ponent, and to ensure, on the olher, that the resultant power vacuum’ was not filed by a regional power. Whilo tho first part fthis policy objective has been conveni- ently shared by India, tho second part wen agairst ils own Indian Ovean poicy, symbolising a gap in securty perceptions India and Sri Lanka In October 1971 the Si Lankan Prme Minisier, Mis Bandaranake, appeared before the UN General Assembly to pre~ sert the IOPZ proposal Hare she laid down forthefirsttime whet the peacezone wouldmeanindetai.” Wnentheproposal was boing considered in the UN First Commniitee there erase differences be- ‘ween the posttions of SriLarka and india. ‘Sri Lanka's proposal was faily compre~ hensive ast relatad as much to thenaval forces of thelitoral states asto the forces Of the ouiside powers. But India was against the miliary presence of external powers only, Following behind-te-scene pressures from india,"*Shrley Amerasin- ‘ghe, xj Lanka's permanent representa: tive to the UN, accordinaly had to meaty fis proposal"..ndoferancotothe rostric- tons expressed by our ciitiss””” On 16 December 1971, the General Assembly passed the resolution on the propcsal of the IOZOP."* In the course of celbara- tions.on this issue, India’s intentions inthe Indian Ocean area became crysial clear to Si Lenks. Si Lanka, therefore, even- tually grew lbkewaim to the implemenia- tion of iis own brainchild — the IOZOP proposal. This inhibition of SiiLankavie a- Vis nda, comained witn the fact of India’s ‘emorgenco as more poweriul as a result f the break-up of Pakistan in 1971 and the creationo! Bangladesh, contrioutedto Cclombe's softening of its attitude to wards the Wesi, paricularly the USA, ij Lankels fear of Inca became stron ger when the laiter went nuclear on 18 May 1974 with a successful datonation of a nuclear device at Pokhran in the Flajas- than desert. The emergence of a nuclear power fromamong the Incian Cceanite ralstaleshadrecically changedihe strate- ‘iclandscapein he Indian Ccean. Conse- uerily, he contest of the IOZOP propo- sal also changed afier 1974, and Sti Lanka fornally changed her positon re- (garding the IOZOP vis-a-vis mato! Incia. For axamplo, Shioy Amorsingho stated in the First Commitee that: “We do not \Want any great powerthare. By the same token, we do not intend that we should 14 tive out Satan by Beelzebub and alow some other powers within the group of ittoral and hinterland states to take the place of the superpowers”. He nadaiso statedon 1 | Novamber 1974 that"iianaw nuclear power were to emerge In the Indian Ocaan region thedanuciear'sation and also the cemillarisation of the area would be seriousy jeopardisec'.’ Be- cause of hor concerns about IncialsIndian ‘Ocean paliey, Si Lanka gave her support {0 Pakistan's proposal in 1974 for a nuc- lear free zone in South Asia, and with the further melowing of her attitude towards the West she permited more US ships at Sti Lankan pods. Sri Lanka's. Indian ‘Ocean palicyis, therefore, concerned not only with the outside powers but also with tha ambition and power of India. ILis clear from the foregoing that the Postion of those scholars who tend 19 ‘argue that India posed no threat to Sr Lanka and that S.W.R.D. Bandzranaike, {as opposed io his predecessors, envisa gedno threattohis country irom thenonh, 'S dificult to sustain, To be sure, lack of hostility and altimes even surfaco appoa- ance of ifiendship between the two cou- nities do no! seem to explain away the ihveal perceptions that the governme in Colombo have held visawis india. Indeod, Si Lanka's approhonsion and fear of india, caused by thelr asymmetty in size and power, and by the islands. strategic locaton as well as New Denis poliical ambitions in the regon of the South Asia and the Indian Ocean, has ‘been the most fundamental preoccupa- tion in tho formulation and prosecution of Colombo governments foreign and secu fly policy. The successive Colombo acii- nistratiors had difered trom each other only in the manner of expressing their threal porcoptions and in devising strata- gles and instruments that were employed. toneutralisesuch threals ThaUNP gove- rmments were expict about India as a ‘source of potential threat and depended ‘on the Briish miltary presonce for Sri Lanka’s secunty, Thelr successor qove- frmonis professed friendship with India ‘while maintaining as insurance links with Britain through the Commonweath. and Seeking regional counterbalance against India through regonal grouping, and the Ciulivation of gocd relations with Incia’s adversaries such as China and Pakisian. Jayewardene Government's Non-Conformist India Policy, 1977-83 JJ. Jayewartene o the UNP became Prime Minister of Si Lanka afteralandsli- de victory in the general electons held in July 1977. He lzter on changed the country’s Constitution and becaire the first Executive President in 1978. There ‘was a pronounced pro-American tit in Sri Lanka’s fereian policy folowing the UNP lection vistary in 1977, This vas harping back to the policy of the UNP regimes of the late 1940s and 1950s; this time, of ‘course, the policy being more pro-US and ‘coviously ant-Inclan, Jayewardenegove: rmmen' strategic contfugailty tookplace In Gicumsiances that were vastly diferent from those prevaiing during the postince- pendence UNP mule. The Sinhala-Tami ethnic problem than was not atal asacute as it presented itself to be sinca the late 4970s. Sti Lanka, alihouch a primary products producer subjected for ts rade to the vagaries of Intemational market, had up unti 1955 a favourable balance ‘of Budget and trade. The island's peror mance on both counts assumed a stat goringy negative turn in the 1970s, In other words, President Jayewardene pre: sided over the effairsofa country thathad id down to a much weaker position as an actorin the comity of nations. 5, Moma News. Ceomto, 13 November 1656 “Times el Cole, V4 November 1065) Tre Site ‘53. SWIRD. Sencarralie: Socches and Witnas, bhermaton Onision, Depatvent of Bosdencing i eisnalon, Coverinentol Cryin Colao, T96I- pp. 49,2, 48, 57. Coven: Hf. Debates, Vel S329 Aust 186, 58, De Souza, Cele: Sonate Dodane, Vo. 19, 23 snus 864, Ca 2373 Sinaarene bi. Vol 8 i lanuary “064, le 217040 0. Sos for dais, FAD Bandara Cajon: I, Debates, Vo. 49, 7 Noveroe 162, Cal 2112 Nemo Manvel, naa's ha Way, Arete Boks, London, 1972, po 56-65, 61, The Hie, Maia, 90 Jrwary 1959 and CON (2. CON Colonie 20 May $664 (9, rs Bandara was quick oasis ate Son ct any Cieesaconplctyy sang ina boat fan 10 theron that fon pwr er nat Imvlvdir ha niacin, CON, Colombe Apa 23, ; - 4, See Pros Rdosoe by he nlrmaton Ninety of Ceylon on fe Lusaka Aaa 2 Min Sim Sancararaie,Soenber 1670 p.2 85, Ceylon Tay, Vat 29, Soper, On0061971, 86. Prilp Towle, Naval Power in the tian Ocsr: Trek, Bile end Fartaso, The Seog and Deere: Suces Curie, Cort, 1975p 7 87. UN Fist Commies, 1634 Ved, 23 November 171 1, OFical ecu ne Geral sent (GAOR), eth Sossion, Supplerett 28, escuion 2802 XXV, 1eDecember 871.09. 3837 88 UNGenaalAssurt1,Doc AIC FY. 2096, Hover ber 1976.93. 70. UN Dex. NG P.2015,6. 12ENGLISH WRITING The non-formal sector Kamalika Pieris considerable emount of criical altention has bee paid to the major gerres.of fiction, short story arcl poetry writen in English in Sii Lanka. Lite attention has been paid to comic wring, politcal satire and childrens literature. These. ‘consituta in a Sense jhe informal sector in creative Ergish ‘willing from Sil Lanka, However. this essey alsolooks atcertain ‘elemants within the formal sector of novels, short stories and, rama In te1ms of skill and orientation, and! therefore, it must bbe admitted that tno ttle given this essay. though catchy, does. ‘io! completely indicate i's conterts. Childrens’ Hterature in Sinhala has had a proliic history of ‘about fifty years, and much ofitic good. Due tothe availatiliy, Cf popular childran's literature from abroad, the Sri Lankan, writer did not turn to waiting childrens literature n English. But in 1970 there appeared the “Taprobane Readers’ approved bythe Educational Publications Advisory Boardassupplemen- tary readors. This seres contains ‘stories written for interes tng and thelling reading in language controlled to keep wiin the vocabulary strength and contanco patiome of the Govern- ‘ment reacers’. Despite this these stores do not appear to be. edicaled lo the acquisttion of language skils. There is itle temptasison a gradedintroduction io vocabulary and sentence structure, Nor is Uiere any proper analysis of iat should constituie childrens Iterature in English. For oxample, the story of the coconut fairy and the magic coconut does not go down very viell, Because, apart from its dorivative nature, thoro ie ‘no tradition of whimsy in our fok literature, What thase stories, do contain however, are some finely crafted tales on edu, themes, which could be considered to be a part of the con- temporary creative wring in English. ‘These stories present an interesting situation for they call fora discipline which doos not confront these writing for ads Firsty as liierature for children they are obliged to revive tne ari of storyioling, Secondly, they have to bo writton in simplo, clear language — a compulsory excercise in the rudiments. ‘of good wining. Thirdy, the problem of local idiom is seltod even bofore it can rear its head. These stories are intended to introduce the child io standard English, so focal paio's and Coyfonisme ars out, ‘The Taprobane reatlers carry several fine stories by Chitra- lekha. Her stories have a cetinite earning, middie and and, 0 there is some resolution. The themes deal with the more unlavely qualities of human nature, “The present’ is about greed, ‘“Sena's irfend! is on the loss of innocence, and the: intreduction fo duplicity and dishonesty, Two fiends’ is about vilage enmity and supersiticn, hitralekha’s ‘Nonchi nona and Kotiya’ is a brief account bf the fo of a frowood sollor, and centers on the rival in her life of the kiten, ‘Kotiya’. This story shows considorable empathyandsensiivityas regerdsthelifestyle of ha ural poor, ‘One chracieristc ofthis lifes is routine repetitive nature, with litle raereation, food or money. Nonchi’s ife consists of gathe- ring and seling fewood, buying food, cooking it, and sitting by the fire until it was tims io goto slcap. This siory Illustrates wol the concer with the purchase of ahd consumption of relatively small amounts of food. ‘Some- limes she bought a quarter of a pound of litle sprats, or a piece of dried fisn. Sometimes she didn't buy any {sh. She bought cniy some keera leaves or a piece of purokin’. (p14) The preparation of this simple meal is described nythmically Breakfast was one or two sices of breed with some sambol and hot tea dunk out of a coconut shell. (p 15) A piece of Seer fish was a lreat. There was to be a grand wedding luncn at Girigoris Appu's with ‘good country rice and polished white rice, ish, meat and meny vegetable curries, curd and honey. ‘These references are woven artistically into the story, helped. by the fact that the kitien ‘Koya loved to hear stories about food: (p 15) A simple preference for comfort and tiches ever poverty S indicated, Kotiya, aftr all Nonchi's loving care, goes away 10 arrener home. "I Ike my new name says the kitten, Kotlya,” Jam Tiger. tis an English neme. like you but llike the chidren helter. (p 24) The themas of poverty and loneliness are interiwired in this story, butt could be interoreled ata higher plane foo, in terms of social mobiity and saf advancement. ‘There is also the very understandable preoccupation of the workingclasses with theneedto easmall arnounts of money. ‘Thisiswellilustratedin Chitralokha’s'Dayin holifoofSirisala’, \ihich is presented as a mini-zdventure story. Here she descn- bes the efforis of a school boy to earn money to go to the cinema. He eams six rupees and fify certs in sloW slages: by seling sweep tckels, running errands, He loses two Tit. 4to.a crook, and gats ancther seven nipess by running several more errands around Maradana, He sees his flm ai the Riz. ‘and returns to his parents, father a labourer in the Colombo. Hospital and the mother a keeral seller at the Botella market. In ‘Vesak lanterns’ Chitralekha deals again with the same theme. Piyal, whose motherisa servant, needs money to make Vesak lanterns. He sals some mangos {or fify cents and some garden procuce at the pola and ne colecis one rupee and fy cents, “His purse was almost full’. There is a balance: in this Story. The mother, though a servant shows ceptn in dealing with Piyel’s problem, the Vesak decoretions, whether ‘of the poor or rish are equally acmirad, and the story does: ‘ict forge! to inckide @ visio the ternple and a walk looking) atthe decorations. Thera is also.a neatjuxtanosition of English 16and local words. *Piyalsaw mangoes, orangesand pineapples. Nobody is going to buy my gotukola, my lols and my jambus thought Piyal eadly” Punyakanti Wijenaike's ‘The botol vino’ and The eal of the seat could be interpreted cicactcaliy, in terms of allegories, ‘They could be diccusced in terme of eociel cooperation and sense of community and sharing and In the case of the The: call ofthe sea’ perhaps in terms of faie and fataism, The idiom sad is the anglicised idiom, in paris — One sunny day when. tho chy was a bright blue and the bids were singing in the: tree tops’ (p 4) but the stovies have a lit and clariy. The evelopment of the “Betel vite’ is somewhal unusual, since Suduhamy responds to jealouslyby offering frenéship andthe story ends with the two neighbours sharing their compounds, The influence of journalism on post independence writing In Sinnala was decisive. The Sinhala newspapers provided space for orignal vrrting, pertcularly short sicries and poe, ‘The Situmina short sioryis ona example. Thishelpedio create ‘© market for such writing. Many of the major Sinhala writers were joumalists to star with, and therafore journalism has, ‘unwittingly, contributes to style. Muchofmodem Sinhala wring is in excessively simple, unscrolatly language, often verging ‘on reportage. Thele Is no parralel infuence of jourralism on English creative writing and much which is in fact journalistic instyle, tke the prose cl Jean Arasanayagam, qoes unrecogni- sed as such: In the reeim of poltical and social satre, cerain journalists wrting in English merit consideration, E. NM, W. Joseph, who wrote as Sooty Sanda produced a ‘Paliteal Cookbook’. Ho coined ihe characters Ekmon Dirachchalanuwa, Neihart Gonthambil, Lacy Bomp, Hyacinth de Hoot, Mabel Ractiacu 2nd hus came the nearest coining anything even remotely Tesembing ‘memorable charactors’ Tare Viachehi who wrote as “Fly by night” is Dest remembered for his politcal commontary in the eovies ‘stand in the Sun’ which went on inthe Sunday Observerlorabout 12yeers.itwashighly praised for the apiness ofits allegorical figures such as Electic Eel, Tailor bird, Wise Old Owl. "Fly by right" made fun of the Westemsed classes ard ‘teenlessly exnosed all that was Phory and surericial in the social and roilical sphere. He converted ‘Cclombo 7"from a postal adcress io an alllude.(}) Inthe 1960's Lucian Rejskaninanayake in hi column ‘Light fefrastions’ In the Island commented huriourously on the Poitical and social scene and showed a remarkable abiity 0 coin names using Sinhala words. Fyp van Winkle, during the ru upto tho August 1964 elections, stared nis colursn ‘Voter, voler everywhere’ ‘Theres @ small amount of politcal sate in the form of black ‘comedy. This could be considered a new ganre of Engish Grealive wing. Rejive Wiesinghe, author of Acts of faith nas commented cn the use ofthe faniasy mods to previde expoci- tions cf third word paitical situations. "| would argue that the Peculiar suitability of this sor of tchniquo to exposition of third world palitcalsitvations srelatedtothe fact that political realy inthe third worié can often comeclose whatone might ordinary think of a5 the fantastic... Some of the more preposterous pronouncements | altituied to my president in order partly to establish a fictional character now seams tobe echoed by 16 ‘some of the real President's statements’ @) Atention shoud ‘also be drawn fo the very entartzining short picoss by Raja Wigesinghe, ‘The climax fer the Colonel and "Tne uggler (3) In the latter story, the events are easily recognised by the contemporary reader, andthe tensions and rythmns employed are successful and distincive ‘Another area whers English journalism hasmade a cistinct, if Ile recognised contibution is In comic wrting. Mention should be made of Tarzia Vitacheh's ‘Glossary of Singich Words and phreses’ which included words jke "Istubistexcu- tls”, HisparociesofShakespeare, inisweskly columns, make good reading even now, though the political cbservetions have lost their sing. He suggested that Shakespeare was possibly ‘Viliong Shekesper-r-ra’ Shiakesperiyanayacar’ or'Vilcassim Shaik Sufeer'depencing on whether you were Sinhala, Terril ‘or Mustim. (4) ‘Scoly Banda merits mention for his rather unique parocies ‘of wellknown English nursery thymes.and'songs, using Sinhala ‘and Tamil words, While itis not posse to equate this sor cf writing with serious creative work, thoy do reflect a certain inventiveness and a deciced abilty lo natvse the language, ‘and assich should notbe ignoredin a curvoy of Engichwriting in Sil Lanka. Two examples from Sooly Bandals Golden Treasury of Trilingual Vorse by Mabel Rastiacu are: ‘Apor bung Damny, the pipas the piges are calling From glen to glan and dawn the pallamay ‘When Greesmays's gone and ellaing kola are faling I's you, i's you must po and mung inding gamey Sanda-ras ard ros bring puduma kalpana of you, Mage hitha reposes Iniassana adanas so true June-cli discloses Loves naak dreams sparkling pudhus Nilavu and rose-mal bring ninavivu of you (5) ‘Sooty Bands also coined orginal imericks with local celeur. Reggie Siriwardene comments "in his vilingual verse Sooty ‘set off against the poetic diction, formal or ramartio, of tha: English anthology pieces the familiar earthy flavour ot the Shhala and Tamil phrases he domiciled within hom, the shock ' this collision, sharpened by his unfailing resourcefulness in fincing unexpected rhymes across the language barriers isan endless source of suprise end delght as in this immortal ‘couplet: Golden lads and girls all mus’ ‘As thotakaren come to pus.” (6) It should also be noted in passing that the orginal composi- tions in English songs now contain items ko “Protty foxy hen’. ‘Therefore ihe “pop Song” cenre may be worth watchingin time: tocome,Generic Drugs ? ‘The World Health Organization recommends that people should be kept informed about the facts on medication and provided with the knowledge and skills to protect themselves from the inappropriate use of drugs. Public education in drug use will increasingly become a part of mass education via the mass media. The knowledge and skills thus acquired will still not provide adequate protection to the public if the items in doctor’s prescriptions are effectively disguised by various brand names and promoted for indications which haue not been fully validated. Generic Drugs are those known by their pharmacopoeial names and can be prescribed only for their established clinical indications. Most Pharmacopceias now carry a section on Patient information giving « brief account of the indicaiions, benefits and risks in use of a particular drug. Thus Generic naming and identification of use is a vital part of this public education programme advocated by WHO which aims to prevent brand name promotion making medication revert to being one of the Black Arts. Generic Drugs from MSJI FOR RATIONAL USE OF DRUGS MSJ Industries (Ceylon) Limited Factory and Laboratories, P.O.Box 430, Colombo.BOOKS India-Sri Lanka Consultation on Devolution, Ninmal Mukayji, Colombo, |.C.ES., 1995, 49p. Fs. 50.00 Towards Effective Devolution, Toxt by G.L. Peis, Colombo, ICES, Papers by Ramaktishna Hedge, Ashok Mitra, A.G. Nooreni, 1995, &p. Rs. 50.00 Federalism and Nationalism: The Future Status of Quebec, Paper by Charles Tavor, Colembo, ICES, 1995, 12p. Fs. 50.00 Decentralisation and The Accomodation of Ethnic Diversity, Paper by Yash Glial, Colombo, 1C.ES 1995, 82p. Fis, 50.09 Feview by Martha McDougall, Moniresl, Summer Intom in Sti Lenka [ot S283, 21 fe morons, the Intemational Contre for Ethnic Studies has published lectures and viork it organized this year on international Comparative federalism. Of inerast to ali pluraistic societies, the stated objectives ofthe saries are“tn examinethedistingui- ‘shing characteris of ethnicaly based federalism, the utlity ofthe fedaral device in managing ethnic tensions and the new ‘hallengesand demands faced byfederal forms ct devolution in plural socie‘ ‘The subject oftwo monographs, “India- ii Lanka Consultation on Devolution” and “Towards fective Devcltionio, es their tiles indicate, decentralisation in beth India and Sri Lanka, The fist ofthe ‘woworks, ranscrbectromlectures given at.a conference by the same neme, has asits hame how SriLarka canleam trom India, Yet, es thereader soon realizes, the lessons from India are mainly about what nt 10 do to secure a successiu federa- tion. for oxample in Incie, the ceniral government largely controls —desotean original intent 10 the conkary — the ve~ rious state govemors, and Indian siaios often find themselves penniless because cf constitutional provision that docs nat ellow them to borrow trom the market they awe money to tho contre. The end ‘esi o| these end other arrangements (wnat some would call the ‘corruption’ of the onginal Indian federation) is the now Widespread cisilusionment with govern- ment in india at all evala. In ono lecture, 1N, Mukai poignantly describes ths turn for the worse in Indian politica: frst howe the Indian states turned agains he cen- tral government as the cere graelly 18 assumed more control; then how in tum ihe largely defunet states cisolaced local ‘goveriment; all of which caused an ever widening gap belwean the ethniceammu- nities, the people and goverment; wit the result that all relations batween gove- mment and govemed are distant end rife wilh misunderstanding and confict. This is, one realizes, how the run of federalism also affects cemacracy. Theeecond monograph, a transcription of the inaugural acres given by the Minister of Justice and Corsitutional Altfars, Mr. Peitis, othe above conferen- €¢ is reproduced in English, Sinhala and Tamil Peirisiniialy romings us that te Sti Lankan constituton, a relic trom English colonial tmes, is not able to handle the ccntlicts that have arisen bet. ween ethnic comrrunities in this county Undoubtedly thinking about the failure of the Thirteenth Amendment, the Minster cautions that future atiompis to devolve powers in Sri Lanka must be sincere, lear, cohesiva,and enforceable, Headds that future previsions must also include @ ‘confict-resclution mechan'smiosettethe inevitable Irictons in devalved states, Charles Taylor, & highty renowned Ca radian schelar, is the lecturer of another monograph, "Federalism and Nationa: lism: The Futura Siatus of Quebec”. He ‘explains thal aftoremorging froma'deien- sive’ rinwarcelocking foot nationalism — bent on the preservation of French culture. pericularly the Catholic fath — Quetec inthe 1960s developedamocein, ferm of nationalism, what Taylor refers io aS a tizen’ nalicnalsm, Taylors choice of terminology is a reference to ins natio- naism’s strong irk wit popular sove- reignty, a modem conception of govem- ment. According to Taylor, ‘stizea’ natio- nalsmparale'smany cthe:farrsofnatio. rralsm based on ethnicity worldwide, Analyzing the future of Quebec, Taylor formulates the major questions that now face both Quebec and Canada: fs, can (Quebeo finda haightened sense of ident fication within Caneda which is soessen- tial to madem nationalists? Or, must go its own way by separating fom Canada todoso? Socondy, can Canada respond In time 10 ts need tor a ‘Quebecois! identty, especially now that many Cana- ians have hardened their atttudes to Quebeo and want only to tackle omer matters, most notably multiculturaliom and aboriginal rights? By far the longest of the four mono- graphs, Yash Ghai work, “Decertraliza lion end the Accomodation of Ethnic Di- is aboutthe manyforms offedera- ‘ismin the world. Although admittedly vary dificulto generelizeabout thesecorssttu- tional arrangements (which are intimately lied to the unique history of each federa- tion], Ghai very ably extracts the obtaina- ble lessons of feceralism, His study on- ‘compasses the topics feveralism in com munist and developing counirise, ‘encla- ves’ cr lands reserved for native Indians, ‘spacial statue’ for regions of particuler ‘counties, comporateandspatialdecentre- lization, and legel pluralism or systems ef personal laws. By wayotatentative cone- ‘alization, Ghal fsks the idea that federe- lism coes in fact difuse conflict But hecircumscrbes his statement forinstance, corporate decentralization may indeod creale anlagor’sms, parlicuerly f vetoes ate involved; spatial decentralization can ‘cause the problem of minorities within mmineriies; and, mote generally fecera- ‘ions eanno! always accomodate oxtrome cifferences, pertculary those between ‘groups with very cifferent beliefs and braciices, Ghai ends his work on a topical note for S1i Lanka: docontratzation andseces- sion. Even though he says that the threat of secession is greater in fecerations that are formed by cisageregation' (io. mainly Unliaty states that grant federal consitu- tione alter being pressured to do so), he responds to the fears expressed in this ccouniry by saying thet secession usually resulis from a failure to implement fedoral arrangements than the rasuit of institu. tions that allow for decentralization. Together these four monagraahe pre sentavery thorough study of comparative intemational federalem, Here ths reader wil find both the strenains and weaknes- ses of devolution. Highly reclistic, this Sefies is @ valuable contribution toa topic of hoightaned interest to Sri Lenkans today. Distant Thunder: Third World Conflict and the New International Order by Donald M. Snow. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999) his study, by one of America’s leading scholais on Unted States strategic woapons doctrine, examines the falure of Third World cantlict in the pos: Cold War era and the possible responses to them by the First Werld, now led by the Unted States. Snow argues that, with the removal of the Cold War overlay from much of the Third World, the developed countries wil face many complexities in dealing with conflict within and among ‘Third Wlorid nations: Tho nature of conflict Inthe future witnotbesimple,foras recent even's demonstrate, the restreiring effect that the Soviet Union and tho United ‘Siales ence imposed on much of this fegon no longer exists, making possible forthe ikas of Saddam Husseintoinvade @ neighbor, and for irredentist move- ments, spurred by the reemergence of nationalism, to ‘ake up arms in dofense Of their disparate causes. According 10 Snow, the United States’ high-tech mile tary, Which has been preparing to fight a cconventioralwarin Europe, willbewoefu- lly Tequipped 0 meet the new challe- ‘ges. Snow identifies hha amerging tronds inthe pattern of contlctin the Third Word ‘and suggests possible responses, espe- cial by the US miliary Snow argues that nuclear parity be- wean the superpowers made world war ‘impossbie, but conventional wars were fought between Eastand Westinthe Third ‘Woild tor ideological reasons and sirate- gic interesis, the nature of ihe siruggie exemplified by the Nixon ard Brezhnev docinnes. This sirucgie imposed a heavy ‘economic burden cn the Soviet Union while the West enjoyed tremendous eco- omic and technologcal advances through the 1980s, making fundamental reforms of the communist eystor inevita- ble and necessitating a normalization of East-West relations. Goibachev's pere- sircika recuted in the brealaip of the Soviet Union, econome parelysis, and national demoralizaion, leaving the United States the urdisputedeuperpower uupon the world’s stage. ‘The Third World, by and large, is cha- ‘acterized by poltca instability and eco- nomic: deprivation, both features being highly conducve to producing confict. Many of the problems, as Snow correctly points cul, are vestiges of the colonial ex- perience. The colonial powers disrogar ded indigenous cultures, impesing alien ways at the expense of iracitionel norms, ‘This resutedin the drasticalteration oftha structure and makeup of these societies ‘Thus, many of the states that gained independance were governad by acmal, ellie class, which offen strugoledito esta- blish its legitimacy. Needless to say, those Who opposed this arrangement found a Powerful new relgon in Marxist doctrine and a ready ally the Sovial Urien who ‘supplied the weapons and training for cartying out revolution, which often first ‘emerged as disorganized insurgencies. Here Is the crux of this study! The insurgent warfare that was practiced by the Varous “national iberation movo- ments” will persist even without their sponsors. Snow pcints out that, while armed mavaments in the Third World do ‘not pose @ great threat to the national interests of the United Siatos (now that there 's no Gold War), transnational pro- blems such as environmental cegrada- tion, narcotics traficking, ard torcorism ‘wil move to the fore Snow dwalis on “iow intensity convict andinsurgency, which he dubs “the poor man's warfare”, because he seemstofeel thet counterinsurgency is the “Achilles heal’ of tho US miltery. Despite the revo- lutionary war, which was fought in the assic insurgeni siyle, the US army's psyche seams to have becn shaped oy the American Gul War and the wo World Wers, anditcisplaysa "big battle” menta: lity. According to Snow, even the US ‘government has not shown much resolve in tying 10 redress this disparity, The reper course would be to laurnch a cor ccerted effertby government and ho mili ty 10 bulld Up special forces for counterin- urgency andpeacekeepingand promote greater coordination between inteligence organizations. covernmentagencias, anc the military. “Ad hocracy", as Snow terms Current US policy, wil not yield public ‘Support. The Persian Gulf region afforded the perfect situation to camy out cassic US-styie warfare, 2 situation akin to one that the Western miltarias had trained for visavis the USSR, and the danger isihat the miltary might have to face entirely differant circumstances in tho future, Counternsurgency is a ifficult task which requires a spedalized approzcn, Insurgency is founded en the principles 19‘set out by Sun Tzu end Nao Tse-Tung ardpractced by General Gap in Vienam Which was 1 “win te hearis and minds" af the people, who utimatoly are the support base for canrying out an insur gency, Snow atiacks the “bushfire” approach, whichis the uss ofheavy force to quellan insurgency ints latter stages, as Inadequate for effectively deeling vith the problem, and he advocates an early inlevention aparoachihaiaimsal tacking the underlying sues. To put it in the language of the Vielnam war era, “grab- bing by the balls" (President Johnson's retort when confronted with the notion of “winning hearts and nds" is no cuaran- tee thal the hearts and minds wil fellow. itis acknowledged that the intractable nature of some of the enduring problems in tho Third World poso significant chal- lenges, bu! many persist for the want of ‘ning In adcition to the counterinsurgency problem, perfiapsthe moreserious desta blizing trond, raprosontad by tho tragi assertion of dominance in the Persian Gul, liself a result of the ebb of Soviet influence from tho region, ie the emer- ‘gence of regional hegemons. Snow identi- fies kan, China, india, Paksian, Braz ‘and Argentina as aspirants to regional hegemony status. All of these powers possess Nuclear, Biological, end Chemi- cal eepons(NBC)and missle capobiliy. Non proliferation of nuclear technology will pose a serious problem, and Snow ‘seems to place much faith in the GPALS program, which is the development of 2 ‘smaller scals SDI ‘or deferding against a missle atlack, and this system woulé prosumably bo mace available to any ‘epuniny that feared such an attack. Never: theless, Snow proposes the nurturing of regional balancoc of power, overscon by the United Nations. The US will play 2 ‘major pert in the enforcement because of ite abil to project power. Ifthe US earne- ily villi the absence ofa threat ioa vial interest such es il, stil remains to be seen, However, all is not gloomy in the Third World. The trend seems ioba demo- cfatization and economic liberalization, which according to Snow, “may hop to alleviate some incipiant Third World ils’, but he doesnot seem io be overly optimi- tic (197). 20 ‘This etudy is an excellent analysis of the crises that plague the Third World ‘Snow mastertully delves into both the ow ‘and high poltics of his region, elucidating the roots of the problems and offering possible eoivlions. It fs correctly pointes cutthat he Westhas, fortoolong, annca- ‘ched the multcullural Third World solipsi- slically. The summation of one Vietnam vol, of his experiance as, “we were there {to help but the Vieinamese are so stupid they can't understand that grea! paoplo want to help a weak people”, succinctly encepsuletes the frustration caused by the interaction of alien cultures (03). This, ‘together witn Sir Robert Thompson's sia Jianceon a military solution will always fail particularly when sought by foreign troops’, proves to be enduring ‘when placedinthecontextof US interven- tionn Somalia, notto mentionthepossiok Ity of a dangerous situation in the case ofrushing forsign troops into Bosnia. The Sorraiian and Bosnian crises alive oreat credence to Snow's argument for early intervention aimed at solving the under- lying problems. His discussion on ine Sendero Luminoso cleerly llustrates this pcint. Pethaps Snow would have done Each bloom. This searing blue May be if you were here Twould have asked you Name te jlowers too? Waiting — 10 Hakkgala Brings pain in t's oun colour ‘Name its pure, unsullied shade, Lover's (erm or botanical, you would have teased. What then was fiin brings now sharp pain ‘Mocking the slanting sun and passing laht On this blue, then oihers, soft cream to saffron bright Shy pink, bold candy, mauve and a chaste off white. Now this consolation makes me calm ‘That, as a chaste goddess from a happy Realm Alcypress duskand secretafterglow You tenci these blooms for the Mairi Bosatian. wollte have mantioned the Tami separa. ‘ist eis In Sn Lanka as an example of ‘a “neglected cancer’ that threatens to severely destablize that region, Further, this study would have greatly benefited by a mare comprehensive dscussion on Third Word atltudes toward tie First, ‘spatially on the ongoing dobste about the West's human rights crusade which many Third Worldnationsregardas hyoo- crtical and imperialist Further, mustwe notalso assign blame on the bigoted way in which many Third Word nations were goaded into towing one line or the other inthe euperpower competion, making it impossbieto follow nation-building strate- gies compaiitle with their national and ‘cultural experianca? tuch ofthe instabii= lyin many of the Atican, Asian, andLatn ‘Amorican statas can suroly be attributed to this factor. Cleany, there needs to be more understanding byall parties, andthe end ofthe Cold War, tis honed, wil inaly feclitate it. Hopefully, Third Worldieaders will learn to follow the Japanese path for ‘eaming respectand dignity —compettion jn tho world markot, nat on the baitiofiold — there isalessonhere foc he aid-aiving First World as well — more butter, less guns! ‘U. KarunatilakeSB exncunc AURAL Ures™eE Why there’s sound of laughter in this rustic tobacco barn.... “Thee i nigh and St ante rong hata Tabacco th indy tht ings emplomant to "id dani chewetunyengentcncenthsccond how sero pe Ad owe Walinbam. 2 ore ofthe huncieteot auth people re the talc bon enero he hoo ‘era res out hy nied wpourny” Gena hoe oho mek fort, on hel btemcte sore whet te arbi and temas Sedin he ber falow ding he of 3:08. For thom, the atoco lel reas rsinghl wer, Horo, with cas nurturing bacea gous ann sombre Heard asece se A ood Kesey rd ser harry Sonh nan or hie ‘elu if ver Rs. 259 mien or more ‘oN pal, fo pehaps WON rr 86 Ceylon Tobacco Co. Lid. Sharing and caring for our land and her people.INTEREST FREE CREDIT? CONVENIENT REPAYMENT TERMS. LOWEST JOINING FEE? Yes. All and many more benefits are yours with the CEYBANK VISA CARD. Contact the Centre Manager, CEYBANK CARD CENTRE, Bank of Ceylon No. 4, BANK OF CEYLON MAWATHA, COLOMBO - 1. BE WISE. CARD - WISE BANK OF CEYLON Bankers to the Nation TELEPHONE: 447823 — Ex. 4180 & 4185