ANC TURNAROUND STRATEGY 2025

CHANGING THE COURSE OF HISTORY

A SUBMISSION TO THE ANC OFFICIALS

INTRODUCTION
The ANC Cadre Summit took place at a time when a merciless virus, Covid-
19, has visited our shores, unleashing untold hardships and devastation on
our lives. This remains trying times for the African National Congress. Never
before has the African National Congress faced such a serious challenge of
existential proportions. Our enemies/opponents have mounted a relentless
assault to dislodge the movement from its earned hegemonic position as the
champion and a leader of our people for total emancipation. They have
managed to saw seeds of division among our people and within our
movement. Equally, they dominate and use the public and social media to
propagate destructive messages in their quest to determine the agenda of the
day. Furthermore, they have succeeded, given the poverty of our people, to
entice those among us and around us to engage in acts of corruption and in
turn used that as a potent weapon against our revolution and movement. We
are engaged in a life and death fight with neo-colonialism.

We are here today because cadres of the African National Congress have
detailed us to present to the ANC leadership the outcome of their Summit. We
are the disciplined and politically conscious cadres who have distinguished
themselves in the fight against Apartheid colonialism. We assembled because
we had responded to the call, as we have always done in the past, to
collectively hold back the ANC from falling into a precipice from whence it
might not return.

The Summit proceeded under a threat of confrontation after the Chief of the
SANDF supported by the Deputy Minister of Defence issued a very inflaming
statement suggesting that the Summit was a camouflaged planning for a coup

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and warned the men and women of the SANDF to stay away from the
Summit. That was indeed unlawful, and it created panic and serious anxiety in
the population. That equally infuriated cadres of the ANC in the Defence
Force. Some cadres, not serving in the security forces, were seriously
traumatised by that unlawful and reckless act, and stayed away fearing
possible conflict around the venue. The Deputy Minister of Defence and Chief
of the Defence Force lost all trust and credibility from serving men and women
in the force and equally so from the population in general. Nonetheless, the
Summit proceeded and delivered beyond expectations.

We now proceed to present the outcomes of the Summit. In this regard, we

move from the analysis of both the strategic (global) and national
environments before dealing with the ANC itself. We will then present the
strategic approach to repositioning the ANC.

GLOBAL ENVIRONMENT IN BRIEF

We are leaving in a very interesting time in world history. The strategic
environment is significantly altering with the following developments
characterising the changing world order:

 The rise of China;

 Self-assertion by Russia;
 USA attempts to return to naked Imperialism and gunboat diplomacy;
 The bulging world debt;
 Energy monopoly crisis;
 The world of high-end technologies;
 World alliances and economic blocks;
 Tensions in the NATO Alliance;
 The growth and influence of regionalism;
 BREXIT and tensions in the EU;
 Religious extremism;
 Continued marginalisation of and contest for the Africa; and

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  The weakening of SADC.

NATIONAL ENVIRONMENT IN BRIEF

The South African situation is characterised by a number of challenges facing
the nation:

 The heavy boot of neo-colonialism and neo-liberalism;

 Continued poverty of the majority;
 The growing income and wealth gap between the rich and the poor;
 The continued rise in unemployment;
 Ballooning national debt;
 The continued economic marginalisation of the African majority;
 Economic stagnation;
 Disempowerment of the State;
 Weakening of State corporations;
 Worsening crime;
 Uncontrolled immigration; and
 Social unrest and demoralisation of society.

THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS

It is perhaps fitting to start this section by listening to the words of Comrade
Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela on the occasion of his generation handing over the
reins of the movement to the next generation at the ANC Mahikeng
Conference in 1997:

“It is in their name that we say to you: here are the reins of the
movement - protect and guard its precious legacy; defend its unity and
integrity as committed disciples of change; pursue its popular
objectives like true revolutionaries who seek only to serve the nation.”
Nelson Mandela (1997 Mafikeng Conference)

The question that faces us today is whether we, as a movement, are still
capable of delivering to expectations. Can the ANC now pass the test in the

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quotation above? Without any shadow of doubt the answer is in the negative.
We have therefore dismally failed our movement and our people and
therefore facing a crisis.

THE CRISIS
The ANC is caught in crisis. We are facing a crisis of unimaginable intensity
and proportions in the history of this movement. It is a crisis that demands of
us urgent attention to hold back the ANC from taking a step into a political
precipice, just a step in front of us. We cannot risk taking that fatal step. This
is a crisis that has become national given the position of the ANC in
government. It is therefore a national crisis that is multifaceted requiring
multifaceted approaches to contain.

A CRISIS OF LEGITIMACY
It is a crisis of legitimacy. Since 1912 the African National Congress has been
the sole, genuine and legitimate representative of the oppressed African
majority. It has enjoyed that status through the years including the years of
armed struggle and has enjoyed that recognition and support of all
progressive humankind. We accordingly represented our people in the
National Negotiations with the Apartheid regime ushering in peace and
opening possibilities for the ultimate dismantling of Apartheid without
shedding any further blood. Today we stand on shaky ground. For we have
vied off course and lost our bearings. Political legitimacy is lost.

A CRISIS OF CREDIBILITY
It is similarly a crisis of credibility. The directions the movement is taking the
country and our people are suspect. We offer no clear direction to our people.
Our pronouncements have now been reduced to mere political demagogy. In
this country the people have been disinvested of sovereignty. Under our
watch the Courts of Law have usurped the functions of government and
parliament on matters of policy and legislation respectively. Literally, the
Courts are sovereign. Individuals can use Courts to overrule the majority. It is
an untenable situation given the fact that we are a country that is still fighting

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to break out of the colonial bondage. This situation continues to undermine
credibility in our ability to govern as the ruling party. The people are fast losing
all confidence in our government to deliver anything of substance. We have
lost the strategic initiative.

A CRISIS OF POLITICAL COHERENCY

It is equally a crisis of political coherency. There is among us infused political
contradictions and contests that without doubt is hurting and failing the
movement. There is no political clarity as to where we stand on questions
relating to the struggle for total emancipation. It is a political discord that has
become a weapon exploited by our opponents to discredit us as a force for
change. Our members and people find themselves politically confused and
therefore besieged by factionalism and splits that are threating any possibility
of any further movement to the promised freedom. We have lost the political
high ground.

A CRISIS OF MORALITY
It is Furthermore, a crisis of morality. Our moral standing is today in question
and in doubt. We have been dragged into a neo-colonial arrangement
characterised by corruption and immoral conduct and therefore opening
ourselves to perpetual scrutiny on moral grounds. Unfortunately, we are now
forced to linger in the shadows fearing to venture out into the open for fear of
scrutiny. Our people are fast loosing trust and confidence in us. The
impeccable record we have enjoyed through the years is now tarnished. We
have slipped from the moral high ground.

A CRISIS OF THE GAME-RULES

Additionally, we are facing a crisis of thought. The ANC seem to have
surrendered our thinking capacity and freedom to neo-liberal schools of
thought. We have succumbed to playing a thinking-game with rules set by
neo-liberalism. These are the game-rules that serve only to create a
framework of thinking that ensures the continuation of colonial domination and
exploitation. We did not participate in the writing of the rulebook nor the rules
themselves. The rules are prescribed, and we ought only to comply to be

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seen to be good. We are expected to obey and protect these rules. The game
is called the Washington Consensus. In the rulebook are the following:
 Democracy;
 Respect of Human Rights;
 Keeping to the Rule of Law;
 Respect of Property Rights;
 Business friendly policies; and
 Good governance.
Additional: A South African Special
 Constitutional Supremacy and Sovereignty;
 ANC Becoming a modern political party;
 Reform and not change;
 A political party should not do business;
 A political party should refrain from having its own media outlets; and
 Don’t touch the Constitution. It is the best in the world.
All these rules have created solid walls within which our minds are encaged.
We have been disinvested of creativity and the exercise of any kind of
initiative to advance the revolutionary ideals of our people. We are caught in a
whirlwind. And we have lost the strategic initiative and revolutionary
momentum.

A CRISIS OF LEADERSHIP
Ultimately, it is a crisis of leadership. Through the years the ANC boasted of a
tried and tested leadership armed with revolutionary theory. Today, leadership
seems to lack political consciousness and therefore lacks agility of the political
mind. It is a leadership that pursues personal interests rather than the interest
of the masses of our people. Leadership is therefore not earned in struggle
but grabbed through other means. It is a leadership that is immobilised and
rendered incapable of leading our revolutionary movement to achieve its
strategic goal. We are in a state of paralysis. All is lost including the required
agility and political acumen.

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THE ROOT-CAUSES OF THE CRISIS
The crisis we face is caused due to a number of factors. Most of these factors
are subjective in nature because they have largely to do with our lack of
political commitment to the struggle. These are constraining factors that are in
reality self-imposed or adopted. We are therefore our own worst enemy. It is
important to take cognisance of these factors and their constraining effects as
we move forward.

WE HAVE TAKEN NEGOTIATIONS AS AN END AND NOT AS A MEANS

TO AN END
Clearly we have taken negotiations as an end and not as means to an end.
We have celebrated our achievements in negotiations and therefore forgotten
that negotiations only opened possibilities for moving further to the final
decolonisation of the country and its people. We therefore sank into a neo-
colonial arrangement. We failed to take the necessary initiatives and to
exercise creativity to bring about real change. This is much more evident in
how we approach the question of the Constitution. We are so weary to even
question aspects of the Constitution that impede decolonisation.

COLLAPSE OF CRITICAL STRUCTURES

The movement has abandoned its critical structures necessary for building a
solid and formidable force against neo-colonialism. Our political, security and
communication structures have virtually disappeared. The traditions and
culture of the movement were slowly eroded and abandoned. Its language
changed. This spelt the real demise of the ANC. Only the shell remained.

CAPTIVES OF NEO-LIBERALISM
We have therefore allowed ourselves to become captives of neo-liberalism
and therefore unable to think outside the frame. This is more evident in the
language we speak and policies we adopt and pursue. Examples in this
regard:
 We have become obsessed with creating a business-friendly
environment;

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  We have directed our national energies to attracting foreign direct
investments (FDI) as a panacea for economic development. This is not
based on any analysis of our economic and industrial profile and actual
requirements. We definitely fail to indicate in what industrial sectors we
wish to attract FDI into; and
 We have concentrated on pleasing International Rating Agencies as
we clamour for foreign investments and have therefore become the
victims of that obsession.

SURRENDERED TO NEO-COLONIALISM
Similarly, we have failed to dismantle the colonial establishment and therefore
descended into neo-colonialism. Subsequently, we are suffering from struggle
fatigue and therefore surrendered to neo-colonialism. We find ourselves
forced to adopt policies that actually serve to strengthen neo-colonialism
rather than revolutionary change. Examples in this regard are:
 The Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) policy
 The Spatial Development Framework
 The Bantu Education Syndrome
We have without doubt become a mere liberal party in a neo-colonial set-up
and are a revolutionary movement no more.

COMPROMISED
The other most worrying and painful factor contributing to our woes is that of
some among being highly compromised. They find themselves unable to
move because red flags are held visibly for them to see so not transgress
against their contractual commitments to their invisible masters.

In order to move forward Comrade Nelson Mandela reasoned that we should

confront those who worked as agents of Apartheid and are still working
against the movement. They should not think that they are not known and
therefore continue to work against the people. This is the Mandela Wisdom.
The Challenge though is what we can do with the other categories we expose
hereunder. It is however important to add here that this is a serious political

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problem in neo-colonialism and therefore requires both political and security
approaches. Among us we have:

 Those who have consciously accepted money understanding that they

are going to serve their new masters against their people;
 Those who have consciously decided to serve foreign interests,
yesterday and today, against us for personal gain;
 Those who were too naive to take money with the vain hope that they
would not be blackmailed and that they would not be exposed; and
 There are those who have elected to become fronts for personal gain
and therefore become tools to be used against the interests of our
people.

RULED BY FEAR
In the final analysis we have become captives of fear. We fear pain
associated with change, and are therefore afraid to dismantle the institutions,
structures and the legal framework of colonialism. We are afraid to wreck the
boat and have chosen to live in seeming comfort of neo-colonialism. We are
certainly immobilised by fear that:

 civil war may be unleashed by those who oppressed us for centuries;

 sanctions may be imposed by our previous colonial masters; and
 our quest for freedom might attract retribution.

THE NATURE AND MODUS OPERANDI OF NEO-

COLONIALISM
Many countries in Africa and the world have fallen prey to neo-colonialism
after the defeating colonialism. Our country is no exception to this. We are in

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the grasp of a very brutal and debilitating neo-colonial arrangement. It is
important for us to take note of the nature and the way neo-colonialism works
for us to be able to understand clearly what we are dealing with:

 Co-option. In this regard some formerly political oppressed individuals

are co-opted to be part of the oppressor group. This done by giving
some economic benefits to these individuals and elevating them to a
class above the real stations in life. These individuals are made to be
indebted to the invisible masters against the revolution. With these
favours they are perpetually blackmailed to serve the oppressors.
Among these are some pseudo businesspersons and intellectuals, the
so-called independent analysts. The most worrying factor here is that
some of our own comrades have also been co-opted.
 Corruption. Neo-colonialism is maintained by corrupting the ruling
class in particular to ensure colonial domination. Corruption is used to
ensure political instability. It is a means to create divisions and
instability of governance.
 Neo-liberal Ideology. Enforcing of neo-liberalism is critical for the
continued domination of the majority by the colonial class. This is
particularly intended to control the economy of the country and keep
the majority from sharing in the wealth of their country.
 Illiteracy and Ignorance. Colonialism benefit from keeping the general
populace illiterate and ignorant. The creation and maintenance of
inferior education systems is part of the colonial arrangement. This
state of affairs ensures that the majority are not skilled and capable to
run their country and participate in the economic life of the country.
 Economic Marginalisation of Africans. Neo-colonialism benefits
from monopolising and closing access by the majority to economic
ownership.
 Privatisation of the State. In this regard the state is stripped of any
capability of render service to the people. Privatisation of all sectors of
the economy becomes the order of the day. Sabotage of state-owned
enterprises is undertaken to render them useless in order to ensure
privatisation. This is very serious in our country.

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  Emasculation of the State. For neo-colonialism to maintain its grip on
the majority of population it is important to ensure that the state is
rendered powerless and incapable.
 Divide, Dominate and Rule. The old trick of colonialism is that of
dividing the oppressed to ensure that they do not offer resistance as a
united force. This is very evident in all colonial and neo-colonial states.
In this regard, tribalism has been the most potent weapon used against
the oppressed.
 Creation of Inferiority Complex. Creating a feeling of inadequacy and
therefore inferiority is another common weapon of neo-colonialism.
Political and administrative structures are rendered dysfunctional
through corrupt means. The situation is then presented in contrast with
the time of colonial administration as a total sham. The political leaders
are portrayed as incapable and therefore inferior in all respect. Culture
and traditions of the people are also denounced as inferior.

OUR COMITTMENT
Given the above analysis what then? We should commit ourselves to work
diligently guided only by our desire and commitment to save our movement
entrusted to us by our forebears as a weapon to fight for the liberation for our
people. We should therefore commit ourselves to:

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  Safeguard the unity and integrity of the movement;
 Put the interest of our people first;
 Pursue the popular objectives of the movement;
 Spare no energy and time to spearhead change;
 Jettison all fear;
 Resist temptations for easy victories; and
 Act as revolutionaries.

OUR AIM
We, as cadres of our beloved movement, should aim to discharge our historic
responsibility of defending our movement and indeed our revolution as we
have done in the past. The Summit presented an opportunity for us to rally
behind our movement and save it from an impending disaster. This is an
opportunity we could not miss.

OBJECTIVES
Our objectives are to make the African National Congress to:

 Win back the hearts and minds of our people;

 Give our people effective and motivational leadership;
 Lead our people to capture real power and defeat neo-colonialism; and
 Contribute to rolling back of neo-colonialism on the continent.

OUR APPROACH
To alter the dangerous course we are on, it cannot be business as usual.
Extraordinary measures are required to bring about the necessary changes.
We owe this to our people and indeed the peoples of Africa. In this regard, it
is important we should understand that fate of the ANC is intertwined with the
fate of our country. To change the fortunes of the ANC it is therefore
necessary to simultaneously change the course the country has taken.
Accordingly, our approach should be on two main fronts to put us firmly back
to our course.

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  Rebuilding and Revitalising the ANC; and
 Re-orientating and Refocusing Our National Effort

THE GUIDING PRINCIPLES

The approach we are taking might indeed be very demanding and fraught with
serious challenges. It will require that we demonstrate unwavering focus and
commitment. In this regard, it is required of us to keep the following principles
in mind:

 Speed and Agility

 Maintaining course
 Seizing and maintaining the initiative
 Keeping the momentum
 Seizing and maintain the political and moral high ground

A. REBUILDING AND REVITALISING THE ANC

In order to rebuild and revitalise the ANC it is important for us to adopt an
approach that will always be a visible beacon to our people to see the future.
In this regard, we should ensure that our people appreciate the centrality of
the ANC as an agent change. The ANC is operating in a new environment
that demands that we develop programmes to engage our people in economic
empowerment activities.

It is also important here to realise that we have lost time and we should
therefore act with speed. We should equally realise that the normal
constitutional mechanisms of the ANC cannot in the situation be relied upon
to save the ANC from its impending political demise. Crisis management and
extraordinary measures are required to steady the ship and guide it through
rough seas. In this regard, we start by presenting main considerations and
then canvass strategic issues: leadership, re-orientation of the ANC to a
liberation movement, and our roles in government and parliament.

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MAIN CONSIDERATIONS

1. The ANC has lost its character and content of a liberation movement;
2. Effective political education in the ANC is lacking;
3. Cadre development has not taken place in the movement;
4. The ANC is not championing practical economic programmes
particularly for the centuries marginalised Africans as the ANC;
5. The ANC has not pursued any clear decolonisation agenda;
6. The ANC has totally lost the information warfare; and
7. Neo-liberalism has permeated ANC thinking and approaches.

LEADERSHIP:
Attending to the leadership question is a critical starting point in rebuilding the
African National Congress. Three critical questions that need to be answered
in trying to deal with this aspect:

 Are we reasonable to expect that the present leadership should be

doing things differently from the way they are doing now?
 Are we fair to expect them to act differently from the way they are
acting now?
 Do we think it is humanly possible for them to make a 180-degrees
about-turn?

Considering all the factors discussed in this document above it is going to be

very challenging for the present leadership to change course. The set of
factors identified above is a serious inhibiting condition. It will be a difficult and
arduous task to rescue our leadership from the clutches of neo-colonialism
and neo-liberalism in short time. That is an operation that will take serious
political persuasion and a long drawn out political process.

Putting the ANC in someway on administration is therefore the only viable

approach and solution to the challenges we face. Accordingly, a National
Task Team is the only credible structure that should take charge of running
ANC affairs in the short term. This is a matter of strategic importance. In this

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regard credible and committed cadres should be asked to volunteer to
participate in this process of strategic renewal of the movement. To this end,
comrades must have a history of struggle that can stand scrutiny.

RE-ORIENTATING BACK TO A LIBERATION MOVEMENT

This forms the second pillar of our drive to renew the ANC. In this regard, the
African National Congress should be understood not as just another political
party but a liberation movement that has through the years engaged in a
protracted struggle against colonialism. The objective of the struggle is to
liberate the African in particular from colonial conquest, and political
emancipation being the content of the first phase. Economic emancipation of
our people is today the main content of our struggle.

Adopting political negotiations as a tactic to take political power opened

possibilities for us to pursue our strategic objectives particularly for economic
power. The African people are now free to vote and to be voted for, but little
has come up on the horizon to show possibilities of any economic freedom.
This is the most challenging period. The ANC owes this to the people of South
Africa who supported it through the years to continue to lead a struggle to
achieve economic emancipation. The dilemma here is that without a
revolutionary movement this Phase is doomed to fail leaving our people and
country under neo-colonialism. Some of the most critical aspects in this
regard are discussed in the paragraphs below.

Membership Activism. It is important to give our members clear direction on

how we intend to change the present course of events. It is equally important
to arm them politically to be able become volunteers and lead our efforts to
win back the confidence of our people. It is important therefore that our
members at all levels see and consider themselves as change agents.

Mass Community Participation. It is crucial that we go on a political

mobilisation to build an ANC rooted in the mass of our people. We should
waste no time to win back the hearts and minds of our people and bring them

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to unite in action. Mass action is therefore going to be an important factor in
our strategic approach.

African Unity in Action. The African people remain central to bringing about
fundamental change in our country. Unity of this majority in our population is
therefore a prerequisite for success in any effort. While we continue to
strengthen our alliance, we should therefore make serious efforts to also
mobilise all progressive organisation on the basis of patriotic unity in action. It
is important to pick on issues of mutual concern with other organisations to
build that required unity in action.

Information and Publicity. We have lost the critical weapon of information

warfare. It is therefore critical that we rebuild our capacity in this regard.
Without a properly organised and resourced Information and Publicity
structure we cannot hope to be successful in the war of perception
management – yesteryears’ propaganda.

Security. It is a must that the ANC should rebuild its security structures. The
question of security vetting of particularly those identified to occupy leadership
positions is critical. Vetting is the only assurance to credible and honest
leadership and equally so for members of the organisation. This is critical for
the survival of the organisation including for the cadre development process.

Political Education and Training. ANC is a political movement. Politics form

the nerve centre of the movement. It should always be politics that is the basis
of membership. Members of the ANC are identifiable by their political
understanding, language and analytical approaches. It is therefore critical that
we place priority on building the political department (commissariat). The
Commissariat should play an important role in the political life of the ANC. It
should develop annual programmes that will be followed throughout the
movement. In this regard we need to draft back some of our cadres with some
experience in commissariat work. It is not possible to develop cadres
grounded in politics without deliberate political and strategic programmes.

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The Youth League. It is imperative that we have a strong and militant Youth
League. The militancy of the youth is a force multiplier and a strategic
pressure grouping in the movement. A weak Youth League opens space for
opportunistic and reactionary political organisations to attract the youth
through their apparent militancy. Equally we should prevail on the Youth
League to help build a revolutionary student movement to lead students on
the education front.

Projects. There is need for the ANC to mobilise and organise Africans to start
and engage in major business ventures. Of priority importance in this regard
are financial institutions and construction companies. It is not smart to try and
get some small shares in existing companies at high costs. This is the
shortcoming of all our existing economic empowerment efforts of government
under the BBBEE policy framework. We seem to be pleading for
accommodation by our very opponents than to start on our own. The Piranhas
Strategy of LAS, a stokvel formed specifically to work towards building African
financial institutions, submitted to the ANC should form a basis for our
approach in this regard.

International Solidarity. It is important that we continue strengthening

ourselves internationally. This requires that our representation in international
solidarity structures is solid and effective. In this regard, we should develop a
strong liberation movement culture in Southern Africa. The exchange of
information and views with our allies is of critical importance. Given the hostile
influential states in the world we should not fail to strengthen relations with our
Russian and Chinese allies. This is of strategic importance particularly as we
might need their veto-power when our international opponents attempt to use
multi-lateral organisations and institutions to bring pressure on us.

GOVERNMENT AND PARLIAMENT

We are a liberation movement in a new political environment. The ANC is now
leading Parliament and Government. Our people can only judge the
correctness of our leadership through our policies and performance in these
State structures. These are two critical factors in our pursuit for meaningful

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change and therefore critical terrains of struggle. We should therefore
strengthen these anchors to bring about revolutionary change and accordingly
ensure that:

 There is stability of governance;

 Implementation of policies is directed and prioritised;
 There is policy certainty;
 Strategic direction of these State structures is effective;
 Ensure people participation in our economic development efforts;
 Deploy capable and credible cadres in these structures; and
 Ensure that Parliament re-asserts its sovereignty.

Another critical question here is whether we should continue with the local
government elections next year. In the previous elections we have suffered a
bruising hammering and lost almost all major metros in the country. The next
turn around might be much more humiliating than we think. The battering can
actually spell the end of the ANC as a major political party in the national
political system and a liberation movement enjoying the support of our people.
It is our view that we should reschedule the elections and support the view of
harmonising the national, provincial and local government elections. We can
in the process buy time to implement our Programme and recover.

ANC STRUCTURES TO SUPPORT IMPLEMENTATION

The critical structure to spearhead this Turnaround Strategy is the National
Task Team (NTT) and its subordinate structures at national, regional and local
levels. The structures should be staffed mainly by volunteers. It is important to
encourage cadres to volunteer to shoulder tasks related to the rebuilding and
revitalisation of the ANC.

Roles. The main and urgent tasks of the National Task Team (NTT) are to:
 Build structures of the movement;
 Direct a political programme to revitalise the political life of the
movement;

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  Ensure the identification and appointment of capable and credible
comrades to carry out some responsibilities;
 Strengthen our presence among our people through popularising this
Turnaround Strategy;
 Identify and recruit individuals in targeted sectors into the movement;
and
 Put in place a process to build a patriotic unity in action.

Structure and Offices. The structures can be run by volunteers and should
however find creative ways to fund operations. The organisational structure of
the NTT should include the following:
1. Chairperson
2. Administrative Secretary
3. National Commissar
4. Director International Relations
5. Director Mass Mobilisation
6. Director Projects
7. Director Security
8. Director Communication and Publicity
9. 12 Additional Members

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B. RE-ORIENTATING AND REFOCUSING OUR NATIONAL
EFFORT
Re-orientating and re-focusing the State is the second pillar of our efforts to
achieve our objectives. This is very important for the population and our
members in particular to understand for it serves as a clear direction as to
what is to be done. In this regard, we should put together a plan of action that
will re-direct the State to achieving our strategic objectives.

OUR RESOLVE
Today, as the sun set over the Mogale Mountains we ought to declare:

 To our people that we have opened our eyes and can see their
suffering, we opened our ears to hear their cries for fundamental
change. We commit ourselves like never before to the Programme of
Action to alter things.
 And to our country and the world, for all to know that on this
treacherous road we are on, we go no further. The insults and pains we
suffer we can bear no more. We therefore take a detour. It is a detour
of determination like never before to see our people come back to the
centre-stage and taking their destiny into their own hands. The African
people in particular can no longer, not even for a day or even an hour,
stand idle in the peripheries, to suffer hunger and starvation in their
land of plenty. We resolve to give leadership to strive for revolutionary
change and we have no doubt that they will rally behind their
movement on the new course we have chosen. And together we
accept all possible implications that may arise from our actions to this
end.

MAIN CONSIDERATIONS
1. South African is a neo-colonial country. After the National Negotiations
that ended the Apartheid rule, the goal of the struggle to destroy
colonialism was jettisoned and forgotten. The administration of the
system as it was superseded the dismantling of colonial structures,

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 institutions, cultures and control systems and they still remain in place
to date. This is the most critical entry point to any attempt to address
the situation we face in our country.
2. Resolving the land question is critical in all anti-colonial struggles. Our
people expect that this be addressed without any further delay.
Addressing this issue certainly constitutes a masterstroke. On the other
hand, it will provoke revolt from the Europeans who will get support
from the western world. They will understand this as the ultimate defeat
as land ownership underpins the fundamental patterns of ownership of
colonialism.
3. The racial classification of national groups is an issue of significance
and goes to the heart of colonial control through the alienation of
Africans from their identity.
4. The question of a single citizenship for the country is equally critical. It
sits at the high table of the colonial scheme of things. Our people will
however receive these with joy and support.
5. The control of the monetary system is crucial for breaking with the
colonial past. It is important to address this matter once and for all.
6. The vesting of Sovereignty in the people and therefore their elected
representative structures will lead to a major amendment or drafting
and adoption of a new Constitution.
7. Economic control is a very broad and intricate issue to deal with. It
spans from economic structuring, patterns of ownership, entry barriers
to economic participation, monetary control measures, import and
export measures and controls to other general policies.
8. Security of the State is critical for its survival. There is a myriad of
security issues that contribute to undermining the stability of the
country. A State that cannot secure itself is very vulnerable to
instability.
9. Containing and reducing of the national debt is critical for South Africa
and the economy to survive. Creative ways are necessary to achieve
stability in this regard.

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THE PROGRAMME OF ACTION
We present this part of the Turnaround strategy through the elaboration of a
programme of action. The Programme of Action therefore elaborates the
content of the second pillar of our strategy to achieve our stated objectives.
We should state here that the Programme demands that serious sacrifices are
made from all citizens, including foreign nationals in our country, in order for
us to move together to speedily set ourselves on a path of building a better
future for generations. It will require courage and determination of steel to
push forward. This Programme should create a solid base for our movement
from the short to the long term. It should clearly set time frames and make it
easy for the masses to monitor.

We therefore present two main sections dealing largely with policies, legal
frameworks and the actual functioning of the State. The presentation is not
exhaustive but attempt to deal with the immediate issues. In this regard the
following:

 Decolonisation of the State; and

 Urgent Economic and social interventions

Decolonisation of the State (0 – 90 Days)

It is our duty to reverse and contain in the first instance the centuries old
impact of colonialism. Without that it is not possible for South Africa to
advance technologically and economically any further. It can only continue to
linger in its colonial past. In this section we therefore deal with the dismantling
of colonialism and empowering of government to bring about fundamental
change. The following are the major target areas:

 Sovereignty. Sovereignty of the State is derived from its people.

Parliament is the representative assembly elected by the people and
therefore exercises sovereign power of the people. It passes all laws
including the Constitution of the Republic. All members of the executive

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 including the President of the Republic are elected members of
Parliament to be able to exercise the sovereign power of the state.
 National Identity. South Africa is an African country that historically
received and became home to people from different continents and
sub-continents. The population of the country therefore has different
national demographic groups. The question of national identity was
prescribed by the colonial masters and was used as a potent
psychological weapon against Africans. They were made to develop a
sense of not belonging to their continent. It is important therefore to
correct this historical injustice. The following should be the main
demographic groups of South Africa:
o Africans
o Asians
o Europeans
 Citizenship. Multiple citizenship policy to be abolished. This aspect
has ensured that former colonialists enjoy and maintain political
influence on the politics of the country. We should do away with this
arrangement of multi-nationality and citizenship. This will obviously
provoke national tension and discontent from the Europeans.
 The Territorial Question. The seas, the airspace, the land, the
mountains, valleys and rivers forming part of the territory of the republic
shall vest in the State for use and enjoyment legally by all. Private
individuals can own property in the urban areas controlled by
Municipalities and rural settlements under traditional governing bodies.
The boundaries of urban areas and villages shall be frozen. All those
who desire to use land for economic benefit of the country shall apply
to the relevant department for allocation of an appropriate piece of
land. We should therefore plan carefully to cope with this possible
backlash and possible imposition of so-called directed economic and
political sanctions from the Europeans countries.
 The Reserve Bank (RB). The Reserve Bank is a strategic institution of
State and directs the monetary system of the State, and government
shall appoint all those who serve on its governing structures. No

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 foreigner can sit on any governing body of the RB or serve in any
structure of the RB. Printing of Bank Notes to be done in South Africa
by the RB itself.
 Education. The education of the citizens is the responsibility of the
State and there shall be one Education System and one Examination
Board. All children shall go through the single education system. A
system of admissions to institutions of secondary and tertiary education
shall be established to ensure equitable access to the education.
 Health. South Africa shall have a single health system that is available
to all citizens. All visitors to South Africa shall be required to have
medical insurance. All working citizens shall contribute to the Health
Fund.
 Legal System. Parliament is responsible for passing all laws in the
Republic. No law not originating from Parliament can apply in the
territory of the Republic. All other structures in the Republic shall make
regulations (National Government), Provincial Ordinances and
Municipal Directives enabled at law. Courts are there to apply and
enforce the law not to make it. The court system shall consist of:
o Magistrates Courts
o High Courts
o Appeal Court
o Review Court
 Security. The security of the Republic is the responsibility of its
citizens and no foreigner can serve in any security structure, private or
public, in the Republic. Similarly, no South African citizen can serve in
a foreign security structures or organisations of any kind for any
purpose whatsoever. Security of our people is a critical preoccupation
of the state. All measures to be taken to contain or do away with crime.
No person can raise arms against the state and not expect the state
not to do so against that person. The country should enforce discipline
among its citizens. There shall be created disciplinary tribunals to avoid
criminalising citizen on disciplinary transgressions.

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  Prisons. The question of incarceration of criminals is a strategic
question. It is a security issue that contributes significantly to social
instability and consumes resources of the nation. One of the issues to
address here is that of prisons and prisoners. In this regard, all
prisoners should work for their prison upkeep and wellbeing. The
Practice of Parole shall be a privilege that cannot be claimed. The
courts shall impose the maximum sentences and justify imposition of a
lower sentence. Prisoners shall serve their sentence without special
privileges.

Economic And Social Interventions (0 – 5 Years)

 Mining Licensing. All applications for exploration and mining licenses
should be suspended. Greenfields mining operations to be stopped
until further notice. This is critical area in changing the ownership
patterns in the country. Mining forms the critical basis of our economy.
 Employment. Business and institutions are to employ South African
citizens as a national duty. The employment of foreigners is prohibited
and should carry heavy penalties. Rare skills to be identified and
published by government and insourced accordingly.
 Unemployed Able-bodied Citizens (0 - 90 Days)
o Review of all social grants except the old age grant;
o All citizen of working age to be meaningfully engaged in
productive work;
o A national service programme to be put in place to engage
citizens in productive work albeit at reduced payment;
o Employment of non-citizen is not allowed in all sectors of the
economy unless authorised by government under a law of
general application;
o All citizens that are not employed to seek employment within 90
days and those who fail to get jobs should report to the nearest
Labour Officer or Local Municipality offices within the prescribed
period. Those who fail to comply run the risk of being arrested.

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 Foreign Nationals (0 – 90 Days)
o We face a dire situation that requires extraordinary sacrifices
from our people. It is therefore critical that foreign nationals
afford us the space to deal with our challenges in the short to
medium term. The following measures shall be implemented:
 All resident permits to be reviewed;
 All foreign nationals, from whatever country and
continent, to leave South Africa within the prescribed
period;
 Foreign nationals running small businesses and
organisations such as saloons, spaza shops, mechanics,
sale of second-hand motor vehicles, brick-making,
construction work, property development and sales,
restaurants, farming, general dealers, NGOs, consultancy
business, artisan work and all other menial jobs should
close shop or stop the businesses and leave the country
within the prescribed period. The government to pass a
law closing the conduct of these businesses and activities
to citizens only;
 Harbouring of foreigners is prohibited and will carry heavy
penalties. It is totally prohibited to lease or hire out
property to unregistered foreign nationals;
 Exceptions will be applied for those who are under threat
of political persecution in their countries of origin; and
 All foreigners should comply with this stipulation within
the set period of 90 days and are warned that failure to
do so will lead to arrest. Those arrested will be forced to
work for their deportation costs under the custody of the
Department of Prisons.

o Governments of foreign nationals’ countries to be made aware

of these immigration changes so as to assist their citizens to
return home;

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 o A SADC dispensation to be worked out collectively on how to
handle regional migration;
o The AU shall work out a dispensation for the continent and
bilateral agreements may be considered in this regard; and
o The government shall work out a special dispensation for
Lesotho and Swaziland and promulgate such regulatory
measures accordingly.
 Power Generation. South Africa is a developing country and as such
it will continue for a reasonable while to rely on thermal energy. A new
thermal power station to be constructed with urgency in the area of
Mopani in Musina (Musina-Makhado SEZ). While this will improve
significantly the electricity supply in the country it will contribute to
economic development in the area.
 Mining and Export of Coal. The mining of coal is of national strategic
importance given our thermal electrical generation. The use of coal for
that purpose demands that mining of coal be given serious attention:
o The Musina coal deposits should be exploited with urgency to
support the new power station in the area. This project
ownership structure (and other similar initiatives) should be the
first effectively owned by Africans. State financial institutions to
fund the project.
o The export of coal to be rationed on the basis of the requirement
for power generation.
 Importing of Consumer and Luxury Goods. Importing of consumer
and luxury goods to be controlled and can only be imported by special
permit from the Reserve Bank and a special unit established in the
Department of Trade and Industry. This shall be applied strictly in the
next five (5) years. Special taxes will be levied for products considered
to be of special use.
 National Development Master Plan. The master plan must clearly
identify areas of research and development and accordingly define the
products the nation must develop and put in the market, local and

27
 international. The master plan will direct national research and
development and therefore inform education and training.
 Repositioning and Strengthening of State Corporations (0 – 5
Years). The state sector will be an important pillar of the National
Development Master Plan. It is therefore critical that we urgently stop
any further weakening and attempts to privatise national corporations.
 The Reserve Bank and Strategic Tasks (0 – 5 Years)
o The Buying and Export of Mining Products. The RB to be the
sole buyer and seller of mining products such as Gold,
Diamonds and Platinum nationally and internationally. Other
products may be added with time.
o Change of currency. The currency of the Republic to be
changed and a new currency released for circulation within 120
days. Strict regulations to be made in order to ensure that banks
don’t receive and exchange hoarded money particularly from
criminals.
o Building of gold and foreign currency reserves. The RB shall
ensure the growth of our reserves by introducing measures to
control foreign payments, investment abroad and travel.
 Funding of State Projects. To change our situation of unemployment
and crime extraordinary measures are required. Equally, to address the
question of sovereign debt extraordinary measures are required. The
African people have borne the brunt of democratisation of South Africa
through years of struggle since the imposition of colonialism. Today we
all enjoy this freedom. They, the African people, cannot be expected to
continue carrying the burden alone to take us forward. All citizens in
particular are to make significant sacrifices in building South Africa to
be a developed and prosperous country. Some sacrifices have to be
made in terms of contribution to a Special Fund to address legacies of
colonialism. Examples of these are:
o Big business, inclusive of mines, commercial banks, insurance
companies and manufacturers, to contribute 30% out of its net
profit after tax to a national fund to support special government

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 programmes such as National Service and national debt
repayment;
o All citizens with wealth of R20m and above to contribute 10% of
their wealth to the fund;
o Annual salaries of executives above R5m to contribute on a
10% sliding scale. The amount above the thresh-hold is not tax
deductible in the hands of the company;
o Allowances for executives to be done away with and calculated
as part of their salaries; and
o All employees in South Africa earning monthly salaries of R50
000 gross and above to contribute monthly to the special fund
on sliding scale.
 Taxation. Review taxes particularly personal taxes to enable
individuals to save and venture into business. Tax rebates on luxury
and consumer goods to be abolished.
 Development of Small Businesses.
o Building of Malls to stop. We should be serious about
developing our economy through developing SMEs. This will
require that serious control be exercised over the development
of malls. It is desirable that this actually comes to a stop.
o Grow, Modernise and Support Street Shops (Spazas). The
government to support and grow the spaza-shop sub-sector into
meaningful small businesses. A system of collective buying shall
be developed in order to support spaza shops.
 Municipalities: All municipalities to be refocused to development.
Business plans of municipalities to be approved by Provincial
authorities for submission to national government. The following should
also apply:
o Municipality urban areas boundaries to be frozen. No further
allocation of land for any purpose until the special development
framework has been reviewed; and
o Municipality unutilised land sale should be suspended until
further notice.

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  Non-Governmental Organisations. Government should justify the
existence of NGOs and license them to operate in the Republic. No
foreign run NGOs will operate in the country without a license.
 Financial Institutions. Access by Africans to financial support should
be hastened and effectively monitored. Government should monitor the
marginalisation of Africans by State financial institutions.
 Business Development. The opening of opportunities for Africans to
participate in business should be spearheaded and supported
financially by government and State financial institutions. All spatial
developmental framework’s limiting factors to people using their
residential areas for business to be removed and better turnarounds for
approvals of applications for business is a must for encouraging small
business development.
 SADC. The strengthening of the SADC is a strategic priority for our
country. We do need the 150 million plus population of SADC as an
internal market to drive development in the region.

COMMUNICATION AND MEDIA

The media in South Africa is not and will not for the foreseeable future be
friendly to any project that seeks to do away with neo-colonialism and
empower our people. It can be expected that negativity will surround any
reporting on this Strategy. The SABC should therefore receive priority
attention to turn it around to be a real national public broadcaster. We should
however build capacity to effectively use the social media to communicate.
Equally, we should ensure that our branches play a meaningful role in
communities to foster effective communication.

NATIONAL SECURITY AND STABILITY

It is very clear that the objective of this Programme will attract numerous
efforts to undermine and destroy it. We should ensure that our security forces
are ready and able to ensure stability in the country throughout.

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CRITICAL SUCCESS FACTORS
For the strategy to succeed the following critical success factors are to be
kept in mind at all times:
 Effective use of our leadership role in both Government and
Parliament;
 Unity of the movement and the African people;
 Implement an effective cadre development strategy;
 Speedy implementation of this Turnaround Strategy; and
 Effective vetting system to ensure that we accept responsible and
honest men and women into ANC.

CONCLUSION
As we conclude we refer you to some words of wisdom from Comrade Thabo
Mbeki:

“Those who complete the marathon course will do so only because they
do not, as fatigue sets in, convince themselves that the road ahead is
still too long, the incline too steep, the loneliness impossible to bear
and the prize itself of doubtful value.”

We have taken this course because we are aware of very visible pitfalls in
front. We are aware that the African National Congress is booked, according
to the National Security Memorandum No 39 of the USA authored under the
leadership of Dr. Henry Kissinger, to fold up after twenty years in power as a
liberation movement. The challenges facing the ANC are therefore occasion
by our colonial masters. Ours is therefore still an anti-colonial struggle. As
revolutionaries we have no cause to fear. It is our duty to reverse and contain
in the first instance the centuries old impact of colonialism. Without that it is
not possible for South Africa to advance technologically and economically any
further. It can only continue to linger in its colonial past.
History is on our side.

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We are equally not oblivious of the sacrifices that have to be made. We
however take solace in the fact that this time around all of us in this country
and elsewhere, not only Africans, will equally have to make some sacrifices.

Similarly, we are conscious of the fury and hardships that might be unleashed
on us as a people by those who have always stood over us as masters but we
stand ready, as destiny beacons us ahead. Victory is in our hands!

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