Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
First Draft
November 2009
Socio-Economic Study of Ecologically Sensitive Areas
Table of contents
1 SUMMARY.................................................................................................... 5
2 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................... 7
4 ECOLOGICAL BACKGROUND................................................................. 10
4.1 General situation ...........................................................................................................................10
5 SOCIO-ECONOMIC BACKGROUND........................................................ 15
7.4 Key lessons and issues arising from current land and resource management and livelihoods
development strategies and practices ........................................................................................................30
7.4.1 Current strategies and practices .................................................................................................30
7.4.2 Opinions about future strategies ................................................................................................32
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8.2 Integrated Land Use Planning including Integrated Water Resource Management ...........37
8.4 New initiatives - Payment for Ecosystem and Watershed Services (PEWS) and Reduction
of Emissions through Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD) .................................................38
10 REFERENCES ........................................................................................ 43
APPENDIX 1 - TORS......................................................................................... 46
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1 Summary
Sound and sustainable land management is a major objective of the 2004 National Land
Policy and 2005 Organic Law Determining the Use and Management of Land in
Rwanda (the Organic Land Law). To this end, the SDUTA Project of the Ministry of
Natural Resources (MINIRENA)/National Land Centre (NLC) has been tasked with the
preparation of a Rwanda Land Use and Development Master Plan (‘the Plan’).
The Plan, which is currently being prepared through a broad consultative process, will
present a national planning framework with a range of options and choices for the
decentralised authorities to select from in the pursuit of improved land and natural
resource management and livelihoods development in their areas. The planning
framework is based on the achievement of Rwanda’s development goals as set out in
Vision 2020 and the Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy (EDPRS).
These require the development and diversification of non-farm and off-farm livelihoods
and a shift from being a predominantly rural economy to a much more urban-based one.
This report makes relevant recommendations with regard to land and natural resource
management and livelihoods development in the areas surrounding Rwanda’s three
national parks, for use in the preparation of the Plan. Socio-economic aspects of land
management relating to sensitive ecological zones such as shores, riversides, natural
forests and mining areas have been earlier addressed (SDUTA Project, 2009.a). Report
on Collection of Existing Data, March 2008) It is written in response to, and fulfilment
of, the required socio-economic and ecological studies within the Project TORs’ ‘4th
Phase: Specific studies and data analysis’, with a clear focus on the end product – Plan
preparation – with the full support of the NLC.
The report draws on scoping work carried out in the field by the SDUTA Project Socio-
Economist and Project Ecologist between April and June 2008, on subsequent desk-
based literature review and analysis (of the Rwandan case and of international best
practice), and on a targeted field visit made by the Project Socio-Economist to
communities around Akagera National Park (ANP) and Nyungwe National Park (NNP)
in October 2009, carried out in cooperation with the Rwanda Wildlife Agency (RWA)
and Rwanda Development Board (RDB).
The report’s recommendations are primarily based on this recent fieldwork, but the
report also draws on the findings of a separate fieldwork-based socio-economic study of
communities around Volcanoes National Park (VNP) that was carried out independently
by the SDUTA Project Socio-Economist in 2008 for Great Forest Holdings Ltd.
The report covers the context and methodology of this assignment, provides short
summaries of the ecological and socio-economic background, and sets out the latest
ecological and land management situation in the national parks through a brief review
of the current park management plans. The fieldwork findings are discussed in detail,
including analysis of similarities and differences between the different areas and of key
lessons from current land and natural resource management and livelihoods
development strategies and practices. Relevant international best practice is reviewed,
and the report concludes with a summary of recommendations for the preparation of the
Plan.
Although Rwanda is a small country, it encompasses a level of geographic diversity and
includes a number of different ecologically-sensitive areas. The field-based scoping
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work carried out by the SDUTA Project Socio-Economist and Project Ecologist
between April and June 2008 assessed and identified the different types and locations of
ecologically-sensitive areas, including the three national parks. From this work, the
need for more detailed analysis and assessment of the situations of people living in
areas neighbouring Rwanda’s national parks emerged, with an emphasis on
recommendations and solutions for community involvement in livelihoods
development, land management and conservation in buffer areas near the parks, for
consideration in Plan preparation. This has included looking at the socio-economic
issues relating to the people living in ‘potential buffer zone’ areas with the aim of
providing incentives to make people respect the park boundaries (limit illegal or
unsustainable fuel wood collection, fishing and poaching, charcoal production or
grazing in the parks and also work to limit the need for additional agricultural land,
which is creating pressure to degazette national parks, etc) as well as to solving any
management issues related to the already existing buffer zone around the NNP and in
the ANP and VNP boundary zones. This report thus discusses park boundary and buffer
zone conservation issues, potential solutions, opportunities and mechanisms, and makes
recommendations to address both ecological and socio-economic concerns.
The methodology of this assignment involved both targeted structured interviews and
focus group discussions, through a series of discussion meetings with members of the
public living near different parts of the Nyungwe and Akagera park boundaries, as well
as interviews with a range of key stakeholders including sector and district authorities,
NGO staff, members of local livelihoods development associations, and RDB staff in
the parks and at headquarters. This fieldwork has been complemented by literature
review and analysis of the Rwandan case and international best practice.
Detailed findings are as set out in the main body of the report, where the specific
recommendations to have emerged from the fieldwork are set out by way of conclusion.
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2 Introduction
This report makes relevant recommendations with regard to land and natural resource
management and livelihoods development in the areas surrounding Rwanda’s three
national parks, for use by the SDUTA Project in the preparation of the Rwanda Land
Use and Development Master Plan (‘the Plan’). It is written in response to, and
fulfilment of, the required socio-economic and ecological studies within the Project
TORs’ ‘4th Phase: Specific studies and data analysis’. Socio-economic aspects of land
management relating to sensitive ecological zones such as shores, riversides, natural
forests and mining areas have been earlier addressed (SDUTA Project, 2009.a).
The report draws on scoping work carried out in the field by the SDUTA Project Socio-
Economist and Project Ecologist between April and June 2008, on subsequent desk-
based literature review and analysis (of the Rwandan case and of international best
practice), and on a targeted field visit made by the Project Socio-Economist to
communities around Akagera National Park (ANP) and Nyungwe National Park (NNP)
in October 2009. This recent fieldwork (on which the recommendations in this report
are primarily based) was conducted with the full support and cooperation of the staff of
the Rwanda Wildlife Agency (RWA) and Rwanda Development Board (RDB), and we
remain deeply grateful to the Executive Director of RWA for assisting in the smooth
facilitation of our work.1 The report also draws, with kind permission of Great Forest
Holdings Ltd, on a separate fieldwork-based socio-economic study of communities
around Volcanoes National Park (VNP) that was carried out independently by the
SDUTA Project Socio-Economist in 2008.2
Appendix 1 sets out the TORs for the present assignment and report. Time and resource
constraints necessitated a careful review of the original broad project TOR in order to
develop a very specific and focused TOR for this work, in agreement with the National
Land Centre (NLC). We are particularly grateful to the NLC Director General for his
support in ensuring that this assignment maintained a clear strategic focus on the Project
end product – the preparation of the Rwanda Land Use and Development Master Plan.
The report is structured as follows. Section 3 explains the context and methodology for
the assignment. Section 4 and Section 5, respectively, provide short summaries of the
ecological and socio-economic background, drawing on the 2008 scoping work and
subsequent literature review. Section 6 then sets out the latest ecological and land
management situation in the national parks through a brief review of the current park
management plans. Section 7 discusses the fieldwork findings, including analysis of
similarities and differences between the different areas and of key lessons from current
land and natural resource management and livelihoods development strategies and
practices. Section 8 provides an overview of relevant international best practice. Section
9 concludes with a summary of recommendations for the preparation of the Plan.3
1
Following central government restructuring earlier in 2009, the former Rwandan Office of Tourism and National Parks
(ORTPN) was merged into the new RDB. This report makes reference mainly to RDB in the text to reflect the current
institutional structure, but the term sometimes refers to policies or practices of the former ORTPN.
2
See Daley, 2008, based on fieldwork carried out with the full support of the then ORTPN.
3
In addition to the already acknowledged support of RDB and NLC colleagues, we would like to thank the SDUTA
Project Team Leader, Nils Viking, and our other SDUTA colleagues including Rhona Nyakulama and Fred Kalema, for
their assistance with this assignment. Jacques Cyubahiro, Interpreter, and Amigo, Driver, deserve a special mention for
all the hard work they put in during the October 2009 fieldwork. We are of course also deeply indebted to all the people
we consulted with while carrying out this assignment, who willingly agreed to give of their time to share their views and
answer our many questions. All photo credits in this report belong to E Daley, including the cover photo.
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To this end, the Government of Rwanda-funded SDUTA Project has been tasked with
the preparation of a Rwanda Land Use and Development Master Plan. The Plan, which
is currently being prepared through a broad consultative process, will present a national
planning framework with a range of options and choices for the decentralised authorities
(district and local governments) to select from in the pursuit of improved land and
natural resource management and livelihoods development in their areas. The planning
framework is based on the achievement of Rwanda’s development goals as set out in
Vision 2020 and the Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy (EDPRS)
(Government of Rwanda, 2000, 2007). These require the development and
diversification of non-farm and off-farm livelihoods and a shift from being a
predominantly rural economy to a much more urban-based one.
While Rwanda contains other ecologically-sensitive areas than just those in and around
the three national parks, the populations living in proximity to the park boundaries is
substantial, not least because of the sheer physical length of their total perimeters.
Twelve of Rwanda’s 30 districts border a national park, as do a total of 40 sectors out of
the country’s 416 sectors (at sub-district level) – six sectors border Akagera, 11 border
the Volcanoes and 23 border Nyungwe. In addition, time and resource constraints have
necessitated a clear strategic focus on the Project end product, the Plan, which has
resulted in less study of ecologically-sensitive areas away from the national parks than
was otherwise hoped at the time of the original scoping work. This report therefore
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Socio-Economic Study of Ecologically Sensitive Areas
focuses on the key issues of sustainable land and natural resource management and
livelihoods development among communities neighbouring the three national parks, in
the ‘potential buffer zone’ areas. It is also weighted towards Akagera and Nyungwe,
which are currently less developed for tourism.
As per the specific assignment TOR set out in Appendix 1, the overall emphasis is on
recommendations and solutions for community involvement in livelihoods
development, land management and conservation in buffer areas near the parks, for
consideration in Plan preparation. This includes looking at the socio-economic issues
relating to the people living in ‘potential buffer zone’ areas with the aim of providing
incentives to make people respect the park boundaries (limit illegal or unsustainable fuel
wood collection, fishing and poaching, charcoal production or grazing in the parks and
also work to limit the need for additional agricultural land, which is creating pressure to
degazette national parks, etc) as well as to solving any management issues related to the
already existing buffer zone around the NNP and in the ANP and VNP boundary zones.
This report thus discusses park boundary and buffer zone conservation issues, potential
solutions, opportunities and mechanisms, and makes recommendations to address both
ecological and socio-economic concerns.
3.2 Methodology
To consult as widely as possible in the limited time available for the October 2009
fieldwork, a methodology of targeted structured interviews and focus group discussions
was adopted. This involved a series of discussion meetings with members of the public
living near different parts of the Nyungwe and Akagera park boundaries, as well as
interviews with a range of key stakeholders including sector and district authorities,
NGO staff, members of local livelihoods development associations, and RDB staff in
both parks and at headquarters. Appendix 2 provides a list of all those consulted.
Questions were designed to elicit appropriate information from the different types of
stakeholder consulted, but with similar broad questions being asked of all interviewees
and discussants. Some of the questions for the focus group discussions matched those
asked during similar discussions carried out during the separate Volcanoes Social Study
(Daley, 2008) – this was in order to be able to draw comparisons between the findings
of both sets of fieldwork in the three areas.
The fieldwork was supported by a review of existing studies and relevant literature,
including both the Rwandan case and international best practice.
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4 Ecological Background
4.1 General situation
As a result of Rwanda’s high population growth and density and related land pressures
in recent years, biodiversity loss has become severe. This is mainly due both to the
progressive disappearance of national parks and protected areas and to large-scale
habitat destruction. For example, between 1990 and 2000, forest cover in Rwanda
declined by 78 per cent, while the country is also experiencing an acknowledged loss of
its agro-biodiversity and wetland biodiversity (World Resources Institute, 2003). A
recent mapping inventory of forests with a surface area of 0.5 ha or higher and with
coverage of more than 20 per cent indicated that Rwanda had an estimated 240,746 ha
of forests in 2007. This is approximately 10 per cent of the total dryland area and
compares with 19 per cent cover (nearly double) in 2004 (REMA, 2009).
Biodiversity loss is closely linked with the loss of ecosystem services, of which water
catchment functioning (quantity and quality of water) is one of the most important. This
in turn is linked to deterioration in people’s day-to-day well-being (if access to safe
water supplies reduces), and to potential problems for Rwanda’s tourism sector as the
natural ecosystems provide important habitats for wildlife and birds.
Current drivers of biodiversity loss in Rwanda, including habitat loss, are complex but
can nonetheless be summarized within the three broad categories of:
• Population pressure and movements;
• Economic and social conditions (poverty, limited access to electricity leading to
fuel wood dependency etc); and,
• Policy and legislation (conflicting sectoral policies, such as land redistribution
and livestock development vs conservation, lack of enforcement etc).
The combined impact of these drivers can be seen both in land conversion of natural
areas and loss of forest, through the recent need to degazette some protected areas for
human settlement and the actual reduction of forest cover that has occurred. Limited
availability of arable land, and population pressure upon it, has also driven farmers to
cultivate steep slopes, increasing the risk of erosion, and wetlands, destroying important
bird habitats and affecting water resources and quality. It has been estimated that soil
erosion already results in a loss of 1.4 million tons of soil per year. This represents a
decline in the country’s capacity to feed 40,000 people annually (REMA, 2009).
Climate change is likely to further exacerbate the current situation as erratic weather
patterns begin to affect land use options more and more.
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With so much of the land area in Rwanda of necessity being used by people, it therefore
makes the remaining natural habitats, mainly found within the national park boundaries,
especially important to protect and conserve, and the goal of the development and
diversification of non-farm and off-farm livelihoods and a shift from being a
predominantly rural economy to a much more urban-based one more urgent, particularly
for communities living in close proximity to the parks.
Due to the high population density in Rwanda, intact representations of these eco-
regions can only really be found now within the three national parks, which correspond
with the eco-regions (as shown in Figure 2, below) as follows:
4
Global 200 Eco-regions are defined by the WorldWide Fund for Nature (WWF) based on their outstanding terrestrial,
freshwater and marine habitats and are therefore of global conservation interest.
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5
The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, Ecosystems and Human Well-being: A Framework for Assessment Report,
2003, groups ecosystem services into four broad categories: provisioning, such as the production of food and water;
regulating, such as the control of climate and disease; supporting, such as nutrient cycles and crop pollination; and
cultural, such as spiritual and recreational benefits.
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Socio-Economic Study of Ecologically Sensitive Areas
mountainous country like Rwanda, it is also important to try to maintain forest cover to
avoid soil erosion, degradation and landslides. Deforestation in Rwanda has
traditionally been driven by the need for food, medicine, charcoal and timber, especially
for commercial products, and the constant demand for fuel wood and charcoal means
that the pressure on Rwanda’s forests continues. Deforestation has serious
environmental consequences, yet the financial costs are not always obvious. The three
national parks in Rwanda have all had their areas severely reduced in the past to cater
for human settlement, and whereas it would be unreasonable now to consider expanding
the park boundaries to cater for growing populations of wildlife, it is nonetheless
important that the current boundaries are not further reduced for human resettlement to
maintain the ecological integrity of the three parks and to protect Rwanda’s remaining
primary forests.
Although Rwanda’s three national parks face specific issues, discussed further in
Section 6 and Section 7 below, some general issues affecting them all emerged in the
scoping work (cf SDUTA Project, 2009a), and include:
Individual land tenure around the park, which limits the scope for traditional
community conservation initiatives (as practised in other countries with communal
land areas).
Population pressure and fuel wood dependency continuing to put pressure on the
park boundaries, aggravated by lack of adequate buffer zones to protect park
boundaries and allow for maximum community utilization of park resources.
The proximity of farming land to the parks, resulting in human/wildlife conflict and
negative local perceptions of the parks. (It is important to recognise however that
wildlife damage management is as much a human management issue as a park
management issue, and that there is a need for local solutions to these local
problems in which risk is individualized.)
Limited engagement of local communities in parks management.
The value of formal land protection in Rwanda can be particularly appreciated when
compared to what has happened in non- or less-protected biodiversity areas. For
example, satellite images released by NASA show a loss of 99.4 per cent - near
complete destruction - of Rwanda's Gishwati Forest between 1986 and 2001, largely as
a result of subsistence harvesting and cultivation by refugees in the aftermath of the
1994 Genocide (Mongabay.com, 2009). In early 2000, the World Conservation Society
in Rwanda (WCS/PCFN) organized a survey of what was left of Gishwati and Mukura
forests (both classified as forest reserves and located within the Albertine Rift
Highlands) to assess the current status of the natural forest and to determine whether it
would be useful to encourage conservation efforts. Findings from the survey were
bleak, with little of the original forest remaining in Gishwati – only a few stands of trees
of less than 1 ha in size. Mukura had also been severely degraded, with only
approximately 800 ha remaining. It was, however, found that even these small forest
remnants contained several Albertine Rift endemic birds of biodiversity conservation
importance, although it is unlikely that these populations will remain viable in the long
term within such a small area of habitat. Therefore, Nyungwe Forest and the Volcanoes
national parks are the only sites where these species are now likely to survive for any
length of time (Plumptre et al, 2001).
Even though Gishwati and Mukura forests were theoretically protected through their
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forest reserve status, this example shows that this was not enough when competing with
national short-term social and economic needs. As a result, important biodiversity areas
and wildlife habitats have been lost for good. During the same period, the national parks
were much less affected due to their stronger conservation status and consequently
greater national resource allocation towards their protection. Given that serious
reduction of forest cover outside of the national parks is continuing, this underlines the
importance of maintaining the national park boundaries and the forest cover and
biodiversity levels within the parks both for continued provision of ecosystem and
watershed services and also to provide viable habitats for birds and wildlife. At the
same time, history has shown that the degazetting of protected areas and destruction of
forests and biodiversity for social and economic reasons can only be a short-term
solution, and that, therefore, alternative livelihoods, land use and energy models need to
be found for a more sustainable future.
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5 Socio-Economic Background
Against this background of severe land pressure and biodiversity loss, and the need for
sound and sustainable land management in the pursuit of Vision 2020 and EDPRS goals,
appropriate livelihoods development for communities neighbouring the national parks is
paramount. The 2008 socio-economic scoping work identified seven key sets of issues
around different ecologically-sensitive areas within Rwanda (SDUTA Project, 2009b),
as follows:
• Lake Shores and Fisheries – general issues of sustainable fisheries and access to
the shore line, impact of silting from erosion affecting fish stocks and local
farming, also tree-planting, farming constraints and tourism development around
lake shores;
• Wetlands with Clay, Peat, Sand, Gravel and Rock Extraction – general issues of
sustainable extraction of raw materials for house construction, pottery and fuel;
• Steep Slopes, Forests and Farming – general issues of sustainable land use
including terracing and tree-planting;
• Tea Plantations and Export Agriculture – general issues of sustainable livelihoods
and land management, including change of land use and marketing issues on tea
farms;
• Imidugudu, Planning and Livelihoods – general issues of participatory planning,
especially with reference to how sustainable livelihoods can be developed within
‘artificial’ communities such as refugee resettlement areas;
• National Parks of Akagera, Nyungwe, Volcanoes – general issues of community
management, tourism development, human-wildlife issues such as animal
encroachment and poaching, and livelihoods and poverty issues; and,
• Gishwati Forest – general issues of forest depletion, cattle-keeping, appropriate
land use and land management.
In general, five main conclusions emerged from that work, concerning:
• Problems arising from intensive use of land and environment;
• Land as insurance and continued dependence on land-related activities;
• Livelihood diversification and perceived start-up constraints;
• Duplication and lack of specialisation; and,
• Little starvation but potential vulnerability.
The areas around Rwanda’s three national parks emerged as requiring further study as
follows: “…the study should seek to identify the particularities of the situation on the
ground in each place relevant to the formulation of alternative land use and
development master plan scenarios. The study methodology should utilise rapid
appraisal methods in the field, involving interviews and discussions with local
government officials, ORTPN staff and members of local communities. Existing land
management practices should be assessed and suggestions made, as required, for
sustainable and participatory strategies for more effective land management and
conservation in these areas. Lessons and best practice from other countries should also
be drawn on.” (SDUTA Project, 2009b).
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The starting point for the present report is what is already known about the socio-
economic situation of communities neighbouring the national parks. For example, a
recent assessment of food insecurity in Rwanda indicates that, between the three parks,
food insecurity is relatively highest among the populations living around Nyungwe,
followed by those around Akagera and then those living around the Volcanoes
(MINECOFIN, 2006). A detailed socio-economic survey of people living around
Nyungwe and the Volcanoes found high levels of poverty and high mortality rates and
high rates of outward migration by adults in pursuit of economic opportunities, thus
leaving limited human resource capacity for involvement in park and conservation
management activities (Plumptre et al, 2004). People neighbouring Nyungwe and the
Volcanoes also include communities of abasigajwe inyuma ny’amateka, who are among
Rwanda’s poorest people (Daley, 2008, Plumptre et al, 2004). However, around
Akagera, there is poverty of a different kind, as many recent refugees have settled in
that area after arriving in Rwanda with few resources with which to develop new
livelihoods (SDUTA Project, 2009b).
Section 7 describes in detail the findings from the fieldwork carried out in the areas
surrounding the national parks, including discussion of similarities and differences
between the different areas and of key lessons from current land and natural resource
management and livelihoods development strategies and practices. Next, however, we
provide a summary of the latest ecological and land management situation in the three
national parks through a brief review of the current park management plans.
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6
IUCN Category II = National Park: protected area managed mainly for ecosystem protection and recreation.
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The Akagera National Park combines both wetland and savanna habitats. More than 900
species of plants, including 60 internationally protected orchids can be found in the park
(Government of Rwanda, 2003). However, it is the fauna that constitutes the park’s
major attraction. This comprises elephant, African buffalo, lion, giraffe, zebra and eland
and various antelopes (ORTPN, 2005a), more than 500 species of birds (Birdlife, no
date), 35 species of fish (ORTPN, 2005a), nine species of amphibians and 23 species of
reptiles (Government of Rwanda, 2003).
In 1994, two thirds of Akagera National Park and the adjacent Mutara Hunting Area
were degazetted to allow for a resettlement programme for returning refugees, leaving
behind a reduced size Akagera National Park (sometimes referred to as New Akagera
National Park). With these people came a large number of cattle and other livestock that
were also accommodated in the former Park and Hunting Area; most of the degazetted
area is thus given over to grazing. As a result, there is now a ‘hard edge’ between the
park and surrounding areas used for intensive livestock rearing and farming, which has
been more clearly demarcated since the 2006 land sharing process got underway and
government policy simultaneously began to encourage individual plot fencing and zero-
grazing.
Wildlife populations both inside and outside the ANP have drastically reduced –
population levels of some species have declined by 50 to 90 per cent – due to grazing
and cultivation as well as heavy hunting pressure since the large areas were degazetted
(Lamprey, 2002). High livestock stocking rates have also led to severe habitat
degradation in places. The demand for land for farming and grazing, together with
conflicts between wildlife and agriculture, continues to put a strain on conservation
efforts in and around the ANP.
Buffer zone. The issue of a establishing a buffer zone around the ANP has been long
discussed and a potential delineation was proposed by the PRORENA project in 2002
(Williams and Ntayombya, 1999, PRORENA, 2002), as shown in Figure 3, below.
The PRORENA project envisaged that the buffer zone would be combined with a
‘community based wildlife management’ (CBWM) programme, which would assist the
communities around the park to utilise the wildlife populations occurring in the buffer
zone for CBWM programmes such as sport hunting and/or the development of
ecotourism. However, it would be extremely difficult to reverse the current allocation of
individual plots in the districts adjacent to the ANP and, given the advanced stages of
the resettlement programme, it was subsequently decided that it is probably not feasible
to implement the proposed buffer zone (ORTPN, 2003).
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Tourism revenue to support park management. Tourism revenue from the ANP is
currently too low to sustain effective park management by itself (Robford Tourism,
2002). To attract visitors, especially when competing with better known safari
destinations in the wider East African region, there is a need to increase wildlife levels,
which requires further improvements in park management. To facilitate this, the
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Nyungwe is one of the most biologically important montane rainforests in central Africa
(Plumptre et al, 2002), with more than 260 species of trees and shrubs (Dowsett, 1990),
including 100 species of orchids (Kanyambiwa, 1998). Together with Kibira National
Park in Burundi, Nyungwe forms one of the largest contiguous blocks of lower montane
7
http://www.africanparks-conservation.com/apffoundation/index.php
8
IUCN Category IV = Habitat/Species Management Area: protected area managed mainly for conservation through
management intervention.
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forest in Africa (Vedder et al, 1992). It provides habitat for 13 species of primates,
including some of the world’s most threatened species, such as the eastern chimpanzee
(Pan troglodytes schweinfurthii), the Owl-faced monkey (Cercopithecus hamlyni) and
possibly the golden monkey (Cercopithecus mitis kandti), as well as 260 species of
birds (Dowsett, 1990), of which a large number are endemic to the area (ORTPN, no
date). The park is not only important because of its biodiversity but is also a crucial
water catchment area for Rwanda and contributes 70 per cent of the water in the country
(Masozera, 2002).
Tourist visitor numbers have been low since 1994 and not enough income is generated
from tourism to cover park management costs, but the visiting numbers are slowly
increasing and RDB has began a process of developing tourism within the NNP, in line
with its broader tourism development strategy. One exciting development is the current
construction of a canopy walk and a visitors’ interpretation centre at Uwinka, the main
tourist campsite in the park.
Threats to biodiversity. The NNP is located in one of the most populated parts of
Rwanda with an average of 400 inhabitants per km2. The proximity of people to the
park means that there is constant pressure from encroachment, in the form of illegal
harvesting of bamboo and fuel wood, illegal cropping (including of illegal drugs such as
marijuana), charcoal burning and poaching. Poaching has been an ongoing threat and, as
a result, elephants and buffalos have recently become locally extinct in the park
(ORTPN, no date). With limited big game around nowadays, poaching has turned to
smaller mammals.
In the past, mining within the park boundaries also contributed to biodiversity damage
when large numbers of miners ascended on the park. Wild bush fires are a severe threat
and are often caused by human activity, particularly from smoking out bees to collect
wild honey, although this has reduced in the past few years through major conservation
education efforts. In addition to these human induced threats, invasive plant species,
native and alien, are increasingly competing with the natural flora in the park.
Tourism. Although visitor numbers are reported to have increased in recent years, the
tourist revenues currently do not cover the park management costs by themselves.
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Vegetation in the VNP varies considerably due to the large altitudinal range, from the
bamboo forest (at 2300 – 2600m) to the afro-alpine vegetation resembling that of the
tundra from 4200m right up to the summit of Karisimbi (4507m). High altitude, high
rainfall and cool temperatures result in a diversified flora and fauna. The VNP is home
to approximately 245 species of plants, of which 13 are internationally protected
orchidaceas, 115 species of mammals, 185 species of birds (with at least 13 species and
16 subspecies endemic to the Virunga and Ruwenzori Mountains), 27 species of reptiles
and amphibians and 33 species of invertebrates (Government of Rwanda, 2003). The
park is also of global importance as it provides a sanctuary for mountain gorillas
(Gorilla gorilla beringei) and hosts half of the world population of mountain gorillas, as
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Human / wildlife conflict. As a result of the proximity of people to the park boundaries
crop raiding is a problem in the VNP, particularly by buffaloes. Although a wall has
been built, there are still gaps and some poorly maintained sections where buffaloes can
get through.
Poaching and harvesting in the park. Encroachment into the park for poaching,
harvesting of traditional medicines and water collection all occur, the latter being a
particular problem in areas near the park with limited natural water supplies.
Tourism revenue to support park management. Due to the exclusive gorilla tracking
tours, the VNP generates more income than any of the other parks in Rwanda and is
therefore a net contributor to RDB’s revenue sharing programme, discussed further in
Section 7 below.
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7 Fieldwork Findings
This section sets out the key findings in relation to land and natural resource
management and livelihoods development from the October 2009 fieldwork in Akagera
and Nyungwe among communities living near the national parks, drawing also as
required on relevant literature and on the findings of the separate Volcanoes Social
Study carried out in 2008 (Daley, 2008). The section concludes with a discussion of
some of the key lessons and issues arising from current land and natural resource
management and livelihoods development strategies and practices in the national parks
in Rwanda.
In one sector neighbouring the NNP, fervent requests were made by public and local
authorities alike for RDB to take back its animals and put them all back inside the park.
In order to reduce animal encroachment and crop raiding, local people in both parks are
firm supporters of improved buffer zones and of fencing in particular – or trenches or
ditches where fencing is not practical.
Illegal activities. Illegal activities appear to take place quite widely throughout both the
ANP and the NNP. While no-one could actually admit to having illegally entered a
national park, interviews with park staff revealed the extent to which evidence of these
activities can be found. In Nyungwe, for example, anti-poaching patrols often come
across abandoned encampments where crops have been farmed, honey gathered, and
mining has taken place. This has implications for consideration of allowing any kind of
controlled access to non-timber forest products (NTFPs), as the pattern of human
encroachment appears to be that many different activities are pursued by the same
individual once they have gained illegal entry, and limited human resources compared
to the size of the forest make policing even controlled access potentially very
problematic. In fact, both parks are currently very hard to police – whether by RDB or
through community efforts. This is partly because of the length and porosity of their
perimeters (which include international boundaries – in the middle of the forest in the
case of Nyungwe). However, it is also partly because of what appears to be an
underlying (subconscious?) and unspoken social legitimacy that still holds for some
illegal activities, perhaps justified morally on account of poverty, insufficient direct
benefits from the parks (relative to demand), and irritation and anger with the animal
encroachment situation.
There is a discernible difference between the main reasons for and nature of illegal
activities in both parks, however. In the ANP, human / wildlife conflict is more pressing
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– pastoralists allow their cattle to cross the very narrow buffer area for access to
pasturage and water, while angry farmers whose crops have been destroyed by wild
animals go into the park to poach for meat. Furthermore, the area is drier and crops do
not grow as well, so the individual impact of animal encroachment on people’s farms is
far greater than in the more fertile areas around the NNP. Poaching is therefore a much
bigger problem in the ANP. In the NNP, the density of the forest and its size enable it to
be entered illegally in numerous ways, including across the Burundian border, and the
resources it offers (bamboo, honey, charcoal, fuel wood, minerals, medicines, and
animals) are very tempting to people living in relatively remote and poor areas of the
country, far from main roads and markets.9
Poor infrastructure. Both the ANP and the NNP are less developed for tourism than the
VNP, and they therefore have fewer tourist facilities and poorer infrastructure. This is
an issue for people living near these parks, as they (correctly) do not understand how
tourism can be developed sufficiently to raise substantial revenues if the infrastructure
remains poor. Even the main tarmac road which runs from Kigali to Cyangugu and
passes right through Nyungwe is in very poor condition in the park section, which
negatively impacts on the scope for tourist access to the park’s attractions. Repair,
however, is in the hands of MININFRA, not RDB.
9
See ORTPN, 2004a, for a detailed analysis of the locations of various types of illegal activities around the NNP.
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more emphasised in public policy. For example, we were told that now when fires break
out in the forest, people go straight away themselves to fight them, while sending
someone to notify the park authorities, whereas in the past they would wait to be
summoned to help by the park authorities.
In contrast, in the areas around Akagera, the local populations are more recent and less
settled, even including some of the refugees who came across from Tanzania in 2006.
The nature of the human / wildlife conflict is also fundamentally different, with people
living near Akagera at more direct risk of being physically harmed or killed by big
mammals such as buffalo, hippopotami and elephants. Neither WCS nor any other
conservation NGO presently operates in the areas around the ANP, so there is less
overall sensitisation and awareness of the real and potential benefits of living near a
national park, nor of the importance of biodiversity conservation in general. In part
because of this, and in larger part because of the animal encroachment issues, relations
between people and park appear at present to be worse around Akagera than Nyungwe
(see below).
Buffer zone issues. A further important difference between the ANP and the NNP is the
situation as regards buffer zones. In the ANP there is a narrow boundary area but no real
buffer zone to speak of. This means that not only do animals cross unimpeded between
the park and people’s farms and grazing areas, in both directions, but that there are
limited opportunities for livelihood development activities in the buffer zone. Because
of the recent resettlement of refugees in the area, there is clearly limited scope to extend
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the boundary area (as noted above). Fencing, and the accompanying efforts to round up
and drive wild animals currently roaming outside the park back in, are therefore the
most realistic solutions to the animal encroachment problem. Along one part of the
ANP a wall is being constructed, and trenches and ditches have also been built in some
areas, but a proper electric fence – as currently being tendered – will provide a much
more sustainable solution. Current attempts to organise community protection in parts
of the ANP have also been relatively successful at dealing with animal encroachment,
although these will become less important once the fence is in place. In one sector, for
example, local guards work together to chase wild animals away from farms
neighbouring the park, using drums and other means to scare them off. Local people
contribute RWF 100 per month per household to provide a limited remuneration to the
people taking part in the guarding work, while RDB has contributed with equipment
and training.
However, in future, even with the new fence, it is important that no further resettlement
of people takes place in the areas closest to the park boundary, as this would only serve
to put increasing pressure on the park and local resources. MINALOC should consider
this in particular when planning for any more refugee resettlement, and in deciding on
the sites of new imidugudu.
The situation in the NNP is quite different. As noted above, there is a buffer zone
around a lot of Nyungwe. This was created in the 1970s and 1980s through tree and tea
plantation projects. However, the buffer zone is insufficient in depth in many areas to
prevent animal encroachment and does not exist in some perimeter areas at all. A
current pilot project to extend tea plantations onto people’s land near Kitabi is having
some success and may be a model for an approach to extending the buffer zone more
widely, hand in hand with livelihoods development. The pilot project gives farmers jobs
in the Kitabi tea factory until the tea bushes planted on their land are ready for
harvesting.
With regard to areas of the NNP buffer zone planted with trees, there is potential scope
for livelihoods development here too, but this is presently constrained by the lack of
RDB control over these parts of the buffer zone, which are instead all managed by
NAFA and subject to national environmental policies. Thus, any projects to allow
access to NTFPs or to potential timber and fuel wood resources in the buffer zone will
be dependent on NAFA’s engagement in the local livelihoods development process.
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Table 1 – Perceptions of Household Relations with the ANP and the NNP Among People Consulted by
SDUTA Project (October 2009)
Nature of Relationship Number of People from Number of People from Total Number
with the Park/RDB Focus Groups in the ANP Focus Groups in the NNP
Good 0 11 11
Average 19 19 38
Bad 18 0 18
Indifferent 1 0 1
Totals 38 30 68
Table 2 – Perceptions of Household Relations with the VNP Among People Consulted by Volcanoes
Social Study (June 2008)
The differences between the three parks can be more clearly seen in the three charts
below. There is a clear correlation between levels of tourism development and NGO
activity around conservation issues and the strength of positive feeling about the
national parks – expressed in terms of households having a good relationship with
RDB/former ORTPN and the Park. Whether or not this is a causal relationship is hard to
assess, but it points to the importance of increasing efforts to develop tourism around
the ANP and the NNP as part of land and natural resource management and livelihoods
development strategies. Conversely, the reported high levels of bad relationships in the
ANP and the VNP as compared to the NNP would appear to correspond to the greater
severity of the animal encroachment issue in those two parks, particularly on the part of
the big mammals which pose a real and direct threat to human well-being and
livelihoods.
Good
Average
Bad
Indifferent
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Good
Average
Bad
Indifferent
Good
Average
Bad
Indifferent
7.4 Key lessons and issues arising from current land and resource
management and livelihoods development strategies and practices
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funds are supporting activities which enable the local people to develop their
livelihoods through the local natural resources, but in such a way as to preserve the
integrity of the protected park area and reduce illegal activities within its boundary.
Similarly, another project supported by RDB, in collaboration with WCS-PCFN,
provides funds to a community of abasigajwe inyuma ny’amateka living near the
Cyamudongo Forest to develop a pottery project making decorative pots for the tourist
market at Gisakura. (See photos below.)
Around Akagera, funding from the revenue sharing programme also goes towards
infrastructure and association-based IGAs. In addition, as noted above, RDB is also
supporting efforts by some local communities to form patrols to protect their farm land
and livestock from animal encroachment, and to help them build a protective wall in the
current absence of an electric fence.
At the same time, however, there are some tensions in Akagera between people and the
park over the current policy of fining people whose cattle trespass into the ANP. The
policy is in force in the NNP as well, but it is a bigger issue in the ANP due to the
greater numbers of livestock in the area. The policy has been very successful in
reducing instances of encroachment into the park by cattle, but it draws attention to the
current lack of a compensation policy to assist people whose crops, livestock or own
persons have been damaged by wildlife. A formal compensation policy is therefore
currently in preparation at RDB headquarters, but until it is agreed and implemented,
with the backing of the appropriate legislation, some people may continue to feel that
their grievances are not being addressed.
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In the three years 2006 to 2008, the total funds distributed across all three parks
amounted to only RWF 523, 806, 452, or approximately USD 0.9m.10 When it is
considered that these funds are spread across projects in 12 districts, the concerns noted
earlier about problems with the current distribution mechanisms become easier to
understand. The districts themselves, dealing with much greater budgets for overall
district development efforts, can be forgiven for not prioritising the effective delivery of
10
At approximately USD 1 = RWF 580.
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revenue sharing monies to agreed projects, and there was widespread support expressed
for greater partnership between RDB and the sectors in the administration of the
revenue sharing programme, to cut out the middlemen (the districts) and ensure more
effective and efficient use of the available resources. However, this will only be
possible in so far as it might fit with the overall organisational policy of decentralised
government in Rwanda, currently in the process of review and change
During some of the focus group discussions, people were also asked to explain what
sort of projects they thought the revenue sharing programme should support, including
infrastructure projects, association-based IGAs, and direct cash transfers (especially to
the poorest households and those whose crops were damaged by animal encroachment
from park animals). The indicative results are given in Table 3 below:
Type of Potential Projects Number of People from Number of People from Total Number
Focus Groups in the ANP Focus Groups in the NNP
Infrastructure 11 2 13
Association-based IGAs 2 19 21
Direct Cash Transfers 9 25 34
Totals 22 46 68
Some very interesting discussions took place on this issue. People were well aware of
current government policy to promote and encourage livelihoods development through
associations, and generally supported this. However, due to the remoteness and lack of
infrastructure in many of the areas neighbouring the national parks, there were also
concerns that revenue sharing funds should be going towards infrastructure
development projects that a wider number of people could then derive benefit from. On
the other hand, given the seriousness of the animal encroachment issue, and the current
lack of a formal compensation policy, many people expressed an interest in seeing
revenue sharing funds being distributed directly to individual households, especially
poorer ones and those whose crops (or persons) had been damaged by animal
encroachment, in the form of cash transfers or even food.
In connection with this possibility – which is not very practical given the large
populations living near the park and the current size of the available revenues –
discussions also covered the issue of payments for ecosystem and watershed services
(PEWS – see description in section 8 below), especially in Nyungwe where people
could easily relate this concept to the presence of the local tea factories and electricity
generating stations. It appeared that PEWS would be popular, so long as the funds
raised could be earmarked for further infrastructure and livelihoods development
projects among communities living nearest the parks, and not simply added to the
overall national government budget.
Another subject on which people’s opinions were sought was that of community
involvement in policing and patrolling the park boundaries, as a means of potentially
dealing with the animal encroachment issue. Despite some successes in this vein in one
of the sectors neighbouring the ANP, as noted above, there was a general reluctance on
people’s part to commit themselves to voluntary involvement in any kind of park
management efforts like these. This was mainly because of perceived poverty, as well
as the (related) limited availability of manpower due to high levels of outwards
migration in search of economic opportunities away from the parks, and should it be
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possible to pay or otherwise incentivise local people to take part in these kinds of
management activities that would be a different matter.
The final issue on which people’s opinions were sought was that of allowing some kind
of limited and regulated access to the national parks for livelihoods development
utilising NTFPs. Generally speaking this was not supported, as people were well aware
of the many problems that could occur in terms of policing limited access, especially
around Nyungwe, and because of widespread awareness that the national parks are
protected and thus entry into them in pursuit of livelihood activities is quite justifiably
illegal.11 Instead, there was widespread support for further efforts to bring park
resources outside and develop them that way, as with the current bamboo project and
the non-traditional bee-keeping projects.
11
This understanding is not necessarily in contradiction to the above-mentioned apparent and unspoken / subconscious
social legitimacy of some illegal access and activities because of frustration at the scale and severity of the animal
encroachment issue and the limited direct benefits currently going from parks to local communities – the two positions
somehow seemed to sit side by side, if a little uneasily.
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Land use decisions at community levels ultimately come down to economics, and the
challenge is to identify land use activities that benefit both biodiversity and people.
Leading international conservation organisations agree that protected areas will survive
only if they are seen to be of value, in the widest sense, to the nation as a whole and to
local people (Beltran, 2000). In Rwanda, people living near the national parks are
readily able to identify the benefits to the country as a whole that the parks bring, but
they were less able to identify direct benefits to themselves as park neighbours. It is
therefore important that the national parks demonstrate their value to neighbouring
communities as compared to other land uses and that appropriate economic incentives
for biodiversity conservation are in place so as to influence people’s behaviour by
making it more desirable for them to conserve, rather than to degrade or deplete,
biodiversity within the national parks in the course of their economic activities.
However, some negative land use choices do also arise from lack of information, and
communities thus need to be made aware through continuing careful sensitisation about
alternative options for developing the economic potential of their areas.
A recent survey (Rutagarama and Martin, 2006) has found that there is a willingness
amongst a wide range of stakeholders in Rwanda to be further involved in protected
area management and that a more broadly based network of stakeholder partnerships
could be a strategy for restructuring conservation management in Rwanda.
Rwanda is already doing many of the right things. However, in order to better inform
both RDB’s own forthcoming reviews of the various park management plans and the
NLC-led preparation of the Rwanda Land Use and Development Master Plan, and
subsequent selection by the decentralised authorities (districts and sectors), in
partnership with RDB, of the most relevant and appropriate recommendations for
application in their areas, it is useful to examine some examples of international best
practice relating to the creation of community incentives, protected areas management,
and land use planning.
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Where it has proven successful in the Southern African context, especially in Namibia,
CBNRM is usually based on the premise of availability of communal land and
structures and institutions of local community land ownership. Thus, while some
management examples could be transferred to the Rwandan context, the lack of
communal land and the more individualised land tenure in present day Rwanda means
that many typical CBNRM activities would not be suitable. The principles behind
CBNRM are nonetheless instructive.
CBNRM requires enabling policy and legislation, which should demonstrate the
following characteristics (Jones, 2004):
i Policy and legislation should be enabling rather than restrictive. It should aim
to promote positive actions rather than rely on punishments as a deterrent to
‘wrong’ behaviour.
ii CBNRM policy and legislation should provide incentives for appropriate
actions by resource users rather than be coercive. Policy and legislation need to
provide a broad framework within which landholders and resource users can take
decisions themselves without always having to have decisions endorsed or
sanctioned by government. If legitimate wildlife or natural resource use entails
excessive bureaucracy, ultimately landholders will turn to land uses where
transaction costs are much lower.
iii Policy and legislation should be flexible and not prescriptive. CBNRM policy
needs to be flexible in order to take into account the diversity of cultures and
practices of social organisation and local economic development within each
country. CBNRM policy and legislation should enable local communities to find
the best way to order their own affairs within their own local contexts, rather than
trying to prescribe uniform solutions.
Examples of CBNRM activities include community owned and run lodges or camps
(with joint ventures with tourism companies usually a good start), and community
involvement in wildlife monitoring and enforcement in connection with hunting
concessions and national parks. Some direct examples of how communities have been
encouraged to contribute to the conservation effort internationally include:
• In Zambia, a farming co-operative, Community Markets for Conservation
(COMACO)12, has helped subsistence farmers and hunters to transfer their
labours to new, more sustainable trades. They have become organic farmers,
beekeepers, gardeners, carpenters, and jewellery-makers, turning snares once
12
http://www.itswild.org/
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Whereas there are many examples of successful CBNRM initiatives, there are also
instances where these schemes have failed. CBNRM initiatives require start up finance
and long-term community support. The most sustainable CBNRM initiatives appear to
be those which are based on some joint venture basis, where communities and private
enterprise or NGOs are working as partners. In Rwanda, it is to be anticipated that the
forthcoming management of the ANP by the African Parks Foundation will open up lots
of possibilities for these kind of initiatives among people living near the ANP in
particular.
In addition to actually running lodges and tours, nature-based tourism can also benefit
surrounding communities if it generates a demand for crafts and cultural activities. In
Rwanda such demand (and supply) is most established around the VNP. However, there
is a lot of competition around tourism in Africa in general and thus in order to compete
13
http://www.amanibutterflyproject.org/
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in the longer term, Rwanda will need to offer a more diversified range of high quality or
unique tourism products, beyond the current main draw of the gorilla tours. Such
initiatives as the canopy walk currently under construction in Nyungwe are a good
example of this kind of needed diversification, which is well recognised by RDB.
Specialised tourism activities such as big game hunting are also known for having the
potential to generate high incomes, and running hunting concessions is the main source
of income for many CBNRM initiatives in Southern Africa. Rwanda used to have a
vibrant sport hunting industry prior to 1990, but with the Mutara Hunting Area having
been degazetted there is little or no hunting today. The PRORENA project has
suggested that ORTPN should consider zoning the area north of Lake Gishanju in the
ANP as a sport hunting area for a limited period during the year (Robford Tourism,
2002 and ORTPN, 2003). In order to attract hunters, wildlife populations would first
have to increase, but this will be addressed by the planned round up and movement of
animals back into the park when the fence is erected. Sport hunting would quickly
generate an economic return for the ANP and demonstrate that this form of wildlife
utilisation is a viable way of raising revenue.
To fight climate change and curb CO2 emissions, a mechanism to reduce deforestation
and forest degradation in developing countries, the so-called Reduction of Emissions
through Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD and REDD+)14 schemes have
also been developed under the auspices of the United Nations. While REDD is
specifically designed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from deforestation and
degradation it is also likely to provide multiple benefits such as biodiversity
conservation , water regulation and improved timber supplies. There is as yet no formal
mechanism for REDD with international recognition under the Kyoto Protocol, but
voluntary REDD projects are starting around the world based on financial transfer
mechanisms such as carbon trading, or direct payments for forest management. The
Government of Norway has recently pledged 52 million USD for the scheme (Climate
Funds Update, 2009). However, it has already become clear that to be effective,
payments needs to be tailored to address specific national and local drivers of
deforestation over time. The mechanism is also geared towards existing forests.
14
REDD without the plus focuses only on reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation. REDD+ goes
further by rewarding activities that improve forest health; including better forest management, conservation, restoration,
and afforestation. Not only will this enhance carbon stocks, it will improve biodiversity, water quality, and provide other
vital environmental services.
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Many of these kinds of support and activities are already in place in Rwanda, as has
already been described in this report. What therefore remains is to continually refine and
improve strategies and approaches to land and natural resource management and
livelihoods development around the national parks through continued attention to and
learning from international best practice.
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In the short term, to maintain the remaining biodiversity in the country, there should be
no further reduction of national park areas. Also needed are more incentives to reduce
deforestation rates and encourage reforestation activities and promotion of fuel wood
plantations and alternative energy sources outside of protected areas. Rwanda’s national
parks are already involving surrounding communities in some of their activities and
these efforts, including some limited access to some park resources, need to be
continued and expanded together with finding innovative solutions to generate income
from land on a non-subsistence basis, for example by leasing land to the protected areas,
setting up PEWS payments for good land management etc. This will require continued
collaboration with NGOs and CSOs, following the precedent already set in Nyungwe by
the successful collaboration between RDB and WCS/PCFN
Furthermore, while establishing large buffer zones around the ANP and the VNP is not
practical, it could nonetheless be of value to draw a virtual buffer zone around these
parks and to start engaging people at the imidugudu level in discussions around
CBNRM type land use activities.
The importance of having enabling policies and a legal framework which will
encourage an effective mix of state, community and private sector involvement, is
already clear. It is also important to bear in mind that sustainable partnerships need to
be built from existing institutional capacities and interests rather than an idealized
conception of functions (Rutagarama and Martin, 2006). The varying settings and issues
around Rwanda’s national parks indeed call for well nuanced and differentiated
individual or tailor-made approaches.
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Although these recommendations have emerged from the October 2009 fieldwork in
Akagera and Nyungwe, many of them also apply to the Volcanoes, such as the
importance of continuing to develop local livelihoods and seek to reduce the severity
and impact of human/wildlife conflict.
The recent fieldwork has clearly demonstrated the value of continuing consultation with
all stakeholders that have interests in the protection of the national parks, the
conservation of Rwanda’s remaining biodiversity, and the improved land and natural
resource management and livelihoods development of communities neighbouring the
national parks and in other ecologically-sensitive areas of Rwanda, in fulfilment of the
objectives of the National Land Policy and Organic Land Law and the national
development goals set out in Vision 2020 and the EDPRS. As the lead stakeholder in
this, RDB must continue to play a central and proactive role, and must work in close
cooperation with the NLC in the forthcoming development of Rwanda’s National Land
Use and Development Master Plan. However, of central importance to long term
success, will be building into the Plan the necessary consultation mechanisms for the
districts and sectors to involve the communities neighbouring the parks themselves in
the selection of the most locally appropriate strategies for land and natural resource
management and livelihoods development in their local areas.
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10 References
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Principles, Guidelines and Case Studies. IUCN, Gland, Switzerland and
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publication]
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id=6775&m=0. Retrieved on 30 October 2009.
Daley, E, 2008. Rwanda – Volcanoes Social Study. Final Report at 2 June 2008, for
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Government of Rwanda, 2003. National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan. Kigali:
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Jones, B, 2004. Summary Report: Lessons learned and best practices for CBNRM
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Myers, N, Mittermeier, RA, Mittermeier, CG, da Fonensca, GAB and Kent, J, 2000.
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PRORENA, 2002. Options for the development of a Buffer Zone on the boundary of
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MINICOM at Akagera Hotel, Akagera National Park, October 2002.
REMA, 2009. Rwanda State of Environment and Outlook Report. Kigali: REMA.
Robford Tourism, 2002. Tourism Development Plan for Akagera National Park:
Proposals for the short to medium term development of appropriate and
sustainable tourism products. PRORENA – GTZ, Kigali, Rwanda.
SDUTA Project, 2009a. Preparation of Rwanda Land Use and Development Master
Plan - Report on Collection of Existing Data. RW2-4-5, First Draft. Kigali:
MINIRENA.
SDUTA Project, 2009b. Preparation of Rwanda Land Use and Development Master
Plan – Report on Collection of Existing Data – Annex 1, Social Infrastructure.
Kigali: MINRENA.
World Resources Institute, 2003. Earthtrends: Country Profile – Water Resources and
Freshwater Ecosystems: Rwanda.
http://earthtrends.wri.org/pdf_library/country_ profiles/wat_cou_646.pdf
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Appendix 1
Socio-Economic Study of Ecologically Sensitive Areas
Appendix 1 - TORs
Broad Project TOR for ‘4th phase: Specific studies and data analysis’ re Socio-
Economic and Ecological Studies
Specific TOR for ‘4th phase: Specific studies and data analysis’ re Socio-Economic
and Ecological Studies’ for this Assignment
In conjunction with agreed inputs of the Project Ecologist, Birgitta Farrington, the
Project Socio-Economist, Elizabeth Daley, will be responsible for a report fulfilling the
broad Project TOR and with adjustments to allow for time and resource constraints and
shifts in Project priorities, ie to ensure suitable incorporation of relevant issues in 5th
phase on ‘Preparation of land use and development master plan (SDUTA)’.
This will be carried out through brief fieldwork and consultations in and around
Nyungwe and Akagera National Parks and by referral to previous studies and secondary
literature for Volcanoes National Park. The emphasis will be on production of a
practical report focusing on recommendations and solutions for community involvement
in land management and conservation in buffer areas near the Parks, for consideration in
Plan Preparation. Detailed discussion and analysis of ecological and socio-economic
parameters will not be required.
The study will concentrate on looking at the socio-economic issues related to the people
living in ‘potential buffer zone’ areas with the aim of providing incentives to make
people respect the park boundaries (limit illegal or unsustainable fuel wood collection,
fishing and poaching, charcoal production or grazing in the parks and also work to limit
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Appendix 1
Socio-Economic Study of Ecologically Sensitive Areas
the need for additional agricultural land, which is creating pressure to degazette national
parks, etc.) as well as to solving any management issues related to the already existing
buffer zone around Nyungwe and in the Akagera and Volcanoes boundary zones. This
will involve consultation with RDB staff, local authorities and communities, as well as
review of existing studies and relevant literature, to establish park boundary and buffer
zone conservation issues, potential solutions, opportunities and mechanisms with RDB
and with communities who live within the virtual or planned buffer zones of each Park,
and, finally to propose solutions which would address both the conservation and socio-
economic concerns.
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Appendix 2
Socio-Economic Study of Ecologically Sensitive Areas
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Appendix 2
Socio-Economic Study of Ecologically Sensitive Areas
Structured Interviews with NGO Staff, Associations and Revenue Sharing Recipients
• Nsengi Barakabuye, Rwanda Country Director, World Conservation Society
• Etienne Niyitegeka, Trainer, and Members of Association de la Poterie de
Cyamudongo, Nkungu Sector, Rusizi District
• Ernest Ngendakimana, Animateur, Rachelle Uwizeyimana, Animatrice, and
Alfred Bimeyimana, Enseignant, Ecole Secondaire Rusasa, Nkungu Sector,
Rusizi District
• Members of Association Twitezimbere, Rwumba Cell, Bushekeri Sector,
Nyamsheke District.
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