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Microcredit is the extension of very small loans (microloans) to those in poverty designed to spur
entrepreneurship. These individuals lack collateral, steady employment and a verifiable credit history
and therefore cannot meet even the most minimal qualifications to gain access to traditional credit.
Microcredit is a part of microfinance, which is the provision of a wider range of financial services to the
very poor.
The success of the microcredit model has been judged disproportionately from a lender's perspective
(repayment rates, financial viability) and not from that of the borrowers. It might be expected that
microfinance institutions would provide safe, flexible savings services to this population, but with
notable exceptions they have been very slow to do so. Some experts argue that most microcredit
institutions are overly dependent on external capital. A study of microcredit institutions found that they
were very slow to deliver quality microsavings services because of easy access to cheaper forms of
external capital.
The Wall Street Journal seems to have done a hatchet job on the micro finance sector
of India ?
A Global Surge in Tiny Loans Spurs Credit Bubble in a Slum
RAMANAGARAM, India – A credit crisis is brewing in “microfinance,” the business of making the
tiniest loans in the world. Microlending fights poverty by helping poor people finance small
businesses — snack stalls, fruit trees, milk-producing buffaloes — in slums and other places where
it’s tough to get a normal loan. But what began as a social experiment to aid the world’s poorest has
also shown it can turn a profit.
That has attracted private-equity funds and other foreign investors, who’ve poured billions of dollars
over the past few years into microfinance world-wide.
The result: Today in India, some poor neighborhoods are being “carpet-bombed” with loans, says
Rajalaxmi Kamath, a researcher at the Indian Institute of Management Bangalore who studies the
issue. In India, microloans outstanding grew 72% in the year ended March 31, 2008, totaling $1.24
billion, according to Sa-Dhan, an industry association in New Delhi.
“We fear a bubble,” says Jacques Grivel of the Luxembourg-based Finethic, a $100 million
investment fund that focuses on Latin America, Eastern Europe and Asia, though it has no exposure
to India. “Too much money is chasing too few good candidates.”
Here in Ramanagaram, a silk-making city in southern India, Zahreen Taj noticed the change.
Suddenly, in the shantytown where she lives, lots of people wanted to loan her money. She
borrowed $125 to invest in her husband’s vegetable cart. Then she borrowed more.
“I took from one bank to pay the previous one. And I did it again,” says Ms. Taj, 46 years old. In four
years, she took a total of four loans from two microlenders in progressively larger amounts — two for
$209, another for $293, and then $356.
At the height of her borrowing binge, she says, she bought a television set. The arrival of
microfinance “increased our desires for things we didn’t have,” Ms. Taj says. “We all have dreams.”
Today her house is bare except for a floor mat and a pile of kitchen utensils. By selling her TV,
appliances and jewelry, she cut her debt to $94. That’s equal to roughly a quarter of her annual
income.
Around Ramanagaram, the silk-making city where Ms. Taj lives, the debt overload is stirring up
social tension. Many borrowers complain that the loans’ effective interest rates — which can vary
from 24% to 39% annually — fuel a cycle of indebtedness.
In July, town authorities asked India’s central bank to either cap those rates or revoke lenders’
licenses. “Otherwise, the present situation may lead to a law-and-order problem in the district,” wrote
K.G. Jagdeesh, deputy commissioner for the city of Ramanagaram, in a letter to the central bank.
Alpana Killawala, a spokeswoman for the Reserve Bank of India, said in an email that the central
bank doesn’t as a practice cap interest rates for microlenders but does press them not to charge
“excessive” rates.
Meanwhile, local mosque leaders have started telling people in the predominantly Muslim
community to stop paying their loans. Borrowers have complied en masse.
The mosque leaders are also demanding that lenders give them an accounting of their finances. The
lenders say they’re not about to comply with that.
The repayment revolt has spread to other communities, including the nearby city of Channapatna,
and could reach further across India, observers say.
Lalitha Sharma, top, racked up 10 loans from the many microlenders who have set up shop in her
slum over the past few years. Here she helps with her husband’s snack stand. Like many of her
neighbors in Ramanagaram, India, she can earn about $8 a week, on average, working in the city’s
silk factories.
“We are very worried about this,” says Vijayalakshmi Das of FWWB India, a company that connects
microlenders with financing from mainstream banks. “Risk management is not a strong point for the
majority” of local microfinance providers, she adds. “Microfinance needs to learn a lesson.”
Nationwide, average Indian household debt from microfinance lenders almost quintupled between
2004 and 2009, to about $135 from $27 or so, according to a survey by Sa-Dhan, the industry
association. These sums are obviously tiny by global standards. But in rural India, the poorest often
subsist on just a few dollars a week.
Some observers blame a fundamental shift in the microfinance business for feeding the problem.
Traditionally, microlenders were nonprofits focused on community service. In recent years, however,
many of the larger microlending firms have registered with the Indian central bank as a type of for-
profit finance company. That places them under greater regulatory scrutiny, but also gives them
wider access to funding.
This change opened the door to more private-equity money. Of the 54 private-equity deals (totaling
$1.19 billion) in India’s banking and finance sector in the past 18 months, microfinance accounted for
16 deals worth at least $245 million, according to Venture Intelligence, a Chennai-based private-
equity research service.
“We’ve seen a major mission drift in microfinance, from being a social agency first,” says Arnab
Mukherji, a researcher at the Indian Institute of Management in Bangalore, to being “primarily a
lending agency that wants to maximize its profit.”
Making loans in poorest India sounds inherently risky. But investors argue that the rural developing
world has remained largely insulated from the global economic slump.
International private-equity funds started taking notice of Indian microfinance in March 2007. That’s
when Sequoia Capital, a venture-capital firm in Silicon Valley, participated in a $11.5 million share
offering by SKS Microfinance Ltd. of Hyderabad, India, one of the world’s largest microlenders.
“SKS showed the industry how to tap private equity to scale up,” said Arun Natarajan of Venture
Intelligence.
Numerous deals followed with investors including Boston-based Sandstone Capital, San Francisco-
based Valiant Capital, and SVB India Capital Partners, an affiliate of Silicon Valley Bank.
As of last December, there were over 100 microfinance-investment funds globally with total
estimated assets under management of $6.5 billion, according to the Consultative Group to Assist
the Poor, or CGAP, a research institute hosted at the World Bank.
Over the past year, investors have poured more than $1 billion into the largest microfinance funds
managed by companies, a 30% increase. The extra financing will allow the industry to loan out 20%
more this year than last, much of it to countries such as the Ukraine, Cambodia and Bosnia, CGAP
says.
Here in Ramanagaram, Lalitha Sharma recalls when the first microfinance firm arrived seven years
ago. Those were heady times for her fellow slum-dwellers: Money flowed freely. Field agents offered
loans to people earning as little as $9 a month.
They came to Ms. Sharma’s door, too.
She borrowed $126. Under the loan’s terms, she said she would use it to finance a small business
— a snack stand she runs with her husband. Many microfinance providers require loans to be used
to fund a business.
But Ms. Sharma, a 29-year-old mother of three, acknowledges she lied. “You have to mention a
business to get a loan,” she says. “There was no other way to get the money.”
She used it to pay overdue bills and to buy food for her family. Ms. Sharma earns $8 a week, on
average, in a factory where she extracts silk thread from cocoons immersed in boiling water.
Over the next four years, she took nine more loans from three different lenders, in progressively
larger sums of $209, $272, $335, and $390, according to lending records reviewed by The Wall
Street Journal.
A spokesman for BSS Microfinance Private Ltd. of Bangalore, another of her lenders, declined to
comment on her borrowing history, citing central-bank privacy rules.
This year, she took another $314 loan to pay for her brother-in-law’s wedding, again saying the
money would be used for business purposes.
She also juggled loans from two other microlenders — $115, $167, and $251 from the Bangalore-
based lender Ujjivan, and another $230 from Asmitha Microfin Ltd.
Ujjivan confirmed it issued three loans. An Asmitha official said he had a record of a loan to a
Ramanagaram resident named Lalitha, but at a different address.
“I understand that it is credit, that you have to pay interest, and your debt grows,” Ms. Sharma says.
“But sometimes the problems we have seem like they can only be solved by taking another loan.
One problem solved, another created.”
Many of the problems in Indian microlending might sound familiar to students of the
U.S. mortgage crisis, which was worsened by so-called “no-documentation” loans and by
commission-paid brokers who critics say lacked an incentive to check borrowers’ ability to repay.
Similarly in India, microlenders’ field officers are often paid on commission, giving them financial
incentive to issue more loans, according to Ms. Kamath.
Lenders are aware that applicants often lie on their paperwork, says Ujjivan’s founder, Samit Ghosh.
In fact, he says, Ujjivan’s field staffers often know the real story. But his organization maintained a
policy of “relying on the information from the customer, rather than our own market intelligence.”
He says that policy will now change because of the trouble in Ramanagaram. The lender will “learn
from the situation, so it won’t happen again,” he says.
It’s tough to monitor how borrowers spend their money. Ujjivan used to perform regular “loan
utilization checks,” but stopped because it was so costly. Now it only checks in with people
borrowing more than $310, Mr. Ghosh says.
BSS checks how loans are being spent a week after disbursing the money, and makes random
house visits, according to S. Panchakshari, its operations manager. The company doesn’t have the
power to insist that borrowers not take loans from multiple lenders, he said in an email.
Lenders also tend to set up shop where others have already paved the way, causing saturation.
There is a “follow-the-herd mentality,” says Mr. Ghosh at Ujjivan. Microlenders “often go into towns
where they see one or two others operating. That leaves vast chunks of India underserved, “and
then a huge concentration of microfinance in a few areas.”
In Ramanagaram district, seven microfinance lenders serve 22,500 women. (Most microloans go to
women because lenders consider them less likely to default than men.) Loans outstanding here total
$4.4 million, according to the Association of Karnataka Microfinance Institutions, a group of lenders
in Karnataka state.
Lenders in Ramanagaram say the loan-repayment revolt was instigated in part by Muslim clerics
who oppose the empowerment of women through microfinance. Most lenders are still servicing loans
to Hindu borrowers, but have stopped issuing fresh loans to Muslims.
“We can’t do business with Muslims there right now,” says Mr. Ghosh of Ujjivan. “Nobody wants to
take that kind of risk.”
The irony is that, for years, Indian microlenders have touted themselves as bankers to the nation’s
impoverished minority Muslim community, which has long been excluded from the formal banking
sector.
A 2006 report commissioned by India’s prime minister found that while Muslims represented 13.4%
of India’s population, they accounted for only 4.6% of total outstanding loans from public-sector
banks.
Islam prohibits the paying of interest, but mosque officials don’t cite that as the reason for the loan-
payment strike. They stressed the overindebtedness of the community, and the strains it’s putting on
family life.
Ramanagaram’s period of wild borrowing irks some residents, both Hindu and Muslim. Alamelamma,
a 28-year-old vegetable seller, says she has benefited from microfinancing and that the profligate
borrowers “have ruined it for the rest of us.”
One gully away, Ms. Sharma, the heavy debtor, has a different view: She would like to see the
microlenders kicked out of the community entirely. “Not just for now, but forever,” she says.
Granted that the Committee’s mandate was to look only at entities governed
by the RBI, i.e. Banks and NBFCs, but that does not translate into looking
only at the credit aspect of microfinance.
Maximum loan amount of Rs. 25,000 – The number seems to have just
been arbitrarily arrived at. No rationale is advanced for the figure and none
seems to present itself. It is inconceivable to suggest that a Rs. 25,000 loan
may be advanced to a household where the total annual income is only Rs.
50,000. Such a recommendation is cause enough for creating over-
indebtedness.
Fixed loan tenures – Makes the product too rigid and leaves no scope for
innovation. For example, currently a lot of MFIs give short term loans
(ranging from 1-6 months) for dealing with emergencies like pregnancy,
medical emergencies, some seasonal dip in income cycle of the borrower,
etc. However, all such products would now have to be stopped.
Loan should be unsecured and for income generation only – I simply
fail to understand why. The idea of microfinance is to improve the living
standards of the poor, that is to say, to make meaningful and sustainable
changes to their lives.
So, say a company wants to extend loans for the purchase of assets like
cycle, rickshaw, clean stove, solar lighting, water purification system, etc.
My vote says such loans are an integral part of microfinance as they would
directly assist in improving the recipient’s lifestyles. However, as per the
Committee’s recommendation they would not qualify.
As per current RBI regulations, there are clear cut directions regarding the
portfolios to be maintained by NBFCs. An asset finance company is required
to keep 60% of its total assets in asset backed loans and the rest can
comprise of other loans.
It is suggested that this existing limit should be allowed to continue. This
would allow existing players to launch microfinance operations, grow them
and then hive them off into independent units once a significant scale has
been achieved.
I agree with the view that there should be some minimum capitalization to
ensure a degree of stability and commitment on the part of the company
concerned. However, to say that anyone with a portfolio less than Rs. 100
crores is too tiny to exist is a fallacy. Yes, they may pale in comparison with
the Rs. 1000 crore plus behemoths, but it is another thing altogether to say
that they cannot function effectively.
It is like arguing that all small co-operative banks, local area banks, rural
banks, etc. should be closed down because they cannot operate in like
manner as the bigger public or private banks.
The net effect of such a high entry barrier is to wipe out all smaller players
and create a monopolistic and anti competitive market for the handful of
bigger players…an end result, which is certainly not in the best interests of
the customer concerned. Nor is it desirable in a country like ours where self-
employment and entrepreneurship should be encouraged.
In my experience I have always found that the poor are willing to pay for
prompt and efficient services. Further, they are extremely conscious of the
rates being charged by various companies and are able to exercise a choice
about which company they want to turn to. In such circumstances, it is
imperative that the regulator respect the customer – company relationship
and refrain from specifying the pricing caps.
Competition alone should be the key to bringing the rates down, like in all
other sectors of the economy.
9. A study of 9 large and 2 small MFIs (para 5.1) – Too small a data
sample to be credible
It is difficult to understand why the Committee has restricted itself to such a
small data pool. The MFI sector is very well researched and there is
significantly more data available than what has been referred to by the
Committee. There are organizations which have taken great pains to collect
data not only from India, but from MFIs across the world and have given
comparative studies. Further, the Committee has looked at only one year
financial results of the said 11 companies.
The Committee’s failure to refer to a broader set of data certainly affects the
credibility of their report. The Committee owes it to the industry to make a
more thorough and accurate assessment of the figures.
Microfinance has been very much in the news lately. The financial markets
led by savvy Private Equity funds, started taking notice of and investing in
the industry’s rapid growth a few years back, culminating in the highly
successful first ever IPO of an Indian MFI in August of this year.
Unfortunately, the industry’s fortunes have steadily plunged downhill
thereafter. This paper connects the dots of the MFI industry scenario with
other key economic and political factors playing out in the country. The
views discussed in this paper are strictly non-political, but are an effort to
link various situations leading up to a holistic case for the future.
On the one side, most of the post crisis headline news on
Microfinance (i.e. from September 2010) has been negative. ‘Getting it
right on Microfinance’, ‘Microfinance in India is like subprime lending’,
‘Anatomy of a crisis’, ‘Are MFIs showing Shylockian streak?’, ‘What’s wrong
with Microfinance Institutions in India?’ to name a few, paint a picture of an
industry struggling to survive. On the other side, there is increasing
coverage and focus on Inclusive Growth in India – meaning mainly financial
inclusion, which could be a starting step for some interesting developments
in the midst of the growing political controversy.
Andhra Pradesh politics – dispute within the state, Chief Minister quitting,
former Chief Minister’s son rebellious act and the MFI saga – has led to
some opposition parties playing the political card by urging borrowers not to
repay their loans to MFIs. Andhra Pradesh accounts for around 30% of the
MFI loans in the country and has witnessed an alarming number of suicides
by some debtors, purportedly due to harassment from MFI agents over
repayment.
Some of the figures lent to MFIs by banks, according to data from a rating
company, are as follows-
Bank Amount
SIDBI ~ Rs. 4000 crore
ICICI Rs. 2000 crore
SBI > Rs.1000 crore
Corporation Bank ~ Rs. 600 crore
Andhra Bank Rs 320 crore
Source: CARE rating
In addition to their direct lending to MFI’s, most of the public and private
banks have purchased loan pools for millions of dollars from MFIs.
These loan pools are also expected to be under pressure, as the
securitization mechanism exposes the investors to the ultimate borrowers
and a drop in repayment rates will subsequently affect them.
(MFIN), the MFI industry will collapse and will be finished as early as first
quarter of the coming year in case the banks decline to support and lend to
the microfinance institutions because of the current environment in the MFI
market.
Amid all the chaos, some of interesting developments in the economic and
political environment are:
Partnership with Regional Rural Banks (RRB): As per the data till last
financial year, there were 82 RRBs (with a network of 15475 branches
spread over 619 districts in 26
States and 1 Union Territory), of which only 3 RRBs out of 82 RRBs were
incurring losses. In addition, the RRB’s were given a target by the Finance
Ministry to open 2000 branches by March 2011 with the right banking
technology platform as part of their financial inclusion strategy. Partnership
with MFIs could be one of the routes which could be explored by RRB’s to
have better access to similar client base and to fulfill their mandate of
financial inclusion
Pure Political Card aka Prepare for More Regulation! – This could be
the best part and the might be the best weapon for the existing government
to win hearts and gain votes. The cynical view is that the ground situation in
AP could very well move towards
waiver of MFI loans as a means of creating a vote bank for parties – and
that the politician / bureaucrat nexus in the state would not mind killing
the MFI industry for its own benefit. Last year, the government announced
farm loan waiver of Rs. 72,000 crore during the budget and this year it
might be to waive off the MFI loans which will certainly form a solid platform
for the general elections in 2013. In this case we are discussing about close
to Rs 30,000-crore in outstanding loans for 30 million votes. In addition, the
objective of Financial Inclusion is fulfilled – sounds like a good deal to me.
Borrowers or Aam Aadmi (which means “Common Man” in Hindi) is safe and
situation is politically correct. Thus proving the philosophy that most of the
politicians who run this country follow “As long as the general public is given
what they want, we (politicians) get what we want”