Media Coverage of Sex Trafficking and

the Creation of Moral Panics

Briana Edwards
Media Analytics
Elon University

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements in an undergraduate senior capstone course in

communications
Abstract
In recent years, the United States has seen an overwhelming increase in sex trafficking

coverage in the media. By applying the agenda-setting theory as a theoretical framework, this

study examined newspaper coverage of sex trafficking and aims to determine if this coverage has

created a moral panic in their United States readership. A content analysis of 30 online articles

from CNN, The Washington Post and The New York Times was conducted to determine if the

media coverage of sex trafficking has created a moral panic. The study indicates that the

overwhelming majority of claims made about sex trafficking are not supported by evidence and

can be categorized as either informative or case-specific. This study also indicates that these

newspapers have not contributed to the creation of a moral panic but instead, have detracted from

anti-sex trafficking efforts by focusing on cases instead of advocating for anti-trafficking efforts.

Keywords: sex trafficking, moral panic, newspaper, content analysis, agenda-setting theory
 Introduction

In July of 2019, Jeffrey Epstein, a prominent financier, was charged with one count of sex

trafficking a minor and one count of conspiracy to commit sex trafficking (Halleman,2019). This

tragic case of sexual abuse gripped national news outlets in the United States and around the

world due to the prominence of the alleged perpetrator combined with the public’s fear of sex

trafficking. This case has motivated critical discussions within the public about the realities of

traffick victims, the likelihood of one to be trafficked and, the alleged prevalence of sexually

motivated crimes (Halleman 2019).

Media coverage of sex trafficking, which involves some form of coerced sexual

exploitation that is not limited to prostitution, has increased exponentially within recent years

(Kiss and Zimmerman 2017; Johnston, Friedman, and Shafer 2014). Many scholars, noting the

increase in coverage, have studied the influence of media coverage on the salience of a particular

issue (Brosius, Hans-Bernd, and Hans Mathias Kepplinger 1990).This phenomena, referred to as

the agenda setting function of the media, or the agenda-setting theory specifically, addresses the

media’s role in determining what audiences, viewers and readers think about (Severin and

Tankard 2001). While increased coverage and awareness should aid in the elimination of this

crime, researchers have found that increased coverage contributes to the creation of a culture of

fear surrounding sex trafficking, the vilification of certain groups and, desensitizes the public to

the issue. Furthermore, this increased coverage, which rarely includes claims supported by

evidence, has contributed to the creation of a moral panic,“intense feelings of concern about a

given threat which a sober assessment of the evidence suggests is either nonexistent or

considerably less than would be expected from the concrete harm posed by the threat” within the
general public (Johnston, Friedman, and Shafer 2014; Goode and Ben-Yehuda 1994). Very little

research has been done on the influence of the media in the creation of moral panics surrounding

sex trafficking, specifically. This study will aim to fill in the knowledge gaps and create a

culture of understanding about sex trafficking coverage in the United States.

This study, by conducting a content analysis of 30 news articles from CNN, The

Washington Post, and The New York Times examined the usage of evidence by newspapers to

report on sex trafficking. Furthermore, this study aims to determine if media coverage has

contributed to sex trafficking becoming a moral panic and discuss the effects of sensationalized

media coverage on public discourse about trafficking in the United States. The contribution of is

its value in critiquing the news media for inflating headlines with a lack of evidence thus

contributing to a culture of fear. Secondly, this study will identify and critique the agenda-setting

function of the media as an abuse of power and a lack of basic journalistic integrity by not

providing evidence for claims. Last, the findings of this study will contribute to the

demystification of sex trafficking reports, cases and, fears in the United States.

Literature Review

While the influence of media coverage on the salience of sex trafficking in the United

States is discussed by survivors and the public, there is very little scholarly research regarding

this subject. This literature review first, covers the scholarly definition of sex trafficking in the

United States. Secondly, it covers the agenda-setting function of the media and its influence on

the salience of sex trafficking within public discourse. Lastly, this literature review discusses the

definition, and implications of moral panics and the media’s culpability in creating an

environment where they thrive.

Sex Trafficking in the United States

Sex trafficking is a form of coerced or forced sexual exploitation that is not limited to

prostitution (Kiss & Zimmerman, 2017). This form of human trafficking is often economically

motivated with the kidnapping and forced exploitation of children composing about 55.6% of all

reported cases in the United States (Johnston et al., 2014). In response to the increase in sex

trafficking cases, both scholars and survivors have emphasized the importance of addressing the

causal pathways to trafficking for both perpetrators, victims, and survivors. Socioeconomic

realities, immigration statuses and ethnic identity are often exploited to coerce men and women

into sex trafficking. Survivors suggest that law enforcement agencies, social programs, and the

United States government take an offense approach to trafficking to end the societal conditions,

and platforms that allow trafficking to thrive in the United States. (Kiss and Zimmerman, 2017).

In response to the suggestions from the public, legislation was passed to regulate the platform

where most trafficking occurs, the internet.

In the United States, an overwhelming majority of sex trafficking occurs via the internet,

specifically sites like Seeking Arrangement, Backpage, and Craigslist (Polich, 2019). In response

to this, the United States passed two bills known as Fighting Online Sex Trafficking Act

(FOSTA) and Stop Enabling Sex Trafficking Act (SESTA). This set of laws, in essence, holds

websites criminally responsible for the advertisement and solicitation of sex on their platforms.

In theory, they would curtail sex trafficking in the United States. However, in practice, they put

victims of sex trafficking at a higher risk of danger (Polich, 2019). Consequently, traffickers have

returned to kidnapping and trafficking women that they personally know as online trafficking
becomes increasingly difficult in the United States. These laws did not end trafficking, they

simply changed trafficking methods.

Ratification of these laws directly coincides with the exponential increase in media

coverage of sex trafficking cases in the United States. Although the sexual exploitation of men

and women is not new, in recent years, topic salience has increased (Johnston et al., 2014).

Depictions of sex trafficking in movies, the news, and in personal stories have followed a rescue

narrative where victims, who are typically young white women, are saved from nefarious

predators. The media relies on sensationalized headlines that promote a culture of fear about sex

trafficking, with no evidence to support proposed claims (Johnston et al., 2014). The increase in

topic salience embodies the agenda-setting function of the media. This function has evolved from

solely encompassing salience into encompassing the framing that influences topic salience as

well.

The Agenda-Setting Function of the Media

The media has several different functions in modern society. Though a formal list of these

functions does not exist, informing audiences of important events remains central. Considering

this function of the news, it is the responsibility of the media to decide what events are important

and to translate this importance to listeners, viewers and readers. In efforts to stay unbiased, the

function of the media is not to influence what audiences think about certain topics but, to

influence what topics they think about most often. This is the agenda-setting function of the

media or, the agenda-setting theory (Tewksbury & Althaus, 2000).

The agenda-setting theory, proposed by McCombs and Shaw, has become the standard

for measuring and critiquing the media’s influence on topic salience within the public discourse
(Weaver, 2007). This theory is “the media’s capability through repeated news coverage, of

raising the importance of an issue in the public’s mind” (Severin and Tankard, 2001).

Agenda-setting does not solely influence what the audience thinks per se but instead, largely

influences what the audience thinks about. With the emergence of new forms of media and the

polarization of coverage, agenda-setting has resurfaced as an important and ever-evolving topic

among scholars (Fortunato & Martin, 2016). Agenda-setting research initially tested the transfer

of topic salience based on the amount of coverage a topic received and evolved to include

questions of transfer of salience through how the issue was presented. With the emergence of

new forms of news reporting, such as citizen journalism, the definition of agenda-setting has now

extended to encompass both the media and public agenda (Fortunato & Martin, 2016). Critics of

the agenda-setting theory often argue that it is not only the salience of coverage that influences

that what the audience thinks but, their personal experiences, real-world conditions, and group

perspectives (Erbring et al., 1980). This view critiques the belief that the media is the sole

gatekeeper of information and solely influences what the public thinks about. As communication

environments change, the spread of newsworthy stories more frequent and the news itself more

accessible, the media must change their communication strategy to reach their target audiences.

This change in communication strategies has culminated in sensationalized headlines to

garner both readership and viewership. Consequently, audiences now measure the importance of

a particular topic through visual, or salient cues, instead of the true importance of the content.

Salience cues, particularly, in newspapers are vital in the audience determining what to pay

attention to. These cues include the hierarchical arrangement of information, placement within

the edition, and the title itself (Conway & Patterson, 2008). The media that is chosen to report a
story has a dramatic and distinct impact on the perceived importance of the topic and the

audience’s exposure to it. However, overexposure, regardless of the chosen medium, can have

adverse effects on sociocultural attitudes towards a particular topic and can culminate in a moral

panic about the covered topic.

Moral Panics in the Media

Moral Panics are intense feelings of concern about a given threat which a sober

assessment of the evidence suggested is either nonexistent or considerably less than would be

expected from the concrete harm posed by the threat” (Ben-Yehuda and Goode,1994). According

to Ben-Yehuda and Goode, in order for a phenomenon to be considered a moral panic five

criteria must be present. The five categories are:

1. Concern, which is heightened and measurable in polls, proposed legislation, and social
movement activity;
2. Consensus, a certain measure of agreement that the threat is real and imminent;
3. Hostility, which culminates in the vilification of certain groups of people and the creation
of an “us vs. them” dichotomy;
4. Disproportionality, the assumption that the concern is out of proportion to the nature of
the threat;
5. Volatility, the assumption that moral panics erupt suddenly and violently.

The media coverage of sex trafficking, which is often devoid of evidence to support
proposed claims has exponentially increased in recent years (Johnston et al., 2014). This lack of
evidence directly coincides with the beginning of a moral panic within the public. Despite this,
very little research has been conducted to examine the media’s role in increasing topic salience
about sex trafficking its culmination into a moral panic.
While several studies have addressed the salience of sex trafficking, little efforts have
been made to examine the influence of topic salience on the creation of a moral panic. In order to
fill the gap in research, this study will look at current media coverage and analyze the effects of
its salience on public panics about sex trafficking. By performing a content analysis of online
articles that discuss sex trafficking from The New York Times, CNN, and the Washington Post this
study will address the following two questions.
RQ1: Do newspapers use evidence or non-evidence based arguments in terms of covering sex
trafficking?

RQ2: What types of moral panic languages are used in the coverage of sex trafficking?

Methods

A content analysis, “is a tool that allows us to look at the way messages change over

time and vary across mediums and outlets.” (Content Analysis, 2017) This analysis included 10

articles, from The Washington Post, CNN, and the New York Times for a total of 30 articles from

September of 2015 to September of 2019.

Sample and Research Procedure

The Washington Post, CNN, and The New York Times were chosen as they are three of the

top five highest circulating newspapers in the United States and have a very large readership

(Agility 2019). Fifteen articles from each website, a total of 30, were analyzed to answer

Research Question 1 and Research Question 2. In order to select these samples, the author

contacted the Library of Congress and requested all articles, from each media source, that use the

word “sex trafficking” from September of 2015 to September of 2019. This timeframe was

chosen as research has proven that sex trafficking has risen within the last five years in the

United States (Human Trafficking 2019). In order to eliminate selection bias, a random number

generator was used to generate 10 numbers ranging from 1 to the amount of articles found for

each media source. The articles that coincide with the randomly selected numbers were selected.

This process was repeated for each media source.

Operationalization of variables (Or Measurement Instrument)

Sex Trafficking Languages. In order to examine Research Question 1, Do newspapers

use evidence or non-evidence based arguments in terms of covering sex trafficking?” each article

was coded for evidence to support claims made about sex trafficking in the United States.

Articles that utilized statistics, were considered evidence-based , if there is no evidence used, the

language and article were considered non-evidence based. The coding categories, evidence based

and non-evidence based, are listed below along with their definitions.

Moral Panic. In order to examine Research Question 2, “What types of moral panic

languages are used in the coverage of sex trafficking?” each article was coded for the criteria of

a moral panic as established by Erich Goode and Nachman Ben-Yehuda in 1994. The criteria, the

definitions and the specific words, themes, and phrases that were coded for each criteria are

listed below. The author took special consideration when coding to ensure that words were

analyzed in context to the article.

Coding Book

Category Description Examples Coding system 1

1=yes
0=no

ID number 1-10 - BBC

11-20 - WP
21-30 - NYT

Medium 1 = BBC
2 = WP
3= NYT
RQ1: Do newspapers use evidence or non-evidence based arguments in terms of covering sex
trafficking?

Evidence Based or -Statistics (with

Non-Evidence Based citations),

-statistics with no
citations

-scholarly references

RQ2: What types of moral panic languages are used in the coverage of sex trafficking?

Concern Which is heightened - proposed legislation,

and measurable in
polls, proposed
legislation, and social
movement activity

stereotypes of
perpetrators

fear

Consensus A certain measure of Agreement,

agreement that the
threat is real and
imminent

Serious

Imminent

Hostility Which culminates in Enemy (enemies),

the vilification of perilous, threat (threats,
certain groups of threatened,
people and the creation threatening),
 of an “us vs. them”
dichotomy

harmful,

dangerous,

responsibility
(responsible),

they (them, those)

Disproportionality The assumption that the Numbers and figures

concern is out of claimed without
proportion to the nature supporting evidence
of the threat

Volatility The assumption that Recently, suddenly,

moral panics erupt anecdotes that occurred
suddenly and violently within the last year

Data Analysis and Procedures

Frequencies, using a separate coding sheet for each media, will be used to answer the

research question 1. Frequencies, using a coding sheet, will also be used to report the findings

for research question 2.

Findings

This section is organized based on the language used in online newspaper articles from

CNN, The New York Times and The Washington Post, regarding sex trafficking, and, the analysis

of the prevalence of the criterion of moral panics including: consensus, concern, hostility,

disproportionality, and volatility.

Evidence Usage

To answer Research Question 1, “Do newspapers use evidence or non-evidence based

arguments in terms of covering sex trafficking?” the author analyzed ten articles from CNN, The

Washington Post, and The New York Times respectively, for their usage of evidence as a means to

support proposed claims. The author considered the usage of statistics with citations and the

usage of scholarly references, evidence-based. The usage of statistics, or any numerical claim

without supporting citations was considered non-evidenced based. The findings for each media

are graphically represented below.

Figure 1. Evidence-Based Articles-CNN

 Figure 2. Evidence Based Articles-The Washington Post

Figure 3. Evidence Based Articles-The New York Times

The percentage of evidence-based language used in CNN and The Washington Post

articles both equal 20% from September of 2015 to September 2019 with the usage of

non-evidenced based language was 80%. The percentage of evidence-based languages used in
The New York Times is 70% and the percentage of non-evidenced based language is 30% from

September of 2015 to September of 2019.

Moral Panic
To answer Research Question 2, “What types of moral panic languages are used in the

coverage of sex trafficking?”, the author analyzed ten articles from CNN, The Washington Post,

and The New York Times, respectively, in order to examine the prevalence of the criteria of moral

panics. This criteria includes: concern, consensus, hostility, disproportionality, and volatility. The

findings for each media are graphically represented below.

Table 1: Moral Panic Language Usage-CNN

Criteria Number of articles with Total Percentage

criteria present

Concern 5 50%

Consensus 3 30%

Hostility 5 50%

Disproportionality 4 40%

Volatility 4 40%

Table 2: Moral Panic Language Usage-The Washington Post

Criteria Number of articles with Total Percentage

criteria present

Concern 2 20%

Consensus 3 30%

Hostility 1 10%

Disproportionality 6 60%
 Volatility 5 50%

Table 3: Moral Panic Language Usage-The New York Times

Criteria Number of articles with Total Percentage

criteria present

Concern 5 50%

Consensus 1 10%

Hostility 3 30%

Disproportionality 4 40%

Volatility 1 10%

The study analyzed the usage of language in the creation of a moral panic. The author

found that CNN articles coincided with the criteria of a moral panic the most with 50% of articles

showing concern about sex trafficking, 30% showing consensus, 50% showing hostility, 40%

showing disproportionality, and 40% showing volatility. The Washington Post moderately used

language that coincides with the criteria of a moral panic with 20% of articles showing concern,

30% showing consensus, 10% showing hostility, 60% showing disproportionality, and 50%

showing volatility. The New York Times used the least amount of language that coincides with

the criteria of a moral panic with 50% of articles showing concern about sex trafficking, 10%

showing consensus, 30% showing hostility, 40% showing disproportionality, and 10% showing

volatility.
 Discussion

Utilizing a content analysis of online articles from CNN, The Washington Post and, The

New York Times, this study aimed to analyze the usage of evidence based langauge in articles

regarding sex trafficking to conclude if the usage of this language has created a moral panic.

While the primary purpose of this study was to examine the influence of language on cultural

fears, this analysis shed light on several interesting trends, themes and insights regarding the

influence of the media and its responsibility to their readerships.

Research Question 1: Do newspapers use evidence or non-evidence based arguments

in terms of covering sex trafficking?
The findings of this study indicate that the overwhelming majority of articles published

by CNN, The New York Times and The Washington Post can be placed into two distinct

categories: informative articles and case-specific articles.

Informative articles broadly speak of sex trafficking as a cultural crisis, providing

information on anti-sex trafficking legislation, statistics, and calls to action. As aforementioned

in the findings section, over half of the articles in this study lacked evidence to support claims

made about sex trafficking in the United States. This lack of evidence presents itself in several

ways including: statistics about sex trafficking with no citations, a lack of scholarly sources to

support claims and, a lack of evidence to support inflammatory titles. This lack of evidence is a

direct contradiction to the primary function of the newspaper.

The primary function of the newspaper is to inform the readership of local, national and

international happenings. With this function comes an obligation to report facts along with the

evidence to support said facts. The findings are an abuse of the ever evolving watchdog function

of the media which is to control, [the] “ethics, laws, technology, organization, and the content of
news stories.” (Francke, 1995) This abuse culminated in several articles that made claims that

did not utilize any citations, statistics, or links to relevant research. Instead, the reported severity

of sex trafficking has been inflated with no evidence to support claims. These statements are not

only harmful to active efforts of sex trafficking but they also show a disregard for journalistic

integrity regarding the very sensitive subject of sex trafficking. Despite this, it is important to

note that 63% of articles in this study were case specific and utilized narrative story-telling

techniques that do not rely on empirical evidence.

Case-specific articles centered themselves around one person, either a perpetrator or

victim of sex trafficking, and recounted the story. These narrative style articles did not provide

general information about sex trafficking but instead reported the details about a very specific

case of sex trafficking. Interestingly, over half of the case-specific articles involved American

financier and convicted sex offender, Jeffrey Epstein in some capacity. These articles detailed his

alleged crimes, crimes he was convicted for and, his recent suicide. There was a noticeable

disregard for the statements of his victims, with each media choosing to talk about his victims

instead of directly to them. Instead, statements from Epstein, co-conspirators, and friends,

dominated each article. The disregard for the victim’s statements perpetuates the belief that

victims of sex trafficking do not have agency. Furthermore, these case-specific articles, simply

tell the story of Jeffrey Epstein, and other cases, without providing a call to action for their

readership to become more aware of sex trafficking. With the influence of the media in the

perception of sex trafficking, comes the responsibility to charge the readership to make a change.

The findings of this study indicate that CNN, The New York Times, and The Washington Post do

not effectively utilize their influence for the common good.

Research Question 2: What types of moral panic languages are used in the coverage of sex

trafficking?

The findings of this study indicate that the language utilized by CNN, The New York

Times and The Washington Post, likely contribute to cultural fears regarding sex trafficking but,

have not likely caused a moral panic. Each media utilized extremely loaded language likely as a

means to garner emotion in their readership. This language included: extremely graphic accounts

of sexual abuse, statistics about sex trafficking and, anecdotes about the experiences of sex

trafficking victims. This focus on ethos instead of logos directly correlates to the percentage of

disproportionality in each article, which likely induces fear in readership but does not cause a

moral panic. While each media did show concern, consensus, hostility, disproportionality, and

volatility the presence of these criteria is not significant enough to constitute a moral panic. Due

to the limited scope of the content analysis, the percentage of present criteria may not be

representative of CNN, The New York Times and The Washington Post as a whole.

Conclusion

This study sought to examine the influence of media coverage on sex trafficking and to

determine if this coverage has created a moral panic. This study determined that an

overwhelming majority of online news articles from CNN, The Washington Post, and The New

York Times do not use evidence to support claims made about sex trafficking. Furthermore, this

study also found that while these media have not created a moral panic regarding sex trafficking,

there is evidence of each criteria. Several articles, from each media, are case-specific and do not

advocate for the abolishment of sex trafficking but instead report on very specific sex trafficking

cases. For example, many cases from September of 2015 to September of 2019, focus on
American financier and convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. This case-specific focus detracts

from active anti-trafficking efforts and does not provide information about the realities of sex

trafficking or how their readership can advocate for anti-trafficking efforts. However, it must be

noted that this case was limited in scope. These three newspapers are not representative of the

newspaper industry as a whole and this study could only make conclusions based on these three

newspapers specific content. In addition, the content was limited to four years and thus did not

capture articles that discussed sex trafficking during other years. Finally, this study was limited

by political bias. CNN, The Washington Post, and The New York Times are all left leaning

political sources. Future research could examine right-leaning news sources in order to provide a

balanced look at media coverage on sex trafficking. Ulitimately, there exists a knowledge gap

regarding the media’s influence on public perceptions of sex trafficking. Future research could

explore this in order to bring a more nuanced look at this topic.

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Appendices
Appendix 1: Description of coding categories
Coding Book

Category Description Examples Coding system 1

1=yes
0=no

ID number 1-10 - BBC

11-20 - WP
21-30 - NYT

Medium 1 = BBC
2 = WP
3= NYT

RQ1: Do newspapers use evidence or non-evidence based arguments in terms of covering sex
trafficking?

Evidence Based or -Statistics (with

Non-Evidence Based citations),

-statistics with no
citations

-scholarly references

RQ2: What types of moral panic languages are used in the coverage of sex trafficking?

Concern Which is heightened - proposed legislation,

and measurable in
polls, proposed
legislation, and social
movement activity
 stereotypes of
perpetrators

fear

Consensus A certain measure of Agreement,

agreement that the
threat is real and
imminent

Serious

Imminent

Hostility Which culminates in Enemy (enemies),

the vilification of perilous, threat (threats,
certain groups of threatened,
people and the creation threatening),
of an “us vs. them”
dichotomy

harmful,

dangerous,

responsibility
(responsible),

they (them, those)

Disproportionality The assumption that the Numbers and figures

concern is out of claimed without
proportion to the nature supporting evidence
of the threat

Volatility The assumption that Recently, suddenly,

moral panics erupt anecdotes that occurred
suddenly and violently within the last year