Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
By Ian Lamont
foreign colonies and concessions along the coast, missionaries and entrepreneurs
launched dozens of newspapers to spread religion and commercial news. Just before the
turn of the century, the press received a spectacular boost from reform-minded Chinese,
who launched hundreds of periodicals that not only introduced new styles of journalism
but also agitated for reforming the imperial system of government under the Qing
dynasty (1644-1911).
business models and political ideologies — as explaining the rapid rise of newspapers in
China. The literature also gives passing acknowledgement to an older, domestic system
of distributing news throughout the empire — the official “gazettes” that central,
provincial, and local agencies used to inform and instruct their subordinates, and by
extension, all imperial subjects. This paper will give an overview of the emerging
Chinese-language newspaper industry during the late 1800s, and explain how the
reformist periodicals through press controls and the expansion of the gazettes.
Written communications were the glue that maintained China’s imperial system
of rule for millennia. The Confucian values that dictated government policy, law, and
social conduct were spread through a collection of ancient classics, many of them dating
from the Zhou dynasty (1122 – 256 B.C.E.). In order to become a scholar-official — the
elite members of society who ran the extensive imperial bureaucracy — men had to pass
written civil service examinations based on understanding of these classic works. This
exam system started in the Sui dynasty (581-618), and was firmly established in the Tang
dynasty (618-907).1 The Chinese writing system was also vital for communication within
the sprawling empire. Officials used writing to communicate with each other over long
distances, and agencies in the capital would copy important documents and distribute
them to the provinces. However, the central ministries, provincial governments, and even
which published edicts, memorials to the throne, and other information that officials
thought important, such as the announcement of appointments and the court diary. The
intended audience of the gazettes was other officials, but some of the information
contained in the gazettes was further spread by writing and word of mouth to the Chinese
population. According to one source, at the village level “government policy was
announced by posters and notices read aloud to the illiterate.”2 Many of these
history. Henrietta Harrison stated they were started in at least the 15th century, and were
created daily in the capital for distribution across the empire. She adds that provincial
authorities published abridged versions for local distribution.3 Joan Judge said the
publications were at first called dibao (“metropolitan gazettes”) and were started in the
Tang dynasty, and possibly as early as the Han dynasty (206 B.C.E. – 220 A.D.). The
term used to describe these publications by the end of the Qing dynasty was
1
John King Fairbank, China: A New History (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard
University Press, 1992), 84.
2
Leo Ou-fan Lee and Andrew J. Nathan, “The Beginnings of Mass Culture: Journalism and
Fiction in the Late Ch'ing and Beyond.” In David Johnson, Andrew J. and Nathan, Evelyn S. Rawski (eds.),
Popular Culture in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1985), 362.
3
Henrietta Harrison, China: Inventing the Nation (London: Arnold, 2001), 112.
guanfangbaozhi (“official newspapers”), or guanbao for short.4 Leo Lee and Andrew
Nathan also noted the term jingbao (“capital newspaper”) to describe the late-Qing
While gazettes were the “official medium of communication” between the court
and the provinces, they were technically “a form of private correspondence sent to
internal newsletter for all bureaucrats. This suggests that the gazettes were customized or
also suggests that the gazettes may have been copied by hand in earlier times. In 1851, a
proposal to expand the gazettes to a wider bureaucratic audience was rejected by the
emperor, who believed that allowing “all officialdom to know what was going on its
various parts was only to encourage people to meddle in what did not concern them.”7 As
records of government decisions, gazettes were “widely read and discussed”8 but were
filtered, formal, and hardly the realm of what anyone now would consider breaking news
or public opinion. However, developments in the final decades of the Qing dynasty
would force authorities to change the character of the gazettes in order to stay relevant to
4
Joan Judge, Print and Politics: ‘Shibao’ and the Culture of Reform in Late Qing China (Stanford,
CA: Stanford University Press, 1996), 20.
5
Lee and Nathan, 362.
6
Judge, 17.
7
Lee and Nathan, 365.
8
Harrison, 112.
The developments were rooted in the introduction of Western-style newspapers in
China, and political change in the waning years of the Qing. In 1815, the first newspaper
was published in China. The publication was in Portuguese, the language of the
Portuguese colony of Macao. From that year until 1894, 150 foreign-language
newspapers were established in China, mostly in English, and mostly in the colonies and
treaty ports that lined the coast. Foreign missionaries and foreign merchants started these
Kong.10 This paper was actually an exception in that it was run by Chinese; Judge notes
that approximately 70 Chinese-language papers were founded in China through 1894 but
all were owned and/or managed by foreigners. This included the Shenbao, one of the
more well-known Chinese newspapers of the Qing and Republican eras. The Shenbao
was started in Shanghai in 1872 by two English brothers engaged in the tea trade, and
like the other Chinese commercial newspapers, focused on shipping news and other
business activities, and the occasional news event that might impact commerce. The
The Qing authorities apparently tolerated the commercial and religious newspapers,
probably because their circulations were so limited, and they did not attack the
government.
9
Judge, 19.
10
Lee and Nathan, 365.
11
Judge, 20.
While the concept of a public newspaper came from the West, the success of
developed woodblock printing during the Sui dynasty12 and metal moveable type in the
Westerners in 187614 — was better suited to periodical and book printing in Chinese.
They found that this chemical printing process preserved the calligraphic nature of
Chinese literature, which was difficult to do using moveable type technologies from that
era. Lithography also enabled the production of miniature editions, which was impossible
using woodblock printing.15 Other Western innovations that impacted the Chinese media
industry during the late Qing were the introduction of telegraph services, which enabled
the publication of breaking news from other parts of China and overseas, as well as the
and the news, information, and opinions contained within them — to be distributed deep
into China’s interior. For instance, in 1909, it was possible to buy 20 different
publications as well as newspapers from Shanghai and Hong Kong,16 coastal cities that
12
Judge, 17.
13
Xiuming Zhang, “Hanzi yinshua de fazhan,” etc., in Zhonghuo yinshua shi (Shanghai: Renmin
Publishing Co., 1989) 669-729. Cited in Christopher Alexander Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai: Mechanized
Printing, Modern Publishing, and their Effects on the City, 1876-1937 (doctoral dissertation) (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1996), 144.
14
Reed, 22.
15
Reed, 150.
16
Harrison, 115.
However, the critical development that ultimately forced the government to react
to the newspapers was the fallout resulting from China’s defeat by Japan during their
1895 war. Under the humiliating terms of the Treaty of Shimonoseki, China was forced
to grant a large indemnity, new concessions, and control of Taiwan and the Liaoning
Peninsula to Japan. There was widespread public anger toward the Qing government over
this episode. Debates about China’s international weakness, prospects for modernization,
and even limited political reform had taken place before in scholarly and official circles,
following earlier foreign incursions. But the defeat at the hands of Japan — a former
tributary state — brought a new sense of urgency to the discussions. In the minds of
many intellectuals, China’s future was at stake. The reformers among them decided that
the debates needed to be brought to a wider audience in order to foment political change
information. But the reformers also looked to the examples of missionary newspapers and
editorials, filtered news, and propaganda. Some had missionary connections through their
education or earlier publishing work, and these experiences may have channeled the
discussions into the press, as opposed to steering the energy of the reformers into other
anti-Qing activities, such as starting up political parties. For instance, Liang Qichao, one
of the central figures of the reform movement in the 1890s and the first decade of the 20th
century, worked for a British missionary publisher in Beijing from 1895 to 1896.17 Liang
and others started newspapers and magazines to take the debate to the public sphere,
1895 was startling: According to one source, 216 newspapers and 122 magazines were
published “in the few years after 1894,” many of them outside of the treaty ports.18 These
papers contained a variety of innovations. Besides emphasizing news, there were also
essays, editorials, and even literary sections containing excerpts from novels and plays.
Almost all of the newspapers used a form of classical Chinese that used vernacular
language as well as new terms adapted from Western languages or Japanese. They were
widely available in libraries, reading rooms, schools, clubs, guild halls, and newsstands.19
The impact of the new publications upon China’s public political life was dramatic:
The Qing government was forced to respond. In 1898, there was a short-lived
blossoming of political reform under the Guangxu emperor, who was advised by Liang
and other modern intellectuals. However, conservative elements in the imperial family
led by the empress dowager Cixi crushed this movement and removed the emperor from
power. Her regime also enacted a series of strict censorship laws from 1898 to 1901.
18
Ko Kung-chen, Zhongguo Baoxue Shi [History of Chinese Journalism] (1927, reprint ed. Taipei:
Xuesheng Shuju, 1964), 145-150. Cited in Lee and Nathan, 364.
19
Judge, 37-38.
20
Judge, 4.
Many of the periodicals had to close. Liang and a few other editors relocated their
publishing activities to the treaty ports and even Japan, where Qing authorities could not
The government also reacted by changing the character of the official gazettes. In
the late 1890s and early 1900s, reformist newspapers became so popular that governors-
general in 11 provinces actually ordered their subordinates to read them. The central
excerpting segments of the reform periodicals and republishing them in the gazettes. The
circulation of some of the gazettes grew into the thousands, which indicates they were
printed on presses. However, “no matter how many official journals were published, they
Still, these responses were a watershed. In earlier decades, the Qing’s imperial
mandate and China’s Confucian value system allowed authorities to largely ignore public
opinion whenever crises arose. There were internal debates about modernization and
limited reform following the Opium Wars, the Taiping Rebellion, and other disasters in
the mid to late 1800s, but the scholar-officials did not attempt to engage the public or
cater to public opinion. The rise of the modern periodicals forced them to reconsider this
stance. They had to counter negative publicity and the challenges of the reformers, not
only among the subjects of the empire, but also among their own ranks. The simultaneous
attempts to shut down and mimic the reformist publications proved to be ineffective, but
these actions demonstrate that the imperial authorities had finally realized the importance
21
Judge, 23.