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* A MONTHLY NEWSLETTER PUBLISHED BY THE DPP’S DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS.
e-mail: foreign@dpp.org.tw “Taiwan Citizen Conference on National Affairs”(Part 1):What & Why?
(p7) Since President Ma Ying-jeou took office in May, his government has carried out many policies
web: http://www.dpp.org.tw that have resulted in the erosion of the nation’s sovereignty, economy, democracy and human rights.
Thus, the DPP and TSU have decided to co-sponsor the “Taiwan Citizen Conference on National
Affairs” to provide the public with a chance to voice their opinions….
Director:
Lin, Chen-wei 2009 “Three-in-One” Local Election in Taiwan (Part 1) (p8)
What is the “Three-in-One” local election, how will the DPP nominate its candidates this time and who
will the candidates be?
Deputy Director:
Huang, Chih-ta A Statement From The DPP in Response to Hu Jintao's 'Six-Points'
Proposition (p9)
Editor-In-Chief:
Liu, Hsiaoching The DPP’s Appeal to the Ma Government to Voice Taiwan’s Support for
China’s “Charter 08” Activists (p10)
Editor:
Mike Fonte A Response to the KMT-CCP Forum: The DPP Calls for Supervision by
the Legislature and Citizen Participation & The Risks and Effects of
Staff Writer: -1-
Signing a Financial MOU with China (p11)
Please note that articles in this publication should not be used as direct quotation unless with the explicit
James Chen permission from the editor.
Britt Mercadante Highlights of the 2008 DPP Public Survey Results (p14)
Open Letter to Members of the DPP:
“Break Out of This Stagnation, Be the Party That Surprises Everyone”
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permission from the editor.
to allow people to observe our self-examination and change and to see that our determined spirit serves
our society.
The DPP’s next step should be the next step of Taiwan. In 2009, we will present our view and take
action on DPP party reform, national polity, homeland planning, economic development, cross-strait
policies and social justice. Our positions and action plan will not be limited to a few articles in the
newspaper. We expect it will become a movement not just within the party, but also within society. In
other words, we have to propose a comprehensive vision and plan for Taiwan. And using it, we can have
a dialogue with intellectuals, social activists and laborers.
This is where we can stand up again: only by clearly telling our society about the DPP’s policy
positions, and communicating directly with the people. By thus encouraging each other and growing
together, we can make the rethinking of Taiwan’s future become a national movement and have
sufficient energy to save Taiwanese society which is in danger. This year we will co-host a “2009 Taiwan
Civil National Affairs Conference” with civic groups to integrate public opinion on national affairs; we will
have small-scale seminars with intellectuals and professionals to discuss what Taiwan should do next;
we will hold a “National Unemployment Conference” to integrate the voices of the unemployed and urge
the government to ensure their rights; we will enthusiastically visit intellectuals and professionals and
ask them to stand up to safeguard our homeland; we will actively visit towns and villages to explain what
the DPP’s next policy proposals and positions are; we will take to the streets with civic groups to present
our discontentment with the government. This is the future of the party. In 2009, if we don’t move forward,
we will lose the support of the Taiwanese people.
My dear Taiwanese, we are members of a party that has always been surprising. When others
thought there was no hope for us, we survived; when others thought we would never develop from our
roots, we always managed to find a way. We will continue to progress. I believe that the next time the
Taiwanese grant us the opportunity to rule, we will do a better job!
Dr. Ing-wen Tsai led a delegation that visited Manila January 17-18, 2009 to engage in a
dialogue with the DPP’s sister-party in Manila, the Liberal Party of the Philippines (LP) and the Council of
Asian Liberals and Democrats (CALD), as well as to meet with the Taiwanese community in Manila. The
delegation included Mr. Wen-tsang Cheng, the DPP spokesperson, Mr. Fa-hui Shen, director of the DPP
Department of Social Development and Ms. Hsieng-hwei Chang.
Among those who welcomed the delegation at the joint offices of CALD and FNF were Hon. Jun
Abaya, MP, secretary general of LP, Hon. Dina Abad, a former Member of Parliament and current chair
of the CALD Women’s Caucus, Mr. Chito Gascon, Esq., director general of LP, Mr. Lambert Ramirez,
executive director of the National Institute for Policy Studies, Ms. Argee Gallardo, deputy director for
administration, Dr. Neric Acosta, secretary general of CALD, Mr. Paolo Zamora and Mr.Carlo Religioso,
program officers of CALD, Mr. Siegfried Herzog, the resident representative of Friedrich Naumann
Foundation (FNF) Manila Office and Mr. Narwin Espiritu, the web developer of FNF-Manila.
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permission from the editor.
(From left to right: From left-right: Mr. Shen Fa-Hui, Mr. Cheng Wen-Tsang, Hon. Dina Abad, Mr. Siegfried Herzog, Hon. Jun
Abaya, MP, Dr. Ing-wen Tsai, Dr. Neric Acosta, Ms. Hsieng-hwei Chang, Mr. Chito Gascon and Mr. Lambert Ramirez)
Dr. Tsai was thankful for the warm welcome the delegation received, as well as for the valuable
information gained from the presentations and dialogue. According to her, she now has a deeper
understanding and appreciation of the Philippines and the history of the LP’s struggle for democracy. Dr.
Tsai is convinced that democracy in action is significant and vital. She realized that the LP and DPP
have been witness to the same difficult path endured by their founders, as they had to make sacrifices
for the sake of freedom. She also said that relations between the Philippines and Taiwan should be seen
as more than just about trade and business. “Economic gains may not be sustainable without
democracy,” she further added. In closing, she reconfirmed the commitment to building a stronger and
sustained partnership between the DPP and the LP through CALD in order to promote and advance the
partnerships of liberals in the region and to safeguard democracy and human rights in Asia.
The DPP and LP are founding member-parties of CALD. Since CALD’s inauguration in 1993, both
the DPP and LP have twice presided over the CALD leadership. The DPP chaired the organization in
1995 and 2004, while the LP led CALD in 1997 and 2007.
Dr. Tsai first expressed her admiration for Freedom House’s long-term efforts to research and
monitor countries’ practice of democracy, political freedom and human rights worldwide. She said
“Freedom in the World” has been recognized internationally as a very credible monitoring report and has
a significant impact on global democratization. She also expressed her appreciation for Freedom
House’s support as well as its concerns for Taiwan’s recent developments. While the Ma administration
has boasted about “stabilization and progress” in relations between Taiwan and China, and in the
process labeled protesters and demonstrators as “troublemakers”, Freedom House expressed its
concerns over Taiwan’s human rights and political freedom crisis that was hiding behind this “success.”
(From left to right: Ms. Amy Hsieh, Dr. Lin Wen-cheng, Vice President of Taiwan Foundation for Democracy, Dr. Mr. Christopher
Walker, Director of Studies of the Freedom House, Dr. Tsai, Ing-wen, Ms. Sarah Cook, Asia Researcher of Freedom House and
Professor Bridget Welsh, Academic Advisor of Freedom House and Johns Hopkins University Professor)
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permission from the editor.
“Taiwan Citizen Conference on National Affairs”(Part 1):
Thus, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) have decided to
co-sponsor the “Taiwan Citizen Conference on National Affairs” to provide the public with a chance to
voice their opinions.
-7-
Please note that articles in this publication should not be used as direct quotation unless with the explicit
permission from the editor.
Who will be invited?
Everyone who cares about the future direction of Taiwan. We will invite researchers and academics from
think tanks and universities, lawmakers and representatives of political parties, experts and activists in
various fields, as well as government officials and policy advisors from Ma administration to join in the
discussion.
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permission from the editor.
force responsible for the nomination of 2009 county magistrates and mayors for ‘province-administered’
cities candidates.
Leading the special task-force is Jia-Chyuarn Su (蘇嘉全), a former member of parliament and
former Minister of Interior Affairs.
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permission from the editor.
express our strong dissent concerning the actions of President Ma, and urgently demand that he
condemn the actions of the Chinese officials responsible for the human rights crimes committed
against the leaders of Charter 08.
In a speech concerning the 4th Cross Strait Economic and Cultural Forum (KMT-CCP Forum)
given at a Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) policy symposium, Dr. Tsai Ing-wen stated Ma
Ying-jeou’s announcement that the policy of “effective management had become history” was a cause of
worry. The DPP administration’s policy of effective management was a risk management measure and
not an act of self-isolation. The Ma administration’s wholesale opening up to China without instituting any
defensive or risk management controls will cause great harm to the Taiwanese economy.
Dr. Tsai also brought up other points of concern:
1. Damage to Taiwan’s democracy and government accountability – The KMT-CCP
platform has taken the lead in establishing the cross-strait agenda and turning it over to the
Ma government to execute. However, the direction of the nation must be decided by its
people, and the people’s choices must be carried out through democratic processes. The
Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) actions have seriously eroded the authority of government
institutions and turned Taiwan’s democratically elected government into a puppet of a single
political party. This greatly harms Taiwan’s democratic system as well as the faith and trust
that the public holds for the government. We do not wish for Taiwan to return to the
party-state of the past which is exactly what the situation is in China. Taiwan is a democratic
and progressive country. Why should we regress into the same state as China?
2. Lack of transparency – The topics under negotiation at the KMT-CCP forum involve
important national issues dealing with the economy, transportation, and national security.
However, the negotiation process lacks transparency and supervision by the legislature.
Cross-strait talks should never become like backroom negotiations. Ma Ying-jeou should
clearly explain to the Taiwanese people what the channels and content of discussions are.
The KMT, which has been leading the process, has its own commercial and political interests,
but it has not taken any measures to avoid conflicts of interests. We are worried that the
KMT will lead Taiwan down a road of no return.
3. The government wields too much power over the administration of cross strait issues
while the legislative supervisory mechanisms are too weak and inadequate. On July 16,
1992, the Legislature passed the “Act Governing Relations between Peoples of the Taiwan
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permission from the editor.
Area and the Mainland Area” (Cross Strait Relations Act) which is one of the most important
laws that provides the framework for interactions between Taiwan and China. This law
covers everything from contractual agreements between governments to contacts between
private organizations to personal issues such as marriages and inheritance.
However, Dr. Tsai pointed out that this law is seriously deficient in setting up legislative
supervisory mechanisms for cross strait affairs. The text of the law only briefly mentions that
any cross strait agreements which involve writing or revising laws must be evaluated by the
Legislature. Everything else is just sent to the Legislature for reference. The law also is
clearly deficient in the area of legislative supervision of cross strait agreements. For example,
it does not specify whether the Legislature has the authority to amend agreements. The law
does not specify how amendments would affect the agreement’s validity or execution. Such
an enormous amount of power given to the executive is a cause for concern in Taiwan where
the ruling party has an inordinate amount of power.
4. Dr. Tsai stated that Ma Ying-jeou’s view of the DPP’s “effective management” policy as
ideological in nature is a serious mistake. This shows that the Ma administration has
completely no regard for the small and medium-size enterprises and traditional
manufacturing companies that have been hurt by the establishment of direct links. He has
ignored the threats of higher unemployment faced by the people. He has also neglected the
importance of a national economic defense mechanism in the face of the globalization of
economic activity. When the DPP was in power, it performed an “Evaluation of the Influence
of Cross Strait Direct Air Links” which provided a comprehensive examination of the
opportunities and risks of direct links. However, the Ma administration has only parroted the
part about the “opportunities” and remained silent on the “risks.” In contrast to the
KMT’s risky cross strait policy, the DPP cares about how the direct links have caused
traditional manufacturers to relocate abroad or downsize, the dumping of agricultural
products from China, how agricultural products can compete with low-priced products from
China, the closing or idling of factories and the accompanying unemployment, and how to
control the spread of diseases. However, no matter how loud our voices are, the government
has not proposed a single economy security plan or precautionary measure. The Ma
administration only cares about the “winners” of the direct links and ignores the
disadvantaged “losers.”
Consequently, Dr. Tsai stated that the DPP will always be helping the public to understand the
problems present in the policymaking and overall defensive mechanisms for cross strait affairs. The
DPP will be launching two important social movements. The first will call for the immediate revision
of the Cross Strait Relations Act so that the Legislature retracts the outsized authority given to
government departments.
Dr. Tsai said, “The writing of that law occurred in a specific historical context, but we have
already entered a new era. Cross strait political and economic interactions are much more complex now
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permission from the editor.
and a diverse set of opinions exist in a democratic society. There, Legislature must provide a strong
check and balance against the executive. The Legislature, which is made up of different political parties,
should be a tangible and effective check against the executive.”
For the second social movement, the DPP hopes that the people will retract the authority they
have given to the executive and legislative organs in the area of cross strait issues. There should be
room for the people to exercise direct authority over the carrying out of cross strait policy. Therefore, the
DPP will propose an amendment to the Referendum Law that will give the public the authority to
express their opinion towards cross strait issues instead of just turning it over to representative
groups to handle.
1. The approval rate for President Ma Ying-jeou has been sharply declining since he took office
in May. Before his inauguration, his approval rate topped off at 70%. After his second month in
office, however, it dropped to approximately 50%. By August, it had fallen to well below 40%,
and dipped to under 30% in the following month of September.
2. Women have formed the majority of support for President Ma (the approval rate among
women was nearly 80% during his second week as president); however, after the third month
of his tenure, 60% of women said they were not satisfied with President Ma’s performance.
3. The approval rate for Premier Liu Chao-shiuan is slightly lower than President Ma’s, but has
declined in a similar manner consistent to that of the President’s.
4. The approval rate for members of the cabinet has also experienced fluctuations. When
Premier Liu first came to the office, Minister of Foreign Affairs Francisco Ou (歐鴻鍊) and
Minister of Defense Chen Chao-min (陳肇敏) were the least popular members of the cabinet;
however, Economics Minister Yiin Chii-Ming (尹啟銘) and Finance Minister Lee Sush-der
have since replaced them as the two least popular members of the cabinet.
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permission from the editor.
5. The approval rate for the Cabinet has dropped sharply. On average, 60% of respondents (by
September, this number reached well over 80%) said they would like to see the cabinet
reformed and members re-shuffled.
z Economic issues
1. When President Ma first came to office in May, about 50% of respondents said that they had
confidence in the government’s ability to stabilize the consumer prices. After Ma’s first month in
office, though, 63% said they were not satisfied with the government’s performance.
2. When the government first proposed its “Strengthen Regional Constructions, Expand Domestic
Demand” program to the public, only 40% of the public supported the program while 53% of
respondents preferred a direct tax return.
3. More than 60% of respondents did not believe President Ma would be able to achieve his
“6-3-3” (6 percent annual economic growth, per capita GDP of US$30,000 and unemployment
of less than 3 percent) campaign promise.
4. 71% of respondents said their property and assets have depreciated under Ma’s administration,
while 65% felt the standard of living has declined.
5. Approximately 70% of respondents felt pessimistic about their personal economic situation for
next year.
6. About 4,000,000 of the employed population have been affected by negative economic shock,
as seen in a decrease in salary and unpaid leave but an increase in unpaid working hours.
1. 67% of respondents said they cannot accept President Ma’s statement that Taiwan’s relations
with China is a “non-state-to-state relationship”
3. 66% of respondents thought the Ma government will lead Taiwan toward the direction of
unification with China
4. 51% of respondents worried that President Ma will not be able to safeguard Taiwan’s
sovereignty when negotiating with China.
5. The general reception of the Taiwanese public towards China is negative: 58% think China is
hostile to Taiwan, 85% think China is autocratic, and 75% think China is “black-hearted.”
6. 56% of respondents thought the KMT-CPP Forum not appropriate and 76% of respondents felt
the ruling party should consult and reach a consensus with the opposition party before
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permission from the editor.
initiating negotiations with the Chinese government.
7. 84% of respondents think that when agreements or treaties are made by the two sides, they
should be ratified by the Legislative Yuan or a referendum.
8. 47% of respondents thought improving relations between Taiwan and China will be beneficial
to Taiwan’s economy while 49% disagreed.
9. 55% of respondents said that the Presidential Office’s response to the opposition party’s
invitation to a debate on sovereignty and cross-strait policy by saying “people have made their
choice in the presidential election, so there is no need for further debates on this issue” was
not appropriate.
10. 54% of respondents thought President Ma has sacrificed too much to China.
11. 44% of respondents said they trust President Ma on handling cross-strait affairs, while 50%
said they do not trust President Ma.
1. 52% of respondents thought the safety measures adopted by the police during Chen’s visit
were not appropriate.
2. 76% of respondents agreed that the police should not have prohibited any demonstrations or
protests so long as they were conducted in a peaceful manner.
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