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ABSTRACT
This article addresses the issue of scaling of information systems (IS) in both theoretical and empirical
terms. Scaling is an important issue in IS, especially in the contemporary context of globalization,
as attempts are ongoing to expand IS in the same context as well as take it into other contexts.
Theoretically, an information-infrastructure (II) perspective is drawn on to analyze the challenge
of scaling, viewing it not merely as a technical problem, but as a socio-technical one involving a
heterogeneous network constituted of technology, people, processes, and the institutional context.
Empirically, scaling is analyzed based on experiences from an ongoing project to implement health
information systems within the primary health care sector in India. The theoretically informed
empirical analysis leads to some preliminary insights relating to the questions of what is being scaled
and how it is being scaled. Some conclusions are drawn on theoretical and practical challenges related
to scaling, and on implications for human-resource capacity development. C 2006 Wiley Periodicals,
Inc.
Keywords: scaling; health information systems; India; globalization; information infrastructure
1. INTRODUCTION
Although in practical terms scale refers to the size or scope of something (for example, an
information system or a process), scaling concerns the process through which that product
or process is taken from one setting and expanded in size and scope within that same setting
and/or also incorporated within other settings. In the context of information systems (IS),
scale then could refer to the scope of an IS (for example, how many users are served),
whereas scaling could imply the expansion of this system in scope and size (for example,
making the system accessible to more users or increasing its functionalities). Although a
number of contemporary debates in IS research point to the problem of such expansion,
Abiodun O. Bada was the accepting Special Issue Editor for this paper.
185
186 SAHAY AND WALSHAM
the notions of scale and scaling are hardly ever explicitly discussed in IS research. When
issues of scale are discussed (for example, Monteiro, 1998), the focus tends to be on the
technical artifacts, and rarely are social issues, for example, the human resources capacity
to deal with the enhanced scope of the systems, explicitly considered.
The issues of scale and scaling have particular implications in the context of health care
and health information systems (HIS) in developing countries, which is the empirical focus
of this article. For example, various reform efforts related to the introduction of computer-
based HIS have died premature deaths as “pilot projects” (Heeks, Mundy, & Salazar, 1999)
because they could not be expanded to a level where they were useful for health managers
(Braa, Monteiro, & Sahay, 2004). For example, to make effective decisions on resource
allocation for a district, the manager needs health data from all the clinics in the district and
not just from an isolated and limited set of clinics from a preselected pilot area (Braa et al.,
2004). However, for these systems to grow to this required level of scale, they need to be
accompanied by the scaling of human resources capacity, at two levels at least. The first is
at the level of users. The growth in scale of a HIS is often is associated with an escalation
of its technical complexity, for example, through the need for larger databases, greater
bandwidth, and the increased need to interface with existing legacy systems (Kimaro &
Nhampossa, 2005). This increased complexity requires that users have a higher level of
technical competence in order to be able to use these systems effectively. Secondly, human
resource capacity needs to be scaled at the level of the implementation team responsible
for providing technical and organizational support to the users and the user organization.
With increased scale, the implementation team needs to address a wider geographical area,
deal with more complex technical problems, and also be increasingly involved with issues
that are not just technical in nature, but also institutional and political. This requires the
implementation team capacity to be scaled up both in terms of numbers and the skills they
possess. This article argues that the scaling challenge is inextricably linked with issues
of human resources capacity, a crucial consideration in the implementation of any health
reform effort in the context of developing countries (Kohlemainen-Aitken, 2004).
More broadly than the health sector, the notion of scaling is also relevant to contempo-
rary debates around globalization, but again this link is rarely discussed explicitly by IS
researchers. For example, a homogenization perspective argues that globalization is leading
to a global convergence of processes and products, implicitly assuming that similar systems
can be scaled up; that is, they can be expanded in scope and incorporated in other settings.
The opposing perspective of heterogeneity (for example, Appadurai, 1996), which argues
that different groups will appropriate globalization processes based on their socio-political-
historical contexts, sees scaling of systems to be inherently problematic. A middle ground
on these debates represented by the “glocalization” perspective (Robertson, 1992) views
the local and global as constituted of and constituting each other. Robertson points out
that glocalization finds its origin in the Japanese word dochakuka, roughly meaning global
localization, because of the Japanese concern for incorporating local consensus which then
needs to be scaled up within a global framework. This middle-ground view is also reflected
in the Rolland and Monteiro (2002) argument for a “pragmatic balance,” where no attempt
is made to scale up systems unproblematically under the assumption of “one size fits all.”
Instead careful examination is made of which aspects of the systems can be scaled up and
which require local customization.
The present argument is that achieving this pragmatic balance explicitly requires dealing
with the questions of scale (the level of the balance) and scaling (the process through which
this balance is achieved and maintained). This requires an approach that considers, in an
The II perspective helps to emphasize that the social and technical are not separable and
are instead constituted and constitutive of one another. For example, Latour (1999) argues
Information Technology for Development DOI: 10.1002/itdj
188 SAHAY AND WALSHAM
that “airplanes do not fly, airlines do,” implying that the artifact of the plane does not fly
on its own, but requires a complex and heterogeneous socio-technical network comprising
of pilots, navigators, runway staff, air-traffic–control towers, radars, runways, and flight
schedules. Viewed from this perspective, scale is not just a technical or economic issue,
but one of scaling a heterogeneous and complex network. However, the goal herein is to go
beyond the Hanseth and Monteiro focus on what an II is to also examine the socio-technical
processes and embedded practices by which the II is constructed. The issue of scaling is
fundamental to this process.
The cultivation approach to II design described by various proponents of the II per-
spective (for example, Ellingsen & Monteiro, 2003; Hanseth & Aanestad, 2003; Hanseth
& Monteiro, 2004; Rolland, 2003) provides a rich analytical tool with which to explore
the socio-technical processes and embedded practices that shape the scaling problem. The
cultivation approach represents a more conservative approach to design than construction,
which tends to emphasize the power of human agency in “selecting, putting together, and
arranging a number of objects to form a system” (Dahlbom & Janlert, 1996, p. 6). Instead,
cultivation emphasizes the power of the material; “the tomatoes themselves must grow,
just as the wound itself must heal. . . ” (Dahlbom & Janlert, 1996, p. 6), implying that
the “development organization” or “product” being developed should be considered as a
unified socio-technical network; neither should be prioritized over the other.
The power of the material, which the cultivation approach emphasizes, relates to the II
concepts of the installed base and the resulting lock-in effects (Hanseth & Monteiro, 2004).
A classical example in this regard is the QWERTY keyboard, which represents an installed
base on which the current design of computer keyboards is still based. This lock-in effect
represents a dilemma in the scaling of an II. Using the example of the Internet, Monteiro
(1998) describes how the expansion of the Internet creates new patterns of use, whereas
Concept Description
Scaling Scaling is not only about numbers and size (although these are
important elements of the problem), which can be achieved through
network externalities (where as the value of a technology increases,
more users will adopt it), but refers to the processes and embedded
practices by which heterogeneous networks around the technology
are spread, enhanced, scoped, and enlarged. Thus scaling concerns
aspects of geography, software architecture, people, processes,
infrastructure, technical support, and political support.
Cultivation & approach A cultivation approach acknowledges the existence of the installed
base and the lock-in effects and represents an appropriate approach
to tackle the challenge of scaling up a complex interconnected
system. This approach seeks to address change in an incremental
and gradual manner, changing small parts while maintaining
alignment with the rest of the network.
Unanticipated & effects In any change effort, there are both anticipated and unanticipated
effects. Anticipated effects are best understood in localized
conditions, but how these may propagate to the larger network is
difficult to predetermine. Unanticipated effects, arising from the
interconnected nature of the information infrastructure and
incomplete knowledge of the whole, are inherent in the problem of
scaling, and can contribute to both challenges and opportunities.
the infrastructure itself has a strong, conservative influence (arising from a large installed
base of routers, users’ experience and practices, backbones, hosts, and specifications) that
favors a situation of inertia and challenges the scaling-up processes. This dilemma cautions
against the need to adopt radical (construction) approaches to change and instead favors
a smooth and incremental (cultivation) strategy that involves changing one small part at a
time while keeping the changes simultaneously aligned with the rest of the network.
A cultivation approach to scaling emphasizes the “improvisational” processes of change,
and the potential of what people do in situated action (Suchman, 1987), and does not just
focus on planned and rational approaches (Ciborra et al., 2000). Design is seen not as a
well-defined process with preconfigured start and end states, but as an ongoing process of
ecological change. The interconnected nature of the II creates the potential for “unantici-
pated effects” (Walsham, 1993) or “drift” (Ciborra et al., 2000), which reflect the inability
to anticipate events in advance. This helps to emphasize the need to adopt an approach that
is in small steps, incremental, and considers flexibility and change. Hanseth and Aanestad
(2003) use the bootstrapping metaphor to describe such a design strategy in the analysis of
a telemedicine application conceptualized as an II.
A summary of the theoretical perspective is given in Table 1.
the subcenter, the facility closest to the community providing health care, has as its parent
a particular PHC to which it sends its monthly reports. The PHC then in turn aggregates
all the reports received from all the subcenters under it, and sends this to the District
Medical Health Officer’s office, which in turn collates the PHC reports and sends them
to the Commissioner of Family Welfare’s office at the state level. In addition to these
routine health information flows, health programs like Malaria and Leprosy have their own
information systems and report directly to the state health program offices, often bypassing
the DMHO office. Similarly, the hospital system has its own parallel reporting system that
is independent of the DMHO.
As Figure 1 illustrates, there are a number of structural issues that shape the information
flows. First, the fragmented and vertical data flow results in data redundancies and poor
integration of information at the district level that is supposed to serve as the hub of
this information network. Second, there is a steady aggregation that takes place as the
data moves up the hierarchy, which systematically masks the facility-level data, making
it difficult to analyze the situation at the local level. Third, the arrows are primarily one-
way (bottom to top), reflecting limited feedback of information to support the local levels.
Fourth, the separation between the hospital and PHC sector represents an obstacle to unified
management of health services at the district and subdistrict levels.
In September 2001, the results of the analysis were presented to the Commissioner of
Family Welfare (CFW), who is the overall head of the health department in the state,
and also to the Chief Minister (CM), who is the highest political figure in the state. The
CFW, who was interested in supporting an alternative World Bank–funded project, was not
very amenable to these efforts. The CFW’s resistance was addressed by leveraging on the
support of the CM’s office. A presentation to the CM was made in the presence of other
senior officials from the health and IT departments. The CM was very appreciative of these
efforts, and sanctioned 12 computers for implementing the program in the nine PHCs in
Kuppam constituency1 (plus three for the district office). Out of the nine PHCs, three of the
computers had to be subsequently withdrawn because of infrastructure problems related
to the lack of a proper building, lack of staff, or security concerns. The implementation
was thus conducted in 6 PHCs. The initial months of the project were severely impeded
by poor infrastructure and poor technical support. The computers or the power supply
constantly blew up because of power fluctuations, caused by the absence of earthing wires.
This problem was further magnified by poor technical support, because the vendors were
reluctant to travel to the distant rural areas, especially after having received their payment
for the computer supply. Disruption in power supplies, sometimes up to 10–12 hours a day,
further impeded the progress of the project.
To deal with the local challenges, a partnership with a local computer company was
developed to provide training and local support to the PHCs. In the first 3 months, this
company provided full-time support in the six PHCs in addition to conducting a monthly
combined workshop for staff from all the nine PHCs in a central location. After 3 months,
one trainer was made responsible for supporting all the nine PHCs for an additional 9
months. The process of training was accompanied by the task of customizing the software
to local needs, including the implementation of the MDS, populating the database, and
automation of the routine reports required to be sent monthly from the PHC to the state. The
1An electoral constituency represents a geographical area for electing a member to the state assembly. Kuppam
is one such constituency within Chittoor district from which the CM had been elected in the past. This geographical
area consisted of nine PHCs where the initiative was implemented.
ongoing feedback received from the health staff and also through the combined workshops,
helped to continually improve the systems, especially the data sets and report formats.
In September 2002, an official from the CFW office along with some district officials
visited Kuppam to evaluate the project. They visited some of the PHCs and saw how
data-entry work was being carried out by the health staff, who were also asked to explain
various features in the software relating to exporting data, making graphs and charts, and
generating reports. Ten days after the evaluation, it was learned that a Government Order had
been sanctioned to extend the project to the Madnapally revenue division, which included
46 PHCs, and a memoradum of understanding (MoU) was subsequently signed between
the CFW and HISP. Through this MoU, the Government sanctioned US$35,000 for the
purchase of computers, trainer salaries, and to support development costs.
2
FHIMS is a software system that enables the collection of data based on individual names of patients, as
contrasted with the HISP software, the DHIS, that deals with aggregated data for facility-based (PHC and SC)
reports.
Information Technology for Development DOI: 10.1002/itdj
SCALING OF HEALTH INFORMATION SYSTEMS IN INDIA 193
Health Information Monitoring System). As a part of this project, in September 2003, com-
puters were installed in all the PHCs in the state (about 1,500), and the FHIMS software
was expected to be installed within the next 6 months. The health workers started to get
conflicting signals about whether they should continue with the HISP approach or wait
for FHIMS. In some cases, where there was a good personal rapport between the HISP
trainers and the PHC staff, the HISP processes continued; in others the momentum started
to be lost. Also, because of the danger of being thrown out due to FHIMS, the need for a
strategy of integration rather than competition was determined, and a proposal for this was
made to the CFW. The CFW was not positive about this proposal, preferring unambiguous
statewide FHIMS implementation. However, with much persuasion and support from the
Chief Minister’s office, she agreed to a contract to implement a new Web-based system for
the monitoring of infant and maternal mortality deaths in all the 23 districts in the state.
This project was seen as being relatively noninterfering with the FHIMS implementation,
and was also to take place at the district rather than the PHC level (where FHIMS was
currently focused). However, along with this project, an agreement was reached with the
CFW for the development of a district-level database for all 23 districts, and for linking the
routine data to maps with the use of geographical information systems.
developed were without any political owner, although they were technically scaled up to
cater to the needs of the entire state. The systems were presented to the new Commissioner,
who required a fair amount of time to orient himself with the various initiatives ongoing in
his department before making any decision.
As an epilogue to this case story, the proposal for the state expansion was subsequently
accepted in July 2005, but in a revised form. An MoU was signed between HISP India and
the State Department to implement the Integrated Health Information System (IHIMS),
which was a combination of the FHIMS and DHIS. The MoU outlined that the IHIMS
would be implemented with the use of two models in the districts of Chittoor and Nalgonda,
respectively. While in Chittoor, the IHIMS would be installed in all 84 PHCs; in Nalgonda
the installation would be at the DMHO office. This project was subsequently evaluated
in December 2005, and HISP India was asked to submit another proposal to replicate the
Chittoor model in the rest of the state. This proposal has been submitted, and the State had
not yet made a decision at the time this article was written.
4. CASE ANALYSIS
The case analysis is presented in this section around two key questions: What is being
scaled? How is it being scaled?
Figure 2 Distribution of nine primary health centers around five Mandals in the Kuppam sector,
Chittoor District.
Figure 3 Location of primary health centers in Madnapally Revenue Division, Chittoor District.
Madnapally district consists of three sectors—Madnapally, Piler, and Kuppam.
from the CM’s office, the Madnapally location had to deal with other divisions that had their
own functionaries. In the state, it was necessary to engage with all the state authorities, and
to ensure that the work was in line with the politics of the state (for example, the interest
of the state to promote the alternative FHIMS system), which also required alliances
with other agencies, for example, the technical developers of the FHIMS system. The
complexity was magnified by institutional factors such as the movement of functionaries
(for example, in Chittoor there were four different heads of the health department in
3 years), and political developments such as the announcement of elections, the results
of which led to the change of the ruling party and with it the transfer of the senior
health department functionaries. This required the renegotiation of alliances, an essentially
political process. This political process again had implications on the kind of skills required
of the implementation team members, as they frequently had to meet the bureaucrats and
politicians, make presentations, write proposals, and market the systems. As mentioned
earlier, these skills do not come naturally to technical staff, and also require maturity and
experience. A few core people in the HISP team were thus explicitly groomed by the
more senior staff to play these external roles. Although there was no predefined or set
methodology to do this, efforts were made by the senior staff to take these core people to
attend all the meetings, and also to help them contribute to the creation of presentations and
proposals.
So, the answer to the question of what is being scaled is not simple or a unidimensional
listing of factors. It can be described as a scaling up of complexity, best conceptualized
or represented as a heterogeneous network comprised of geography, numbers, technical
systems, data and databases, user capacities, trainers, and socio-technical practices such as
political negotiations that try to bring the network together.
Information Technology for Development DOI: 10.1002/itdj
SCALING OF HEALTH INFORMATION SYSTEMS IN INDIA 197
of users started with the very basics, for example, the different parts of the computer, how
to turn it on and off, and how to move the cursor. The trainers would then gradually
introduce the basics of software, including MS Office, for example, teaching the user how
to write a letter requesting leave using Word, or prepare a home budget with an Excel
spreadsheet. After this they were taught to use the DHIS software, starting from data
entry to report generation, and the more sophisticated users were taught how they could
conduct local analysis of the health data by using the software. Through this process of
incremental scaling up of training processes, the trainers also gradually built up their own
capacity.
Although a bottom-up and cultivation approach was used at first, this was soon comple-
mented or integrated with a top-down strategy of placing the systems only in districts and
the state capital. The bottom-up approach was necessary for the understanding of local-level
needs and for the development of relevant and robust applications. However, this in itself
would have been inadequate without the top-down approach, which helped the scale up
and thus provided a full coverage of the state, thus leading to a greater level of political
legitimacy and support. It is argued that an integration of both approaches is necessary for
successful scaling.
Work to date reveals some of the implications for human resources capacity development.
A key implication concerns considering strategies for scaling of both the users of the systems
and also the members of the implementation team. With respect to the users, a cultivation
approach to training is useful, as it helps to enable more gradual transitions from their
existing ways of doing things to using the new technologies and associated approaches.
Another key implication to consider is that people involved in implementation should not
only be focused in technical terms, but should also have a sound understanding of the needs
for scaling up of systems, and how this process is not only about the software architecture
(which of course is crucial), but also about the escalation of complexity. This involves
considering institutional issues, politics, and the growing of the team itself. The team should
also have the ability to seize opportunities that may arise due to the occurrence of unplanned
events, and use it to their advantage to address the scaling challenges effectively. Another
point emphasized through this case, a point often neglected in many implementation reports,
is the manner in which the implementation team needs to be scaled up as the scope of
activities increase. This scaling is not only in terms of numbers, but also with respect to
the skills required. The associated challenges involve processes of communication and
coordination among the team members themselves so as to provide coherence to the overall
implementation effort.
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Sundeep Sahay is a Professor at the Department of Informatics, University of Oslo, Norway. His
teaching and research interests are focused on issues of globalization and their relationship to work
practices, organizational arrangements, and the role of ICTs. A key current focus is on the design,
development and implementation of health information systems in the context of developing countries.
Geoff Walsham is a Professor of Management Studies at Judge Business School, University of
Cambridge, United Kingdom. His teaching and research is centered on the social and management
aspects of the design and use of ICTs in the context of both industrialized and developing countries. His
publications include Interpreting Information Systems in Organizations (Wiley, 1993), and Making a
World of Difference: IT in a Global Context (Wiley, 2001).