Personalities of EDSA 1986

Heavenly Personalities

Our Lady

A lthough the Virgin Mary was surely present during those four days,
it was the statue of the Our Lady of Fatima, the patron of Portugal
that the rebels (as those who were called that revolted against the Marcos
regime) invoked from the very beginning. We saw former President Ramos
at a book launch a few years back and he confirmed this. He lamented that
the miraculous statue was burned in his office years after People Power.
And this EDSA hero is a cradle-Protestant.

Appropriately, Filipinos enshrined an imposing bronze statue of Our Lady

of EDSA, outside a beautiful chapel on the corner of Epifanio de los Santos
Avenue (EDSA for short) and Ortigas. This was where many Pinoys convinced
the Marcos-loyal soldiers not to charge and invade the camps.

Our Lady has been our main intercessor. During EDSA, as she has done
countless times, she must have serenely told Our Lord about all our virtues as a
people. She convinced God that we somehow deserved to be saved, despite our
many failings. Not like Abraham who failed to stop the destruction of Sodom
and Gomorrah, when he could not find even a few good persons God wanted
to see.

Our nation has been put under the protection of Our Lady of Guadalupe,
also the patroness of Mexico, where she appeared 500 years ago. When she
appeared to San Juan Diego, a poor Mexican native, she was a young peasant
girl—brown-skinned like the rest of us. Perhaps that affinity is why Our Lady
loves Filipinos so much, as she continues to take care of us individually and
collectively.

Filipinos have a great devotion to Our Lady of Peace and Good Voyage
(Nuestra Señora dela Paz y Buen Viaje), the miraculous statue in the Antipolo
cathedral. So we are sure she was present at EDSA too, making sure our revolt
was almost bloodless and peaceful.

Our Guardian Angels

I t is said that everyone—including the most evil, was given a Guardian

Angel from the moment of conception. Yes, even people like Hitler and
Saddam Hussein had them. It all depends on how we individually treat
them: how we heed their advice or ask their help. We’re pretty sure that
even some of the antagonists were influenced by their angels. Soldiers did
not fire at civilians and instead accepted Rosaries and flowers from them.
Pilots who were ordered to strafe the camps waved white flags to indicate
they were joining the rebels. A general ordered his tanks to head back from
whence they came rather than plough through rows of praying civilians.

Jaime Cardinal Sin

W e could put the Cardinal in this category of heavenly helpers, but

he also had a big role to play in initiating the world’s first peaceful
people power revolution. So his main entry follows below under those who
have initiated People Power in the Philippines.

The Carmelite Sisters and Other Cloistered Nuns

T he Carmelite sisters of Cebu sheltered Cory Aquino until her

presidential proclamation. What better safe house could she have?
Cory was surrounded not by metal arms and ammunition, but by specially
chosen soldiers armed with God’s love and power.

The Carmelites of Gilmore Street; the Pink Sisters of Hemady Street;

and the Poor Claires off Katipunan Avenue; all in Quezon City, were also
protecting Cory and our countrymen. When things started to look grim,
Cardinal Sin called these cloistered nuns and ordered them to pray unceasingly
in front of the Blessed Sacrament, lying prostrate on the ground until he told
them to stop. Some even said that the Cardinal told them that they would fast
until the dictator was ousted, no matter how long it took. But when the good
triumphed over evil, the Cardinal with his sense of humor, sent each convent a
whole roasted pig to celebrate the end the of the nuns’ fast.

Countless Priests, Religious and Christian and Muslim

Laity

I t was probably non-violent because of them—of us—who prayed in our

own special ways at EDSA, at home, at mosques, in front of Tabernacles
everywhere. Masses were continuously held on between the camps. One
could actually attend services right there, every hour non-stop for the four
days.
 When a young woman was stopped by her mother from returning to
EDSA with her husband (the older woman said she was not ready to raise three
orphans whose ages ranged from 1 to 5) she urged family members to pray the
Rosary on their knees in front of their image of the Sacred Heart.

When there was the danger of losing one’s life at EDSA, these people
of God—nuns and priests more than others—put themselves in front of the
rest—ready to take the first volley of fire and die. When one is at peace with
God and ready to do his Will, all fear disappears.

Those Who Initiated or Caused People Power

Jaime Cardinal Sin

H e was head of the Roman Catholics in the Philippines at that time

of the 1986 People Power Revolution. Sin was the youngest of the
Roman Curia’s cardinals, when given the red hat by Pope Paul VI in 1976.
From his appointment as Archbishop of Manila, he made no bones about
what he thought of the Marcos regime, and the people involved with it.
As college students in 1974, we remember eagerly listening to him in a
clandestine classroom at the Ateneo University, packed with both armchair
activists and real ones. Despite the dangers, the Cardinal was so hard-
hitting that we expected him arrested during his talk!

Cardinal Sin who was half Chinese (which explains his last name)
immediately called on the faithful to “protect” the rebels on EDSA once
he knew that Marcos troops could assault the good guys’ camps. It was
through Radio Veritas, the Church-run radio network that the Cardinal made
his appeal. The same radio station was crucial to the entire fight against the
20-year dictatorship. Veritas was one of the few reliable sources of news and
information, since the government controlled all media.

We recall Cardinal Sin in the early evening of February 22nd, together

with Sen. Agapito “Butch” Aquino (younger brother of our national hero
Benigno “Ninoy”), calling people to defend the military rebels. They were
headed by former President Fidel Ramos (who was a general then and head
of the Philippine Constabulary), and Senator Juan Ponce Enrile, who was the
secretary of National Defense.
 Throughout those days, the Cardinal kept close watch and prayed
continuously for his people. Sin was also the opposition’s spiritual and moral
leader, advising and encouraging Cory Aquino and all others involved in the
struggle. When it seemed that the government troops were set to follow Ver’s
orders to attack the people guarding the camps, Cardinal Sin gave a general
absolution over the radio only to the rebels and their supporters. He also
celebrated Mass in different sites in the rebel-occupied areas during those
days.

Although Cardinal Sin’s true anti-Marcos sentiments were known to all,

like a true man of God, he is said to have received Imelda Marcos when she
tearfully asked for his counsel. He advised her to encourage her husband to
surrender, and leave the country for the good of the Filipino people.

Agapito “Butz” Aquino

S enator Butch Aquino, from the time Ninoy Aquino was shot, became
a visible dissenter of the regime that eliminated his older brother.
He with his friends like Rely German, an advertising executive, put up
the August 21 Movement (ATOM) to initiate or join protests against the
Marcos regime, and more for the assassination of Ninoy.

Butz was the first one to heed the pleas of then defense Minister Juan
Ponce Enrile and then General Ramos to help protect them from the Marcoses
and their cohorts. It was around eight in the evening when we heard Aquino
on Radio Veritas invite the public to gather at a department store in Cubao,
not far from Fort Aguinaldo where the rebels were. Aquino made repeated
calls. No one was certain who would come—maybe except for diehard ATOM
members—because no one was sure how the Marcos government would
handle the rebellion. There were also many rumors floating around that even
before the time Ninoy was killed, that it was no longer Marcos in control.
More bloodthirsty people led by his henchman Fabian Ver, and his off-the-
rocker wife Imelda, were said to be in command.

So if the rumors were true, the medication-drugged, one-kidney dictator

probably did not even know—or care to know—what was happening outside
his Malacañang room turned hospital. So the trigger-happy goons could just
order a rubout of all those who heeded Aquino’s call. But Butz persisted. He
and his group waited patiently through the night until he was able to lead over
a thousand who proceeded by foot to the two camps. These initial brave souls
were unarmed but determined, until more and more came. Eventually EDSA
with filled with almost a million people.
Fidel Ramos

T his man is one of our favorite EDSA heroes. If he did not agree to
join Juan Ponce Enrile that night in February, EDSA People Power
would not have happened. Of course we can say that of many of the
protagonists—and even antagonists—who played vital roles that made our
version of People Power succeed.

But a few like Ramos can hold their heads high and still say that they had
put the needs of the country first before their own—just as the Aquinos had
done. The ex-general was tempted to extend his stay when he was president
himself by changing the Constitution. But he backed off when he realized that
this was not the right thing to do, or what Filipinos wanted.

This graduate of West Point; the University of Illinois where he received

an MS in civil engineering; and Ateneo de Manila University where he got
his MBA; used his head and his heart as he loyally served the Philippine
government in his capacity as soldier and statesman.

Ramos was a 2nd cousin of Marcos. Ramos’ father Narcisco had been
a respected member of Congress and the diplomatic corps. His sister Leticia
Shahani, was also an ambassador who later became senator.

Everyone knew how blood ties and friendship mattered a lot to the
dictator. Cronies were terms often used in those days, for relatives and business
or golf buddies. So many, including Ramos, were not surprised that the more
qualified officer (himself) was passed over for the position of Chief of Staff
by Fabian Ver. Marcos relied heavily on Ver, also a cousin, who hadn’t gone
through formal military schooling. But “Eddie” as Ramos was called, kept his
cool. He probably figured that nothing lasts forever, and that his time would
later come.

When Enrile and Gringo Honasan came to ask Ramos to join their
dangerous cause—with an almost impossible goal—he agreed. He did this
knowing how over the last 20 years, the Philippines had become a military
state controlled by Marcos and his loyal followers. This level-headed soldier
also knew that he could die in battle or get hanged for treason.

Ramos also knew best how the military operated. Compared to Enrile, he
ran the armed forces’ day-to-day machinery. He was, after all, the vice chief of
staff who had risen from the ranks. Ramos had personally trained many of the
commanders in all branches of the military.
 At the rebels’ war room, it was Ramos who most likely who called the
shots. His presence also signaled to officers and enlisted personnel that this
revolt against the Marcos government was legitimate and worth doing. He and
Enrile were also in constant contact with Marcos loyalist troops via primitive
2-way radios, Radio Veritas, and later Radyo Bandido. Little by little, generals
down to their enlisted personnel defected to the rebel side, thanks to the
incessant and convincing propaganda.

President Cory relied heavily on General Ramos from the time she
became president, to the end of her term. She instinctively could not trust
Enrile or Honasan, who from 1987 attempted several coup d’etats against
her government. She often recalled Ninoy’s incarceration when Enrile was
her husband’s chief jailer. So when the day came for Aquino to choose her
heir apparent—she chose Ramos—one of the few she knew would not let our
country or herself down.

Juan Ponce Enrile

T his public official has always been an enigma. He was first a very
loyal Marcos follower and admirer, next only perhaps to Fabian Ver.
The three of them were proud Ilocanos, the ethnic group from northern
Luzon. There had always been mutual trust among them. Much later,
Enrile admitted that the government staged his “ambush” to implicate
Ninoy Aquino and get him jailed. The secretary of defense was definitely
in the Marcos inner circle.

But towards the end of the regime, especially after the elections that
Marcos called just three weeks before, Enrile and members of the military saw
that the ailing dictator was no longer in charge. They were probably afraid
of a power vacuum, or the possibility that Ver and Imelda Marcos would
eventually call the shots. Enrile and soldiers loyal to him decided to make their
move. They meticulously planned a coup against their commander-in-chief.
At first everything was going well, except the enemy had a good intelligence
network. An Enrile undercover agent broke down and confessed to one of
Ver’s sons what was being planned.

Luckily counter intelligence reports got to Gringo Honasan. He quickly

warned Enrile that the latter and the would-be rebels were now for elimination
by certain forces headed by Ver. The defense secretary immediately tried to
save the situation and their lives.
 Knowing that Fidel Ramos was also disgruntled by what was happening
in the military, and aware that many soldiers were loyal to Ramos, Enrile and
Honasan urged the vice chief of staff to openly defy the Marcos regime.

Enrile’s loyalty and friendship with the president ran deep, however.
Before Marcos left Malacañang, his former secretary of defense went
hurriedly to the Palace to bid his boss a tearful goodbye.

Enrile says he could have refused to turn over the reigns of government
to Mrs. Aquino after EDSA, since it was after all, the military that had begun
the rebellion against Marcos. Enrile said however, that he was loyal to the
constitution and agreed to honor the results of the February elections. Aquino
as president and Salvador Laurel, as vice-president, were the victors. Enrile
said he could have proclaimed himself head of a military junta that he initially
proposed.

But it didn’t take long before he had a falling out with the newly sworn
in commander-in-chief. Barely a year later, the military led by Honasan
attempted the first of seven coup d’etats to oust Aquino. Although Enrile
was not directly implicated, it was obvious that he at least knew of what the
military was up to.

There are many “what if’s” or alternative scenarios that could have
happened at EDSA. But at the end, Enrile was merely a pawn in God’s chess
game as he did exactly what the Master Player made him do.

Gringo Honasan and RAM

C ol. Gringo Honasan was a graduate of Class 1971 at the Philippine

Military Academy, and a son of a respected officer. Honasan was
known to be brilliant and charismatic, well liked by superiors and
subordinates. He fought the Muslim separatist rebels and communist
insurgents with a passion. But Amnesty International is said to have
documented many atrocities against civilians attributed to him and his
men.

At that time of the EDSA revolt, the young good-looking Honasan was
aide-de- camp to Juan Ponce Enrile. It is said that the two men were so close
that Enrile treated the younger man better than a son. The secretary of defense
not only endorsed what ever Honasan was doing, he also relied on Honasan’s
network to know exactly what was going on in the military.
 Even before EDSA, the armed forces, like any large organization, had
many factions with different agendas and loyalties. One such group was
the AFP Reform Movement (RAM) started by Honasan and his classmates
Colonels Eduardo Kapunan and Victor Batac; and Capt. Rex Robles. This was
with Enrile’s blessings. This group was disenchanted by the old guard ever
loyal to their commander-in-chief; and upset at Marcos’ habit of extending
the terms of already overstaying generals. They also knew more than most
Filipinos about the extent of the president’s deteriorating health, and his
growing inability to lead.

So Honasan with the Enrile’s endorsement, carefully plotted a coup that

would ultimately oust the Marcoses and kill the president’s trusted aide and
sidekick Fabian Ver. The attack of Malacañang was to take place exactly at 2
o’clock in the morning of February 22nd.

Everything was in place, or so the coup plotters thought. But one of their
fellow officers, a reluctant agent inside Malacañang panicked and told his
boss. He revealed the coming assault of the Palace and whatever else he knew.

It isn’t exactly clear who informed Honasan and his group that Ver had
found out about the planned rebellion. One thing was sure: Plan A was out,
and Plan B put in place that led to the EDSA revolution.

After EDSA, Honasan and the RAM were initially loyal to the Philippine
constitution that was revised. They also dutifully followed the orders and
wishes of President Aquino. But the country’s first woman president was
no dummy. She knew that she gained her presidency partly because of the
uprising of the military. She was also aware of the lessons in other countries—
particularly in Latin America—that involved their armed forces. Dealing
with soldiers was like dealing with the devil. One could never tell whether
their allegiances would change, or if and when they would grab power from
Aquino.

Using what they claimed was her ineffectual leadership and the return
of many Marcos-like evils, Honasan and the RAM mounted a total of seven
coups against Aquino and her government during her six-year term.
Military Who Defected to Rebel Side
(in chronological order of defection)

O nly a few knew of the anti-Marcos coup of January 23rd. No one was
party to it except Enrile, Ramos, the Reform AFP Movement founders,
and a few members like Col. Jose Almonte who used to be part of Marcos’
think tank but a good friend of Ramos; Major Avelino Razon, Ramos’ aide;
Alex Sembrano, Ramos’ son-in-law; General Rene Cruz a close Ramos
associate; and Col. Tirso Gador, a commander from Enrile’s home province
of Cagayan. The reformists weren’t quite sure about loyalties. As early as
1981, Enrile received reports of plans to eliminate him and those loyal to
him in the defense department.

At around 11 pm, when Enrile was already at Fort Aguinaldo (with only
300 soldiers to protect the entire camp), his sister Armida Siguion-Reyna came
to give moral support to the rebels. Armed Forces Brig. Gen. Ramon Farolan,
Brig. Gen. Eduardo Ermita and retired Gen. Romeo Espino, the former chief of
staff of the Armed Forces, were also there to support Enrile and Ramos.

Earlier in the evening Enrile spoke with Brig. Gen. Pedro Balbanero and
told him the whole story. Balbanero was shocked and said he did not know of
Ver’s plan to arrest Enrile and the others. The general quickly suggested that
he and Col. Rolando Abadilla, the Metrocom intelligence chief, would try to
arrange for a meeting among Enrile, Ramos, Marcos and Ver.

The two volunteer liaisons rushed to Malacanang to tell Ver of their

suggestion. After consulting with Marcos, Ver told Balbanero and Abadilla
that indeed the president and he wanted to talk to Enrile, but the latter changed
his mind as part of a tactical ploy. It was only much later that Enrile talked to
Ver. The two made some kind of truce that neither of their groups would attack
each other, until at least the following day.

Lt. Col. Jerry Albano and his 200 officers and men of the Security and
Escort Battalion, part of the General Headquarters (GHQ) decided on the first
day to join the troops protecting the rebels. They were already inside Fort
Aguinaldo with the sympathetic Diablo Group, an enlisted men’s organization
that was formed to help make reforms within their ranks.

According to Ramos, it was natural that they called early on those who
they thought would support them. The first one he called and who agreed
to join the rebels was Gen. Prospero Olivas, the head of the Metropolitan
Command (Metrocom). But he had to hide his loyalties, because Marcos and
Ver were unwittingly giving him instructions that could ultimately help the
rebels.
 The Air Force’s Col. Antonio Sotelo was aware of what was happening
in the camps because of Radio Veritas. Soon another Air Force Col. Hector
Tarrazona, one of the RAM leaders, asked for Sotelo’s support that the latter
gave immediately. Sotelo quickly briefed his men and asked about their
loyalties. When all of his subordinates pledged support for the rebels, he asked
them to fuel and arm their attack helicopters. It was decided that the group
would not openly defect for tactical reasons.

Brig. Gen. Salvador Simon from Leyte (the first lady’s province) was an
early one to go to the rebels’ side; while Col. Rodolfo Biazon, a Cebu marine
commander pledged to protect president-elect Cory Aquino, now a likely target
of assassination. Brig. Gen. Eduardo Ermita, a loyal information officer of
Enrile, and Col. Luis San Andres, a Ramos media liaison, fueled the pro-rebel
propaganda war. They got in touch with their friends in media to let them know
that the rebels already had the upper hand.

At around 7 o’clock in the evening of the 23rd, Ramos named at least six
field brigadier generals who were now with the rebels: Renato de Villa, Tomas
Manglongat, Dionisio Tan-Gatue, Carlos Aguilar, Bejamin Ignacio and Rodrigo
Gutang. This was in addition to the four police superintendents of the same
rank in Metro Manila: Alfredo Lim, Narciso Cabrera, Alfredo Yson and Ruben
Escarcha.

Also on Sunday, the chief of the Naval Defense Force, Commodore

Tagumpay Jardiniano told his 50 officers on a gunboat that as early as the day
before, he had committed his unit in support of Enrile and Ramos. The men
were at first shocked, but they later applauded their boss’ actions.

To appeal to the other AFP members to move over to the rebels’, at least
50,000 printed flyers prepared by Ermita, and colonels Ruben Ciron, Honesto
Isleta and Noe Andaya (retired) were distributed by the afternoon.

From Baguio City came Col. Alexander Aguirre, chief of operations at the
Philippine Constabulary headquarters. He immediately worked on the defense
plan of the camp, based on Ramos’ orders that the rebels would not provoke
military action against the opposing side. Instead, tey would try to make use of
“people power” as much as they could.

Early Monday morning, on the 24th, the 16 pilots of Sotelo planned to fly
to Camp Crame and join the rebels despite the order of Malacañang to bomb
or strafe the place. In order to hide the defection, they told no one. As a result,
there was more than ordinary tension that early morning at Camp Crame.
Everyone thought that the end had come, and began praying for a miracle. God
answered their pleas when Sotelo and his officers emerged from their planes
waving white flags.

Much of the Air Force went with the rebels quickly. Clark Air Base under
Col. Romy David welcomed many defector planes that grounded themselves
instead of carrying out orders from the loyalists. One such pilot was Major
Francisco Baula Jr., who did not bomb or strafe the rebel camps even if he was
given orders to.

General Artemio Tadiar was the head of the Philippine Marines. He was
ordered many times by Marcos and Ver to attack the two camps. He and his
men, headed by officers Col. Braulio Balbas, Jr. and Col. Eugenio Reyes came
with tanks and artillery as close as possible to the rebels. But they were stopped
several times by “people power”. Wives and children of officers on different
sides, well-heeled matrons from the area, and Butz Aquino himself pleaded
with Tadiar. The most poignant appeal came from his relative, “Uncle Fred”
Tadiar, a regional trial court judge who beseeched him over Radio Veritas, to
join the rebels.

All of these pleas eventually affected the head of the marines. Bur since
Tadiar was called to Malacanang to meet with the desperate president and the
equally desperate henchman, it seemed the general could not immediately
and publicly change his allegiance. In front of Ver, the head marine just kept
radioing his subordinate Balbas to “use his discretion”. Tadiar suspected
correctly that his deputy no longer had the will to “use full force” against the
enemy who were armed only with Rosaries and flowers.

Such was the case of Gen. Felix Brawner, head of the Philippine Rangers
who was one of the last to defect. He was in Malacañang most of the time,
being given direct orders by Marcos and Ver. He felt he was protecting his men
by not openly defecting.

Gen Vicente Piccio, head of the Philippine Air Force also transferred sides
late—on Tuesday, February 25th. His subordinate Sotelo was responsible for
disabling the air power of the loyalists, and eventually helping give the upper
hand to the Enrile-Ramos team.

The most ruthless military loyalists were of course Fabian Ver; his sons
Irwin, Wyrlo and Rexor; and Gen. Josephus Ramas, who until the very end
wanted to fire at both civilians and rebel soldiers—regardless of the bloody
outcome. Generals Edon Yap, Santiago Barangan, Jose Ma. Zumel, and Rear
Admiral Brilliante Ochoco were still at the Marcos oath taking in Malacañang.
 Other loyalist generals who followed Marcos and Ver’s orders during
the four days were Victor Natividad, Pacifico Ponce de Leon, Angel Kanapi,
Cerilo Oropesa, Roland Pattugalan, Jose Paez and Serapio Martillano. Lower-
ranking loyalists were Navy Capt. Eriberto Varona, and colonels Romeo
Ochoco and Lisandro Abadia.

So too were Lt. Col Valerio Santiago and Col C.F. Fortuno who had
escorted loyalists out of Malacañang after attending Marcos’ oath taking.
Almost all members of the presidential security detail took care of their leader
to the very end, some of who accompanied him to Clark Air Base. This was
where the ousted ruler, his family and close friends flew out of the Philippines
for exile in Hawaii. We cannot judge, however, these soldiers who probably
did not have a choice. Unfortunately for them, it had to be part of a grueling
work week.

Civilian Heroes of the Four Days

Corazon Aquino

C orazon Aquino was initially an unwilling pawn in God’s game plan.

Against her better judgment, she was made to contest the presidency
of a dictator that kept Filipinos in bondage for 20 years. Manila Times
publisher Chino Roces helped convince Ninoy’s widow by gathering a
million signatures requesting her to run. Jaime Cardinal Sin threw his
support behind her and convinced Sen. Salvador Laurel who was also
running for president, to become her vice president instead. There was a
switch in roles—thanks to Laurel’s willingness to sacrifice his ambitions—
since Cory had already endorsed Laurel.

Smart and educated (she majored in Math and French in college) she
preferred to stand behind her charismatic husband whose dream it was to be
president. It did not mean that she only knew homemaking skills. Cory was
her husband’s sounding board. Coming from an old political family herself,
she knew the ways of the country’s political system even if she never imagined
her playing a major political role.

Even if Cory seemed almost quiet and genteel, she had a resolve of steel
that saw her through crisis after crises—mostly coups from the armed forces.
She was cool and collected under pressure. Some people thought her either too
aloof or dry—unlike the articulate, hand-pumping and bear-hugging politician
that her husband was.

The widow of Ninoy surrounded herself with seasoned advisers who had
the same goals and aspirations for the Filipino people. Many were their friends
who had suffered with them through Ninoy’s crusade against the Marcoses.

Of course she had failings like anyone else. Cory was known to never
like “unsolicited advice”. Once she had made up her mind, it was very hard
to change it. We personally didn’t think as well of her when she finished her
term as president. We initially thought she had missed so many opportunities to
rectify the blatant sins of the previous regime.

Now we cannot imagine anyone better to have initially led us away

from the two decades of social and political oppression. We precisely needed
someone to come in with minimal political savvy so we could start with a
fresh slate. The country she inherited was like a dying, cancer-ridden patient
who needed an immediate change of treatment plan, medications and even
physicians.

June Keithely

S he was a broadcast journalist better known for her English-language

newscasts and features programs. She did broadcast work at Radio
Veritas, the Catholic Church owned 40-year-old radio network. From the
22nd to the 25th of February, 1986, Keithely was thrust in a role that kept
the rebels and their sympathizers’ dream alive.

When Marcos loyalists finally bombed Radio Veritas’ transmitters, the

protagonists had to find a different way to reach their fellow rebels, supporters
and even their adversaries. Filipinos knew that the Catholic Church-owned
radio station was the only one to provide news about EDSA since all other
media outlets were Marcos-controlled, or too intimidated to carry anti-
government news.

The loyalists thought that by ruining Radio Veritas, the rebels’

communication network would be silenced. What no one realized was that the
spunk and daring of Keithely would still allow the necessary communication,
and significantly change the odds in favor of the rebels. It was a given that
underdogs had nothing compared to the armory and personnel of the Marcos
regime.
 Once Radio Veritas transmissions had ceased, Rev. Fr. James Reuter, SJ,
told Keithely to move to DZRJ owned by Ramon Jacinto, a wealthy Filipino
businessman sympathetic to the rebels. Cardinal Sin had earlier ordered Fr.
Reuter to find a radio station that could takeover the Church’s mouthpiece.
The new station was a tiny room with a one-door entrance. If ever the rebel
announcer was found, she had nowhere to go except a window above a 30-
foot drop. Unfazed, she began her clandestine broadcast intermittently with
a scratchy recording of Mambo Jambo Magsaysay, a signature song listeners
often heard over Veritas. Keithely hoped that by playing that, people would
recognize “Radyo Bandido” the bandit radio station as the Church station
resurrected.

Only nuns guarded Keithely on the narrow stairs leading to the station.
They did this by praying the Rosary incessantly as the brave announcer carried
the voices of the Cardinal, Butz Aquino, Ramos and Enrile. According to
Keithely, the whole experience, albeit somewhat surrealistic, brought her a lot
closer to God.

Radio Veritas People

A fter EDSA had been fought and won, former President Fidel Ramos
said that without Radio Veritas, the rebels would not have succeeded
overthrowing the Marcos regime in four days. This was because Ramos
and Enrile would have had limited direct access to their troops and their
civilian protectors. The fight could even have been lost.

From the time Enrile and his supporters in the military found out that
Marcos knew of their planned assault of Malacañang, one of the first things he
did was call Jaime Cardinal Sin and ask for help. “I’ll be dead in one hour,”
Enrile said almost in tears. Enrile also asked Radio Veritas for airtime so
Filipinos would know what he and the other rebels needed to do.

Everyone knew how valiant Veritas was as its founders. When no other
broadcast station covered the return of Ninoy Aquino from the US in August
1983, Veritas was there to witness the tragedy and report it to the public. The
Aquino broadcast was non-stop for the next ten days. They reported everything
that had to do with Ninoy’s death: the hundreds of thousands of Filipinos of
every shape and size who paid their last respects; and that the same number of
people who walked 11 kilometers to his burial.

This vigilance continued until the EDSA revolution and beyond, as

Veritas’ hard-hitting commentators lambasted the regime and spoke of the
miseries of Filipinos. The government had always tried to act as if everything
was fine and normal, as it tried to hide its human rights violations, the
overwhelming poverty of its citizens, and the social unrest simmering all over
the country.

Everyone who worked at Radio Veritas knew the risks, and those who
could not take the stress had probably left long ago. Orly Punzalan and Jun
Talan were among some of them. So these individuals and others who were
still there, did their finest work as communicators.

During those four days, many early messages were addressed to

everyone to go to EDSA and help protect the rebels. Other notices from
Enrile were addressed to Marcos saying the rebels would not give up. Some
announcements were in code to advice the rebel soldiers on what the strategies
were.

Gabe and Paolo Mercado & Other Young Volunteers

T hey are grown men now. Sons of author Monina Allarey and
advertising man Tony Mercado, Gabe and Paolo were only 15 and 16
years old when they manned the phone (there was only one working line)
and a short wave radio to Ramos and Enrile. Oblivious to the dangers of
their mission, they represented countless other young people who braved
the dangers so that we could become free.

In many ways, Filipinos who were able to comprehend what was

happening (unless one had parents patient and committed enough to tell the
EDSA story) have had a big advantage over younger Filipinos who since then
have had no idea of what was at stake.

If we had let the Marcos regime continue to oppress us, other similar-
minded ruthless leaders would follow. They would have thought us to be
either cowards or pushovers, without any drive to stand up for what is right
and just. And the cycle would continue.

Perhaps we did not achieve the ideal socio-political society that we

sought then. Many of our leaders have slid back to their old ways or changed
allegiances, but no administration can compare to what we went through
during the Marcos era. Human rights violations, unconscionable abuse of
power, flagrant thievery of our national coffers, ostentatious display of wealth
even when the president’s official salary was only 120,000 pesos a year…and
the list goes on.
Cecilia Munoz Palma (100 words)

T his brilliant lawyer was the first woman appointed to the Supreme
Court, and elected head of the 1986-87 Constitutional Convention
under Cory Aquino’s term. She was brave enough to make dissenting
opinions against martial law promulgated by Marcos, the man who
appointed her. Muñoz-Palma, despite the government’s power and
dominance through intimidation and fraud, got elected as one of the few
opposition members of the 1984 Philippine Assembly. When Cory was
reluctant to run against Marcos, Muñoz-Palma urged her to reconsider. She
made Ninoy’s widow realize that the latter was the best person to lead the
fight against the Marcos regime.

During EDSA, Muñoz-Palma was at Aquino’s side as moral support. The

lawyer closely advised the president-elect, and helped Cory make that crucial
decision of not sharing powers with Juan Ponce Enrile and the military after
EDSA. The kind-hearted Cory also felt sorry for Marcos when he begged her
to allow him to pass by his hometown in the Ilocos, and was about to allow
him. Muñoz-Palma it was definitely not a good idea.

James B. Reuter, SJ (300 words)

T his Jesuit priest is probably more Filipino than most of us. He was
sent to the Philippines when he was just ordained before World War
II to teach at the Ateneo de Manila University in Padre Faura, where the
University’s campus was at that time. He also had a stint with the Vatican
radio in Rome before coming. Being Irish-American, he was incarcerated
with the rest of his fellow nationals and Caucasian Europeans at the
University of Santo Tomas when the Japanese invaded the Philippines.
He endured many hardships during the war, but this made him love his
adoptive country even more.

After the war, he continued to teach. Being a writer and dramatist, he

produced and directed numerous stage productions among different Catholic
colleges. He also established and ran the Communicator, a monthly newsletter
that he eventually used at an anti-government mouthpiece. He narrated stories
of atrocities during the Marcos years that angered Malacañang causing his
house arrest for many years and the closure of his publication. The military
raided Fr. Reuter’s office and ruined all his equipment.

During the four days in February, he was instrumental in getting Radio

Veritas to become the main communication arm of the rebels and the Filipinos
who supported them. Right after the Marcos ouster, he wrote, edited and
published the story of the 1986 revolution with Monina Allerey Mercado who
was also very involved in the struggle. They aptly entitled the book People
Power, the best of the books on EDSA.

Another fellow Jesuits who were involved in EDSA was Fr. Joaquin
Bernas, SJ, at that time president of the Ateneo. He later on became a delegate
to the 1987 Constitutional Convention. His initial reaction to the Enrile and
Ramos rebellion was it was best that Filipinos leave them to fight Marcos
and the loyalists. He figured the rebels would not last long considering their
logistics. He said he did not count on the overwhelming support of the people,
and the spiritual dimension that became the focal point of the struggle.

Fr. Jose Blanco, SJ, had always been a severe critic of the regime. He
organized meetings and teach-ins for students and workers even before
Martial Law was declared in 1972. One of them was eventually raided by
the military at the San Jose Seminary where he and those in attendance were
caught and later released. Of course he was there at EDSA.

Another committed Jesuit was Fr. Francisco Araneta, SJ, who was
once also president of the Ateneo. He resigned to work at a poor parish in
Marikina. He too was there at EDSA.

Fr. Romeo Entengan, another Jesuit, was also a physician. He got Imelda
Marcos so upset that she called him to Malacañang and surely threatened him.
He had to leave the country in a hurry.

Today Fr. Reuter is 96. He continues to write and still counsels hundreds
of Filipinos via face-to-face meetings, letters and email. He has recently
written books about the favors Our Lady has granted many of us. He plans to
die in the Philippines where he has been willing to offer his life to God and
Filipinos that he loves so much.

Freddie Aguilar, Behn Cervantes, Lino Brocka, Apo

Hiking Society, Subas Hereras, Cecile Guidote-Alvarez
and countless others. (300)

W ho says Filipino artists and entertainers are all fluff, without any
substantial socio-political convictions? These individuals used their
exposure in media to influence peoples’ awareness and understanding of
the terrible injustices of the Marcos regime. They were in the forefront
of rallies, teach-ins and marches. They sang songs, acted in drama, and
produced and directed movies and TV shows that were critical of the
government. They did this as much as they could in a time of media
suppression.

Folk singer Freddie Aguilar was at EDSA and the government Channel 4
as rebels tried to retake it for the people. He was known for singing Bayan Ko,
that spoke of repression and the ultimate dream of freedom. The song became
the theme of Filipinos who desperately wanted change. Bayan Ko was banned
from the airwaves until the regime’s end.

Behn Cervantes, a thespian and playwright was also in the protest

movement. He was there at EDSA and the takeover of Channel 4 to see how
he could help the rebels. And so were movie director Lino Brocka whose
poignant movies portrayed the hardships of Filipinos.

Everyone knows the nationalistic Apo Hiking Society of Jim Paredes,

Danny Javier and Buboy Garovillo, the three remaining members of an
Ateneo high school singing group. They are best remembered for encouraging
Original Pilipino Music (OPM) through their original songs and for their
staunch anti-Marcos stand.

The APO as they are now called, was also present at EDSA encouraging
their countrymen to go on for the cause. Right after the revolution, the APO
also gained international fame for Jim Paredes’ Handog ng Pilipino sa Mundo
an anthem about our struggle for freedom.

Eggie Apostol

S he was the publisher of Mr. & Ms., a local women’s magazine way
before all of these imported glossies came in. During the farce of a trial
of Ninoy Aquino for treason, Eugenia Apostol thought of coming up with
a weekly newsprint version—almost like a newsletter—that spoke about
his fight and the atrocities of the Marcos administration. Her entire staff
believed in the same cause, and despite the dangers of being oppositionists,
they pursued their mission. Before People Power, she converted her
publication into a newspaper that became the Philippine Daily Inquirer, the
leading broadsheet until today.

Apostol, her husband Peping and their friends founded the nonprofit, non-
stock Foundation of Worldwide People Power to recall and analyze the world’s
first bloodless, people-powered revolution that occurred in the Philippines.
True enough, others followed using the same model to stop tyranny and
oppression using non-violent means. The next occurred when Germans tore
down the Berlin wall in 1989 that signaled the end of communism as we know
it. The last people power uprising was also in the month of February this year,
although it took more time—18 days. Citizens of Egypt were able to make a
30-year-old military officer turned dictator step down. A few weeks prior to
that, Tunisians were able to unseat an unpopular ruler as well.

In recognition of her contribution to Philippine journalism, Apostol was

awarded the Ramon Magsaysay award (the Asian version of the Nobel Prize)
for Journalism, Literature & Creative Communication Arts.

Max Soliven, Betty Go Belmonte, Luis Beltran, Letty

Magsanoc, Joe Burgos, Teodoro Locsin, Sr. and Jr.

T hese fearless journalists had no qualms in their respective publications

and opinion pages in reporting the truth about the Marcos years.
They reported anomalies and atrocities without fear of being arrested or
even eliminated. Each contributed to dismantling the dictatorship mostly
through their written work.

Some, like Max Soliven, were actively involved in EDSA. Soliven

met with the opposing sides and tried to broker a peaceful resolution to
the rebellion. Soliven also worked with Eugenia Apostol; Betty Belmonte
Go, whose family owned and ran the Fookien Times; Louie Beltran, also a
broadcast journalist, and editor; and columnist Letty Magsanoc at Mr. & Ms.
and later the Philippine Daily Inquirer. After EDSA, Belmonte-Go, Soliven
and Beltran amicably parted ways with Apostol and Magsanoc to put up the
Philippine Daily Star, another broadsheet.

In 1981, Jose Burgos, Jr. first put out the We Forum and Malaya, two
newspapers that openly opposed the Marcos regime. Subsequently, the
government closed the We Forum after it published a story exposing the fake
medals of Marcos, the supposed World War II hero.
Oppositionists of the Marcos Regime

Joe Concepcion & Namfrel

J ose Concepcion, is an industrialist and a business leader who opposed

the Marcos government and put up the National Citizens Movement
for a Free Elections (Namfrel) in 1983. Namfrel’s goal has been to ensure
“free, orderly and honest elections” in the country. Namfrel guarded
the “snap elections” called by Marcos in December, 1985, when he was
challenged by American broadcaster Ted Koppel in the US TV program
Newsline. Concepcion and Namfrel mobilized 500,000 volunteers
nationwide and conducted a manual parallel count that showed Cory
Aquino as the winner.

When people at EDSA recognized Concepcion, they raised him on their

shoulders and praised Namfrel for its role in the just concluded polls. Without
Namfrel’s manual count, Filipinos would not have had proof that Aquino won
the elections, and that the Marcos machinery cheated to remain in power.

Later on, Concepcion became a cabinet member of Aquino and member

of the 1986-87 Constitutional Convention. Namfrel volunteers today still
monitor and ultimately safeguard all Philippine elections.

Chino Roces (250 words)

D on Chino was arrested and jailed when Martial Law was imposed in
1972, together with Ninoy Aquino, Pepe Diokno, Lorenzo Tanada
and other journalist’s. As soon as he was released, he took to the streets to
openly protest the Marcos government. After the assassination of Benigno
“Ninoy” Aquino in 1983, he further intensified his protest and during a
vigil on Mendiola Bridge, Don Chino was drenched by water canons.

On October 15, 1985, Don Chino founded the Cory Aquino for President
Movement (CAPM). It was launched in the National Press Club. He gathered
over 1 Million Signatures to from all over the nation drafting Corazon Aquino
to run against Marcos.
 After the EDSA revolution he returned to publishing, first joining forces
with Geny Lopez in the Manila Chronicle, and then later once more the
publisher of the family owned The Manila Times.
On July 22, 1988 President Aquino conferred on him the Philippine
Legion of Honor Award (degree of chief Commander) the highest honor the
country can bestow to a civilian.

Evelio Javier+ Ballot Watchers (250 words)

E velio Bellaflor Javier (October 14, 1942 - February 11, 1986) was a
Filipino lawyer, civil servant, politician, and an oppositionist during
the authoritarian regime of President Ferdinand Marcos. Due to these
activities, he was assassinated by the regime on February 11, 1986. He
is the brother of Governor Exequiel Javier who defeated his foe, Arturo
Pacificador, and served from 1987 to 1998 and from 2001 to 2010.

At 10:00 on the morning of February 11, 1986, three or four armed and
masked gunmen riding in Jeeps went to the New Capitol building in San Jose,
Antique. While Evelio Javier was talking to his friends on the steps in front of
the capitol building, the masked gunmen opened fire at him.

Javier fled across a park in front of the capitol building, fell into a pond,
then continued into a shop on a street across from the park. Wounded, he tried
to hide in a toilet stall at the rear of the shop. A gunman caught up to him and
shot him several times through the door of the stall.

On the day of the funeral and burial to his final resting place at his
hometown of San Jose de Buenavista, Antique, millions of mourning people
in Antique followed his funeral procession to the cemetery wearing yellow
shirts and tying yellow bands to their wrists. They played his favourite song,
“The Impossible Dream,” during the procession to the cemetery. Thousands of
Antiquenos there showed their anger and sorrow by crying “Justice for Evelio!
We love you!” on the day of his death.

[edit] Legacy
Javier was one of many politicians murdered during the period of martial
law in the Philippines. His funeral surpassed that of Benigno Aquino, Jr.,
assassinated three years earlier in 1983.

It is said that the assassination of Evelio Javier on Feb. 11, 1986 fueled
the fire to start the People Power/Philippine EDSA Revolution on Saturday,
February 22, 1986.
 Evelio’s body went in procession through Manila, passing through Ateneo
de Manila University where he had thousands of friends and colleagues, days
before the Feb. 22 People Power Revolution that ousted Ferdinand Marcos and
made Cory Aquino the President of the Philippines.

Also every February 11, the Antique province declare it a holiday in his
honor. An airport, Evelio Javier Airport, in San Jose, Antique, was named in
honor of Evelio.

Nep Gonzales, Homo Adaza, AquiPimentel, TGuingona

(250 words)

T he first formal elections since 1969 for an interim Batasang Pambansa

(National Assembly) were held in 1978. In order to settle the Catholic
Church before the visit of Pope John Paul II, Marcos officially lifted
martial law on January 17, 1981. However, he retained much of the
government’s power for arrest and detention. Corruption and nepotism as
well as civil unrest contributed to a serious decline in economic growth
and development under Marcos, whose health declined due to lupus.

After the Feb., 1986, presidential election, both Marcos and his opponent,
Corazon Aquino (the widow of Benigno), declared themselves the winner,
and charges of massive fraud and violence were leveled against the Marcos
faction. Marcos’s domestic and international support battered and he fled the
country on Feb. 25, 1986, finally obtaining refuge in the United States.
The Fourth Republic (1981-1986)

The opposition boycotted presidential elections then developed in June

1981, which pitted Marcos (Kilusang Bagong Lipunan) against retired Gen.
Alejo Santos (Nacionalista Party). Marcos won by a margin of over 16 million
votes, which constitutionally allowed him to have another six-year term.
Finance Minister Cesar Virata was elected as Prime Minister by the Batasang
Pambansa.

Doy Laurel (300 words)

W hen Marcos declared martial law Doy was in the United States. He
was saddened to know that his childhood friend, Benigno Aquino,
Jr. was incarcerated and that arrests were going on everyday. He consulted
his professors in Yale regarding the legal aspect of martial law.
 Doy returned to Manila on December 10, 1972. Undersecretary Manny
Salientes who met him at the airport informed him that President Marcos
wished to see him as soon as possible. Doy went to Malacañang the following
day. President Marcos greeted him cordially addressing him as “brod” since
they both belonged to the Upsilon Sigma Phi fraternity of UP. “Let me get to
the point, Brod” the President said, “Please don’t rock the boat. I cannot turn
back anymore. I have burned my bridges.” Doy replied, “Mr. President, I have
learned that martial law is a double-bladed weapon. It can be used to cut for
good or for evil. Use it only for good, Mr. President, and you don’t have to
worry about me.”

In 1978, at a meeting in Malacañang, Marcos announced that he had

created the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) to replace the two-party
system. The proposal met the ire of Speaker Jose B. Laurel, Jr. who saw in
it a calculated plan to annihilate the Nacionalista Party. After expressing
his indignation in a scathing speech then stormed out of Malacañang. To
placate him Marcos amended his proposal and made the KBL an umbrella
organization instead with all political parties under it.

On December 22, 1979, however, Marcos again summoned Batasan

members to the palace. He gave each one a copy of the rules of KBL as a
political party. Doy immediately objected asking Marcos, “Since when did the
KBL become a political party?” Marcos retorted, “As far as I am concerned
the KBL has always been a political party.” Doy reminded Marcos that the
Supreme Court, in two decisions, declared that the KBL was not a political
party. He further reminded President Marcos that in 1978 the Nacionalista
Party had to “adopt” the KBL because it was not accredited by the Comelec as
a political party. Exasperated, Marcos said, “If the Nacionalista Party does not
wish to become part of the KBL, then let it play the role of the opposition.”
Piqued, Doy snapped back, ”So be it, Mr. President, so be it!” and walked out.

During the dark days of martial law Marcos’ power was absolute. No one
dared oppose him. Those who could have were either jailed or dead or had
sought asylum abroad and from that safe and comfortable distance – chose
to be silent. But not Doy – he went forth risking his life and with his fiery
speeches he exhorted the people not to be afraid to come out from the dark
and join him in the fight to restore democracy.

Believing that “courage is contagious” he went to every part of the

country where he could gather a crowd. At times, armed with only a bullhorn
and emergency lights in case of intentional “power failure” and standing
on whatever platform was available he would speak—his booming voice
reaching out to the people with his impassioned entreaty for them to pledge
with him “eternal hostility against all forms of oppression and tyranny in our
country.”

In no time the people came out of the shadows and joined the ranks of the
brave opposition

He founded United Nationalists Democratic Organizations (UNIDO) that

became the main voice of opposition in the 1980s. Laurel was unanimously
nominated standard bearer of the opposition in 1985. Laurel decided to
run for president of the Philippines against Marcos. However after long
negotiations with Corazon Aquino, the widow of Laurel ally Ninoy Aquino,
at the last minute he withdrew his candidacy in favor of her and decided
instead to run for vice president. Aquino and Laurel became president and
vice president respectively in February 1986. Through his charismatic
leadership he succeeded in organizing the UNIDO (The United Nationalist
Democratic Organization), drawing within its ambit, courageous leaders like
Cesar Climaco, Soc Rodrigo, Gerry Roxas, Dominador Aytona, Eva Estrada
Kalaw, Rene Espina, Mamintal Tamano, Domocao Alonto and his nephew
Abul Khayr, Raul Gonzalez, Homobono Adaza and Abe Sarmiento and all
significant political parties who were opposed to the dictatorship. The UNIDO
was the political party that ended the dictatorship.

Doy and Ninoy Aquino were like brothers. Their friendship which
began during World War II when Doy’s father was President of the Republic
and Ninoy’s father, Benigno Aquino, Sr. was Speaker of the House of
Representatives.

In Nick Joaquin’s book, “The Aquinos of Tarlac” he quotes Ninoy as

having said, “In 1947 when my father died I thought my world had ended.
Except for Doy Laurel I don’t recall having any friends then.”

Both ran for the Senate In 1967. Doy under the Nacionalista banner and
Ninoy under the Liberal party. They had an unwritten agreement that each
would support the other in their own bailiwicks. Both emerged victorious.

During the martial law years when Ninoy was imprisoned he would often
send messages to Doy through his wife, Cory. When Ninoy was arraigned
before the military tribunal, Doy was there to give moral support to his young
friend. On February, 1979, Doy wrote a letter to President Marcos asking him
to release Ninoy to help unify the people.

When Ninoy planned to return to the Philippines he asked Doy to

organize his arrival at the airport. Ninoy wanted an impressive crowd at the
airport to prevent any attempts on his life. Ninoy said he would bring with
him a group of Foreign press to record his homecoming. Doy spent weeks
feverishly contacting his UNIDO leaders in Southern Tagalog as well as
his fraternity brothers (Ninoy was also an Upsilonian), to help him.

He wrote Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile and General Fidel V.

Ramos informing them of Ninoy’s arrival and requesting their assurance
for his safety. He made arrangements with airport manager Louie Tabuena
to allow him to meet Ninoy in the arrival tube.

On the morning of August 21, 1983 Doy led the welcome party
which included Doña Aurora Aquino, Ninoy’s mother, Senators Soc
Rodrigo, Lorenzo Tañada, Eva Estrada Kalaw qnd others. The airport
was surrounded by a huge throng of welcomers. Ninoy had asked Doy to
assemble 10,000 people at the airport but the turnout was about 28,000.
As the plane was about to touchdown Doy headed for the tube to meet
Ninoy but all the doors leading to it were locked. He banged and kicked
the doors but could not go through. He called the guards through the
glass windows but they were motionless and unresponsive. He went back
to the VIP room where Dona Aurora was waiting with Senators Tanada
and Rodrigo. Suddenly, Ken Kashiwahara, Ninoy’s brother-in-law who
was with him on the plane dashed in looking ashen as he announced that
Ninoy was shot.

A tidal wave of public indignation swept the nation. And the ranks of
the opposition to President Marcos swelled beyond expectation.

Doy’s unquestioned and courageous leadership earned him the

unanimous endorsement of his party, the UNIDO. During the UNIDO
national convention at the Araneta Coliseum on June 12, 1985 nearly
25,000 delegates attended and proclaimed him the party standard-bearer
in the snap election against President Ferdinand E. Marcos. Corazon
Aquino, widow of Ninoy Aquino, spoke before the huge assembly
endorsing Doy’s candidacy. Five months later, however, she declared her
own candidacy causing a major crisis in the opposition – a rift that could
cause its downfall and ensure a Marcos victory.

A series of meetings were arranged between the two opposition

candidates to iron out their differences but up to the third meeting the
impasse could not be broken. Cory, backed by the Convenors group, was
determined to run for president. Finally, Doy said he would agree to run
as her vice president provided she ran under the UNIDO banner but Cory
refused. Doy immediately filed his certificate of candidacy as President at the
Comelec.

But Cory sent Ninoy’s sister, Lupita Kashiwahara to inform Doy that
she had changed her mind—she was willing to run under the UNIDO. True to
his word and anxious to keep the opposition united in order to win the snap
elections, Doy made the supreme sacrifice of giving up his lifetimes work and
presidential ambition to give way to Corazon C. Aquino.

MBC VPaterno VJayme LuisVillafuerte Dante Santos

JCon (300wrds)
The Makati Business Club or MBC is a private non-stock, non-profit business
association organized in the Philippines as a Forum for Constructive Ideas.
As a forum, the MBC is dedicated to addressing economic and social policy
issues which affect the development of the Philippines. The main thrust of the
MBC is to foster and promote the role of the private business sector in national
development efforts, both in the planning and the implementation of policy.
The Makati Business Club is composed of over 800 chief executive officers
and senior executives representing almost 450 of the largest and most dynamic
corporations in the Philippines. Over the years, the MBC has become the lead-
ing forum for business and government leaders to address. Issues discussed
before the MBC have included trade and investment policy, monetary and
fiscal matters, labor and employment, energy, education, health, media control,
foreign policy, politics, elections and governanace.

Enrique Zobel, known to many as “E.Z.” gathered together a few business

friends and associates to a discussion which would have far-reaching implica-
tions on the Philippine business community. He felt that the business commu-
nity should speak out as a single solid voice, not to lobby for its own corporate
or sectoral interest, but to support or oppose policies which affected national
life. It was felt that to be relevant any criticism should be constructive.
Thus was born the Makati Business Club as a Forum for Constructive Ideas in
1981.
An Executive Board was constituted with Enrique Zobel as Chairman, Rogelio
Pantaleon, Bernardo Villegas and Joe Romero as members. Then a Board of
Advisers was formed consisting of James Collins (Citibank), Jaime Ongpin
(Benguet Consolidated), Antonio Ozaeta (PCIB), Washington SyCip (SGV &
Co.) and Jaime Zobel de Ayala (Ayala Corporation), with Cesar A. Buenaven-
tura as Chairman. The top 1000 corporations were also invited to join the Club
and many of them, including multinationals, responded favorably.
The MBC was launched at a press conference on October 29, 1981 at Nielsen
Tower. Mayor Yabut spoke against the formation of MBC, saying it is an “elit-
ist group” and that there was already a Makati Chamber of Commerce. Later,
the MBC got a call from General Fabian Ver to furnish the PSG with a direc-
tory of MBC’s members, and this was refused.
The first General Membership Meeting was held at the Intercontinental Hotel
on Nov. 9, 1981 with then-Prime Minister and now Chairman of RCBC and
Trustee of the MBC, Cesar Virata.
During the snap elections in 1986, the first campaign speeches by both can-
didate Corazon Aquino and incumbent President Ferdinand E. Marcos were
delivered before the MBC on January 6th and 21st respectively. These were
landmark events in their time. Later on Cory Aquino would return to address
the MBC as President of the Republic.
Today, MBC continues with its original mission of being a Forum for Con-
structive Ideas. However, in keeping with the times and the advent of global-
ization, MBC for several years had advocated the adoption of a free market
economy and embarked on investment promotion activities.

¬¬¬Joker Arroyo Teddy Boy Locsin Rene Saguisag (300

words)
On September 23, 1972, President Ferdinand Marcos declared Proclamation
1081, placing the entire Philippines under Martial Law. Arroyo was the very
first lawyer to challenge the act before the Supreme Court and questioned its
legality under the 1935 Philippine Constitution.
He and other lawyers joined in questioning other Marcos’ acts before the
Supreme Court: 1) the ratification of the Marcos-dictated 1973 Constitution;
2) amendment Six that empowered President Marcos to exercise law making
powers alongside the Batasang Pambansa; 3) the power of military tribunals to
try civilians.
Arroyo participated in the trials of political detainees such as Senator Benigno
Aquino, Jr., ABS-CBN Executive Eugenio Lopez, Jr., Cebu politician Sergio
Osmeña III, Communist Party of the Philippines founder and University of
the Philippines Professor Jose Maria Sison, Senators Jovito Salonga and Eva
Kalaw, lawyers Aquilino Pimentel Jr., Renato Tañada, Eduardo Olaguer and
many others.
He actively participated in street demonstrations. He was gassed, injured and
hospitalized during protest rallies and incarcerated in a military stockade. He
was one of the founders of the civic group MABINI and the Free Legal As-
sistance Group (FLAG).
When Corazon Aquino decided to challenge Ferdinand Marcos in the 1986
Snap Presidential Election, Arroyo served as Counsel of Cory Aquino during
the snap election. During the first EDSA Revolution, he served as one Aquino’s
key advisers.
V. Those Who Opposed Marcos Since 1965
Ninoy Aquino (250)

Aurora Aquino (200)

Jose Diokno (200)

A zealous human rights lawyer, particularly during martial law, Diokno
believed in the sacredness and dignity of the human personality. Thus, when
he learned about the so-called “Jabidah Massacre”, when 14 Muslim youth
protesting for reform were gunned down in Corregidor by the military, he lam-
basted the Marcos administration. He said “No cause is more worthy than the
cause of human rights ... [they] are what makes a man human. Deny them and
you deny man’s humanity.”[3][4]
Diokno’s activism on behalf of human rights so irked Marcos that when martial
law was declared on 21 September 1972, Diokno was the first member of the
opposition to be arrested. Like other political opponents of Marcos, Diokno
was imprisoned without being charged and without legal recourse. Upon his
release in 1974, he immediately organized the Free Legal Assistance Group,
which gave free legal services to victims of military oppression under martial
law.[citation needed]
From the time of his release, Diokno fought for the restoration of Philippine
democracy. He was a towering figure in opposition rallies denouncing the
Marcos regime from 1974 up to the EDSA Revolution in February 1986. Dur-
ing Ninoy Aquino’s incarceration, Diokno was in constant communication with
Ninoy through Corazon Aquino, Ninoy’s wife, who acted as emissary for the
two foremost oppositionists.[citation needed]
After the 1986 People Power Revolution, which effectively ended Marcos rule
and was pivotal to Corazon Aquino’s election to the presidency, Diokno was
appointed to the chairmanship of the Presidential Committee on Human Rights,
with the rank of minister, and led a government panel which tried to negotiate
for the return of rebel forces to the government folds. However, after the “Men-
diola massacre” of January 22, 1987, where 15 farmers died during an
otherwise peaceful rally, he resigned from his two government posts in
protest of what he called wanton disregard of human lives by an admin-
istration he had helped install.[citation needed]

Soc Rodrigo (200)

Jovito Salonga (150)

Gerardo Roxas & Liberal Party (200)

Diodado Macapagal, Sergio Osmena, Raul Man-

glapus, Pelaez (250)

Lorenzo Tanada (200)

Edgar Jopson et.al. (250)

Student activists, peasants (200)

CPP+ KM+BAYAN+Mayo Uno+Gabriella(250)

Political Detainees (250)

Philippine Activists Abroad (200)

VII. Philippine Watchers from Abroad

Ted Koppel (150)
Sen. Lugar et al (250)

Lew Simons+Katherine Ellison(200)

Sandra Burton (150)

Robin Moyer Kim Komenich Nelly Sindayen FO-

CAPS (200)

Teddy Benigno (150)