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Tobias Weber

Principles in the emergence


and evolution of linguistic features
in World Englishes
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Weber, Tobias: Principles in the emergence and evolution of linguistic features in
World Englishes. Hamburg, Anchor Academic Publishing 2014

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Weber, Tobias. Principles in the emergence and evolution of linguistic features in World Englishes, Diplomica Verlag, 2014. ProQuest Ebook Central,
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Abstract

This study deals with different explanatory models for the emergence or existence of
linguistic features in varieties of the English language. After a brief overview of the
current research, five non-standard varieties from all over the world, ranging from a
traditional dialect to pidgins and creoles, are analyzed in two morphosyntactic and
two phonological features. The theoretical approaches are discussed with reference
to the features, providing recommendations for or advise against certain explanatory
models. Finally, Bybee's usage-based functionalist approach and the usage-based
synthesis of new-dialect formation according to Ansaldo are highlighted as plausible
explanations for the features. Formalist, descriptive universals are rejected in favour
of functionalist, cognitive universals in human language processing, acquisition and
evolution, as they occur in language contact or speaker contact scenarios – the dri-
ving force of language change.
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I would like to express my deep gratitude to my friend Sven Leuckert for productive conversations
and stylistic advice. Also, I would like to thank my family and Nora for their support throughout my
years of study.

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Table of Contents

Abstract .................................................................................................................................... 5
List of abbreviations ................................................................................................................ 8
1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 9
1.1 Aim of this study ...................................................................................................... 9
1.2 Methods ................................................................................................................... 9
1.3 Basic assumptions .................................................................................................. 10
2. Current research ............................................................................................................ 14
2.1 Sociolinguistic approaches ..................................................................................... 14
2.1.1 Schreier – linguistic endemicity ..................................................................... 14
2.1.2 Andersen – center and periphery .................................................................. 15
2.1.3 Trudgill – new-dialect formation .................................................................... 15
2.2 Language evolution ................................................................................................ 16
2.2.1 Mufwene – language as an organism ............................................................ 16
2.2.2 Croft – Theory of Utterance Selection ........................................................... 18
2.3 Linguistic formalism ............................................................................................... 18
2.3.1 Chomsky – Universal Grammar ...................................................................... 18
2.3.2 Bickerton – Language Bioprogram Hypothesis .............................................. 20
2.3.3 Chambers – vernacular universals ................................................................. 20
2.4 Synthetic approaches ............................................................................................. 21
2.4.1 Tomasello – usage-based approach ............................................................... 21
2.4.2 Ansaldo – Adaption Theory ............................................................................ 22
2.4.3 Bybee – usage-based functionalism ............................................................... 23
2.5 Summary ................................................................................................................ 24
3. Selection of varieties of English .................................................................................... 25
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3.1 Traditional L1 variety: Scottish English .................................................................. 26


3.2 High-contact L1 variety: New Zealand English ....................................................... 28
3.3 Indigenized L2: Chicano English ............................................................................. 31
3.4 Creole: Bonin Island English/Ogasawara Mixed Language .................................... 33
3.5 Pidgin: Norfolk Island/Pitcairn English ................................................................... 36
4. Selection of linguistic features ...................................................................................... 40
4.1 Morphosyntactic features ...................................................................................... 40
4.1.1 F34: alternative forms for 2nd person plural pronouns .................................. 40
4.2 Phonological features............................................................................................. 46

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4.2.1 Monophthongization ..................................................................................... 46
4.2.2 Th-movement ................................................................................................. 48
5. Discussion ...................................................................................................................... 52
5.1 Sociolinguistic approaches ..................................................................................... 52
5.1.1 Theoretic outline ............................................................................................ 52
5.1.2 Matching the data .......................................................................................... 56
5.2 Language evolution ................................................................................................ 65
5.2.1 Theoretical outline ......................................................................................... 65
5.2.2 Matching the data .......................................................................................... 68
5.3 Linguistic formalism ............................................................................................... 71
5.3.1 Theoretical outline ......................................................................................... 71
5.3.2 Matching the data .......................................................................................... 73
5.4 Synthetic approaches ............................................................................................. 74
5.4.1 Theoretical outline ......................................................................................... 74
5.4.2 Matching the data .......................................................................................... 76
5.5 Conclusion – principles at work ............................................................................. 78
6. Considerations ............................................................................................................... 82
6.1 Does the input matter? Languages vs. dialects in contact..................................... 82
6.2 A different perspective on universals .................................................................... 83
6.3 Reflection upon material and methods ................................................................. 84
6.4 Outlook ................................................................................................................... 85

Bibliography ........................................................................................................................... 86

Appendix I .............................................................................................................................. 94
Appendix II ............................................................................................................................. 95
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Appendix III ............................................................................................................................ 96


Appendix IV............................................................................................................................ 97
Appendix V............................................................................................................................. 98
Appendix VI............................................................................................................................ 99

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List of abbreviations

2nd p.pl.pron. second person plural pronoun


AAVE African American Vernacular English
BIE Bonin Island English
ChcE Chicano English
CLF contact language formation
EFL English as a foreign language
ESL English as a second language
eWAVE electronic World Atlas of Varieties of English
HoVE Handbook of Varieties of English
L1 first language
L2 second language
LBH Language Bioprogram Hypothesis
NZ New Zealand
NZE New Zealand English
PNE Pitcairn-Norfolk English
OML Ogasawara Mixed Language
RP Received Pronunciation
ScE Scottish English
UG Universal Grammar
WALS World Atlas of Language Structures online
WAVE World Atlas of Varieties of English
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1. Introduction

1.1 Aim of this study

In this study, five varieties of English will be compared in two phonological and two
morphosyntactic features. In advance, different theories or explanations for processes
in language development will be discussed. Later, the theories will be taken into
consideration for the explanation of the prevalence, varying in degree, of the features
discussed in the different varieties. Hereby, certain principles, general processes and
tendencies in language development are supposed to be uncovered, confirmed or
refuted. Different models of explanations will be matched to certain features, and
recommendations on each theory will be made, hopefully resulting in the contribu-
tion of an integrated model.

1.2 Methods

In order to achieve the aims, a set of five different varieties of the English language,
ranging from traditional Scottish English dialect to an exotic pidgin spoken on
9remote Pacific Pitcairn Island, will be analyzed in four features. Two of them will
focus on phonology, another two focus on morphosyntax. The selection of features
was made partly in order to grant fair chances to each explanatory model, and partly
because of their high pervasiveness in most varieties. The five varieties of English
follow the five categories of non-standard varieties in the World Atlas of Varieties of
English, WAVE (Kortmann/Lunkenheimer 2012: 3f.). As a next step, explanatory
models and theories from a number of mainly sociolinguistic paradigms, such as lan-
guage universals represented by Chambers, dialectology by Trudgill, evolutionary
linguistics represented by Mufwene, a usage-based approach by psycholinguist To-
masello, or an attempt of an integrated model by Ansaldo, are discussed, interpreted
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and matched with data from the varieties and features.

While doing so, we will encounter a large number of terms and concepts that
originate from biology, especially genetics, in descriptions of linguistic phenomena.
This is due to the fact that – as we will see – they share characteristics in many res-
pects. Nevertheless, one aim of this study is a balanced discussion of each model,
which hopefully leads to a juxtaposition of the advantages and disadvantages of each
model in the explanation of the chosen features in the five varieties.

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1.3 Basic assumptions

Caveats

WAVE and eWAVE samples and feature rankings are often dependent on only one
informant, and often the body of source material is rather slim, or in some cases,
outdated. As languages, contact languages in particular, are instable and may change
in a short period of time, written evidence from half a century ago (e.g. Ross 1964 on
Pitcairn/Norfolk English) cannot be left unquestioned. In addition, the selection both
of the features and the varieties was not randomly done. This might skew the results,
just as the selection of explanatory models or their adaption on contact languages.

Generalizations

The final recommendation for the best matching fields of explanatory models, fea-
tures, and varieties will be a generalization, but it is supposed to give a hint where
the strengths and weaknesses of each theory are, and what further models might take
into account.

Definitions

Before starting with the analysis we need to define certain (socio-)linguistic con-
cepts. When speaking about a linguistic situation of a geographical or political area,
we speak about:

die ethnische und/oder regionale Verteilung sowie die soziale Distribution und
Hierarchie der Sprachen und/oder Sprachvarianten, die zu einem gegebenen
Zeitpunkt auf einem bestimmten (meist politisch-administrativ abgegrenzten)
Territorium entsprechend den dort herrschenden ethnischen, politischen, sozial-
ökonomischen und kulturellen Bedingungen zur Kommunikation verwendet wer-
den. (Hansen et al. 1996: 13)
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Furthermore, this very situation is characterized by historical processes leading to its


coming into existence, and the intensity, aims and fashion of language policy (ibid.).
For this reason we will deal with the history, the characteristics, functions, prestige,
areal and social distribution and political circumstances of each variety in order to
get to know them in great detail. The linguistic situation has various names and
facets in the different approaches, for instance linguistic ecology. A language com-
munity can be defined as a "group of people who regard themselves as using the
same language" (Hansen et al. 1996: 14), which implies a certain amount of linguis-

10
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tic awareness. This, next to a shared ethnic and cultural identity, can create a commu-
nal spirit and form a certain togetherness. This definition will be most productive for
our purpose here. Nevertheless, we have to take into account two more perspectives
on linguistic communities. A code community includes speakers who use one langu-
age as means of communication in intra-national exchange, regardless whether L1 or
L2, but not as a foreign language (ibid.). A primarily social perspective is provided
by the term communication community that is characterized by fairly stable social
relations and hierarchies within a community which leads to a specific selection and
distribution of linguistic means and features, regardless whether only one or more
languages are used. One individual can be member of a number of communication
communities, depending on the dialogue partner and situation (ibid.). This might be a
helpful perspective in colonial contact situations with clear-cut social hierarchies. As
a next step, we need to look at the linguistic potential of a language community, i.e.
"die Zahl und Art der zur Kommunikation innerhalb der Gemeinschaft verwendeten
Sprachen und/oder Sprachvarianten, deren Status und sozialkommunikative Funktion
sowie auch deren regionale Verbreitung" (Hansen et al. 1996: 16). As we are mainly
interested in contact situations here, always more than one language will be encoun-
tered. It is important to see whether there is a hierarchy, a substrate, adstrate or su-
perstrate situation of the English language, which variety is more prestigious, to what
extent and why the output is more or less influenced by what input.

Hansen et al. (1996: 20) find two main influences for the attitude of speakers towards
the languages or varieties used in their communication community. Firstly, it is the
ethnic or regional origin and the social or socio-economic status; secondly, it is the
language's or variety's prestige within this community. Those two factors do not
necessarily have to be congruent. Overt prestige is important for the variety's appro-
val within the community and is mainly influenced by the speakers' associated social
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role and status. Covert prestige, on the other hand, seems to contradict the public
opinion. As a symbol for a minority's ethnic and social identity, it can become an
expression of group solidarity and distance from the establishment, which in turn can
also lead to depreciation or rejection by the majority. A variety's or language's
prestige can influence the willingness to acquire or master it, or to adopt certain
features.

For a clear understanding of variety categories we need to define terms such as L1,
L2, creole, and pidgin. An L1 is the speaker's mother tongue. It is the language that a

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person learns as a child and that he or she uses primarily. An L2 is a second lan-
guage, "a language that sb learns to speak well and that they use for work or at
school, but that is not the language they learned first" (Hornby 2010: 1380).

A pidgin is "a simple form of a language, especially English, Portuguese or Dutch,


with a limited number of words, that are used together with words from a local
language" in contact situations of people who do not speak the same language or one
speaker does not speak a language well (Hornby 2010: 1144). In this definition, the
focus lies upon simplification, imperfection, language contact and the typical colo-
nial languages. A more complex definition by Daniel Long (2007: 4) gives an extra
perspective on the socioeconomic situation of pidgin communication:

A pidgin is a language system that evolves when speakers of two, three, or more
languages come into contact with each other and cannot easily understand one
another's language. Typically, the language of the people with 'power' (through
economics, technology, warfare, sheer numbers, etc.) is learned imperfectly by
the other groups. These groups acquire lexical morphemes from the powerful
lexifier (or superstrate) language, but their understanding of grammatical mor-
phemes and syntax (the way words are joined together to make meaningful sen-
tences) is influenced by their various native languages (the substrate langua-
ges). Their misinterpretations (reinterpretations) of the grammar of the target
language result in the grammatical simplification and restructuring of the lan-
guage.

In addition, there might be many "complex relationships that the speaker can
conceive of (in her mind, in her native language) but cannot verbalize in the pidgin
due to its grammatically [and lexically] limited nature" (Long 2007: 6). Only a
restricted pool of expressions and structures is available making formulations outside
this corridor impossible.
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Important here is that a pidgin, by definition, is not spoken as a first language in


contrast to a creole language. "[P]idgins have no native speakers. A user of a pidgin
is by definition a native speaker of some other language. A nativized pidgin is a
creole" (ibid.). A creole is "a language formed when a mixture of a European lan-
guage with a local language (especially an African language spoken by slaves in the
West Indies) is spoken as a first language" (Hornby 2010: 359). This definition,
though, is a bit narrow because it focuses on European languages, which is not ne-
cessary. Creolization is a process of "expansion through the nativization of a pidgin,

12
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and the creole language that the children create is a full-fledged language in which
there are grammatical structures to express the cognitive relationships their minds
come up with" (Long 2007: 6). In Long's words (ibid.), we will later refer to creo-
loids, a contact language with the typical admixture of two or more languages but
with less dramatic processes of restructuring, simplification and expansion. A highly
recommended introduction on pidgins and creoles can be found in Sebba 2009.
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2. Current research

We can find a broad range of perspectives on linguistic phenomena such as isolated


speech communities, language contact, internally and externally motivated change,
and the resulting features in varieties of English all over the world. In this chapter, a
number of these perspectives will be presented in brief. Here, different attitudes
towards new dialect formation or contact language formation become apparent, in-
cluding arguments for and against each approach. The perspectives are grouped ac-
cording to the main statements they make, even though it is difficult to form groups.
There are overlapping aspects in the different theories, but also mutually exclusive
aspects.
We start with Schreier in order to explain the phenomenon of linguistic contact and
isolation, and continue by outlining the relevant principles that might be at work in
contact situations. Here, universalistic, evolutionistic, psycholinguistic, and mainly
sociolinguistic approaches will be presented, discussed, and used as a starting point
for the discussion in chapter 5 in which data from chapters 3 and 4 will be included.

2.1 Sociolinguistic approaches

Almost all approaches in chapter 2 have a sociolinguistic dimension as contact situa-


tions are often central aspects of their statements. The approaches in 2.1 are mainly
concerned with the speakers and their geographic and social movements, though, and
put emphasis on the social facet.

2.1.1 Schreier – linguistic endemicity

Daniel Schreier (2003) stepped into the tradition of usage of terminology from
biology for linguistic purposes, see 2.3. Endemicity in biology or medicine means the
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existence or distribution of species, both animals and plants, only in a certain locally
restricted area (Duden 2009: 274). Insularity is geographical isolation including its
special case of local restriction on a single island. Linguistic endemicity then is the
occurrence of certain linguistic phenomena in geographically isolated speech
communities. In his research, Schreier mainly focused on the South Atlantic island of
Tristan da Cunha, probably the most remote inhabited island in the world. The
closest settlements are St. Helena 1,400 miles north and Cape Town 1,800 miles east
(Schreier 2003: 252). His findings can be adapted to most of the varieties we will

14
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discuss here as they share characteristics such as a small population, and geographi-
cal and social isolation.

2.1.2 Andersen – center and periphery

Henning Andersen (1988) describes new-dialect formation with an expanded model


of the classic Adoption Theory. In this theory, the simplistic standard scenario for
contact-induced language change is outlined. Speakers with different traditional
norms get into contact, adopt each other's norms and adjust their usage accordingly.
Features that were formerly marked differences in the two varieties are obliterated or
merged; traditional features will not continue to be passed on. As a result, a linguistic
boundary – an isogloss – disappears (Andersen 1988: 40). Here, the new and vital
point is the model of center and periphery. Andersen describes a phenomenon that
was already discovered by Ferdinand de Saussure, namely that "regardless of which
language areas they work with, there are palpable differences between the kinds of
developments that characteristically occur in central and in peripheral speech areas"
(ibid.: 39). Depending on the characteristics of the dialect, speakers are conservative
or open toward change. This creates reduction and regularization, or differentiation
and complication, i.e. language change.

2.1.3 Trudgill – new-dialect formation

Trudgill (2004) proposes three stages of new-dialect formation, each subdivided in


several steps. As he states, the relative influence of "language contact versus dialect
contact [...] may be rather hard to disentangle" (2004: 5). With small adaptations, his
theory of new-dialect formation seems to work for both dialect and language contact.

Trudgill describes a process of new-dialect formation in six steps. After coming


together in a special location, speakers of different dialects or mutually intelligible
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languages mix in a multi-dialectal society. The variants will reduce over time in
accordance with certain deterministic, social factors such as socio-economic status of
the speakers and the associated prestige. Too heavily marked features will be reduced
or abandoned because they are not locally shared. Unmarking as a subtype of
levelling often happens in favour of forms "which offer greatest structural simplicity"
(Trudgill 2004: 86). An interdialect develops. This is a dialect that has a set of fea-
tures which was not actually present in any of the of the contributing dialects, and
which arise out of interaction between them. The interdialect's structure and system

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may be simpler, as complex as, or – owing to hypercorrection – even more complex
than a speaker's initial dialect. After reallocating leftovers of initial dialects to phono-
logical, morphological, or register-related niches, the five necessary steps of koi-
néisation are completed. After that, in a final step, the new dialectal features are
focussed; this is their norms and stability are consolidated within the communication
community (Trudgill 2004: 84-89). According to him, the six steps occur in three
different chronological stages, roughly corresponding with three successive genera-
tions of speakers (Trudgill 2004: 89).

2.2 Language evolution

2.2.1 Mufwene – language as an organism

Salikoko S. Mufwene is mostly known for his concept of language ecology and
evolution including the ideas of the founder principle and the feature pool which he
has elaborated since the mid-1990s (Mufwene 2012a). He defines language as "a
complex adaptive system and as a piece of technology that was built incrementally
and has been modified several times over by its users and makers (speakers and
signers alike) to meet their current communicative needs, under the influence of
habits developed previously" (Mufwene 2012b: 3), or in another text, as a "Lamarck-
ian species, whose genetic makeup can change several times in its lifetime. It is also
a parasitic species, whose life and vitality depend on (the acts and dispositions of) its
hosts, i.e. its speakers, on the society they form, and on the culture in which they
live" (Mühlhäusler 2005: 266).

In the course of time, speakers of a language introduce "variation and therefore


competition and selection, as different innovators often introduce variants (forms or
structures) for the same functions" (Mufwene 2012b: 3). First, change happens in
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idiolects on an individual level. Later, this change, if accepted by the speech com-
munity, will be applied by a larger number of speakers. Over time, the language self-
organizes communal norms, reduces variation, and certain standards rise to popula-
tion level (ibid.). He "focused on how indirect external ecological factors (e.g.
population movements, the particular dialect mix of the allopatric1 population, the
kinds of languages spoken by the people they came in contact with in the colony, and

1
Allopatric speciation in biology is the separate existence and development of closely related species
in different places due to sudden geographic isolation.

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population structure, which determines patterns of social interaction) influenced
language change" (ibid.).

Exactly his inspiration from biology has led him to the re-introduction of the founder
principle2 that is also called the doctrine of first effective settlement (Mühlhäusler
2005: 266). It explains how "structural features of creoles have been predetermined
to a large extent (but not exclusively!) by characteristics of the vernaculars spoken by
the populations that founded the colonies in which they developed" (Mufwene 1996:
84). The "ethnographic setting in which the lexifier [...] has come into contact with
diverse languages (or populations) whose structural features [...] enter into competi-
tion with its own features" is called the ecology of a language (ibid.: 85). At this
point, Mufwene puts great emphasis on the idiolectal level. He says that every
individual's realization of his or her L1 is an incomplete abstraction of the L1
because of the speaker's limited input - depending on the ecology on the individual's
level. This means two speakers of the same language must differ in their acquisition
of their L1 due to input that is not identical.

When dealing with Mufwene, analogies to biology, especially genetics, become


obvious. He first started to compare language with population, as speakers are the
agents of a language – just as living creatures are the carriers of genes. A language is
only a useful but abstract extrapolation of the (mutually intelligible) idiolects of their
speakers – just as a species is an abstraction of similarities of its (genetically compa-
tible and similar) members. There is interindividual variation in genes and L1 reali-
zation, the latter identified by linguistic features. As genes are inherited, linguistic
features can be passed on, though rather via transmission and restructuring than by
inheritance, but both being dependent on the ecology or surrounding. Furthermore,
there is change in both genetics and linguistic usage, which can be described as
evolution (Mufwene 2002: 46). In the same way, the feature pool is an analogy to the
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gene pool (ibid.). Input from feature donors are more or less equally collected in a
pool which causes competition among them. Finally, a selection is made and certain
features make it to the output language with different probabilities, some of them

2
"Whenever an empty territory undergoes settlement, or an earlier population is dislodged by inva-
ders, the specific characteristics of the first group able to effect a viable, self-perpetuating society are
of crucial significance to the later social and cultural geography of the area, no matter how tiny the
initial band of settlers may have been [...] in terms of lasting impact the activities of a few hundred, or
even a few score, initial colonizers can mean much more for the cultural geography of a place than the
contributions of tens of thousands of new immigrants generations later" (Zelinsky quoted in Mühl-
häusler 2005: 267).

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only appearing sporadically in individuals, others being salient in the majority of the
population; comparable to recessive and dominant genes, one could say (ibid: 46f.).
The founder principle, in biology a term for a reduced gene pool owing to geographic
or genetic isolation of (small) populations, is used to describe the increased likeli-
hood of an establishment of the founders' linguistic features existing in a population.
Here, it is more likely that the lexifier's features will dominate and only few items (or
genes) of the substrate will prevail.

2.2.2 Croft – Theory of Utterance Selection

Croft, himself influenced by Hull, developed a similar concept, the Theory of Ut-
terance Selection. Language can be seen as a "population of linguistic features and
grammar as a combination of idiolects" (Ansaldo 2009: 14). Social forces such as
prestige or status are understood as a "mechanism that selects an innovative variant
for subsequent propagation across the speech community" (Croft et al. 2006: 2). An
utterance is taken as the analogue to DNA as it passes (grammatical) information
from one speaker to another, forming the lingueme-genome-analogy. Speakers are
interactors, genes are replicators; speakers, by exchanging linguistic features, repli-
cate the lingueme. Variation exists not only among speakers but also within indivi-
duals. And because neither two speakers nor two situations are alike, communication
creates variation through imperfect replication of words, sounds and constructions
speakers have heard before, an aspect also considered in usage-based models (chap-
ter 2.4). Social circumstances such as the "social success" cause the "differential
survival of the linguemes they produce" (Croft et al. 2006: 3). This accounts for
change over time (ibid.: 2f.). Similarities to Mufwene's Feature Pool notion with its
competition and selection become apparent.
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2.3 Linguistic formalism

2.3.1 Chomsky – Universal Grammar

The notion of linguistic universals is highly debated and ambiguous. In general, uni-
versals can refer to "a superficial descriptive property true of the expression of all
languages", a descriptive universal, or to a cognitive universal, "a property true of all
human minds" (Winford 2013: 224). Descriptive universals are associated with Jo-
seph Greenberg's functional, empiricist approach in which a representative sample of
languages is typologically compared in certain features, and cross-linguistic generali-

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zations are made. Cognitive universals have their origin in Noam Chomsky's forma-
list approach of generative grammar, which proposes a set of universal principles that
limit the possible forms of grammar, both in language acquisition and change. Here,
central is the formulation of generalizations about the "essential nature of language,
from which particular language-specific grammatical features can be derived", lea-
ding to a theoretical construct of Universal Grammar, an innate human language fa-
culty (Winford 2013: 225). While functionalists usually make empirical studies and
derive their deductions about similarities in languages and in mechanisms of langu-
age change world-wide from corpus-based data, their evidence and results seem to be
more relevant and logical than those of formalists who have a starting point of innate
grammar governed by universal principles, and try to support this view with data, as
we will see below (ibid.).

The Universal Grammar Hypothesis can be characterized by four interrelated claims


(see Goldberg 2009: 202):

1) domain-specificity: Language acquisition is constrained by representations or


principles that are specific to language;
2) universality: These representations or principles are universal;
3) innateness: These representations or principles are not learned;
4) autonomous syntax: These representations or principles depend on syntactic
representations and not their functional correlates.

This means that every newborn child has the capacity to acquire a language (L1)
relatively easily, the faculty of speech and basic grammatical processes are innate,
genetic information is the source for learning every possible language because the
input during first language acquisition triggers certain parameters to attain a distinct
value, all of them following deep universal principles. The language faculty as the
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basis for linguistic universals is a black box, but functionalist-inductive approaches


are interested in exactly those processes happening in this black box, "providing
external explanations for observable universal properties of language and mainly
address physical and cognitive constraints" (Siemund 2009: 334). The combination
of all parameters is characteristic for each language. However, there is a lack of data
on this theory and thus no empirical or developmental-psychological support (Nün-
ning 2008: 95f.).

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2.3.2 Bickerton – Language Bioprogram Hypothesis

Moreover, we can find Derek Bickerton's Language Bioprogram Hypothesis, LBH, a


formalist approach that treats creole genesis as the outcome of L1 acquisition "in a
context of restricted linguistic input from the surrounding community" (Thomason
2001: 178). Children growing up in a highly unstable linguistic environment, as in
pre-pidgin-speaking plantation creole communities, construct a grammar that derives
from their innate bioprogram, so to speak a genetically programmed grammar "hard-
wired in every newborn human infant's brain" (ibid.). In a stable, 'normal' surroun-
ding, the grammar of the community overlays the bioprogram features, wiping out
genetic traces. This approach seems "shaky on the empirical evidence" (ibid.: 179)
and was refuted in various recent studies on Caribbean English-lexicon creoles,
showing no evidence for grammatical predetermination in Bickerton's sense (Win-
ford 2013: 228). The LBH can only account for a small number of incidences of
plantation creole L1 acquisition, and is thus not an option for the five varieties dis-
cussed in this study.

2.3.3 Chambers – vernacular universals

The term of vernacular universals or vernacular roots was introduced by socio-


linguist Jack Chambers "to refer to linguistic features which are absent from Stan-
dard English, but which recur in many different non-standard varieties of English
around the world" (Trudgill 2009: 307). Chambers (2004: 128) emphasises that
because universals "arise naturally in pidgins, child language, vernaculars, and else-
where, they are primitive features, not learned. As such, they belong to the language
faculty, the innate set of rules and representations that are the natural inheritance of
every human being." We can clearly recognize Chomsky in this approach. Chambers
says that "[s]ociolinguists have amassed copious evidence in the past 35 years for a
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surprising conclusion: a small number of phonological and grammatical processes


recur in vernaculars wherever they are spoken. This conclusion follows from the
observation that, no matter where in the world the vernaculars are spoken [...] these
features inevitably occur" (Chambers 2004: 128). Their prevalence can only come
into existence by diffusion by the dialect's founders, or by developing "independently
as natural structural linguistic developments" (Chambers 2004: 128). Because,
according to Chambers, any approach basing on diffusion is inadequate here –
distances are just too great and universals occur in all types of varieties (ibid.: 128) –

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the discussion will focus on vernacular universals. Examples are consonant cluster
simplification, copula deletion, or multiple negation (ibid.: 129). Possible reasons for
their occurrence may be underlying principles of cognitive overload, motor eco-no-
my, or avoiding redundancy (ibid.: 140), tendencies that are pervasive in vernaculars
but suppressed in the standard. These reasons, in fact, are of a rather cognitive-
functional nature.

2.4 Synthetic approaches

2.4.1 Tomasello – usage-based approach

Michael Tomasello, co-director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthro-
pology, Leipzig, is expert on developmental psychology and psycholinguistics. His
theory on L1 acquisition in young children can hardly be adapted to contact scena-
rios, and young children's processes in language acquisition are different from those
of adults, as "children operate with different psycholinguistic units than adults"
(Tomasello 2000: 62). Nevertheless, it underlines the importance of linguistic role
models, i.e. linguistic input in the early stages of language acquisition. Usage can be
understood in two ways. On the one hand, a speaker can become used to a structure
through permanent exposure; on the other hand, the speaker applies a structure in
form of imitative and inductive learning. Imitative refers to the circumstance that
children hear how their linguistic environment speaks. "In the early stages, children
mostly use language the way they have heard adults using it. This leads to an
inventory of item-based utterance schemas" (Tomasello 2000: 70). In other words,
language use shapes the grammar and lexicon (Bybee 1999: 236). Inductive refers to
the process of making generalizations from an exemplary usage on a grammatical
structure, because "[c]hildren are focused on the adult's communicative intentions as
they attempt to comprehend her immediate utterance, and communicative function is
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the main basis for their linguistic generalizations over time (otherwise they would be
totally baffled by a language's many homonyms and proforms, among other things)"
(Tomasello 2003: 324).

Furthermore, high-frequency use of words and phrases leads to a certain automati-


zation and phonological reduction, which in turn leads to a higher variability in the
item's realization and perception or recognition, but high frequency can also lead to
entrenchment or lexical strength, making the item resistant to change or conformity.

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Moreover, "linguistic capabilities are not presumed to be different in structure from
other cognitive capabilities. Linguistic units are stored like other percepts that come
from our experience [...] Thus there is no separation of lexicon and grammar, lexicon
and phonology" (Bybee 1999: 236).

2.4.2 Ansaldo – Adaption Theory

In his 2009 paper, Umberto Ansaldo tried to integrate several approaches to typology
in contact linguistics. With his draft of a functional-typological theory of language,
he shows how to account for as many linguistic phenomena in language change as
possible without having to employ universals. He assumes that there is no significant
difference in contact-induced language change taking place in traditional types of
contact languages such as pidgins, creoles and mixed languages (Ansaldo 2009: 2).
Differences are only there in labels given for socio-historic reasons. His framework
is inspired by Croft's Theory of Utterance Selection, added by an interpretation of the
feature pool notion in language contact (ibid.: 5). He suggests "an evolutionary
framework based on principles of selection, innovation and propagation, with the
help of functional-typological analysis of the matrix. In this way, sociohistorical dy-
namics and functional-typological features are integrated within the same frame-
work" (ibid.: 27).

Ansaldo names three principles in Contact Language Formation, CLF. Firstly, we


can find differential replication in contact scenarios, secondly, we understand contact
scenarios as a complex typological matrix, and thirdly, in contact language formation
"selection, innovation and propagation occur iteratively and feed into one another.
The most likely candidates for selection and propagation are determined based pri-
marily on sociohistorical analysis and typological make-up, within which frequency
patterns play a dominant role" (Ansaldo 2009: 27f.).
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Andersen's criticism on terminology and concept borrowings from biological evo-


lution (see section 2.3) is denied by Ansaldo because of two aspects. Firstly, it
demands a complete overlap between two explanatory models in order to be useful,
and secondly, it is Croft's field of conceptual – not biological – evolution that provi-
des the necessary foundations for a linguistic framework (Ansaldo 2009: 5). As long
as such analogies are fruitful, they are welcome.

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As Goldberg (2009: 219) mentioned, the "(mostly minor) differences among various
cognitive, functionalist or usage-based approaches pale in comparison to the stark
contrasts between these approaches and traditional generative grammar." According-
ly, Ansaldo does not use Universal Grammar as an explanation here, because "[w]hat
cannot be reconstructed does not necessarily indicate UG, universal cognitive
patterns or other abstractions, but may simply indicate a gap in our knowledge"
(2009: 3f.). Imperfections in the data of linguistic ecology and history or understan-
ding of mechanisms may provide better explanation than "invisible hand changes
[that] should be treated very carefully, as a last resort in trying to account for CLF"
(Ansaldo 2009: 28). His criticism on Andersen's denial of evolutionary concepts was
explained with their fruitfulness. We will see below whether or not a bias towards the
explanation of formalist language change with universals might be a similar mistake.

2.4.3 Bybee – usage-based functionalism

Bybee supports a synthesis of functionalism and usage-based approaches, both being


of cognitive and functional nature, combining language structure with language use.
The central statement is that "the general cognitive capabilities of the human brain,
which allow it to categorize and sort for identity, similarity, and difference, go to
work on the language events a person encounters, categorizing and entering in me-
mory these experiences" (Bybee 2006: 711). This results in a cognitive representa-
tion of linguistic experience, both morphological and phonological, that can be called
grammar. Important are three effects of usage. A high token frequency, the repeated
occurrence of a word or phrase, leads to a faster rate of phonetic reduction through
automatization and neuromotor routines. Furthermore, high-frequency tokens be-
come lexically more entrenched than low-frequency ones, making them more resis-
tant to morphological change.3 Analogical reformation is not necessary because high-
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frequent words are easily accessible in the memory. Thirdly, morphologically com-
plex and high-frequent forms can lose their internal structure and become autono-
mous from their etymological source – they grammaticize4 and become productive
(Bybee 2006: 715). The storage must be very complex, as Bybee states:

3
We can see this phenomenon in English irregular verbs. Highly frequent verbs, such as keep-kept-
kept, are less likely to regularize or to change morphologically than less frequent verbs such as weep-
weeped-weeped (instead of weep-wept-wept), as it can be found in various sources (Bybee 2006: 715).
4
This process can be found in the going-to future that employs a grammaticized form of the former
local meaning of going to a place in order to do something (Bybee 2006: 719).

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Each token of use of an item affects its memory representation. Since tokens of
use vary, the stored representation must include a range of variation. As words
slowly and gradually reduce in production, the center of the range of variation
gradually shifts. [...] Not only do lexical representations have to be fully speci-
fied and represented in concrete phonetic units, these units cannot be an idea-
lized systemic phonetic set of units, but rather must represent in some realistic
way the range of variation occurring in the individual pronunciations that are
constantly being mapped onto the existing representations. (Bybee 1999: 221)

2.5 Summary

In this chapter, the basic ideas of different theoretical approaches to linguistic change
(in contact situations) have been outlined. On the one hand, we can see profound dif-
ferences between some approaches. On the other hand, other approaches seem to
take similar or related paths. A combination of the approaches seems to be produc-
tive in accounting for linguistic processes and mechanisms of language change. As a
next step, varieties of the English language will be presented with a focus on their
linguistic ecology. After providing feature samples in chapter 4, our findings hitherto
will be discussed and matched to the approaches in chapter 5.
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3. Selection of varieties of English

In order to create a subset as interesting and representative as possible, five varieties


of English were chosen for our purpose. We find one member of every variety type
as classified in Kortmann/Lunkenheimer (2012: 3f.). The five types are:

1) L1t, a low-contact traditional L1 dialect or native-speaker variety, defined as


"[t]raditional, regional non-standard mother-tongue varieties, e.g. East Anglian Eng-
lish and the dialects spoken in the Southwest, the Southeast and the North of Eng-
land" (Kortmann/Lunkenheimer 2011),

2) L1c, a high-contact L1 variety, including "transplanted L1 Englishes and colonial


standards (e.g. Bahamian English, New Zealand English), as well as language shift
varieties (e.g. Irish English) and standard varieties (e.g. colloquial American Eng-
lish)" (ibid.),

3) L2, an indigenized non-native variety that compete with local native languages,
and "that have a certain degree of prestige and normative status in their political
communities, like Pakistani English, [...] but also non-native varieties that compete
with local L1 varieties for prestige and normative status, e.g. Chicano English and
Black South African English" (ibid.),

4) Creoles, English-based contact languages and native language to many people,


and "that developed in settings where a non-English-speaking group was under
strong pressure to acquire and use some form of English, while access to its L1 spea-
kers was severely limited (e.g. in plantation settings). Many creoles have become the
native language of the majority of the population", e.g. Jamaican Creole (ibid.), and

5) Pidgins, "English-based contact languages that developed for communication be-


tween two groups who did not share the same language, typically in restricted do-
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mains of use (especially trade)." Almost all pidgins in eWAVE can be considered
expanded pidgins in contrast to prototypical pidgins, i.e. they are less restricted in the
domains of use, and many people speak them as native or primary languages (ibid.)5.

5
Additional definitions for creoles and pidgins can be found in various places. Most often they have
in common that they are not definitely sure about what pidgins and creoles are, or blur their def-
initions. Some even say they form one group, the pidgin-creole-continuum, and a distinction between
them is not fruitful. Of course, both are contact languages, but nevertheless, there are a number of
differences, e.g. in function, historical origin, formal characteristics. Most often, definitions of pidgins
include spontaneous generation, restricted vocabulary, absence of complex grammatical features, that
they are not L1, and focus on essentials; definitions on creoles include nativeness (L1), and reduction
of redundant features (see Romaine 1988, 23f.).

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Furthermore, the chosen varieties have historically quite well-recorded influences
with respect to the origin of their settlers. In other words, we know the linguistic eco-
logy of these varieties quite well, which provides fair chances of explanation to all
theoretical approaches. Another aspect is the broad but distinct variety of substrate
influences. We can find European, Asian, and Pacific languages in contact situations
with non-standard varieties of English, creating quite a diverse impression, see ap-
pendix I

Scottish English was chosen as L1t because of its distinct features distinguishing it
from Standard British English, and its influence on other language types as a result of
contact situations due to colonial seafaring in the past centuries, especially as of the
seventeenth century colonial expansion which finally lead to an increase of English-
speakers all over the world (Hansen et al. 1996: 25). All varieties discussed here
have founders who were British, partly Scottish, navy sailors – "men of little educa-
tion" and probably speakers of a non-standard variety of English (Zettersten 1969:
133). An attractive L1c is New Zealand English, spoken almost at the opposite end
of the world and influenced by native Maori. The indigenized L2 in this work will be
Chicano English which is mainly spoken by Mexican immigrants to the United
States but which took an interesting development. The Bonin Island English, also
called Ogasawara Mixed Language, is an English-Japanese hybrid spoken on an
archipelago south of Japan and will serve as creole. Last but not least, we will deal
with the pidgin spoken on Norfolk Island and Pitcairn with its Tahitian roots.

In the following, the five varieties will be introduced in order to gain insight in their
sociolinguistic, historical and geographic situation, outlining their main characteris-
tics and providing aspects for later discussion.

3.1 Traditional L1 variety: Scottish English


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It seems to be rather difficult to define the term Scottish English. Aitken and others
think of "Scottish English as a bipolar linguistic continuum, with broad Scots at one
end and Scottish Standard English at the other" (Stuart-Smith 2004: 47). Maguire
(2012: 55) expands this bipolar continuum to "a multi-dimensional sociolinguistic
variation space" in which the speakers operate. This space is dependent on the spea-
kers' socioeconomic class, level of education, identification as a Scot or a British,
religion, urban or rural origin, age, and fashion of speaking, which still is an abstrac-

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tion from reality. By far the greatest differences between Standard English and ScE
exist in pronunciation and intonation (Hansen et al. 1996: 71).

Scots is generally, with exceptions, spoken by working class people, and in informal
situations with friends and family, mainly in the rural area. Scottish Standard
English, in contrast, is typically spoken by educated middle class people in the urban
areas of Edinburgh and Glasgow, and is used in more formal occasions (Stuart-Smith
2004: 47). Many speakers are able to switch between degrees of broader or standard-
near Scots, what Aitken describes as style/dialect shifting or style/dialect drifting
(ibid.). Most examples cited in WAVE are from the broad Scots end of the con-
tinuum. For this reason, Scots features are mainly ranked B in the WAVE description,
as they do not account for all speakers in all contexts. This means, features are not
pervasive in all occasions of language production; rather they depend on the situa-
tion's and speakers' sociolinguistic and socioeconomic characteristics (Smith 2012:
21).

How did this variety continuum evolve? Scots is often perceived of as Standard
English spoken with a Scottish accent. The continuum itself results from dialect
contact and language change over many centuries (Stuart-Smith 2004: 47), Smith
(2012: 21) traces it back to the seventh century Old English dialect spoken in
Northumbria influenced by further spread of English from the thirteenth century on-
ward. Before the Anglian invasion, the area was predominantly Celtic-speaking, but
a northern variety of Anglo-Saxon was introduced. About 150 years later, Vikings
invaded Scotland from the south. At the time of the Norman Conquest, most people
in the area of Scotland spoke a form of Celtic, while Norse was used in the far north
and west, and Anglian was spoken in the south-east, with an increase of Anglian
speakers from the twelfth century onwards (Stuart-Smith 2004: 47). Until 1500 A.D.,
a Lowlands variety of English known as Inglis – Gaelic was called Erse or Irish –
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developed under the main historical influence of Norse. Later, Norman French left its
traces in Scots place names and literature (ibid.: 48). In 1398, Scots was declared the
language of record, and flourished as a literary language, until influence of English
increased after the 1603 Union of Crowns and 1707 Union of Parliaments (ibid.). In
a process of language shift, Scots replaced Gaelic in the Lowlands and English
replaced Gaelic in the Highlands (Maguire 2012: 53). From that time on, Standard
Southern English became the written standard in Scotland while the spoken standard
approximated as well, especially because of its prestige among the middle class.

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Today's spoken Scottish English in urban areas has a low overt prestige, and is
considered as bad or degenerate. In contrast, rural varieties are considered good
(Stuart-Smith 2004: 48). Despite the still prestigious role of Received Pronunciation
in Scotland, most speakers do not assimilate, especially because a too obvious assi-
milation in speech habits is perceived of as affected or hypercorrect, such as the two
RP-oriented varieties Morningside accent and Kelvinside accent spoken in Edin-
burgh or Glasgow respectively. These marked forms of RP are socially stigmatised
for most speakers, and are mainly spoken by elderly middle-class women (Hansen et
al. 1996: 71f.).

Today, there are roughly 5 million potential speakers of Scottish Standard English, of
which two thirds speak Urban Scots. Still, it is difficult for both speakers and
linguists to distinguish Scots from Scottish Standard English, and to determine
whether or not it is an independent, autonomous language, facing the ongoing
process of dialect levelling towards Standard English (ibid.: 49). Next to varieties of
English, Scottish Gaelic is spoken, albeit only by 1.2% of the population, and
passively understood by less than 2%. Only little phonological influence by Gaelic
speakers on English is attested (ibid.: 50). Other ethnic minorities of Asian or
African descent are statistically insignificant, except for agglomerations of immi-
grants in urban areas, creating a bilingual, ethnically diverse culture in a number of
public schools. Throughout its history, Scots has been under constant influence and
was neither geographically nor linguistically isolated, and it shares many features
with its neighbours northern English and (northern) Irish English (Maguire 2012:
54).

3.2 High-contact L1 variety: New Zealand English

More than 1,000 years ago, Polynesian people first set foot upon the islands of New
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Zealand as part of a long series of explorations in the Pacific. The islands were
named Aotearoa, the land of the long white cloud. Even though the Maori people lost
contact with other Polynesian people in the Pacific, the linguistic heritage is still
strong (Hay et al. 2008: 3f.). "The ancestors of the present Maori people were Poly-
nesian explorers who first arrived in New Zealand around AD 925. They came into
increasing contact with English from the time of early European settlement, and were
quick to adopt English as a language of trade and negotiation" (Bauer/Warren 2004a:
614).

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The first Europeans to discover NZ were the Dutch in 1642, naming the islands after
the Dutch province of Zeeland. In 1769, Captain James Cook made landfall and
claimed the island for the British crown, though British sovereignty was gained not
until 1840. From that time, the European settlements grew rapidly, and eighteen
years later, European immigrants outnumbered the indigenous population (ibid.: 4).
When gold was found and ranching became popular in the second half of the nine-
teenth century, the number of immigrants grew even further, bringing settlers from
Canada and Australia (Hansen et al. 1996: 168). Many Maori people died in tribal
warfare, were killed or enslaved by the settlers, reducing their population by 50% to
46,000 (Hay et al 2008: 5). In 1991, NZ had 3.4 million inhabitants of which 326,000
were Maori (Hansen et al. 1996: 169). In 2003, the population reached 4 million of
which 79% are of European descent, and 14.1% are Maori, a strongly growing group,
and 6.6% Asian. 98% of the New Zealanders speak English, only 4.6% speak Maori,
which means that only 26% of ethnic Maoris speak the Maori language, mainly the
older ones.6 The Ministry of Maori Development has set up programmes in order to
rescue and promote the Maori language by establishing Maori pre-, primary and se-
condary schools, radio and TV stations (Hay et al. 2008: 10f.). "With the continuing
perception of New Zealand comprising two groups, Maori and Anglos, multilingua-
lism is not considered a significant feature of the distinctiveness of New Zealand"
(Clyne 1997: 295). Even though there is no single official language in New Zealand,
Maori was proclaimed an official language next to English in 1987, which probably
was more for symbolic rather than linguistic reasons (ibid.).

Despite its young age of a mere 150 years, there are several attempts to explain the
NZ variety of English. "Some twenty years ago [almost 40 years by now; author's
note], New Zealand English was generally thought of as like Australian English, only
more English" (Clyne 1997: 294). WAVE, too, shows that NZE is one of the least
Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

non-standard varieties worldwide, with only 21 percent of the possible non-standard


features attested; but those features attested were quite pervasive, leaving a distinct
image of differences (Kortmann/Wolk 2012: 917). But there is a variety of concep-
tions. Apart from rather ridiculous and party ideologically tainted explanations,7 we

6
Clyne (1997: 295) comes to similar results: "90% of the population are monolingual English spea-
kers. [...] There is some revitalization of Maori through kotanga reo (language nests), but only 25% of
the Maori population speak the language, including very few of the younger generation."
7
For instance, the nasal quality of Australian and New Zealand English was explained with hay fever
caused by the large amount of pollen in the air. The monotony and dull quality in speech, perceived by
an Australian politician, was traced back to a "loss of enjoyment of life occasioned by the 1930s De-

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can find a few informants shedding light on this variety of English. Not an "idle
tongue, a rigid jaw, atrophied labial muscles [...] will account for most of the habits
and mannerisms that colour New Zealand's speech", as stated in a printed speech in
the 1948's New Zealand Voice (Gordon et al. 2004: 69), but it rather has to be a mix
of language contact, immigrant's speech, Australian influence, and new-dialect for-
mation (ibid.: 69-79). The mixture of dialects, which was the source of later NZE,
was mainly influenced by varieties spoken on the British Isles. "For New Zealand,
immigrants arrived from England, Scotland and Ireland in proportions of roughly
50:27:23" with only few immigrants from Wales and Australia, and less than one
percent of immigrants came from North America (Trudgill 2004: 13). The crucial pe-
riod of development of a unitary New Zealand variety of English is dated between
1840 and 1890 (ibid.: 24f.).

The question of prestige has various answers changing with time. The identification
of NZE with Cockney is an act of degradation. "Cockney has always been evaluated
negatively by other British English speakers, even though the exact meaning of
'Cockney' is not clear. It can be taken as the speech of members of the lower socio-
economic classes of London, and features negatively evaluated in other varieties,
particularly if they bear any similarity to the non-standard variety of London, were
also labelled 'Cockney'" (Gordon et al. 2004: 222). It was a "convenient summary
term of abuse" (ibid.: 223).8 The demographic situation shows that immigration from
the larger London area was high, 36% of immigrants in 1840-52, and about 30% for
1853-80 (ibid.: 221), but obviously not all of them spoke Cockney or anything alike.
There were theories on the transfer of Cockney to New Zealand via Australia, where
many settlers were convicts and their keepers from London area lived and spoke an
early version of Cockney, or they brought processes of linguistic change with them
(Gordon et al. 2004: 222), but the abovementioned perspective on ideological bias
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seems more promising.

NZE is, as well, influenced by its early speakers of dominantly Scottish descent
(Bauer/Warren 2004b: 580f.). The first two ships that carried originally British
immigrants to Otago have carried 350 passengers of which 270 were Scots. By 1861,

pression. Finally, a radio commentator found reasons for the dialect in bad or false teeth plus laziness
in mouth movement, which was a popular view and caused the demand for speech training for New
Zealanders, especially children and youths (see Gordon et al. 2004: 68f.).
8
From the Education Gazette 1924: "Cockney, is intrinsically ugly, and offends the cultured ear [and]
is associated with the uneducated, even the vulgar, and stamps with the brand of inferiority – more or
less deservedly – even men of the highest training, ability and character" (Gordon et al. 2004: 222).

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thirteen years after its founding, the province of Otago was made up of 42% Scots,
36% English, 15% Irish, and 4% Australian people; the province of Southland had
47% Scots, 31% English, 7% Irish and 15% Australian people. The rest were mainly
other pakehas, settlers of European descent (Bauer 1997: 257). This provides points
of discussion for different explanations for features in NZE, such as substrate or
superstrate influences, or theories on feature pool. As Bauer (1997: 259) states, "it is
impossible to give a definite list of the Scottish influences on New Zealand English"
for three reasons: firstly, expressions and features could have been used in other
regions in Great Britain or Ireland, so the sources are blurry. Secondly, in many
cases, Scottish or Irish expressions were applied in British or American English,
covering the real source. Thirdly, the English spoken there has evolved and changed
since, and as many changes are similar across a number of varieties of English, why
should it not happen to look like Scottish English (ibid.)? Nevertheless, some likely
candidates for Scottish descent are listed in Bauer (1997: 260-271), such as the
fricative devoicing or the usage of a special 2nd p.pl.pron., yous(e).

Within NZ, Southland is the only region that has a recognizably regional, different
dialect, see appendix II. Many of the original immigrants and settlers to Otago and
Southland came from Scotland, "and traces of their original speech can still be heard
there" (Hay et al. 2008: 98). A number of phonological, semantic and grammatical
features reinforce "the idea that Southland features can be traced back to the earliest
Scottish settlers" (ibid.: 99).

Bauer (1997: 270f.) has a rather disappointing resume, stating that even though "we
are aware that New Zealand English probably arose as a dialect mixture, even at a
distance of 150 years we can no longer unravel the threads which make up the new
variety. [...] If this is true of Scottish influence in New Zealand, which is generally
believed to have been strong, it must be all the more true of other, weaker, influ-
Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

ences." We will hypothesize further below.

3.3 Indigenized L2: Chicano English

The language spoken most next to English in the United States of America is Spanish
with about 32 millions speakers only of Mexican descent (Bayley 2012: 156). The
numbers have risen constantly in the past decades. In 1996, there were 17.3 million
speakers of Spanish in the US aged 5 years or older (Hansen et al. 1996: 107). US-
Americans with origins in Spanish-speaking countries live predominantly in the

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Southwest and Florida, and in the cities of New York City, Chicago and Detroit. The
biggest sub-group of the Spanish speakers, new figures speak of two thirds, are
"Chicanos, Mexican Americans" who mainly live in the Southwest, i.e. California,
Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado and Texas. Depending on their social status and
origin, they speak Mexican Standard Spanish or a regional non-standard variety of
Spanish. Hansen et al. (1996: 108) ascribe the immigrants' strong retention of the
Spanish language with deep identification with the Spanish-American culture even
before the arrival of the Anglos. Chicano English, an ethnic dialect,

tends to be spoken by people who live in ethnic enclaves [so called barrios; au-
thor's note] [...] and who have relatively little contact with speakers of main-
stream US English varieties. [...] Chicano English is spoken only by native Eng-
lish speakers [...] who acquired Spanish and English simultaneously as well as
speakers who began to acquire English when they enrolled to elementary
school, usually around the age of five. (Bayley 2012: 156)

Spanish has an ever increasingly important status among Hispanics or Chicanos, not
least because of the constant stream of legal and illegal immigrants from Mexico
whose command of English is rather weak. Regional and local newspapers and
weekly magazines are published in Spanish, just as hundreds of radio and dozens of
TV channels are broadcast in Spanish. Spanish media are also used in bilingual
education programmes in public schools (Hansen et al. 1996: 108). Despite its
omnipresence, Spanish has a very low overt prestige, because its speakers form the
lowest socioeconomic group next to African Americans and Native Americans. For a
long time, it was simply regarded as "defective English" (ibid.: 117), or merely
"Spanish-accented English", "mispronounced English of Spanish speakers who are
learning English as a second language" (Bayley/Santa Ana 2004: 417). In fact, ChcE
"appears to maintain certain phonological features that are characteristic of Spanish
Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

native-speaker, English-as-a-second-language learner interlanguage, or [...] English


language learner speech" (ibid.: 418).

Bayley and Santa Ana (2004: 417) remark that ChcE is commonly stigmatised in the
general public's awareness, and that this situation has not changed since the 1960s.
Many public school teachers "falsely attribute to ChcE a general inadequacy for edu-
cational and wider social purposes" (ibid.). Not unlike other US ethnic dialects, such
as AAVE, ChcE is encountered in a hostile manner, supposedly because these speech

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"communities seem to resist the national hegemony of English monolingualism and
Standard English" (ibid.).

Interestingly, ChcE is one of the varieties showing least deviation from the standard
with as little as 13.62% of possible non-standard features attested (Kortmann/Wolk
2012: 917). Maybe this proximity to the standard causes the impression of a non-
independent variety, or an imperfect realization of the standard. On the other hand,
ChcE carries covert prestige as symbol of ethnic identity and as means of expression
of group solidarity (ibid.: 108).

Moreover, ChcE seems to be a highly productive variety. "The ChcE modal system,
however, is relatively unusual. In addition, ChcE has adopted a number of inno-
vations stemming from Anglo varieties, including innovative quotatives. Further, in
materials prepared for teachers of ChcE speakers in Los Angeles, several gram-
matical features that appear to result from Spanish contact have been noted" (Bayley
2012: 157). Linguistic isolation in ethnic enclaves, language contact in Spanish and
English (as second and foreign language), and assimilation processes might be wor-
thy of closer investigation for explaining influences for this variety.

3.4 Creole: Bonin Island English/Ogasawara Mixed Language

The Ogasawara Islands have a very turbulent history. They are an archipelago of
roughly 30 islands, and they lie about 1,000 kilometres south of Tokyo, mainland
Japan, and a bit more than 1,000 kilometres north-west of the Northern Marianas in
the northern Pacific Ocean (Long/Trudgill 2004: 356f.). The islands were first men-
tioned by Spanish explorers in 1543, passed by the Dutch in 1639, and first set foot
upon in the 1670s by Japanese survivors of a storm (Long 2007: 19). The islands
were uninhabited until 1830, giving away the name Bonin Islands, from earlier
Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

Japanese bu-nin: no people (ibid.: 20). After that time, a highly mixed group of Euro-
pean men with Polynesian men and women arrived (Long/Trudgill 2004: 356),
"whose language was a modified but probably not creolized English [...] The lingu-
istic history of Bonin in the 19th century was probably comparable to that of Pitcairn"
(Mühlhäusler/Trew 1996: 380f. in Long 2007: 14).

The difference here is that among the long-term residents were speakers of over a
dozen languages. For an overview of European and Austronesian languages on the
early Bonins, see appendix III. Nevertheless, it "is clear from the written records of

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visitors [...] that the islanders spoke an 'imperfect' English" (Long 2007: 21), which is
not surprising because native English-speakers were a minority and there were
neither formal instruction in English nor a significant level of literacy (ibid.). The
second generation of settlers was born on the island and spoke a variety of English as
their native language which Long (2007: 21), the main informant of this variety,
refers to as Bonin Creoloid English. The people of European, American, or Pacific
descent named themselves Westerners (Long/Trudgill 2004: 357).

In the 1860s and 70s, Japan laid claim to the Bonin Islands, and changed their
official name to Ogasawara. Interestingly enough, the name is based on a hoax told
by an unashamed Samurai who claimed his ancestors had explored the island.
Despite the fact that this hoax was exposed in 1735, and the Samurai was punished
severely, the name and myth of Ogasawara was promoted by the Japanese govern-
ment in order to emphasize the claim on the islands, even though there were no
competing claims of other countries (Long 2007: 20f.). In the late eighteenth century,
Japan enforced settlement on the islands, outnumbering the original 66 people living
there in 1876 with a total of 2,366 in 1900, making the non-Japanese natives a
minority on their own island (ibid.: 22). Japanese was acquired in organized instruc-
tion, but English was retained, creating a unique identity on the islands. Until World
War II, the Westerners had become bilingual. Until the use of English was prohibited
in 1938, life on the islands was diglossic. With the approaching frontline, the Bonins
and other Japanese Pacific islands were evacuated in 1944, leaving the islands unin-
habited for a few years. In the consequent Navy Era, no ethnic Japanese people were
allowed on the island; only ancestors of Westerners might return to the islands, until
eventually in 1965 the ban was loosened. The first time in their settlement, the
islanders had to identify by what they actually are, and what they are not (e.g.
American, Japanese). Until then, the islands were ethnically so diverse that they were
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just Bonin islanders (Long 2007: 230). During this time, Navy officers and their
families plus selected American teachers and missionaries influenced the linguistic
situation, as English was brought back to higher domains and school teaching was
held in English exclusively (Long 2007: 23f.). In 1968, the United States surprisingly
returned the islands to Japan, changing the administrative language back to Japanese
once again. The exiled mono-ethnic Japanese settlers suffered from suspicion and
discrimination on mainland Japan, and returned to the islands instantly. Today, the
islands still belong to Japan and are home to more than 2,300 people, and the "num-

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ber of English speakers on the island throughout its history has usually been one to
two hundred" (Long 2007: 15).

"Bonin Islanders in general are not conscious that the language they speak is a
unique variety at all" (Long 2007: 213), nevertheless, OML plays a big role in island
identity. The Bonins are still home to an English-speaking community who identify
largely by their language, but their number is decreasing. Moreover, we cannot find a
single independent variety but a "contact continuum" (Long 2007: 214), or a "post-
creole" or "postcreoloid continuum" influenced more or less by Japanese, U.S. Ame-
rican English, and the original Bonin Creoloid (Long 2007: 14f.). For this reason,
OML or BIE, Bonin Island English, is to a certain degree recognizable to monolin-
gual speakers of either Japanese or English, but interestingly, it is not intelligible to
either group (Long 2007: 215), as a short sample sentence shall make obvious:

(1) Tsuku kara fish ga sukoshi yowaru yo. Sometimes sugu shinu, but spear suru
to sugu shinu no mo iru shi.
(Long 2007: 215)

Monolingual English speakers might understand the context of fishing with a spear,
but one cannot derive any grammatical information, nor a complete statement. In
addition, speakers of OML would retain their source language phonology, in contrast
to English borrowings into Japanese where Japanese intonation is adopted. "This
means OML maintains recognisability with its two source languages without posses-
sing the level of intelligibility necessary for monolingual speakers of either language
to interact (either through active usage or passive comprehension) with OML spea-
kers" (Long 2007: 215). They have to code-switch to either English or Japanese to
allow communication to outsiders.

"[T]he Westerners of Ogasawara have, as their appellation suggests, contrasted them-


Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

selves with their ethnic-Japanese island-mates and have sought to downplay rather
than accentuate, the differences between their variety of English and those used in
the rest of the world" (Long 2007: 213). Today, the variety is endangered to a certain
degree as the majority of young Westerners are monolingual in Japanese, which, in
addition to the Navy Era, makes a reconstruction of original Bonin Creoloid English
difficult. In addition, the Navy Era lead to a very low prestige of OML, as the variety
was regarded as failure to properly separate English and Japanese, and Navy people
had a negative attitude towards a monolingual use of Japanese.

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3.5 Pidgin: Norfolk Island/Pitcairn English

The history of Pitcairn Island is possibly known from literature or films. After the
mutiny on the Bounty in April 1789, some of the mutineers took their Tahitian spou-
ses and some Tahitian men over 2,400 kilometres east to Pitcairn Island, which is si-
tuated at 25° 04' S, 130° 06' E in an isolated part of the Central South Pacific Ocean
(Ingram/Mühlhäusler 2004: 781). It is a group of small islands, where only the
second smallest island with an area of only five square kilometres is inhabited. The
nearest inhabited settlement is on Gambier Islands in 500 kilometres distance, the
political administration in New Zealand is about 5,000 kilometres away. Pitcairn was
chosen by the mutineers exactly for its isolated and only vaguely known location
(Long 2007: 216). The settlers had to expect death penalty for the mutiny if ever
traced by British authorities. When the Bounty anchored in Tahiti from 1788 to '89,
some sort of pidgin must have arisen between the crew and especially female
Tahitians (Mühlhäusler 2010: 349). The pidgin was also used "as an anti-language to
antagonize Captain Bligh, who took a dim view of mixing English and Tahitian and
adopting Tahitian customs such as tattoos […]. The use of the language to taunt has
remained one of its functions to date" when it is used as an in-group dialect (ibid.). In
fact, the "Pitcairn language has served throughout much of its history to define Pit-
cairners as a group and to contrast them with strienjas 'strangers' (i.e. nonislanders,
whether white or Polynesian)" (Long 2007: 213). In 1996, "Pitkern was declared the
official language of Pitcairn Island" (Avram 2003: 44).

In spite of the geographical isolation, outside visitors and travelling were a common
phenomenon (Ingram/Mühlhäusler 2004: 786). Today, the current population of
around 50 to 60 people mainly consists of direct descendants of the former muti-
neers. Pitcairn is an overseas territory of the United Kingdom, although it is possible
Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

that the island will be abandoned (Ingram/Mühlhäusler 2004: 781). Pitcairn, just like
Tristan da Cunha, still has no airfield and can only be reached by infrequent freigh-
ters (Long 2007: 216f.). Owing to their comparable geographical isolation, Pitcairn
and Norfolk Island have "often been labelled a laboratory test case for linguists"
(Mühlhäusler: 799).

Norfolk Island is located at 29° 05' S, 167° 59' E, roughly 1,500 kilometres east of
Australia, and 1,100 kilometres northwest of Auckland, NZ. Unlike on the two other
islands, there is an airfield with frequent commercial flights to New Zealand and

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Australia (Long 2007: 217). The population of 2,600 and the high number of tourists
are very different, too. The area is 35 square kilometres (Ingram/Mühlhäusler 2004:
781). Nevertheless, Pitcairn and Norfolk share the same language which is described
as Pitcairn-Norfolk Island English, Pitcairnese, Norf'k, or Norfuk, in short PNE as I
will use it here. Because the island could not feed the growing population, in 1856,
all inhabitants from Pitcairn were moved 6,000 kilometres west to Norfolk Island
which has been used as a British convict settlement (Ross 1964: 25). Some of them
returned to Pitcairn in 1856 and 1864, being the ancestors of almost all Pitcairners
today. But most people stayed there, bringing in their language and representing a
third of today's population on Norfolk. Two thirds are immigrated Australians, New
Zealanders, and Polynesians.

Because of the mainstream English influence and the low status of PNE, this lan-
guage is only spoken by a small community, most often as an in-group dialect next to
a mainstream variety. "Pitcairn Islanders have always possessed a more or less main-
stream variety of English alongside their local language, and the situation has been
similar on Norfolk" (Long 2007: 220). So people code-switch when talking to other
islanders or to strienjas (ibid.: 213), which Hansen describes as a "funktional dif-
ferenzierter Bilingualismus" (Hansen et al. 1996: 19). A visitor to the islands noted
in 1903 that "all the inhabitants of Pitcairn speak perfect English, but when speaking
among themselves they cannot easily be understood by a stranger" (Long 2007: 215).

Furthermore, "the wish to distinguish Pitkern from Norfuk as two separate named
languages is growing and we have conformed to this wish" (Ingram/Mühlhäusler
2004: 780). PNE is not a focused, standardized language, and "what is called Norfuk
ranges from forms that are mutually unintelligible with English, to others that differ
only by a few stereotypical expressions" (ibid.). There is no fixed spelling or pronun-
ciation, examples given here will be near phonetic transcript. Mühlhäusler (2010:
Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

348) speaks about "Pitcairn Island English with its offshoot on Norfolk Island", and
later (2012: 620) adds, that there are only few grammatical and phonological diffe-
rences, only a number of lexical differences between the two islands' varieties. Fur-
thermore, the variety is named Norfolk Island/Pitcairn English, registered as number
65 on eWAVE (Kortmann/Lunkenheimer 2011). Thus, we can easily include both
forms to a PNE continuum and deal with them as one variety for our purpose here.
Different names will be mentioned in this study but it should be clear what is meant
by them.

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Nevertheless, "[t]he label 'Variety of English', when applied to the ways of speaking
of the descendants of the Bounty mutineers and their Tahitian spouses, is somewhat
problematic" (Ingram/Mühlhäusler 2004: 780). PNE has been described as dialect of
English, dialect of Beach-la-Mar or Bislama as spoken in Vanuatu, as mixed lan-
guage of Tahitian and English, as patois, cant, pidgin, creole, and as a separate
language (ibid.). Obviously, English is the superstrate. Influence came mainly from
substrate Tahitian, though it was reduced because "all Tahitian men on Pitcairn were
murdered within a few years of their arrival, and only mixed marriages occurred"
(Mühlhäusler 2010: 352). But influence also came from West Indian because of
mutineer Edward Young, who was a mestizo born in St. Kitts, from American
English due to contact to whalers, and Melanesian from neighbouring islands (Mühl-
häusler 2010: 350). Among the creolists, a discussion is going on whether PNE
belongs to the Atlantic or Pacific creoles. Despite its geographical isolation, it seems
to have a number of typically Atlantic creole features (Avram 2003: 44f.). Not least
because of its extremely small vocabulary of about 1,500 words, its usually bilingual
(or bi-dialectal) speakers,9 and the broad variation within this variety, we will regard
Pitcairn/Norfolk English as a pidgin here (see Ingram/Mühlhäusler 2004: 785).

34.9% of the possible non-standard features are attested in this variety, as well as a
high pervasiveness of these features (Kortmann/Wolk 2012: 617), which shows the
distinctiveness and big difference from the standard. "When questioned, they [the
Pitcairners; author's note] replied they were talking their 'own language'" (Long
2007: 213). But even though "Pitcairners see the unique language they speak as 'low-
status'" (Long 2007: 213), inferior to the standard, somewhat funny and ridiculous, it
seems important to them as a part of their culture and heritage (ibid.).Visitors des-
cribed the variety as "a kind of gibberish" in 1856, or in 1905, as "an extraordinary
patois" (Long 2007: 229). Ingram/Mühlhäusler (2004: 780) note that "'murdering the
Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

King' was the local expression for speaking Norfuk." This means we can find both
low overt and covert prestige, with the caveat that the function as a group identifier
might create a special form of covert prestige, one which is not even expressed

9
"Right from the first generation all Pitcairners on both Pitcairn and Norfolk Island could speak and
write acrolectal English. In some families English was the dominant family language, in others it was
reserved for communication with outsiders and in the religious and public domains" (Mühlhäusler
2012: 620). "It seems likely that the mixed language of the Pitcairners became the sole language of
some households in remote parts of Norfolk Island after 1900 and thus creolized" (ibid.). The em-
phasis here is on the fact that creolization, if happened at all, took place in only a minority of the
speakers. The remark on remoteness within an island population is rather doubtful, as the island is
only 35 square kilometres large.

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within the group. In recent years, projects were started to reverse the decline of this
language (Mühlhäusler 2010: 349).
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4. Selection of linguistic features

In a similar fashion as certain varieties were chosen, a selection of linguistic features


was made. The features will be examined here by showing examples from each
variety. We can find two morphosyntactic and two phonological features. In order to
provide a wide range of performance tests for the explanatory theories presented in
chapter 2, we can not only find features attested in the World Atlas of Varieties of the
English Language (WAVE), but also certain candidates for language universals. Fur-
thermore, the wide range of linguistic input in the various contact scenarios will pro-
vide a number of possible explanations for the features' existence, as we will see in
chapter 5.

The features taken from WAVE will be named by the pattern FXX, F for feature and
XX giving the number of the feature as given in WAVE, compare the list of features
in Kortmann/Lunkenheimer (2012: 941-946).

4.1 Morphosyntactic features

4.1.1 F34: alternative forms for 2nd person plural pronouns

"Pronominal systems are among those with the highest degree of variability in varie-
ties of English. This may in part be due to the fact that many standard English varie-
ties display some irregularity which is often 'remedied' in speech and/or informal
written registers of both native (L1) and non-native (L2) varieties" (Wagner 2012:
379). In changes of the pronoun system we can find both exotic, unique variations
and possibly universal features existing in many vernaculars. Interestingly, there is
no more differentiation between a 2nd p. singular and plural pronoun in Standard
English. "The loss of the formal distinction between second person [singular] and
plural is one of the more puzzling events in the history of the English language", as
Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

Wagner puts it (2012: 381). In fact, the distinction is salient in semantics and
pragmatics, especially concerning the relationship between two speakers. Without a
distinction, ambiguity will occur in many situations. For that reason, "almost all
vernacular varieties of English have maintained this essential contrast, using two
basic strategies", i.e. synthetic, and analytic strategies (Wagner 2012: 381).

A synthetic strategy is, for instance, the combination of the standard 2nd p.pl.pron.
you with a plural morpheme in form of a suffix -s, as in yous or youse. Analytic
change is given in a combination with a noun that employs both additional pragmatic

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and semantic information in order to reduce or avoid ambiguity, as in you guys, you
ones or y'all (ibid.). The Handbook of Varieties of English, HoVE (Kortmann/Schnei-
der 2004) lists 31 of 46 varieties in which special pronominal forms for the 2nd p.pl.
are pervasive, and thus ranked A, and in three more varieties such forms are used
occasionally, ranked B. The Electronic World Atlas of Varieties of English, short
eWAVE, lists feature 34 as attested in 91% of all varieties analysed, and a pervasive-
ness of 78%, which means that in 36 varieties, F34 is ranked A, in 23 it is ranked B,
in 8 varieties the features "exists but is extremely rare", one variety is not analysed
sufficiently. Only 6 out of the total of 74 varieties do not have this feature (Kort-
mann/Lunkenheimer 2011). This means, F34 is statistically abundant in all non-
standard varieties of English. Trudgill (2009: 307) names the "reintroduction of plu-
ral forms of you" a possible candidate "for the label of vernacular universal", al-
though more evidence is needed to be sure.

F34 in New Zealand English

It is "reported that the plural form of you among West Coast school children was
often yous. While it was corrected in school, it was regularly used outside school and
by those who had left school" (Hundt et al. 2004: 585). Today, this feature is ranked
A in WAVE and seems to be a pervasive token among all English-speakers in New
Zealand. Even in high school students, more than 50% of the speakers use yous and
many others use you guys, which is sometimes even more frequent. It seems not to be
socially stigmatized as even speakers with higher education, albeit they are young,
use this feature.

A likely source is Irish English, as we will discuss below in chapter 5. Examples of


F34 in NZE are:

(2) I asked the children, are yous ready yet.


Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

(3) um that team that beat yous by what was it five nil
(4) so yous had to rent or something?
(5) so you guys gonna get another cat?
(6) I mean how much do they pay you guys?
(Hundt et al. 2004: 585)

F34 in Scottish English

In Scotland, F34 is used extensively in the Central Belt, Edinburgh, Glasgow and
surrounding areas in form of yous or youse. In rural areas, it is only marginally used
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by younger generations, and is absent in older speakers. Another form of F34, you
ones or you ains, is highly prolific in rural areas in the north and northeast of Scot-
land. It can also be found in other varieties and is likely to be the source of the rela-
ted, contracted form yins in American English varieties (Smith 2012: 22). Maguire
(2012: 70), too, states that "yous for the 2nd person plural pronoun, [is] particularly
associated with Glasgow and west central Scots." It is not existent in the south, east,
northeast and Orkneys, see appendix IV.

All of the attested forms, yous or yins, are avoided by educated speakers because
they are stylistically and prestigiously stigmatised (Miller 2004: 49). As a result,
WAVE ranks this feature as B.

(7) Yous are wrang!


(8) I na think you ains were there when we came to the Sloch.
(Smith 2012: 26)

F34 in Chicano English

We can find special forms and phrases for the 2nd p.pl.pron. in ChcE. WAVE ranks
this feature as B, neither pervasive nor rare. In Texas Chicano speakers, y'all can be
found which is also a common feature in Southern American English. Other inci-
dences include you guys.

(9) I say, "Hey y'all two, leave me alone."


(Bayley 2012: 157)

(10) You guys don't like me no more. You guys don't come visit me no more.
(Bayley/Santa Ana 2004: 383; Bayley 2012: 159)

F34 in Norfolk Island/Pitcairn English

In PNE, a pronominal system "more complex than that of English" has developed by
Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

synthetic means. It has singular, dual and plural. The possessive forms are expressed
by an added -s or in a special form (Mühlhäusler 2004: 798). Special forms for the
2nd p.pl.pron. are pervasive and ranked A in WAVE and eWAVE. An extract of Mühl-
häusler's table (ibid.) shows the following forms for plural you in different contexts:

dual: subject: yutuu (you two)


object: yutuu ((to) you two)
possessive: yutuus (you two's/yours/belonging to the two of you)

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plural: subject: yorlyi (you all you)
object: yorlyi ((to) you all you)
possessive: yorlyis (you all yours/belonging to you guys)

See also Mühlhäusler (2004: 790). We can find these forms in various sentences:

(11) Yorlye come look ortn. (Yorlye = you all you; Come all and see)
(Kortmann/Lunkenheimer 2011; Mühlhäusler 2012: 624)

(12) ,wasing ,jole want (What do you (pl.) want?/What's it you all want?)
(13) fu ,jole want da (Why do you want to be here?/Why you all want there?)
(Ross 1964: 124)

(14) to all yorlye who have been so kind (To all of you who have been so kind)
(Mühlhäusler 2010: 796)

Analytic and synthetic strategies co-exist and are sometimes used in the same
sentence:

(15) `jl ,pal  ,pip 'ka wosi jle ,tokm ,bæ t (Y'all pile of people don't
know what you'll are talking about)
(Ross 1964: 123)

F34 in Bonin Island English

Finally, in OML we can find two variants. Either the English-derived you is used as
in the standard, or the Japanese-derived form omai is used (Long 2007: 196).

4.1.2 F154: multiple negation

Negative concord is the usage of two or more negative markers in one clause, most
often it occurs in form of double negation (Hay et al 2008: 55). "Negative concord is
one of the most persistent features in vernacular English dialects" (Bayley/Santa Ana
Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

2004: 383). In eWAVE, multiple negation is one of the most pervasive features attes-
ted in the varieties of English. 30 out of 46 varieties use F154 pervasively, another 10
are ranked B (Kortmann/Lunkenheimer 2011). The different terms for F154 are re-
garded as synonymous in this study.

Chambers lists double negation as one of the most promising candidates for ver-
nacular universals. He speaks of "multiple negation, with standards forms like He
didn't want any apples distinct from vernacular forms like He didn't want no apples"

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(Chambers 2000: 12) or of "negative concord, as in He didn’t see nothing" (Cham-
bers 2004: 129).

F154 in Scottish English

Double negation is ranked B in WAVE (Smith 2012: 27). However, for ScE this
feature is hardy discussed in the literature and seems to be only a footnote.

(16) We never did nothing in here really.


(Smith 2012: 27)

F154 in New Zealand English

The sources on NZE are completely contradictory concerning F154. On the one
hand, we can find statements, that "[n]egative concord, also known as multiple nega-
tion, is not particularly common overall, although Jacob (1991) reports a fairly high
rate of negative concord among Maori speakers, whereas there were none in her
corpus of Pakeha speakers" (Hundt et al. 2004: 585). On the other hand, this feature
is ranked B in WAVE (Kortmann/Wolk 2012: 914). Either this is a mistake or the
latter group had access to different sources. Nevertheless, the ambivalence of the two
statements is noticeable. Pakeha speakers, i.e. white speakers of European descent,
are quoted here.

(17) but most of the times they don't do nothing.


(Hundt et al. 2004: 586; Hay et al 2008: 55)

In Maori speakers of English, negative concord occurs at a fairly high rate.

(18) you shouldn't never have attitudes like that


(Hay et al. 2008: 55)

F154 in Chicano English


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In ChcE, double negation is one of the distinct grammatical characteristics (Hansen


et al. 1996: 117) and speakers frequently use negative concord (Bayley/Santa Ana
2004: 378). We can find examples such as sentence (9) in 4.1.1, and

(19) "I don' have no pain." (consonant cluster simplification included)


(Hansen et al. 1996: 117; Penfield/Ornstein-Galicia 1985: 37)

(20) My four years I spend there I did not learn nothing.


(21) Now that she ain't no more my side, I still remember her with the love she

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showed me.
(Penfield/Ornstein-Galicia 1985: 61)

(22) You really can't do nothing about it because you're on welfare.


(23) I didn't see nothing no more. I didn't have that dream no more.
(Bayley/Santa Ana 2004: 378)

(24) I can't take it no more, you know.


(25) I wouldn't go much nowhere.
(Bayley/Santa Ana 2004: 383; Bayley 2012: 159)

F154 in Bonin Island English

Some multiple negation is used in OML.

(26) She didn't have nothing aboard.


(Long/Trudgill 2004: 362)

The following examples are from an edited story, so linguistic features might have
been exaggerated or put closer to the standard. Nevertheless, they are worth mentio-
ning.

(27) Jane see'd it wasn't no sort of good to hide.


(28) Don't yer never try to hide anything.
(29) But I shan't never forgut how Jane looked she were that round!
(Long 2007: 78)

F154 in Norfolk Island/Pitcairn English

Negation is very complex in PNE. There is double negation, but it seems to be only
one of many options. Among them, there are endemic negators such as noe, nort, or
naewa, probably deriving from no, not, and never. The negators appear directly be-
fore the verb phrase. Negative imperatives (Don't...!) are expressed by duu or dan. In
Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

addition, there are several "special negative words, including ent ('is/are/am not') and
kaa or kar 'cannot'" (Ingram/Mühlhäusler 2004: 795).

Because of this minority status, this feature is only ranked C in WAVE. The combi-
nation of kaa and enithing or nothing is an example of two negators in phrase, thus
double negation. We can find the following examples:

(30) Oe hi kaa plieh enithing. Hi es d'black shiip o d'faemli, hi kaa plieh nothing.
(He cannot play anything. He is the black sheep of the family, he cannot play

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anything (instrument).)
(Mühlhäusler 2012: 625)

(31) a 'no bn si 'no mo 'sem ,ez (I have never seen anything like this/*I no been
see no more some as)
(Ross 1964: 127)

4.2 Phonological features

4.2.1 Monophthongization

Monophthongization in Scottish English

The vowels of Scottish English include the diphthongs /i, ae, oe,
/ (Stuart-Smith
2004: 52). Characteristically, the GOAT and FACE diphthongs / / and /e/ are usually
realized as clear monophthongs /o/ and /e/ in all regions of Scotland, except for some
speakers of Scottish Standard English, such as speakers of BBC Scotland, who
sometimes use more standard-like diphthongs (Stuart-Smith 2004: 59). Moreover,
the vowels are usually short, making a standard GOAT /g t/ a /got/, and FACE /fes/
becomes /fes/ (Maguire 2012: 56).

Monophthongization in New Zealand English

A study of speakers from Arrowtown, South Island, shows that the variability of vo-
wel and diphthong realization most often includes the option of complete or almost
complete monophthongization. Next to standard-near realizations as diphthongs, the
FACE diphthong can be realized as [e ] or as [e i]; the PRICE diphthong as [a i] or [a e];
the GOAT diphthong as [o ] or [o u]; and the MOUTH diphthong as [ u] (Trudgill 2004:
108). This means that monophthongization is not the rule but an option here.

NZE shared many features with Australian English, for instance the falling diph-
Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

thongs in the monophthongal [o] pronunciation for the CURE vowel as in poor, moor,
sure and tour), which is also a recent innovation in RP. In addition, the merger of the
vowels of NEAR and SQUARE is pronounced with a close variant [i]. This merger is
shared with East Anglian, where the merger has settled on a single vowel [e:]"
(Peters/Burridge 2012: 249f.). This is a possible development in NZE, too.

Monophthongization in Chicano English

Spanish-speaking learners of English show the reduced five-monophthong vowel


system without distinction between tense and lax peripheral vowels and a complete

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lack of diphthongs. In contrast, most Chicano speakers show the complete catalogue
of vowel phonemes and most of the phonological features of their local US English
dialect (Bayley/Santa Ana 2004: 418).

Penfield and Ornstein-Galicia (1985: 36) attest several features in Chicano English,
which lead to the impression of general or at least outstanding monophthongization,
such as the realization of /e / as / / as in ht instead of hate. In addition, [a ] is usually
realized as [a], as in am for I'm.

(32) they m t a beautiful pinatat (made)


(Penfield/Ornstein-Galicia 1985: 16f.)

Monophthongization in Bonin Island English

A resident born in 1881 on the Bonins, Charles Washington, alias Uncle Charlie, was
one of the main sources for recorded BIE. His speech "has no long mid diphthongs
[...]. The vowels of FACE and GOAT are pure (though not tense) monophthongs around
[e] and [o]." Furthermore, he "has no diphthong shift [...]. FLEECE and GOOSE are
pure monophthongs, and GOOSE is a truly back [u]" (Long/Trudgill 2004: 363).

(33) no klos (no clothes)


(34) test (taste)
(35) de (day)
(Long 2007: 195)

(36) nene goto (nanny goat)


(Long 2007: 235)

Monophthongization in Norfolk Island/Pitcairn English

In PNE, the sound [e] is usually realized as a monophthong, either [e] or [e], as for
instance in take, make, same, or anyway. Exceptions are still there, as in strend
Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

(stranger; Ross 194 124). The range of variation, also to realizations as diphthongs, is
quite large (Ingram/Mühlhäusler 2004: 795) which can also be heard in the sound
files in Kortmann/Upton 2008. Here, six speakers realize GOAT differently either as
[gt] or [gt], but they realize FACE uniformly as [fes]. English source words contai-
ning / / receive a Norfuk accentuation by phonemicising as // or // (ibid.: 796).

(37) teck dem's boat (take their boat)


(Avram 2003: 46)

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(38) 'es a ,ms kod (it's a Morse Code)
(39) ' t ;mek a ,sk... (it makes me think.../*it make I think)
(Ross 1964: 74)

The picture is very ambivalent. In other instances, when monophthongization could


be expected, standard diphthongs are realized, as in 'rod for road (Ross 1964: 122).

4.2.2 Th-movement

I have summarized a change in the realization of the th as dental fricatives // or /ð/
as movement. So the processes of th-alveolarization to alveolar fricatives /s/ and /z/
would be such a movement, just as the th-stopping to /t/ or /d/, or the th-fronting to
/f/ or /v/, but also the th-debuccalization in which // becomes /h/ word initially and
intervocalically. A non-standard realization of the th can be found in many varieties
of English all over the world, but also in learner or child language. As we will see,
the realization in the varieties given here varies strongly, see also appendix V.

Th-movement in Scottish English

Stuart-Smith (2004: 60) states a common substitution of // with /‫׎‬/. For instance,
with becomes /wi'/, and think becomes /ik/. Otherwise, in "Scottish Standard Eng-
lish /, ð/ are realized as voiceless dental fricatives" (ibid.: 61), or in Urban Scots, as
optional /h/, which is called th-debuccalization. This substitute /h/ can be dropped
completely, which would resemble the aforementioned substitution with /‫׎‬/. In
addition, th-fronting to /f/ becomes more and more popular, so that a standard pro-
nunciation of // in spontaneous speech is only given in one third of the occasions
(ibid.: 62). Stopping of /, ð/ occurs occasionally in ScE in Glasgow where it may be
due to Irish/Ulster influence (ibid.). For /ð/ in word-initial or -final position, com-
plete elision is usual, or also substitution with /v/:
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(40) an(d th)at (including consonant cluster simplification)


(41) /smuv/ (smooth)
(Stuart-Smith 2004: 62)

Hansen et al. (1996: 73) find both a substitution of // with /t/ in examples such as
fifth or sixth or a general devoicing of /ð/ to //, so th-fronting and devoicing seem to
be common phenomena. Maguire (2012: 60f.) supports Stuart-Smith's impression of
a rapidly spreading th-fronting and emphasises that "although TH-fronting is absent
from the speech of middle-class speakers in Glasgow, it occurs in the speech of

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workingclass adolescents (at a rate of around 30%). TH-fronting is also found be-
yond the big urban centres in Scotland." Certain social circumstances seem to facili-
tate or hinder the pervasiveness of this feature.

Th-movement in New Zealand English

In NZE, various changes of the th-sounds are described. Hay et al. (2008: 38f.)
describe th-fronting, the realization of // and /ð/ as /f/ and /v/ as a "sound change
that occurs in English throughout the world and is one of the fastest growing sound
changes in NZE at present", especially in casual conversation (ibid.: 38). It is so sa-
lient that "speech-language therapists now rarely correct its use in young school chil-
dren" (ibid.: 39). Here with seems to be the key word, as speakers who front the th in
with also use th-fronting in other occasions.

The "most important feature of the fricatives is the devoicing of the so-called voiced
fricatives" (Bauer/Warren 2004: 593). "// and /ð/ in New Zealand are usually inter-
dental fricatives rather than post-dental fricatives" (ibid.: 594). As in ScE, we can
find a devoicing of /ð/ in the Southland, "direct influence from Scottish English (or
other British varieties) seems more likely" (Bauer 1997: 265).

In Australian English, th-fronting is rather wide-spread and especially common in the


high-frequent words with and them. In NZE the feature is only sporadically attested
and ranked C in WAVE. In Maori English, though, it is ranked B. According to Peters
and Burridge (2012: 251), there is salient evidence for th-fronting in lower class Lon-
don speech in the late eighteenth century. As a result, this feature might have spread
to Australia and New Zealand with emigrants from London area. On the other hand,
"historical evidence indicates that it was not widespread in nineteenth-century Aus-
tralia, suggesting its spread in this region generally is fairly recent" (Peters/Burridge
2012: 251).
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Gordon and Maclagan (2004: 608) recognize the extraordinary degree of social mar-
kedness of th-fronting in NZE, showing parallels between NZE and eighteenth cen-
tury British English. This feature is "overtly stigmatised by those who speak Cultiva-
ted NZE, and speakers from the higher social classes avoid it" (ibid.). In fact, the fea-
ture's use is spreading rapidly, especially among younger speakers, both male and
female, from the lower social classes. Albeit, it now reaches just over the 5% level in
this group of speakers, the usage is more dominant in casual conversation. It was also
observed that if a speaker does not start using th-fronting in the high-frequent word

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with, he or she will probably neither use it in other words. In NZE, with can be either
pronounced /w/ or /wð/; both options are considered correct. Gordon and Macla-
gan (ibid.) assume that "the variability in the pronunciation of this word created the
conditions for the development of the new pronunciation, /wf/ or /wv/." Moreover,
young children who are just learning to read and spell tend to misspell words like the
and them according to their non-standard realization as ve and vem, showing th-
fronting towards the voiced /v/.

In Maori English, we can find a rather unusual process. The "dental fricatives are
sometimes replaced, not by labio-dentals (as might be expected given both English
variation and the structure of Maori) but by affricates, [t] and [dð]" (Bauer/Warren
2004a: 618), which makes the structure even more complex.

Th-movement in Bonin Island English

The situation on the Bonin Islands is a bit different. When Japanese or Japanese-
influenced features are left out, "we are left with features inherited from the nine-
teenth-century pre-Japanese lingua franca of the island. These features include th-
stopping" (Long 2007: 75). Still today, // is usually pronounced /t/, as can be found
in numbers three, [tri], or in thatch, [tæt] (Long 2007: 194).

(42) tenk yu (thank you)


(Long 2007: 194)

Because this feature already existed before the arrival of the Japanese, it means
Japanese has had no influence on this feature, and Japanese speakers have adapted to
it as well.

Th-movement in Chicano English

Speakers of ChcE usually apply th-alveolarization and realise the th as voiceless /s/.
Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

Now, one could argue that Spanish does have the dental fricatives // and /ð/. But /ð/
is merged with /d/ in certain vocalic surroundings just as it happens with /b/ and /v/.
Furthermore, // only exists in a number of varieties of Spanish, and Mexican Spa-
nish is not one of them. Here, // is substituted by /s/. This is the same process we
observe in ChcE. Not unlikely, this is substrate influence. Hansen et al. (1996: 117)
make it a bit easier. They state that // and /ð/ are substituted by /t/ and /d/, and show
partial influence from Spanish (ibid.). The same holds for Penfield/Ornstein-Galicia
(1985: 36). They observed that defricativization of // and /ð/ occurs most frequently

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in word-initial positions, especially in high-frequency words, and in lower socio-
economic class speakers, both monolingual and bilingual (ibid.: 43), for instance in
the following examples:

(43) t (think; including consonant cluster reduction in word-final position)


(44) de (they)
(45) d r (there)
(46) samti (something)
Penfield/Ornstein-Galicia (1985: 36-39)

Th-movement in Norfolk Island/Pitcairn English

On Pitcairn and Norfolk Island, the definite article, and demonstrative and personal
pronouns starting with th are usually realised as dem, as in the following examples:

(47) All Norfolk h'yu dem two... (All Norfolk heard those two...)
(48) One a dem pigs ... (One of the pigs...)
(49) All dem Real Estate maeken dem's pretty money
(50) dem plahn is good (the bananas are delicious/good)
(Ingram/Mühlhäusler 2004: 794)

(51) d saz f d aielen (the size of the island)


(Avram 2003: 46)

So th-stopping exists in these instances, or a substitution of pronouns with a general


dem as in a number of different features in WAVE. In other examples, th is alveo-
larized to /s/ as in sentence (39) above, ' t ,mek a ,sk (it makes me think.../*it
make I think) or in the number three: ,sri (Ross 1964: 128). The latter is also attested
as tri, e.g. in ",tri 'rend" (three orange(s); Ross 1964: 122). A third option is the
omission of th, or substition with /‫׎‬/, as in em for them (ibid.: 122). Hence, we can
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find many strategies of phonological realization in order to replace the th-sound.

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5. Discussion

So far we have taken three steps: Firstly, the current research on contact linguistics
and the emergence of linguistic phenomena in World Englishes was summarized;
secondly, the selection of five non-standard varieties and their individual linguistic
ecology was presented; and thirdly, examples of two phonological and morpho-
syntactic features each in all the varieties were provided. As a next step, we will have
a closer look on the theoretic approaches and try to match the data collected above to
the approaches. In its turn, the most plausible and thus favourable explanatory model
will crystallize, and linguistic principles at work will become apparent.

5.1 Sociolinguistic approaches

5.1.1 Theoretic outline

Schreier – linguistic endemicity

As mentioned in chapter 2, endemic dialect structures, according to Schreier (2003:


249), emerge and develop in two stages. First, there is an origination phase that "de-
pends on nonnative influence and admixture with interlanguage forms", and second,
there is a consolidation phase that "depends on the nonlinguistic conditioning of the
community", so demographics and others environmental factors have to be consi-
dered (ibid.). The main conclusion is that new dialects of English form in a contact
scenario with English as the target language and different varieties or languages as
substrate influence. Exemplified with a special tense marker construction,10 he shows
that such constructions or variations can be the "product of imperfect learning" of
English as L2 by non-natively English-speaking settlers or of the emerging dialect as
L1 by native speakers (ibid.: 266). The usually dynamic character of such structures
becomes slowed down and finally normative because in classic contact scenarios
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there is "extensive contact with non-Anglophone settlers and substantial input from
nonnative varieties of English, restricted formal education and absence of a norm-
enforcing language authority, limited out-migration, and interaction with other
communities" (Schreier 2003: 267). Under such conditions, "interlanguage-derived
structures have a chance to survive the nativization and stabilization process" (ibid.).

10
This is the useta went construction, a double tense marker which shows the formerly and habitual
aspect of a past action and which is endemic in Tristan da Cunha English (Schreier 2003).

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Even though Schreier argues "in favor of interlanguage fossilization, [he] admit[s]
that we will never know if features originate in L2 learning or L1 acquisition" (2003:
269). Probably, it is a mixture of both, leading to a reinforced process of normali-
zation of this structure and enhancing its chances of survival. Schreier takes up An-
dersen's (1988) relic assumption that will be discussed further below. It says that the
"demographics of small isolated communities are particularly favorable toward the
retention of archaic features, no matter if they are socially distributed or idiosyn-
cratic" (Schreier 2003: 263).

Andersen – center and periphery

"Ferdinand de Saussure has suggested the reason for this contrast by speaking of
different 'forces' that shape the development of language in time and space, the cen-
trifugal force – 'intercourse' he dubbed it – which favors the levelling of differences
between different speech areas, and the centripetal 'esprit de clocher', which favors
the elaboration of local peculiarities of speech" (Andersen 1988: 39).11 We can find
two options, compare appendix VI.

a) The dialect is used as an overregional koiné. Then, the regional periphery func-
tions as a center of innovation, and diffusion with neighbouring dialects occurs. The
region's core is rather conservative. The dialect is relatively 'open' towards outer in-
fluence. Change happens endocentric, pointing from outside towards the core.

b) The dialect is mainly used for regional or local purposes. Its geographic center
then serves as focal point where linguistic innovation happens. The geographic peri-
phery tends to be conservative and keeps outer influence away from the core. The
dialect is relatively 'closed'. Change is exocentric, pointing away from the core to-
wards the periphery.

It was observed that dialects that function as koiné (option a) in general have a simp-
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ler phonemic system than those of local restriction (option b) (Andersen 1988: 47).
For contact scenarios on small islands, as we will see, this means that there is no
option b. Such scenarios would have to lead to a koiné function (option a), which is
relatively open, and the linguistic core develops over time. After that, the relic
assumption says, that isolated communities are favourable to retain archaic features
owing to their conservatism. Andersen goes on to explain this phenomenon with

11
The two terms can be best translated with exchange (intercourse) and contractedness (esprit de
clocher).

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levelling caused by primary language acquisition and secondary norm elaboration in
contact situations that accounts for the creation of compromise norms, or simpli-
fication through convergence (ibid.: 53f.). This means that new rules are not adopted
but created in compromises of varying distribution. Motivation for change can be
prestige, internal chain shifts, levelling of redundancy, regularization, and thus easier
language acquisition.

To sum up, adaptive innovations include "contact innovations, which are motivated
by speakers' efforts to adapt their speech to what they perceive to be the norms of
their fellows", leading to dialect convergence. Evolutive innovations include the "ab-
ductive innovations which occur in primary language acquisition based on hetero-
geneous usage and blurred norms", resulting in dialect convergence, too, over new
generations of speakers (Andersen 1988: 78).

Trudgill – new-dialect formation

The three stages roughly resemble the three generations of new-dialect formation,
starting with step 1 – rudimentary levelling and inter-dialect development. It is the
first meeting of adult speakers of different varieties of English at an assembly point
somewhere in the British Isles, such as a harbour city, on the long boat journey that
could last four to six months to New Zealand, and after arrival at the destination.
Some limited acts of linguistic accommodation happen already here in face-to-face
communication, for instance extremely marked regional, traditional dialect features
that make comprehensibility difficult, might be levelled. This leads to the develop-
ment of a highly diverse interdialect (Trudgill 2004: 89-99).

Step 2 is variability and apparent levelling in new-dialect formation. Here children


play the vital role because they are forced to deal with the huge number of varieties
in their linguistic environment. They show great inter- and intra-individual variability
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because of their numerous linguistic role models. Nevertheless, it is the youth that
usually accommodates to the peer group talk, but at some early stage in contact
situations, there does not yet exist any such peer group talk. This results in relative
freedom of feature selection during language acquisition, so the individual's speech is
rather unique and not (yet) society-wide. While communicating, the variability will
be more and more reduced, some features will not be acquired at all, and thus
levelled (Trudgill 2004: 100-112).

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Step 3 is determinism in new-dialect formation. In this phase, the development of a
colonial English is accomplished in form of a final, stable, and relatively uniform
new dialect. Trudgill calls this a crystallization process which results in only one re-
maining variant for each variable. The loss of demographical minority forms leads to
the survival of majority forms, so linguistic features of socially or demographically
dominant speakers or dialect groups are most likely to prevail. A third generation of
young speakers grows up in a linguistically more homogenous environment and can
be considered the first native speakers of a new dialect. Certainly, there are similari-
ties between features of individual speakers' dialects, say Southern English traits, and
the final dialect, such as New Zealand English. Of course, these similarities do not
exist by random. The features were adapted in the original dialect mixture in the ear-
ly contact period and passed on by language transmission (Trudgill 2004: 113-128).

Trudgill gives two examples. Firstly, the loss of the 2nd person pronouns thou, thee,
thy, and thine represents the loss a morphological category because the distinction
between singular and plural does not operate any more in the 2nd person. Many
dialects have restored these pronouns and their category. Secondly, negative concord
has lost its form of agreement in the standard. "The loss of multiple negation is often
ascribed to the successful efforts of eighteenth-century prescriptivists exercising nor-
mative pressures based on peculiar ideas about logic" (Trudgill 2009: 314). Such
features can be transmitted in contact scenarios.

Trudgill argues that both the standard and the dialects show effects of simplification
by regularisation and loss of redundancy. However, change happens at a lower speed
in the standard owing to its "natural convervatism" than in areas of dialect contact.
The similar processes in standard and non-standard varieties, e.g. this commonality
of simplification, might be a reason why we have not yet "succeeded in finding any
genuinely vernacular universals" (Trudgill 2009: 315).
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In summary, sociolinguistic approaches take into consideration the contact of several


generations of speakers of different languages or dialects. Linguistic change is
caused by mechanisms such as initial dialect levelling at an early stage, for instance
during the voyage and early settlement, as well as adaptation to the others' speech
habits. Other mechanisms are imperfect L1 or L2 acquisition owing to age-related
and psycholinguistic parameters, and influence of social factors such as prestige, or
internal shifts. In general, contact languages are open towards change, which results

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in innovation in the geographic periphery; after a while, however, a linguistically
innovative center can emerge.

5.1.2 Matching the data

The selected varieties represent more or less isolated speech communities. This is
geographical isolation for NZE, PNE and OML, and also parts of ScE, and it is social
isolation for ChcE. The origination phase of each variety included a time of contact
between speakers of (non-standard) English and of other languages. In ScE it was
Scottish Gaelic, in ChcE it was Mexican Spanish, in NZE we can find influence from
various British dialects but also Scots and other European languages and also Maori,
in OML it is Japanese but also many Austronesian languages, and in PNE it is
mainly Tahitian. We can find probable sources of substrate influence in all of the
varieties. There was no formal education of languages for a long time, and owing to
geographic isolation, no strong norm-giving authority. Imperfect, or natural, un-
tutored language learning was the rule for both L1 acquisition and L2 learning in the
linguistically diverse communities. Interlanguage structures can be found in present-
day learners of the English language, too. Transfer from L1 to L2 and overgenera-
lizations are very common in interlanguage. For this reason, grammatical features
from input varieties such as the abovementioned useta-went construction in Tristan
da Cunha English can be applied in the target language. If multiple negation, for
instance, exists in one input variety and is transferred to the target variety, other
speakers may adapt this feature as well, in case social or linguistic factors such as
prestige support their selection, communal spread and acceptance.

The attitude towards substrate influence is very ambivalent. "Pronunciation has often
been singled out as the area where substratum influence can be felt most stongly",
says Romaine (1988: 64). In contrast, Trudgill (2004: 4) states that "[c]ontact with
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indigenous languages seems to manifest itself mostly in terms of acquisition of loan-


words from these languages." Whether lexical or phonological influence outweighs
the other will not be discussed here. Important is that there is, in many cases, con-
siderable influence from substrate dialects or languages on the output.

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Chicano English

As mentioned above, Trudgill understands unmarking as a subtype of levelling that


happens in favour of forms "which offer greatest structural simplicity" such as the
merging of // and /s/ in American Spanish, a substrate influence of ChcE (Trudgill
2004: 86). This feature was an allophone in the speakers' L1, and this simple merger
form was transferred to the L2.

Another possible explanation is the "historical-based interference from Mexican va-


rieties of Spanish which do not make the /t and ð/d distinction" (Penfield/Ornstein-
Galicia 1985: 43). Some Chicano students in US schools are denied to speak Spanish
at school in order to master the English language, and to keep influence from Spanish
as little as possible. The problem here is that we defined Chicano speakers as native
speakers of this variety. They do not necessarily have to speak Spanish at all (Bay-
ley/Santa Ana 2004: 417f.). "How a language that children cannot speak can interfere
with a language that they do speak is left unexplained" (ibid.: 418). So how can
features detected in Spanish influence a variety of English spoken by people who do
not speak Spanish? Again, we need to consider the wide range of variation within
ChcE, and the different linguistic backgrounds with speakers who have Spanish as
L1, as L2, or who do not have any linguistic competence of Spanish at all. Moreover,
in terms of logic, people can speak a language that has been influenced by another
language before, and which has previously undergone systematic morphosyntactic
and phonological change. Hence, features of Spanish might occur in speakers with-
out any competence of Spanish.

Moreover, Chicano students need to learn standard American English at school, and
many of them have problems at spelling. If there is no sound distinction in spoken
ChcE, it is hard to learn written distinctions, especially of homophones and words
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including problematic sounds such as th (Penfield/Ornstein-Galicia 1985: 54-66).


The written realization of *tanks for thanks, of *do for though, or of *tought for
thought mirrors a lack of phonological distinction in spoken language (ibid.: 58). The
defricativization of th often occurs among people of the lower socioeconomic classes
in varieties of English in both the United States and Britain. Penfield/Ornstein-
Galicia (1985: 43) hint to a possible social universal (maybe a socioversal?) expla-
nation, see below in 5.3.

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A very clear hint to substrate influence is the lack of the two phonemes /ð/ and // in
twentieth century Mexican Spanish. In Mexico, the series of sibilant realization has
been reduced to a two-way contrast by way of a different change", so that four
distinct voiced and voiceless sibilants /s, z, , /, which became /ð, , , x/ in modern
Spanish, are all modern Mexican Spanish /s/ and /x/ today (Hill 1988: 275). In short,
this is the distinction between seseo and çeçeo – the realization of graphemes s or c
as phonemes /s/ or //. It became distinctive after this sound alternation became po-
pular in fifteenth century Andalusia, home of most of the Spanish conquistadores
and their ancestors who settled in Latin America.12 In many Spanish-speaking coun-
tries of Middle America, the feature is clearly realized as seseo, /s/ (Lüdtke : 29).
This means that the lack of this phoneme in Mexican Spanish substrate, which is an
inherited non-standard phenomenon as opposed to Standard Spanish, and the
common substitution with /s/ make it difficult for speakers or learners of ChcE to
distinguish between the numerous fricatives in Standard American English. Another
point of discussion will be added in Bonin Island English, see below.

F154, multiple negation, the use of more than one negator in a phrase, is common –
but not obligatory – in Spanish. The phrase No me interesa nada can be easily trans-
ferred to I'm not interested in nothing. This is an oridinary L1 transfer in ChcE, com-
pare sentences (19) to (25) in 4.1.2. The same is for F34, as Spanish employs dif-
ferent pronouns for the 2nd person singular and plural. A learner would encounter this
ambiguity in the standard with L1 transfer and bring in their native pronouns, or in
accordance with Schreier's suggestion of overgeneralization, the learner could use a
common plural marker -s in the domain of pronouns, forming yous. Another option is
the adaptation of another non-standard variety's solution – the Southern US Ameri-
can English y'all that is available in the same geographic area. The Spanish 2nd
p.pl.pron. vosotros is literally you others, semantically not far away from you guys.
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The theory of transfer in learners seems plausible. The phonological transfer from L1
to L2 could be supported and reinforced by ChcE's covert prestige, so young speak-
ers follow their peer group's habits and promote interlanguage fossilization.

In the case of double negation, the circumstances are similar. In Spanish, negative
concord is either an option or obligatory, as in

12
Trudgill (2004: 7f.) utters his negative attitude to such a simple reduction of Andalusian Spanish
from the Iberian Peninsula to the American continent, but in this case relationships become very clear.

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(52) No sabe nada. (literally: He doesn't know nothing.)
NEG know-3 sg present nothing.
(Bayley/Santa Ana 2004: 384).

In this case, substrate influence from Spanish seems plausible. But remarkably, all of
the ChcE examples provided in 4.1.2 are from speakers who "are fully proficient in
English and began to acquire the language by the age of 5, if not from birth. There is
no reason to assume a priori that the type negative concord seen in these and many
other examples that we could have provided represent instances of interference from
Spanish" (Bayley/Santa Ana 2004: 384). Bayley and Santa Ana (2004: 384f.) discuss
the results of multivariate analysis of social factors which show "that gang status,
social class, and bilingualism all significantly affected speakers' choices between
standard and non-standard negation" (ibid.). In general, speakers used negative
concord in half of the cases, and the highest incidence of double negation usage was
by gang members and low-income speakers. Bilinguals, though statistically least sig-
nificantly, also favored negative concord. In addition, the linguistic environment
determines the probability of negative concord, ranging from 74% in constructions of
negative auxiliaries + pronoun (I won't do it no more) to only 15% in constructions
with a negative in an outside clause (She's not dead or nothing) (ibid.). Thus, this
feature is pervasive and ranked A in WAVE (Bayley 2004: 163), but certainly, it does
not show any structural or social uniformity.

Norfolk Island/Pitcairn English

In PNE, language contact to Tahitian took place prior to the settlement and on
Norfolk Island after the variety had already been established. In terms of Trudgill,
levelling took place at an early stage during the stay on Tahiti. However, "[t]he
presence of a number of creole features […] in Pitkern/Norfuk has been a source of
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confusion as researchers have failed to distinguish between creolisation in situ and


the diffusion of creole features from St. Kitts" (Ingram/Mühlhäusler 2004: 786), as
one of the sailors came from the West Indies. In his statistical analysis, Avram
(2003) found out that PNE is "the least Pacific variety among the Pacific creoles" and
only shows two out of forty-eight Pacific features analysed here, but thirteen Atlantic
features (Avram 2003: 47f.). Of the thirteen features, nine are also attested in
Kittinian, the Atlantic English creole of Caribbean St. Kitts, that "was instrumental in
the genesis of Pitkern-Norfolk" (ibid.: 49). Evidence is unusually clear in this case,

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which means that we need to consider Scottish13 and West Indies English, as well as
Tahitian influence on the early stages of PNE. In return, it is not that clear whether
the Caribbean touch has to be regarded as substrate or even superstrate influence in
respect to the large influence of young mutineer Edward Young from St. Kitts. The
distinct [l]-[r]-alternation from Kittinian and the salience of phrasal verbs are still
present in PNE (Mühlhäusler 2012: 623). Mühlhäusler (2012: 621) summarizes: "Pit-
kern and Norf'k are the result of linguistic contacts between a number of English and
Scottish dialects, St. Kitt's Creole and Polynesian languages (mainly Tahitian)."

Siegel (2012: 782) states that the ten Pacific and Australasian creole and pidgin
varieties discussed in WAVE are "influenced by second language acquisition [and]
are the ones that have the characteristic features that distinguish the Australia Pacific
region from other regions, and most of these distinguishing features are the result of
influence from the indigenous substrate languages." If the four features can be at-
tested in Tahitian, a substrate influence could be made even clearer. Using WALS
(Dryer/Haspelmath 2011) shows that we can find a complex pronoun system with
distinction of singular, dual and plural, and of inclusive and exclusive, just as shown
in 4.1.1 in PNE. The definite article in Tahitian is te which is astonishingly close to
English the. Mutual intelligibility might have existed from the beginning in this
feature, showing a possible substitution of /ð/ with alveolar stops. Double negation,
ranked C in PNE, does also not occur in standard Tahitian. Furthermore, Polynesian
languages such as Tahitian tend to have a small phonemic inventory, including the
tendency to pronounce diphthongs as two monophthongs. Tahitian substrate influ-
ence is very probable, promoting the abovementioned theory on new-dialect for-
mation.

Concerning the tight-knit community on Pitcairn and Norfolk Island, Schreier (2003:
268) states that once a linguistic feature "was vital and ceased to be age related or
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competence dependent, it thrived under the specific conditions of the community.


Consequently, extralinguistic and sociohistorical factors are perhaps secondary in the
genesis of endemic structures; as for normalization and stabilization, however, they
are paramount." This explains why we can still find those features after 200 years of
language contact.

13
Scottish influence, for instance, is seen lexically in the expression ucklan, which is reserved for Pit-
cairners as a first-person plural pronoun (we), and is derived from our clan (Mühlhäusler 2012: 621).

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New Zealand English

The phenomenon of th-fronting in New Zealand English becomes ever more salient
in spoken language. The key word with has already two possible pronunciations here,
/wð/ and /w/, "and this variation that is already present may have paved the way
for more variation to be accepted" (Hay et al. 2008: 39). After having started to
spread among lower-class speakers, this feature has already reached middle-class
speakers, especially concerning the word with (ibid.).

Even though Trudgill does not use Mufwene's terminology, his ideas can be dis-
cussed using it. He despises monogenetic theories as given in Bauer (1997), since
contact scenarios are far too complex for simple recipes. He does "not agree that it is
clear that New Zealand English derives from a variety of English spoken in the
south-east of England" (Trudgill 2004: 8).

Bauer (1997: 267) states that a distinction between singular and plural 2nd person
pronoun has been widespread in Scotland until recent years, and was firstly attested
in the early twentieth century. Furthermore, the form is spreading in non-standard
British English (ibid.). This makes it complicated as a source for overseas territories
such as Pitcairn/Norfolk or NZ. "A plural form for you, variously spelt, is well-estab-
lished in non-standard varieties of New Zealand English, and in the past has been one
of the few features of New Zealand English attested to the Irish" (Bauer 1997: 267).
Because of the feature's arrival time in Scottish English, she suggests Irish English as
a likely source for this feature. Bauer (1997: 270) suggests "that in many cases the
Scottish influence cannot be assumed. Although there are some clear lexical influ-
ences, phonological and grammatical influences are a lot harder to pin down." Even
in the formerly mainly Scottish settlements in the regions of Otago and Southland
there is little linguistic influence, or at least not a stronger one than elsewhere in NZ
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(ibid.). For instance, the usage of a special 2nd p.pl.pron. in NZE can be the result of
influence from Irish speakers of the English language. The minority of Irish speakers
might have contributed an innovative and useful alternative to the ambivalent you for
the 2nd p.pl.pron. In contrast, Hickey (2002: 13f.) demonstrates that for demographic
and social reasons Irish influence on nineteenth century NZE was only marginal and
might not account for linguistic phenomena in present-day NZE.

Even though this feature has probably not existed in all speakers during the time of
first settlements in New Zealand – as mentioned above the feature was first attested

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in ScE in the early twentieth century – it could have developed in British harbour
cities, on boats during the long journey, or among the tight-knit community in New
Zealand.

As mentioned above, a dialect levelling could have happened on the very long
passage to NZ. This could explain the small degree of linguistic influence of Scottish
English on NZE. Despite the fact that there is almost no work documenting regional
variation in morphosyntax in NZ, "Bartlett (1992) suggests some features which may
be potentially unique to Southland, a part of New Zealand which was subject to more
Scottish influence than elsewhere" (Hundt et al. 2004: 587). 14 Thus, in areas of
populations with a high Scottish-origin percentage, typically Scottish features are
more likely to prevail. This is reminiscent of Thomason's theory of social and lin-
guistic factors in language change, but it also demonstrates a substrate influence. In
Scottish dominated areas contact to other groups was less intense, creating a different
balance in the input, different chances of selection, and thus a slightly different
outcome in favour of Scotticisms. This is supported by Gordon's and Maclagan's
observation from the Mobile Unit archive, a 1940s archive of recordings of elderly
New Zealanders, some of which are born in the 1850s. The archive shows the impor-
tance of social factors in the development of the New Zealand accent. Speakers from
predominantly Scottish towns such as Milton or Kaitangata in Otago live in a lingu-
istically rather homogenous environment. These settlers are more likely to preserve
features of Scottish pronunciation and syntax in their speech. In contrast, speakers
from Arrowtown, which has a very mixed and linguistically heterogeneous popu-
lation, are more likely to develop early manifestations of NZE (Gordon/Maclagan
2004: 604).

This implies that levelling or koinéization need to happen quicker in heterogeneous


speech communities of balanced inputs; it has to be a more open dialect. Homoge-
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neous groups with a dominating speaker sub-community tend to form a closed, more
conservative dialect that does not need to adapt quickly. Here, competition of fea-
tures is dominated by Scottish features.

14
"These include:
- The use of the past participle following needs and wants, as in the baby needs fed.
- The use of will with first-person subjects in questions (will I close the door).
- Lack of contraction of not (e.g. did you not?).
- The deletion of prepositions in certain contexts (e.g. he came out hospital)" (Hundt et al. 2004: 587).

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Another finding suggests that alternatives for the 2nd p.pl.pron. are possibly an "age-
graded feature – something younger speakers use, but then stop using as they get
older" (Hay et al. 2008: 60). In various corpora, this feature was mainly attested
among school and high school children.

Any phonological or morphosyntactic influence from Maori language on New


Zealand English is denied by data collected by Gordon et al. (2004: 219), because
although "a number of speakers recorded [...] had considerable interaction with
Maori and many acquired considerable fluency with the Maori language, none of the
speakers recorded shows any evidence of influence from Maori grammar or pronun-
ciation." In addition, most of the Maori place names show an Anglicised pronuncia-
tion, e.g. using an /æ/ instead of /a/ (Gordon et al. 2005: 219). We cannot find any
substrate influence of a non-English language variety here that is not lexical. Of
course special indigenous names for places, fauna and flora were adapted. For the
rest, processes of dialect mixture must hold for an explanation of features in New
Zealand English.

Bonin Island English

In the time before the arrival of big numbers of Japanese settlers around 1860, there
were a number of non-English languages spoken on the island. The first permanent
settlement was founded on June 26, 1830, by five white men sailing from Hawaii,
formerly known as the Sandwich Islands, and brought ten Kanaka men and five
Kanaka women with them. So non-speakers of English outnumbered speakers of
English by three to one. Three of the five white men were native speakers of English,
the other two were from Denmark and Genoa. The Kanaka people probably spoke
Tahitian, Northern Marquesan and Hawaiian, three Polynesian languages that are 46
to 70% mutually intelligible, especially in vocabulary. For some time there must
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have been the possibility for the non-English-speaking majority to communicate


without English to a certain degree (Long 2007: 40). Later, more Polynesian or Aus-
tronesian speakers arrived along with further speakers of European languages in
small groups over the next decades. But typologically, their languages are at least as
different from each other as the languages of the European settlers. In total, we can
find more than a dozen languages in the early contact period on the Bonin islands of
which not a single one was numerically in majority. "Yet, in spite the small number
of English native speakers, we find in multiple sources [...] that both first-generation

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settlers and sub-sequent island-born generations spoke 'English', or more specifically
an English-based contact language" (Long 2007: 42). As a consequence, "we must
consider the possibility that [the locals'] pronunciation is related to the large number
of Hawaiian and other Polynesian language speakers among the original and long-
term settlers of the island" (Long/Trudgill 2004: 362) also if the spoken "English is
clearly American in origin" (ibid.: 363). The language spoken at home in the racially
and linguistically mixed households must have been a pidginized variety of English
with Polynesian/Austronesian influence. As a result, reports on the Bonin language
by shipwrecked or stopping-over Japanese seamen include many Hawaiian words,
especially for body parts, household equipment and place names. English and also
Portuguese words were reported for nautical terminology and food.

After the arrival of Japanese settlers, English and Japanese bilingual and formal
education was introduced, changing the linguistic landscape completely. The mono-
lingual Japanese community had to acquire English. A linguistic study found that
"Japanese listeners performed quite poorly compared to listeners with more complex
L1 vowel systems" (Kewley-Port et al. 2005: 2399). The vowel system of the target
language is reduced as a consequence of imperfect L2 acquisition and L1 transfer.
The same is for speakers of Spanish concerning the vowel system in ChcE, as men-
tioned above. The quality of sound perception seems to decrease with age. This is re-
miniscent of the critical age for native language acquisition that is about eight years,
as mentioned above. In some speakers, L1 transfer or L1 predetermination of a
reduced vowel system has influence on the output variety of English. Because of the
very complex contact situation and its external, political influences, the matching to
new-dialect formation is difficult for nowadays OML, but it is certainly true for the
early stages of Ogasawara Island English.

Scottish English
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The geographic situation of Scotland is quite special. Moreover, ScE is a low-contact


variety, a traditional dialect. We can find the Central Belt from Glasgow to Edin-
burgh which is clearly influenced by Northern English. It seems to form a continuum
of northern English and southern Scottish varieties. Recalling appendix VI, this situ-
ation is type a). Contact and innovation, or levelling, happen in the geographic peri-
phery of the south while there is a conservative core in the Scottish Highlands. Le-
velling and koinéisation take place in the contact areas to English dialects, and of

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course this effect must be strong in places of high contact such as the big cities of
Glasgow and Edinburgh. This explains the regionally distinct pattern of F34, special
forms for 2nd p.pl.pron. in ScE. In addition, the existence of morphologically dif-
ferent pronouns for the 2nd p. singular and plural in Scots Gaelic may be a substrate
influence, making the ambiguity of standard English more obvious and leading to in-
novation. Double negation does not occur in Scots Gaelic (Dryer/Haspelmath 2011),
and the pervasiveness of F154 is only ranked B, but can be found hardly in speech
samples, so might be ranked lower.

The phonological feature of monophthongization does not show signs of a substrate


influence. In ScE, the GOAT and FACE diphthongs / / and /e/ are usually realized as
clear monophthongs /o/ and /e/, though they exist in Scots Gaelic. Only motor eco-
nomy in diphthong pronunciation, cutting off the second part of the diphthong, can
explain the monophthongization in these two points.

The increasing pervasiveness of th-movement can be found in all areas of Scotland,


and especially in the lower social classes. Influence from Scots Gaelic, Irish and
Ulster Scots seem plausible, because there are no dental fricatives in these languages.
For insular Scots, th-stopping is assumed to be a result of Norn language's lacking
dental fricatives which would indicate an origin in historical language contact.
Others "suggest that th-stopping may be a later, post-language shift and post-
focusing, development" because "words such as blide < blithe have a long vowel"
(Maguire 2012: 64). Thus, change in th must have happened after the Scottish Vowel
Length Shift – Aikten's Law – because a different surrounding would lead to a short
vowel in this case.

5.2 Language evolution


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5.2.1 Theoretical outline

Mufwene – language as organism

Speaking with Chomsky, Mufwene makes differences in the E-language, the exter-
nalized language, responsible for the fact that "no two speakers recreate the target
language in exactly the same way, because they have not been exposed to the same
E-languages in the first place, and also because, as much as we are all assumed to be
endowed with a Universal Grammar (UG) qua biological endowment for language,
there is as much variation in our abilities to process and internalize languages as

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there is in our capacities to use our legs to walk" (Mufwene 2002: 48).15 "Creoles
have developed both from individual speakers' attempts to speak the lexifier and
through their mutual accommodations in the contact settings" (Mufwene 1996: 87).
As a simplification, we can think of languages as homogenous even though there is
variation within languages in contact situations, which would cause quite a complex
scenario (ibid.).

Obviously, in a contact scenario there must be different ways to express the same
thing. Either they are more or less influenced by the one or the other language, or
they use innovative means. Mufwene gave the image of a feature pool in which
certain features of the idiolect, the communal language or L1, and features of the
contact language(s) or xeno-language(s) are collected. They are options among
which the speakers choose for their purposes. The question is what makes speakers
decide for or against certain features. As we will see, similarity between L1 and
contact language features might be such a reason as well as frequency, or marked-
ness (Mufwene 1996: 86).

Croft – Utterance Selection

Imperfect replication of already heard utterances, sounds and constructions, lead to


linguistic interindividual variation and intraindividual variation, this is variation
within an idiolect and a speech community. Social success of certain speakers, i.e.
prestige through a high socioeconomic status, determine or influence the linguistic
output of speakers, first on individual level, later on community level. Here again,
features of different L1s are in competition. Selection and establishment of features
lead to change over time (Croft et al. 2006: 2f.).

Criticism

Analogies between biology and language are astonishingly profound and there are
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surprisingly good parallels. The question here is whether one can make further de-
ductions from an analogical construct in terms of logic. Only because an analogy has
worked say ten steps or so, does it mean it will work one step further? Can we rely

15
Chomsky (1986, Knowledge Of Language. Its Nature, Origin and Use) proposes a distinction be-
tween I-language and E-language. I is for internalized, standing for an "abstract system that enables
speakers to produce utterances in a particular language"; E is for externalized and the "body of utte-
rances that have been produced by the population speaking what is identified as English, Kiswahili, or
such an entity" (Mufwene 2002: 48).

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on similarities between two non-related fields of research such as linguistics and ge-
netics, and make deductions from one complex to the other?

Profound criticism was given by Andersen (2006: 59) who describes it as "fashio-
nable in historical linguistics – and in some other human sciences – to look to the
theory of evolution for a new explanatory framework." He calls the line of thought
mentioned above simply "wrong" (ibid.). He traces the theoretic framework back to
the 1950's when David Campbell developed a "theory of growth of science through
Blind Mutations of ideas and Selective Retention of the productive ones", the BMSR
theory (ibid.: 60). Here the similarities between the development of species and
scientific ideas were paralleled, but both seen as "manifestations of more general
laws of growth" (ibid.). In 1976, Richard Dawkins coined the term of memes,
thoughts that propagate and proliferate in people's minds, like genes. David Hull's
1988 concept of Science as a Process demonstrates similarities between the develop-
ments of complex systems, such as biological species and scientific areas. Roger
Lass then took this comparison to linguistics and tried to explain language change
using a "theory of a 'historically evolved system', in which both biology and lan-
guage fall" because they evolve slowly over time (Ansaldo 2009: 4f.) – in vain, as
Anderson says (2006: 61). Finally, Andersen also criticises William Croft's 2002
Explaining Language Change and his definition of language "as 'a population of
utterances', and change [which] is understood as a product of altered replication (the
origin of variants) and differential replication (the generalization of some variants
rather than others)" (Andersen 2006: 61). Andersen (2006: 85) says that some simi-
larities are not there by accident as both complexes, language (change) and biological
evolution, are categories of history, but others are superficial or even "deep disanalo-
gies hiding behind the pervasively anthropocentric, metaphoric terminology of evo-
lutionary science." Furthermore, such evolution-coloured terminology in linguistics
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might lead to ambiguity.

In his review on Mufwene's 2001 publication The ecology of language evolution,


Mühlhäusler (2005) adds further criticism. Mufwene regards language development
as a "natural process in that it is subconscious and its outcomes are not deliberate"
(Mühlhäusler 2005: 265). In fact, Mufwene ignores the large amount of deliberate
language making, because both modern and naive language planning include phono-
logical and lexical changes, for instance, because of taboo and deliberate construc-

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tions of anti-languages (ibid.).16 He continues by stating that languages are more than
just biological species, as a crucial feature of languages is their reflexiveness – "the
ability of speakers consciously to reflect on their speech and consciously to change
their ways of speaking" (ibid.: 266), i.e. we can find internal factors of change as
well; language contact is not the only reason for change. Furthermore, Mufwene does
not touch upon important topics, such as the "properties of change generated by
internal drift, the impact of contact with typologically distinct languages, and the
reasons why certain features are not selected" (ibid.: 267). Finally, the "challenge is
to determine what evidence could disconfirm these claims" (ibid.: 268). William
Croft (2010), who reviewed one of Mufwene's books on language evolution, added
further criticism: "While analogies can provide stimulating ideas, a generalized theo-
ry is required for importing theories developed in another phenomenal domain to
help to understand language change", which Croft recognizes and Mufwene does not
(Croft 2010: 306). But let us first see to what extent we can match the data in a fruit-
ful fashion.

5.2.2 Matching the data

Mufwene rejects a distinction between pidgins and creoles, between normal and ab-
normal, between internal and contact-induced language development (Mühlhäusler
2005: 265). He also does not take into account imperfection in L2 or even L1 acqui-
sition as source of explanation (Sharma 2012: 220f.). For instance, Sharma classifies
the absence of preterite/participle distinction a consequence of simplification or le-
velling during language acquisition (ibid.: 224). Not least because of the partly poor
educational circumstances in our examples, this is also a valid explanation for other
linguistic features. Because of the introduction of a whole corpus of terminology, the
partly far-fetched analogies, and the existence of other options, the explanation with
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Mufwene's or Croft's approach is only recommended when it comes to the founder


effect, but even this has to be handled carefully, as deliberate language design would
ruin this theory.

As we will see, the sociolinguistic approaches above come to almost the same con-
clusions as the theorists of language evolution. In fact, competition and selection, and
16
"Many pidgins and creoles were significantly shaped by deliberate engineering of missionaries
(Negerhollands, Tok Pisin), administrations (Swahili, Bazaar Malay), or employers of slave and in-
dentured workers (Fanakalo), or were changed as the consequence of writing them (Chinese Pidgin
English)" (Mühlhäusler 2005: 266). So it is advisable to take into account deliberate language making,
or shaping, as possible influence.

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the feature pool are different expressions for processes already mentioned in 5.1.
Superstrate and substrate influence both play a role, and their features' selection is
determined or influenced by social, physical, or language internal parameters. The
main contribution is the observation of the founder principle in linguistics. This can
be applied in PNE and BNI, less so in the other varieties. "The founder principle is
applicable to a large number of situations and it is a reminder that historical linguists
need to ask what populations are involved when the language crystallizes" (Mühl-
häusler 2005: 267).

Norfolk Island/Pitcairn English

Such an instance, in which the founder principle is applicable, is represented by the


importance of St. Kitt's creole for PNE (ibid.). Here, the number of influencing spea-
kers was not more than one. But this speaker, Edward Young, left distinct marks in
modern PNE. In addition, Thomason puts emphasis on the typological openness of
Austronesian or Southeast Asian languages when it comes to the pronoun system.
Here we can find elaborate, "open pronoun systems, in which there may be dozens of
ways to say 'I' and 'you', depending on (among other things) social relations between
a speaker and a hearer – perhaps most notably age difference, degree of intimacy,
and social status" (Thomason 2001: 84). An underlying elaborate pronoun system in
Tahitian language might have led to typological voids, i.e. empty categories, in the
resulting koiné. Tahitian grammatical categories were added in the feature pool but
had no competition. Instead of selecting Tahitian words, innovative morphological
combinations of the lexifier's items might have led to the present elaborate pronoun
system in PNE.

F34 in PNE is absolutely pervasive and ranked A in all sources owing to the complex
system from substrate Tahitian. The relic assumption, discussed by Schreier (2003:
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263) and Andersen (1988: 74f.), says that geographically isolated communities tend
to retain archaic features. "Therefore, this feature may have existed historically in
British [...] and/or American English, without ever being overtly commented on",
claims Schreier. This seems plausible if AmE y'all is compared to PNE yorlyi, but
because of the embedding in a complex pronoun system, Schreier calls this option
implausible at the same time (Schreier 2003: 263). A founder effect does not apply
for this feature. On the other hand, Tahitian as a language in contact may have intro-
duced the complex pronoun system with its singular-dual-plural distinction into the

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feature pool. As there was no competition for dual pronouns in English, the whole
pronoun category might have been filled with Tahitian-structured but English-lexi-
fied forms. As there is no double negation in either ScE or Scottish Gaelic or Tahi-
tian, and the pervasiveness of this feature is C, i.e. very low, this feature was simply
not introduced into the feature pool, thus it cannot be selected. Its occurrence in a
few instances can be explained by random, because the negation system in PNE is
complex as well, showing a number of special negation particles.

Phonologically, the influence must come from input varieties that have contributed to
the PNE feature pool, this is ScE, Tahitian and West Indies Creole. In English
Creoles of the Caribbean and ScE, th-stopping is pervasive (Kortmann/Upton 2008),
and there are no dental fricatives in Tahitian. This means, phonemes /ð/ and // were
not introduced into the feature pool and thus not selected. Interestingly, the monoph-
thongization and th-movement show the same levels of pervasiveness (A) in both
ScE and PNE (see appendix V). Tahitian language's and Caribbean English Creoles'
tendency to use monophthongs also contributed to the outcome of the features' com-
petition in favour of monophthongized GOAT and FACE diphthongs.

Bonin Island English

A variety of BIE, the Ogasawara Koiné Japanese, is heavily influenced by Japanese


Hachijojima dialect because the early settlers on Ogasawara were from Hachijo. This
is a result that can be well explained by Mufwene's founder principle (Long 2007:
33). Another instance is the sound change depicted in sentence (36) in 4.2.1; nanny
goat becomes [nene goto]. Common sense would expect a substitution of the Eng-
lish ending /i/ with Japanese /i/. Long (2007: 236) reconstructs the original pronun-
ciation of /i/ to a lower vowel, closer to // or //, usual for US American New Eng-
land accent. The large number of early settlers from the New England region might
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have had a founder effect on the later output variety.

OML "basically consists of an English lexicon on a Japanese grammar, retaining the


phonology of both source languages" (Long 2007: 36). The competition seems to
have been of a systematic nature. In the rivalry between English and Japanese gram-
mar, Japanese won almost entirely. As far as the lexicon is concerned, it was vice
versa. Phonological features are selected on the speaker's preferences and back-
ground. There is no social consensus yet in this contact situation. It seems that in this

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special case, the competition and selection has found a special solution, or we need
to consider different explanation models.

Chicano English/Scottish English/New Zealand English

In order to avoid repetition, the three other varieties are discussed together. The
founder principle does not apply here. In NZE, Maori influence was disproved. The
other two instances are no tabula rasa situations, and as such it is difficult to say
whether the founder principle applies at all, because Mufwene focussed on the pidgin
creole continuum. In ScE, English developed to dominate Scottish Gaelic, and in
ChcE, Spanish was demonstrated to be a substrate influence. This substrate influence
can be translated into feature pool contribution, and consequent competition and
selection of features or utterances. Furthermore, the varieties discussed can be cate-
gorized as linguistic populations or as organisms, utterances can be named lingue-
mes, but it does not bring us closer to an answer of how and why features are passed
on. The evolutionary biological (Mufwene) or conceptual (Croft) analogy derives
from a sociolinguistic perspective. Even though Ansaldo does not demand a com-
plete overlap of concepts, I do not see any advantages for our discussion. So in terms
of fruitfulness, this point seems rather infertile.

5.3 Linguistic formalism

5.3.1 Theoretical outline

As mentioned above, for Chambers (2004: 128), there are only two possible explana-
tions for linguistic phenomena in language contact situations. He states that "[e]ither
the features were diffused there by the founders of the dialect, or they developed
there independently as natural structural linguistic developments." But Chambers
calls the diffusionist approach "implausible because of geographic spread" of the fea-
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tures (ibid.). Other scholars have explained the geographic spread by migration, colo-
nization and diffusion.17 This is a huge difference already in the basic assumptions.
In the formalists' perspective, "[c]rucially, the putative ubiquity of such features is
argued to be unlikely to be due to sociolinguistic diffusion, which is why they must
be 'primitive features of vernacular dialects' (Chambers 2003: 243) – that is, un-
learned and thus innate" (Szmrecsanyi/Kortmann 2009: 36).
17
Furthermore, similarities between geographically distant varieties can be due not to contact but "to
the fact that they have resulted from mixtures of similar dialects in similar proportions at similar
times" (Trudgill 2004: 83).

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As a reminder, we define vernacular universals, as "features that are common to spo-
ken vernaculars (e.g. spoken vernaculars tend to have double negation)" (Szmrecsa-
nyi/Kortmann 2009: 33). Here, double negation is mentioned again as a possible
candidate.

Criticism

Kortmann and Szmrecsanyi (2004: 1555) weighed the pros and cons of vernacular
universals as a source of explanation. "A quick comparison shows that only multiple
negation [...] and the inversion or lack of auxiliaries in wh-questions [...] are among
the Top features according to our survey, whereas morphosyntactic features with an
equally wide or even wider global distribution among non-standard varieties of
English are not mentioned by Chambers" (ibid.). They state that "[t]his test of Cham-
bers' vernacular universals demonstrates that, for English alone already, not all of his
candidates can claim universal status and that, at the same time, additional candidates
can be identified" (ibid.: 1555f.). In other terms, what Chambers dubbed universals
are not even angloversals. It is sure that "what is happening in non-standard varieties
of English and, possibly, languages belonging to the same morphological type as
English, almost certainly does not apply to vernaculars of inflectional or agglutina-
ting languages (e.g. Italian, Spanish, Turkish)" (Kortmann/Szmrecsanyi 2004: 1556).

In his contribution to Filppula et al. (2009: 304-322), Trudgill works out that Cham-
bers' and other scholar’s attempt to find vernacular universals has not been successful
(Trudgill 2009: 304). Conjugation regularization, as seen in 4.2 and 4.3, is "a
phenomenon which has certainly occurred in all vernacular varieties of English. But
the fact that is has also occurred in Standard English, although to a lesser extent […],
and the fact that vernacular varieties have not undergone total regularisation, make it
difficult to argue persuasively in favour of this feature as a vernacular universal"
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(Trudgill 2009: 306).

The topic of language universals is highly controversial. Heterogeneous, and partly


harsh criticism is uttered, especially concerning its scientific relevance and justifica-
tion. Tomasello (2004: 643) asks about Universal Grammar, "are they all really tal-
king about the same thing? [...] As far as I can tell as an outsider, the normal pro-
cedure in generative linguistics is either to assume the existence of UG or to provide
confirmatory evidence for it." And he continues, stating "[i]f it is constructed in a
way that makes it immune to falsification, then it may be a pretty picture of the world

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(as, for example, Freudian psychology or Marxist sociology), but it is not science"
(Tomasello 2004: 643). Goldberg (2009: 203) criticises the universalist approach as
an obsolete theory that made sense in the 1960s "when an understanding of the
power of statistical learning and induction were a long way off." But after decades of
research in this area "we are no closer to knowing what sort of representations (or
constraints) are included in 'Universal Grammar'" (ibid.).

Furthermore, representatives of Universal Grammar give no explanation, or see no


relation, to the development of other cognitive abilities in humans, which is questio-
nable at least.18 Innateness "does not seem to be a testable hypothesis, it has no in-
teresting empirical consequences beyond those generated by positing biological
bases in general, and so overall it does not help us in any way to get closer to the
phylogenetic and ontogenetic origins of these interesting cognitive skills" (Tomasello
2004: 644). In short, criticism is that all phenomena can be or are already explained
using other methods, or are not worth studying. In contrast, functionalist approaches
promise a more solid, empirical foundation and a link to other cognitive abilities in
humans is recognized. Because of their decreasing scientific relevance, or the in-
creasing criticism on generative approaches, theories on linguistic formalism will be
taken not, or only subsidiary into account for the discussion. The functionalist ap-
proach to language universals turns out to be more productive in this discussion.

5.3.2 Matching the data

F154 multiple negation

Of the candidates for vernacular universals, F154 is the only item of truly universal
scale (Kortmann/Szmrecsanyi 2004: 1156). Certainly, this feature does only exist in
vernaculars, but it is just as certainly not a vernacular universal for the reason that it
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is present only in the vernaculars simply because it has been lost in Standard English
owing to a linguistic change in earlier (standard) English. For this reason, its per-
vasiveness is not a surprise at all. "It is rather the absence of multiple negation which
is a feature of nonvernaculars in English" (Trudgill 2009: 307).

Nevertheless, Chambers states that socially, "vernacular universals appear to fall into
well-defined patterns in the acrolect-basilect hierarchy, but functionally there appear

18
Tomasello (2004: 644) compares the ability to speak with uniquely human abilities of mathematics
and music. "But no one has to date proposed anything like Universal Music or Universal Mathe-
matics."

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to be several disparate principles at work (from motor economy to cognitive over-
load" (Chambers 2004: 130). We are interested in precisely these principles, but he
leaves open what exactly they are. A hint is given with the social distribution. Lower
social class seems to correlate with basilectal speech showing a large number of non-
standard features. F154 might be a socioversal as for ScE, ChcE, and NZE, for
instance, lower social classes tend to use multiple negation more often. Further
research is necessary at this point.

Th-movement

The same accounts for th-movement. "Many of the features [in NZE] illustrate well-
trodden paths of phonological change and may well be the product of universal
processes shaping sounds and sound systems (e.g. the fortification of interdental
fricatives [] and [ð])" (Peters/Burridge 2012: 247). The distance from the standard
might lead to a more natural handling of language, leading to simplification –
through motor economy – of elaborate consonants and vowels. Motor economy and
cognitive overload, mentioned by Chambers as functional principle, seem to be valid
arguments, but they clearly point away from a formalist perspective towards a func-
tionalist approach.

5.4 Synthetic approaches

5.4.1 Theoretical outline

Tomasello

The usage-based approach of L1 acquisition by Tomasello can be adapted to contact


languages, in which speakers are exposed to different languages and have to use a
new contact language. Imitation of utterances and structures and the generalizations
from their exemplary usage shape the grammar and lexicon, because of the human's
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cognitive abilities of intention-reading and pattern-finding (Ansaldo 2009: 8). This


can become important in racially and linguistically mixed families in contact
situations such as given on the Bonin Islands, see below. Important is the com-
municative function of language as basis for generalizations, this is what part of
language is used in which contexts. In contact scenarios, this approach can explain
bottom-up feature acquisition in speakers of the second generation. The higher the
frequency of items, i.e. the more often they are used, the higher is the probability of

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automatization and phonological reduction of these items. Likewise, the deeper is
their entrenchment, making them resistant to change.

Ansaldo

In his integrative approach, Ansaldo makes use of almost all approaches mentioned
above. He explains language change or contact language formation with altered or
differential replication becoming innovative in contact scenarios. Ansaldo describes
a complex typological matrix of contact languages. Similar, though not identical, to
Croft's lingueme pool and Mufwene's notion of feature pool, the typological matrix
includes the process of a recombination of input variables (ibid.: 20). Here, the
crucial factor is frequency. Structures of a high token-frequency "may be those that
are grammatically obligatory, semantically salient or pragmatically more relevant."
Structures of a high type-frequency are "more common ('unmarked') in a specific
grammar, for example, because of typological congruence, where the occurrence of
the same type in two adstrates reinforces its presence in the TM", the typological
matrix (Ansaldo 2009: 20). Innovation takes place in an individual speaker. Selection
of features is socially determined and may be "related to issues of accommodation,
imitation, differentiation etc." through prestige or typological (in-)congruence (ibid.:
21). Propagation is the establishment of a feature on population level, and is fast in
smaller, tight-knit communities and slower in large, diffuse groups (ibid.: 18). This
would hold for the traditional low-contact varieties' conservatism and the rapid con-
tact language formation in small communities. Selection, innovation and propagation
feed into one another.

Bybee

Bybee elaborated Tomasello's approach towards an inclusion of functional, cognitive


principles. She shares the assumption of automatization and lexical entrenchment
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through high-frequency usage, but she adds one further step of grammaticalization –
the loss of internal structure and the becoming autonomous from the etymological
source. Grammar is understood as cognitive representation of linguistic experience in
which a range of variation for each lexical token and its phonetic representation is
mapped. In contact scenarios, cognitive principles of language processing take place.
Especially for pidgins, the extremely reduced vocabulary and grammar form a stage
of morphosyntactic innovation. She understands the notion of universals in a cogni-
tive-functional manner: "The real universals are in the mechanisms that underlie the

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processes of change. The source of these universals is the architecture of the pro-
duction and perception systems through which our cognitive structures are constantly
funnelled" (Bybee 1999: 234).

Criticism

In Bybee, a mapping of patterns is not considered to a sufficient extent, unless she


extends the definition of tokens from lexical units to rules and grammatical struc-
tures, or utterances. I suggest an additional mapping of patterns to the mapping of
tokens because of the following phenomenon: A speaker who is newly introduced to
a dialect he or she has never encountered before is able to learn its production rules
quite easily. The initial lenition of southern German or Saxon dialects, for instance,
can be understood passively and even be used productively by this new speaker who
has never heard a certain word before, but follows a production rule deduced from
earlier input. It seems plausible that production rules or patterns are mapped as well,
creating an expansion or adaptation of the range of variation mentioned above via
analogy, or as Winford (2013) calls it, imposition.

5.4.2 Matching the data

Norfolk Island/Pitcairn English

The typological matrix of PNE is rather complex because the main input varieties,
ScE and St. Kitts Creole English, and Tahitian show only little typological con-
gruence. The output is determined by social factors, resulting in English as the super-
strate lexifier and basis of this pidgin. But the Tahitian pronoun system was adapted,
and phonological influence can be reconstructed. Children of the second generation
grew up in racially and linguistically mixed households, a special ecology in an ex-
tremely tight-knit community. For the pronoun system, a very high frequency can be
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assumed, which enforces its establishment and propagation. F34 in everyday speech
is "pragmatically more relevant" and thus more likely to prevail than the semantically
ambigue option (Ansaldo 2009: 20). Multiple negation does not play a role in PNE.

Chicano English

Double negation is grammatically obligatory or at least optional in ChcE's substrate


Spanish. Th-movement is analogous, as seen above. Both have a high token and type
frequency. They are part of the typological matrix, and seem to be unmarked in the
output variety. Social factors such as covert prestige of ChcE as in-group dialect de-

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termine the feature's pervasiveness in different social classes, with the highest degree
of occurrence in the lowest class. Effects of imitation and induction can be recog-
nized owing the fact that speakers of ChcE learn English simultaneously with Spa-
nish or in school as of age five. This should guarantee no problems in acquiring
standard American English. However, ChcE show patterns from their peers' speech.

Bonin Island English

As with PNE, the typological matrix of BIE is quite complex. Interestingly, imper-
fect L2 acquisition and L1 transfer play a dominant role, especially if the speakers'
L1s in contact situations are typologically very distant. The greater the typological
difference in a grammatical structure, the more L1 transfer takes place. This was
shown for article selection in learners of English as a foreign language (EFL) who
are native speakers of Spanish (typologically close), Turkish (intermediate), or Ja-
panese (generally distant). "L1 transfer effects persist into advanced levels of Eng-
lish", though in general learners with Spanish and Turkish as L1 were closer to
native speakers of English than the Japanese learners were (Snape et al. 2013: 20).
Furthermore, Kewley-Port et al. (2005: 2399) report that in a test of the "influence of
different native language systems on vowel discrimination and identification [...] Ja-
panese listeners performed quite poorly compared to listeners with more complex L1
vowel systems." Japanese has only five vowels opposed to American English with 11
vowels (ibid.). Cognitive linguistic processes such as the ability to perceive and dis-
tinguish vowels in a contact variety, and additional L1 transfer, shape the output
variety to a large extent. The recombination of input variables is constrained in the
distinction of features of the typological matrix. Similar processes are likely to have
taken place in contact situations on the Bonin Islands.

Scottish English, New Zealand English


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The traditional dialects of ScE and NZE possibly show substrate influence from Irish
English in F34. Social factors, such as the affiliation to a lower social class or a
special age group, seem to foster the non-standard features mentioned above. A high-
frequent use among the peer groups reinforce the features' pervasiveness in these
special linguistic environments. This also holds for the lack of uniformity in the dis-
tribution of the non-standard features. The innate human cognitive ability "to create
language systems through categorization, analogy, neuromotor automatization, se-
mantic generalization, and pragmatic inferencing" accounts for the innovative filling

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of empty typological categories by analogy as well as for simplification through
phonological reduction of unambiguous sounds (Bybee in Winford 2013: 240).

5.5 Conclusion – principles at work

In general, Trudgill (2004: 27) presents an additional, different perspective of the


meaning of language universals. The convergence of dialects or languages to a single
unitary variety is due to the fact that all humans follow certain rules in communi-
cation. He quotes Keller's maxim of "talk like the others talk" and Jakobson's phatic
function in communication. They imply that people tend to adapt their counterpart's
habits while communicating with others. This seems to be a socio-psychological
universal, a therefore innate "human tendency to 'behavioural co-ordination' [...], an
apparently biologically given drive to behave as one's peers do, which is manifested
already in parent-infant communication (Trudgill 2004: 28). In addition, Trudgill
promotes the psycholinguistic view that "children acquire new dialects and languages
more or less perfectly up the age of about eight, and that the particularly complex
phonological rules of a new dialect may not be totally mastered in complete detail
even by children younger than eight" (ibid.).

In a contact situation with an apparent diversity of speech, "we can suppose that most
of the complicated work leading to the eventual establishment of a new, single norm
will be carried out by children under the age of eight" (ibid.) In tabula rasa colonial
situations, especially in environments of pidgins and creoles, children of this age will
be relatively resistant to social factors such as prestige, albeit their family as close
provider of linguistic input is not. However, this shows the deterministic nature of
the process and explains the similarity of outcomes from similar mixtures. "The pro-
cess of new-dialect formation is thus mechanical or, in the terminology of Croft
(2000: 65), 'nonintentional'" (Trudgill 2004: 28).
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In other words, the occurrence of similar or identical features in World Englishes can
be explained by similar input and comparable contact situations. It is very likely that
dialects of English, especially in the southern hemisphere, owe their features to lan-
guage contact of nineteenth century varieties of British English (Trudgill 2004: 83).
In fact, the varieties share distinct traits of their linguistic ecology. People from the
British Isles, most often from distinct dialect areas, founded small, geographically
isolated communities with typologically not fully congruent substrate inputs. After a
long phase of isolation, an individual dialect emerged. On a psychological level, peer

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group accommodation, the quality, nature and moment of L1 and L2 acquisition are
crucial. A timeframe for these processes is also given. Trudgill's work on NZE sug-
gests that "in a colonial situation, the development of a new unitary dialect out of a
dialect mixture situation takes approximately fifty years (i.e. two generations)"
(2004: 23).

The vocabulary that is used to describe such dialect or language mixing is more or
less a matter of taste or perspective rather than of ultimate truth. Sure, we can call the
existing dialectal features that lead to code-levelling a feature pool and speak of com-
petition and selection, or we take a clinical, objective perspective and call it mixing,
levelling and unmarking of new dialectal features. By definition, "the founder effect
implies that the linguistic funding population of an area has a built-in advantage
when it comes to the continuing influence and survival of their speech forms, as
opposed to those of later arrivals" (Trudgill 2004: 163). The early settlers of a new
dialect region are crucial and important in the early period of new dialect formation,
of course, and their linguistic features are probably dominant over later settlers' fea-
tures. We can call this the founder principle or regard it as a necessary result of im-
migration and social hierarchies in colonial environments. In other instances, we can
not apply this principle, which makes it less valuable for our discussion. Trudgill
(2004: 164) makes this uncertainty obvious: "Of course, as Mufwene concedes
(2001: 76), the founder principle works unless it doesn't."

Often, concepts behind the multi-facetted and conflicting vocabulary of different


linguists are similar, sometimes congruent. I think, each individual has to decide on
their own to use or not to use which metaphors and similes; but under all circum-
stances, logical processes in speakers' migration and contact situations will be the
first choice to explain seemingly similar principles at work in World Englishes.
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This means, if there are sources to trace back the origin and speech habits of people,
their motivation to go to new places all over the world, sufficient demographic in-
formation, the linguistic differences and similarities of dialects and languages in con-
tact, and a proper body of evidence of contemporary speech, then such principles can
be explained for without using farfetched metaphors and assumptions about unpro-
ved and unprovable theories on innate language universals that are not explained for
by psycholinguistic, behaviouristic, or sociolinguistic processes that inevitably occur
in human communication.

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Following Thomason 2009, we can detect the likelihood of contact-induced change
in language change in five steps. Firstly, sociolinguistic or socio-historic research
comparable to chapter 3 gives a linguistic lineage of the target language. Secondly,
typological analysis, both in morphosyntax and phonology, but also in lexicon, are
necessary to provide enough evidence for interference, of course, basing on logical
relations from the first step. Thirdly, the non-existence of a feature in an earlier stage
of an input variety has to be proved, which is difficult for varieties that have neither
written nor recorded acoustic evidence from past. In clear-cut contact scenarios with
lists of the earliest settlers, as given on Pitcairn Island, this is easier to achieve.
Fourthly, change in the source language must be ruled out – a contact-induced fea-
ture cannot be emerging out of internal motivation before contact happens. This can
be achieved by a comparison of the speakers' origins and a reconstruction of their
speech. If the input from their homes and the output in the contact area is the same,
there was no change. Fifthly and finally, parallel internal change in all varieties in
contact must be ruled out. If language change happens, for instance, both on the
islands of contact situations and at home in Britain, it might as well have been inter-
nally motivated, but also a parallel development by coincidence. "If we are success-
ful in satisfying criteria 1-4, not just for a single innovation in the receiving language
but for a nontrivial number of independent innovations (i.e. innovations in different
grammatical subsystems), then it is reasonable to claim that contact played a role in
motivating the changes. If not, then not" (Thomason 2009: 361). This analysis helps
distinguishing whether different principles of language change work in contact-in-
duced change and in language internal change, i.e. drift.

Chambers (2004: 129) says about his candidates of vernacular universals that "[t]hey
cannot be merely English. They must have counterparts in the other languages of the
world that are demonstrably the outgrowths of the same rules and representations in
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the bioprogram." This can be transferred to cognitive and psycholinguistic mecha-


nisms in L1 and L2 acquisition plus language or speaker contact scenarios. Univer-
sals need to be sought at a higher level of abstraction.

Some universals come from phonetic factors, others arise because of the exter-
nal context in which language is used, others from cognitive or perceptual fac-
tors that are independent of language. Only if language is viewed in the more
general context of real usage by real language users will it become clear how to
describe and explain cross-linguistic patterns. (Bybee 1999: 235)

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It became obvious that similar or even identical features in varieties of English all
over the world can have different sources. Multiple negation is probably a substrate
influence. Special forms for the 2nd p.pl.pron. creatively fill a semantic gap of the
standard in non-standard varieties in order to avoid ambiguity. Monophthongization
can be the result of a reduced vowel system, typical of contact or creole languages.
And, finally, th-movement can be the result of substrate influence, motor economy,
or imperfect learning. With exposure and usage over time, tokens and patterns are
constantly re-mapped in the cognitive representation called grammar. If structural
simplicity seems to be the target condition, processes such as th-movement and mo-
nophthongization, can be explained by language economy. There is no single answer,
and integrated models are not consistent for all types of language contact and change.
In general, we "need many researchers with different areas of expertise working
together with a common aim of trying to understand Language without appeal to
mysterious stipulations" (Goldberg 2009: 219).

Until then, we need to go with plausibility. "In the end, then, a one-size-fits-all
theory is unlikely to succeed in accounting for the rich, and richly varying, body of
data from language contact situations around the world" (Thomason 2009: 363).
Usage-based Functionalism seems to provide the most profound basis for an inves-
tigation of linguistic phenomena. This synthetic approach embraces insights from so-
ciolinguistics and cognitive psychology, and recognizes a psycholinguistic source for
universal, or at least ubiquitous phenomena in language change and contact.
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6. Considerations

Conclusively, a few thoughts that have not yet been articulated in this study should
be given room here. Can we apply the outlined theory on new-dialect formation on
languages as well as on dialects in contact? Do we simply understand the notion of
vernacular universals inaccurately? And what are the future perspectives in this field
of research?

6.1 Does the input matter? Languages vs. dialects in contact

An "impressive number of findings suggest that an exposure to two languages leads


to a heightened awareness of language rules, structures and functions" (Charkova
2003: 52) which is a vital point in language contact situations. Thomason and
Kaufman (1988: 9) find three main stimuli for language change: drift, that is internal
change; "dialect interference, both between stable and strongly differentiated dialects
and between weakly differentiated dialects through the differential spread (in
'waves') of particular changes"; and foreign influence. And just as it is difficult to tell
whether or not two forms of speech are dialects of one language or separate lan-
guages, so is it difficult to distinguish unambiguously between dialect and foreign in-
terference (Thomason/Kaufman 1988: 9). The boundaries are blurred.

In case the input does not matter, and this question is more or less a matter of
defining terminology, we can easily adapt Trudgill's theory on new-dialect formation
(see chapter 2.5) on the coming into existence of pidgins and creoles.

The trigger for language change can be found either in influence of another language
in contact situations, or it is internally-motivated because of a structural imbalance
within the existing linguistic system, i.e. drift (Thomason 2001: 86). Of course, the
latter can be caused by the former. In the discussion on Thomason (2001: 60/76) we
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saw social and linguistic factors that influence (the degree of) language change. In
dialect contact situations, e.g. in contact of mutually intelligible and culturally close
or even almost identical communities, the intensity of contact can be high. Imperfect
learning might not exist at all, and the speaker's attitudes towards the other dialect
can be positive, considering a potential prestige, or negative, considering political or
economical inferiority. There will be only a small number of marked linguistic fea-
tures, and if contact is close, for instance because of trade or political merging, the
features might be integrated completely into the linguistic system and used in all

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domains. Typologically, the two dialects should be almost identical, so they are very
close to each other. The consequent koiné or dialect levelling results in a mixed
dialect that should be typologically more or less in the middle between the two (or
more) input dialects. In this scenario, Trudgill's theory on new-dialect formation
works.

In a language contact situation of mutually unintelligible languages, as it happened


on Pitcairn Island, we have a high intensity of the contact, owing to geographical
limitations and the tight-knit community. Imperfect learning exists because there was
no formal education or language tutoring. The speakers' attitude is clear: English is
the lexifier and prestigious, so linguistic integration is high. Because of the typolo-
gical distance between source (English) and recipient language (Tahitian), a com-
promise close to the source language is constructed. Speakers of English keep their
standard and limit the resulting pidgin to certain domains, as for inner community
communication.

Moreover, Ansaldo (2009: 15) takes it one step further. Identical replication could be
expected in highly monolingual environments, but even here, language change takes
place, for instance owing to internal chain shifts or imperfect transmission between
speakers, i.e. L1 acquisition. In contact situations, altered replication is just more
intense or more likely to happen, but in fact, there does not need to be any contact in
order to form new dialects over time. A total lack of contact, i.e. isolation, provides a
basis for language change, as well.

In general, we can state that the input does not matter. The outcome of contact
situations can be explained with the new-dialect formation theory both for dialect
contact and for language contact. The differences result from typological distance
and cultural and/or social difference between the speaker groups.
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6.2 A different perspective on universals

Trudgill does not disagree so much in the choice of Chambers' universals – some of
his suggestions are even identical – but he takes a different perspective. He states that
"it was not the presence of parallels between the different non-standard varieties that
was significant. Rather, it was the oddness of Standard English compared with all
other varieties which was of importance" (Trudgill 2009: 309). He defines Standard
English as "the odd one out" (ibid.), being a minority dialect among the dialects spo-

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ken by native speakers worldwide. The best explanation for vernacular universals – if
they exist – must be the prevalence of idiosyncratic developments in Standard Eng-
lish owing to its status as a standard. Changes in the standard take place slower than
in non-standard varieties because it has a "conservative, retarding effect on linguistic
change" (ibid.: 313), reminiscent of Andersen's and Schreier's relic assumption. The
existence of irregular forms in the standard and their levelling in vernaculars or other
varieties are a failure of the standard to regularize (Trudgill 2009: 310). One could
say that vernacular universals represent changes that have not yet taken place in the
standard (ibid.: 313).

6.3 Reflection upon material and methods

This study is supposed to represent the contemporary research and state of the art.
For this purpose, up-to-date handbooks and projects such as WAVE, WALS, HoVE,
and eWAVE were used. Unfortunately, different indications of pervasiveness are used
in these catalogues. Moreover, they give partly contradictory values, as can be seen
in appendix V. Understandably, "[f]or individual features and varieties, some authors
felt happier to give in-between judgments like 'A/B' or 'B/C'" as pervasiveness index
(Kortmann/Szmrecsanyi 2004: 1143). Hopefully, new editions in press will create a
more homogeneous picture with time, hopefully leading to a standardized index for a
feature's pervasiveness.

Another problem is the partly thin coverage on lesser-known varieties of English.


Some varieties do not occur at all in any of the catalogues, or only one informant
supplies WAVE, eWAVE or WALS with linguistic information, e.g. Daniel Long on
OML. For a discussion, it is crucial to know the varieties' linguistic ecology. It be-
comes problematic if the linguistic ecology is not known, or not well-known. For this
study, a well-documented sociolinguistic situation was prerequisite for the selection
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of the varieties. For other varieties, a reconstruction of the socio-historic situation


might be difficult. However, in order to rule out bias or statistical effects, more
sources for the varieties are always beneficial.

Furthermore, the classification of OML as creole and of PNE as pidgin is based on


shaky evidence. There are as many different opinions on this classification as there
are definitions on pidgins and creoles. A different selection of varieties and/or fea-
tures may lead to a different result, for instance through geographical grouping.
(comp. Kortmann/Szmrecsanyi 2004).

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6.4 Outlook

I would like to conclude this study by giving advice for further research. Basing on
the reflection, a final definition of pidgins, creoles, or a pidgin-creole-continuum is
eagerly awaited. Moreover, linguists need to investigate pidgins and creoles tho-
roughly and rather soon, as they are endangered languages or varieties, and should be
analyzed and recorded before it is too late. In PNE, BIE and other varieties, influence
from standard English leads to a rapidly decreasing number of speakers. This in-
cludes lesser-known varieties world-wide, such as OML. Here, we need to regard the
special cases of deliberate language making and mixed languages.

As outlined above, research on linguistic features in World Englishes would benefit


from fine-tuning the pervasiveness index and setting up a scientific standard for
categorizing pervasiveness. Similarly, linguistics would benefit from intensified ef-
forts of intertwining theoretical approaches, because the truth can often be found in a
compromise.

Similar projects as WAVE seem to be useful for varieties influenced or lexified by


French, Portuguese, and Dutch, which were all important colonizer languages even
before the English language during the British Empire. Field work in situ and psy-
chological investigation of contact language formation, its setting and development
are problematic and difficult to achieve, considering Bickerton's proposed island
experiment.19

An online-based research program, maybe in form of a wiki, could link linguists


world-wide and provide a platform for speech samples and typological categori-
zation. eWAVE might have been the first step towards this goal.
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19
In the late 1970s, "Bickerton proposed marooning six couples speaking six different languages
along with children too young to have learned their parents’ language on a Pacific island for a year, to
see what language the adults might figure out and how the kids might alter it." But understandably, the
idea was rejected by the National Science Foundation for ethical reasons (Erard 2008).

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Bibliography

I Works cited

Andersen, Henning (1988). "Center and periphery: adoption, diffusion, and spread."
In: Fisiak 1988, 39-84.

Andersen, Henning (2006). "Synchrony, diachrony, and evolution." Thomsen, Ole


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Ap
ppendix III Maap of New
w Zealand (Hay et all. 2008: xii).
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Ap
ppendix IIII Bonin English Evolution (Long 20007: 73).
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Ap
ppendix IV
V Areal distribbution of F34 in Scootland (Maaguire 201
12:
71).
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Appendix V Pervasiveness of selected features

feature monoph-
F34: alt. th-movement
F154: double thongization
pronouns 2nd
negation FACE GOAT /dð/
pers. plural /d/ /t/
variety /e/ /O/ /t/

Scottish A A
BBB B B B (C) A A (X)
English (Orkney) (Orkney)

New Zealand B
AA BA C C C C (Maori
English Engl.)

Chicano
BBA AAB B A B B (X)
English

Bonin Island
(C) (B) (A) (B) (B) (B) (X)
English

Pitcairn/
Norfolk Island AAA CCC A A A A (X)
English

The index follows the WAVE index (Kortmann/Lunkenheimer 2011; 2012). Values
in brackets indicate an estimation by the author.

Values in red give Kortmann/Lunkenheimer 2011.


Values in green give Kortmann/Lunkenheimer 2012.
Values in blue give Kortmann/Upton 2008. Here, the ranking is done in A, B, C.
While A and B are similar to the others' values A and B, C includes both C and D of
Kortmann/Schneider 2011; 2012.
Copyright © 2014. Diplomica Verlag. All rights reserved.

A = feature is pervasive or obligatory


B = feature is neither pervasive nor obligatory
C = feature exists but is extremely rare
D = feature is attested absent
X = not applicable
? = don't know

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Appendix VI Focal and relic dialect areas

Idealized isogloss configuration for two patterns of diffusion, compare Andersen


1988: 59.

Arrows represent linguistic change or influence with time.

a) towards a relic area (open dialect, representing language contact and innovation in
the outer circle or periphery)

relic
area

b) from a focal area (closed dialect, representing linguistic innovation in the center)

focal
area
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