American Society of Church History

A Survey of Recent Research on the Albigensian Cathari

Author(s): Daniel Walther
Source: Church History, Vol. 34, No. 2 (Jun., 1965), pp. 146-177
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the American Society of Church History
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 A SURVEY OF RECENT RESEARCH ON THE
ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI*
DANIEL WALTHER, Professor of Church History,
Theological Seminary, Andrews University, Michigan
The significant manuscript discoveries on medieval neo-Mani-
chaeism in the last twenty-five years have raised the hope that the
Albigensian riddle may now be more accurately and critically ap-
praised. However, the problems are far from being solved. Despite
penetrating essays and newly found sources, more clarification is needed
on (a) the origins of Catharism. Henri-Charles Puech, of the College
de France, has clearly summed up this question in "Catharismemedie-
val et Bogomilisme," Accademia nazionale dei lincei: XII Convegno
"Volta" promossa dalla classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche
(Roma, 1957), pp. 56-84; (b) religion, where the question is not
merely whether the Cathari were dualists, but to what degree. There
is an excellent essay, partly solving this problem, by Hans S6derberg,
La religion des Cathares: Etude sur le Gnos.ticismede la basse An-
tiquite et du Moyen Age (Uppsala, 1949); (c) the political situation.
"Occitanie,"later called Languedoc, was at the time independentof the
CapetianKings of France who undertookto integrate it, by the sword of
Simon of Montfort, as discussed by Jacques Madaule, Le drame albi-
geois et le destin francais (Paris: B. Grasset, 1961) ;1 (d) Albigensian-
ism coincidedwith courtly love, a subject which has not been sufficiently
elucidated as to the relationship of the troubadours and Catharism,
although numerous essays have been written about it. A French spe-
cialist on Catharism and the troubadours has again approached this
problem: Rene Nelli, L'erotique des troubadours: Publie sous les aus-
pices de la Factulte des Lettres de Toulouse, XXXVIII, 2e serie (Tou-
louse: E. Privat, 1963), 221-246. See also Robert H. Gere, The Trouba-
dours, Heresy and the Albigensian Crusade: Unpublished Ph.D. dis-
sertation, series No. 15628 (New York: Columbia University, 1956).
The locale of the Albigensian episode was "Occitanie," the west-
ern sector of Provence, referred to in some medieval manuscripts as
"provincia provinciae," extending roughly from Marseille to Toulouse,
Gascony (Vasconia), Catalonia and Aragon. This was the area of
the civilization of "oc," word for "yes." It was the lovely land loosely
referred to as Midi (South) or, in the words of troubadour Bernard
Sicard, "the sweet lands of Argence, Beziers and Carcassonne."2
The term "Languedoc" was not used before 1270.3 The names
Cathar, Cathari or Cathares were not derived from Catharistae (by
which St. Augustine designated a group among the Manichaeans),
but from Katharoi (Gr.), the "Pure." The term Cathar (from which
*Research in Southern France for this article was made with the support of a grant from
the American Philosophical Society.

146
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI 147

comes the German "Ketzer") appears to have been first used in 1163,
in Cologne.4 The names Albigeois, Albigenses, Bulgari (hence the
French sobriquet "bougre") have a geographic connotation. The term
Albigenses was used more frequently in the twelfth century when
Catharism took root in southern France, particularly during the Al-
bigensian crusade. It was used earlier with haeretici, such as haeretici
Albigenses, notably in the council of Tours, 1163.5
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS
From the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries Albigensian studies
were strongly motivated by partisan confessionalism. Protestant his-
torians tended to regard the Albigenses as "witnesses of truth," or
as the "underground church of the wilderness" in Apostolic lineage,
while Catholic historians were not displeased that Protestants would
consider as forerunners heretics condemned as "depraved Manichae-
ans." This aspect has been reappraised by J. Charbonnier, "De l'idee
que le protestantisme s'est faite de ses rapports avec le catharisme,
ou des adoptions d'ancetres en histoire," Bulletin de la societe de l'his-
toire du protestantisme franfais, CI (Paris, 1955), 72-876 A com-
prehensive bibliography, showing the critical work done by Catholic
and Protestant historians is by Arno Borst, "Neue Funde und For-
schungen zur Geschichte der Katharer," Historische Zeitschrift,
CLXXIV (Munich, 1962), 17-30. This is a careful inventory es-
pecially of recently discovered sources. Bibliographicalessays on medie-
val sects are appraised in R. Morghen, Medioevo cristiano. Biblioteca
di cultura moderna, No. 491 (Bari, 1951), pp. 212ff.
A valuable bibliographical essay is: Pierre de Berne-Lagarde,
Bibliographie du catharisme languedocien (Toulouse: Institut d'Etudes
Cathares, 1957). Preface de M. Rene Nelli, Collection "Textes et
Documents"). It lists 555 items and is helpful on Latin and French
texts of Gnostic and Manichaean sources, but not always reliable in
foreign (especially German) listings. Some of the shortcomings of
this bibliographyare pointed out by J.-L. Riol, Dernieres connaissances
sur des questions cathares: Essai de critique historique (Albi: Im-
primerie cooperative du Sud-Ouest, 1964), pp. 44-45. Another bib-
liographical study is by B. Croce, L. Sommariva, R. Nelli and Ch.-P.
Bru, "Recherches sur le catharisme," Annales de l'institut d'etudes oc-
citanes, XII (Toulouse, 1952), 5-43, and by L. Sommariva, "Studi
recenti sulle eresie medievali 1939-1952," Rivista storica italiana, LXIV
(1953), 237-268. Professor Raoul Manselli of Turin indicated signi-
ficant studies in "Per la storia dell'eresianel secolo XII (Studi minori) :
Un' abiura del secolo XII e l'eresia catara," Bollettino dell'istitu.to
storico italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano, LXVII
(Roma, 1955), 217, 225, 230, 234, 246-247, 253-254. On Italian Cath-
arism, cf. S. Savini, II catarismo italiano ed i suoi vescovi nei secoli
148 CHURCH HISTORY

XIII e XIV: Ipotesi sulla cronologia del catarismo in Italia (Firenze,

1958). Also, "Profilo dell'eresia medievale," Humanitas, I (1950),
384ff.; and R. Manselli, "Studi sulle eresie del sec. XII," Studi storici,
Fasc. V (Rome, 1953), pp. 90-95.
On the Waldneses, contemporariesbut not doctrinal sympathizers
of the Albigenses, the best bibliography is by Augusto Armond Hugon
and Giovanni Gonnet, Bibliografie valdese (Torre Pellice: Societa di
studi valdesi, 1953). It lists 3500 items and is in the process of being
revised. Also, G. Gonnet, "Sulle fonti del Valdismo medioevale,"Pro-
testantismo, XII (1957), 717-732, and G. Gonnet, Enchiridion fontium
valdensium, I (Torre Pellice, 1958). See also J. Koch, "Neue Quellen
und Forschungen iiber die Anfange der Waldenser," Forschungen und
Forschlritte,XXXII (1958), 141-149: Mario Esposito, "Sur quelques
ecrits concernant les heresies et les heretiques aux XlTe et XTIIe
siecles," Rev. d'Hist. Eccles., XXXVI (1940), 143-162, and the eru-
dite essay by A. Dondaine, "Aux origines du Valdeisme. Une profes-
sion de foi de Valdes," Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, XVT
(Roma: Istituto storico domenicano, 1946), 191-235. The doctrinal
controversies between Waldenses and the Albigenses, ca. 1190, are
best describedby Miss Christine Thouzellier, "Controverses vaudoises-
cathares a la fin du XTTesiecle: D'apres le Livre TI du 'Liber Anti-
heresis'" (MS Madrid 1114. and Paris MS Lat.. B.N. 13446). Ar-
chives d'histoire doctrinale et litteraire dit Moyen A qe, XXXV (Paris:
J. Vrin, 1961), 137-227. The main themes of discussion were: the
oneness of God, creation, the fall of the angels, the law of Moses, and
the final resurrection.
On the eastern antecedents of Catharism, there is a bibliographical
listing in Dix annes d'historioaraphie younqoslavP,1945-1955 (Bel-
grade: Comite national yougoslave des sciences historiques, 1955):
pages 180-191 have a bibliography on the "nrobleme des Bogomiles."
Also. Soloviev, "Autour des Bogomiles," Bv,antion, XXII (1952),
84-90. Bibliogranhical data are also available in Dmitri Obolensky,
The Rogomils: A Study in Balkan neo-Manichaeism (Cambridge
rEngl.1: University Press, 1948). Important is the critical study by
H.-Ch. Puech and A. Vaillant, Le traite contre les Boqomiles de Cos-
mas le pretre: Travaux publies par l'institut d'etudes slaves, No. XXI
(Paris. 1945). Monographs on the influence of the Near East and
a discernible evangelical continuity are listed in Steven Runciman, Le
Manicheisme: L'heresie dualiste dans le Christianisme. Traduction
francaise par Simone Petrement et Jacques Marty (Paris: Payot,
1949), pp. 207ff. A review of Runciman's work is by R. Manselli,
Richerche religiose, XX (1949), 65-94.
A more recent contribution on Manichaean studies was made by
Julien Ries, "Quatre siecles de recherches: Le manicheisme considere
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI 149

comme grande religion orientale," Ephemerides theologicae lovanienses,

XXXIII (Louvain, 1957), 454-482; ibid., XXXV (1959), 302-409.
A solid background to neo-Manichaean studies was furnished also by
Julien Ries, Introduction aux etudes manicheennes: Ph.D. Thesis,
XXXI (Louvain, 1957), where the sources listed refer to Manichaeism
in general, with special emphasis on Catholic-Protestant controversies.
Almost every monograph on Catharism contains a bibliography,
such as the brilliant comprehensive study by Hans S6derberg, La re-
ligion des Cathares (Uppsala, 1949), chap. 1: "Etat des recherches sur
les Cathares," giving careful attention to the "probleme des sources
litteraires," pp. 11-22. Also very helpful, for further information, is
the essay by E. Delaruelle, Professor at the Institut Catholique,in Tou-
louse: "Le catharisme en Languedoc vers 1200: Une enquete," An-
nales du Midi, LXXII, No. 50 (Toulouse, 1960), 148-167. The in-
tricate problems relating to Catharism before the crusade were here
carefully analyzed. The question of the Catharist New Testament was
probed as well as Catharist "literature."
The two best monographs by way of a comprehensive historical
synthesis on the Cathari are considered to be: (a) Charles Guillaume
Adolphe Schmidt, Histoire et doctrine de la secte des Cathares ou Al-
bigeois (2 vols.; Paris: [etc.], J. Cherbuliez, 1849). The Strasbourg
Professor of Practical Theology wrote with loving care an excellent
account of the Catharist movement. It is a study that is still much
appreciatedand cannot be dispensed with. Schmidt expressed a familiar
Protestant concept: while the Albigenses used the Bible, at least in
part, and assembled according to ancient evangelical custom, their
movement was neo-pagan and theologically erroneous; but the ethics
of the Cathari and their way of life were commendable. (b) Arno
Borst, Die Katharer (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1953, (Schriften der
Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Deutsches Institut fur Erforschung
des Mittelalters, XII). The extensive erudition of this work leaves
little untouched. It has used every available source, especially since
1939. The quest for objectivity by Borst appears to some as too de-
tached an attitude, lacking in "sympathy." Others deplore that he
worked mainly on secondary sources. This excellent monograph con-
tains an abundant, annotated bibliography: "Die Katharer im Spiegel
von Quellen und Forschungen," pp. 1-58, listing the known chronicles,
the polemists, inquisitors, letter-writers, and scholastics. There is
also a careful appraisal of secondary sources. Borst's work is par-
ticularly informative on Catharist doctrine and ritual, pp. 143-230. It
also attempts to describe the gradual westernization of a religion of
eastern origin. Once again, Dr. Borst endeavors to solve the difficult
problem of the "christianity" of the Cathari; the discussion is inter-
esting but inconclusive. There is a very substantial annotation of the
Liber de duobus principiis, pp. 254-318 (see footnote 13), indis-
150 CHURCH HISTORY

pensable to a student of that important Catharist source, edited by A.

Dondaine in 1939.'
CATHARIST DOCUMENTS
It has been alleged that information on the Cathari came almost
exclusively from their foes and that numerous, if not all, Catharist
sources were destroyed by the Inquisition. Indeed, heretical books
were burned, according to Etienne de Bourbon (d. ca. 1261) : ". . . fecit
autem dictos hereticos libros extrahi de loco dicto et in oculis suis com-
buri."8 That there were Catharist writings was also mentioned by
Moneta of Cremona (d. 1260), professor at Bologna until 1218 and
inquisitor at Milan, a polemist who wrote in the Summa adversus
Catharos et Valdenses, telling how he got his information partly orally
and partly from their books: "quia vel ore eorum, vel ex scripturis
suis illa habui."9 Rainier Sacchoni, ca. 1250, a Catharist bishop later
converted to Catholicism, mentioned Jean de Lugio, author of the
Liber de duobus principiis, discovered and edited by A. Dondaine, in
1939. On the other hand, it was suggested that Catharist writings
were scarce because neither the great contemporary theologians nor
the inquisitors mention Catharist "literature."10
In the nineteenth century a few Albigensian documents, mostly
fragments, were available, as published by I. von D6llinger, Beitrdge
zur Sektengeschichte des Mittelalters (2 vols.; Munich, 1890; reprint
New York: B. Franklin, 1960), II, 52, 85; the Liber supra stella, writ-
ten ca. 1235 by Salvo Burci, newly edited by Ilarino da Milano in
Aevum, XVI (1942); the apocryphalInterrogatio Ioannis (in the ar-
chives of Carcassonne), rendered in French by Rene Nelli, Ecritures
cathares (Paris, 1959), pp. 31-66 (La cene secrete); also available in
the Doat collection, Vol. XXXVI, and the Visio Isaiae, republished
and translated by Rene Nelli, Le phenomene cathare (Toulouse: Pres-
ses universitaires de France, E. Privat, 1964), pp. 101-108.
The only Albigensian sources found in the nineteenth century
were: (a) a Catharist New Testament, an interlinearversion of the Vul-
gate in Provencal: L. Cledat, Le Nouveau Testament traduit au XIIIe
siecle en langue provenCale,suivi d'un rituel cathare (Lyon: Biblio-
theque du Palais des arts, now in the Bibliotheque de la ville: Cunitz,
1852; Cledat, 1887; Vaesen, 1898); and (b) the ProvenCalrituel, ca.
1250-1280, MS A.I. 54, later, Cod. 36, first published by Edward Cu-
nitz in Jena, "Ein katharisches Rituale," Beitrdge zu den theologischen
Wissenchaften, IV (1852), lff., 267. This ritual contains the ele-
ments of the basic Catharist rites: (a) Apparelhamentum (servicium),
a period of examination of conscience; (b) Meliorhamentum, which
the Inquisition referred to as an "adoration" and a desire by the be-
lievers soon to be among the elect; (c) Consolamentum,the laying on
of hands, by which the Holy Spirit was imparted to reach perfection
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI 151

and for which the Gospel was used; (d) Convenenza (convenentia,
covenesa), a contract between the believer and his church to insure
heretication in emergency ("fecit pactum seu convenienciam"). This
was recently discussed by J. L. Riol, Dernieres connaissances, op. cit.,
p. 15. The Provencal rituel, simpler in form than the Latin ritual (dis-
covered in 1939), suggested similarities of the Albigensian and primi-
tive Christian liturgies."
The hearings of heretics in inquisitorial trials, the proces-ver-
baux, interrogation of suspects, are available in various sources:
(a) The fonds Doat is most often used. It contains papal letters,
summae on heretics, deposition of suspects, excerpts from conciliar
decrees, a treatise by inquisitor Bernard Gui, etc. The fonds Doat con-
tains copies by professional scribes who, under the direction of royal
commissioner Jean de Doat, appointed by Louis XIV's minister Col-
bert in 1669, copied the documents then in existence. While there
are some omissions and garbled names, the 258 volumes in folio are
an important source, located in the Manuscript division of the Biblio-
theque Nationale in Paris. Unfortunately, this basic collection is neither
indexed nor classified.
(b) Manuscript 609, ca. 1245-1246, Bibliothequemunicipale,Tou-
louse; it furnishes varied depositions of people from small towns,
mostly located southeast of Toulouse.
(c) Codex Vaticanus Lat. 4030 is unpublished, except for a few
fragments in D6llinger, Beitrige, op. cit., II, 97ff. This manuscript
was also known in part to J. M. Vidal, particularly the register of
Jacques Fournier, bishop of Pamiers and later Pope Benedict XII who,
as inquisitor, ca. 1316, investigated heresies. This document (like MS
Lat., B.N. 4269), yet unpublished has been fully and carefully tran-
scribed by an able young scholar of Toulouse, Jean Duvernoy, who also
published an excellent translation of the Chronique de Guillaume Pel-
hisson (Toulouse: Collection "Archives romanes," 1958). MS 4030
is considered one of the best sources of inquisitorial records on Cath-
arist and Waldensian doctrine and behavior. It is a document of great
human interest. It contains, again, a narrative of the Vision of Isaia,
as well as descriptions of people, social customs, and religious prac-
tices. It will be published in 1965 in 3 volumes by E. Privat, Toulouse.
Other manuscripts have been listed before: Jean Guiraud, Histoire
de l'inquisition au Moyen Age (Paris: Picard, 1935, 1938); Yves
Dossat, Les crises de linquisition toulousaine au XIIIe siecle (Bor-
deaux: Imprimerie Biere, 1959), sources manuscripts, pp. 14-16, bib-
liographie, pp. 17-25; A. Borst, Die Katharer (Stuttgart, 1953), pp.
1-58 and J. L. Riol, Dernieres connaissances, op. cit., pp. 6, 11, 16,
32, 40, 48 (listing about twenty-five manuscripts). The Ch. Molinier
papers are in the library of Columbia University. Under the guid-
152 CHURCH HISTORY

ance of Professor Austin P. Evans, several significant studies were

undertakenon these topics. One of these was based on MS Lat. 11847
as transcribed by Georgene W. Davis, The Inquisition at Albi 1299-
1300: Text of Register and Analysis. Studies in History, Eco-
nomics and Public Law, edited by the faculty of Political Science in
ColumbiaUniversity, No. 538 (New York: ColumbiaUniversity Press,
1948). MS Lat. 11847 was transcribed from a photostatic copy. It
contains a list of thirty-five deponents, twenty-five of whom were at
Albi. Miss Davis also used MS 12856 which is partially found in
the Doat collection, vols. XXVII and XXXII.
* * * * *

Some of the most important discoveries of Catharist sources have

been made in the last twenty-five years. R. F. Ilarino da Milano,
O.F.M., of the Historical Institute of Capucines in Rome, critically
reappraisedthe numerous medieval sects, reporting on them in Aevum,
XII (1938), Collectanea Franciscana, X (1940), and on the "Liber
Supra Stella" in Aevum, XVI (1942); XVII (1943); XIX (1945).12
1939. One of the ablest specialists in medievalism, especially the
thirteenth century, is P. Antoine Dondaine, O.P., whose skill and
erudition have made available several important Catharist manuscripts.
The most valuable discovery made by P. A. Dondaine, of the Domini-
can Historical Institute in Rome, director of the Leonine Commis-
sion (editores operum S. Thomae), is a Latin manuscript containing
the basic teachings of absolute (radical) dualism practiced by the Al-
banenses. This unique document by a Catharist writer is the Liber
de duobus principiis (Roma: Istituto Storico Domenicano FF. Prae-
dicatorum, S. Sabina, 1939). Its author, Jean de Lugio of Bergamo,
was vicar of the Catharist Bishop of Desenzano in an area between
Verona and Brescia. The tract was written between 1250-1280.13
Dondaine gave an account of his discoveries in "Nouvelles sources de
l'histoire doctrinale du neo-manicheisme au Moyen Age," Revue des
sciences philosophiques et theologiques, XXVIII (1939), 465-488.
The manuscript of the Liber was in the Biblioteca Nazionale, Conventi
soppressi, in Florence. With the Liber de duobus principiis, Dondaine
published in the same volume, Rainier Sacchoni's De Catharis et Pau-
peribus Lugduno, pp. 64-78; a Latin Fragmentum Ritualis (Traditio
Orationis Sancte) and a Consolamentum,pp. 156-164. The Liber was
translated by R. Nelli, Ecritures cathares (1959), pp. 83-210.14
1946. A. Dondaine publishedthe "Notitia" on the first Albigensian
Council at Saint-Felix de Caraman (1167): "Les Actes du concile al-
bigeois de Saint-Felix de Caraman," Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati:
Storia ecclesiastica - diritto, V, Studi e testi, 125 (Citta del Vaticano,
1946), 324-355. Niketas, Bogomil "bishop" of the radical dualists of
Constantinople, visited Markus, deacon of the mitigated Cathari of
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI 153

Lombardy. Markus, who was eventually won to radical dualism (school

of Dragovitsa), soon led other Cathari in Lombardy to adopt radical
dualism also. Markus and Niketas then proceeded to southern France
to meet the local Cathari at the Council at Saint-Felix de Caraman in
1167, where the Catharist leaders (the bishops of Albi, Epernon and
Sicard Cellerier) were of the mitigated type, holding that Satan was
a created being. They too accepted eventually the radical point of view.
Doubts about this council and the genuineness of the "Notitia" have
been expressed by Yves Dossat and by L. de Lacger.16
A. Dondaine, "Aux Origines du Valdeisme," Arch. Fratr. Praed.,
XIV (1946), 191-235, reported on another significant source in the
Madrid Biblioteca Nacional. It is MS 1114, Liber antiheresis, of ca.
1184. This document presented Valdes as orthodox but with a deep
concern for poverty, and it indicated that his followers dissented sharply
with Albigensian teachings.
1947. P. Thomas Kaeppeli, director of the Dominican institute
in Rome, discovered the Summa contra Patarenos of Peter Martyr of
Verona, assassinated by Cathari in 1252: "Une somme contre les her-
etiques de Saint Pierre Martyr," Arch. Fratr. Praed., XVII (1947),
295-335. This contains a succinct survey of Catharist teachings and
confirms the accuracy of earlier studies.16
1949. P. A. Dondaine, whose ingenuity made available further
sources, found in the University Library at Basel a greatly missed
chronicle, De heresi catharorum, MS Basel, CV-17, describing the con-
dition of the Cathari in Lombardy, especially with regard to organiza-
tion, "La hierarchie cathare en Italie. I. Le 'De heresi catharorum in
Lombardia,'" Arch. Fratr. Praed., XIX (1949), 280-312.
1950. Complementing the preceding document, a further docu-
ment was discovered in Budapest, MS Lat. 352, authored, presum-
ably, by the Dominican inquisitor Anselm of Alexandria, ca. 1265, "La
hierarchie cathare en Italie"; "Le 'Tractatus de hereticis' d'Anselm
d'Alexandrie O.P."; and "Catalogue de la hierarchie cathare en Italie,"
Arch. Fratr. Praed., XX (1950), 234-324. These documents not only
appear to accept the Byzantine origin of the Cathari, but also contain
a helpful list of Catharist bishops in Italy. On page 306 is a chart
surveying the Catharist "hierarchy," from 1167-1275, in contrast to
Roman Catholic organization.
1952. A. Dondaine, "L'origine de l'heresie medievale," Rivista di
Storia della Chiesa in Italia, VI, No. 1 (1952), 47-78. While no new
document was presented here, this study was a summing up of re-
search on the origin of Catharism. It was particularly a criticism of
the thesis of Professor R. Morghen, who in "Medioevo cristiano,"
Biblioteca di cultura moderna, No. 491 (Bari, 1951), 212-286 rejected
the external influences on heresy. For Morghen, the Catharist heresy
154 CHURCH HISTORY

was autochthonous. It was a spontaneous popular movement for a re-

turn to pristine evangelical practices. Dondaine's point of view, on
the contrary, was the usually accepted concept, considering the Cathari
as successors of the Bogomils. The basic teachings of the Cathari and
Bogomils were listed together, pp. 60-61. In reviewing Morghen's book,
Deodat Roche described Catharism as eminently esoteric and Chris-
tian, Cahiers ettudes cathares, lie serie, No. 18 (Summer, 1958),
13-25.
1958. J. N. Garvin, C.S.C. and J. A. Corbett edited the Summa
contra haereticos ascribed to Praepositinus of Cremona: Publications
in Medieval Studies, XV (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre
Dame Press, 1958). A Summa contra catharos was already known in
the nineteenth century. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, at
the peak of scholasticism, numerous "summae"came into existence in-
tending to counter heretical dogmatism (especially Catharism) by an
orthodox, systematic refutation. This summa, which is dated toward
the end of the thirteenth century, was mainly directed at the Cathari,
chapters I-IV; XIV and the Pasagini, chapters V-XIII; XV-XX.17
However, this summa, attributed to Praepositinus (an unlikely au-
thor), was silent on the Waldenses and by-passed some Catharist views,
such as those regarding angels, original sin, the trinity and, metem-
psychosis. What was stated here about the Pasagini cannot be checked.
This summa was opposed to the "inanis ac perniciosa scholasticorum
questionum subtilitas," but used the simple method of refuting Cath-
arist Bible "proofs" with Bible texts, using the glossa ordinaria for
the Bible, and abstaining from using a dialectical method. The method
of presenting Bible texts to refute biblical arguments was probably
first questioned among Catholics by Alain de Lille, who stated that
Bible texts have a waxen nose which could be turned any way one
wanted to and suggested that heresy should rather be met with ra-
tional arguments.18On this summa, cf. a review by A. Borst, ZKG,
4. Folge, viii, LXX (1959), 166-169 and by Morton W. Bloomfield,
Speculum, XXXIV (1959), 267-269.
1959. Rene Nelli, Ecritures cathares (Paris, 1959) contains Cath-
arist and pre-Catharist sources translated into French: The Secret
Supper ( La cene secrete. Interrogatio Ioannis), which was considered
the masterwork of Bogomil literature, also a French rendering of the
Liber de duobus principiis and the Catharist ritual.
In 1959, A. Dondaine published an essay, "Durand de Huesca et
la polemique anti-cathare," Arch. Fratr. Praed., XXIX (1959), 228-
277, providing a critical examination of two other manuscripts: (a)
an anti-Catharist documentof Waldensian origin, the Liber antiheresis,
already referred to, in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid, MS 1114,
and (b) the Liber contra Manicheos, published earlier by F. Steg-
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI 155

miiller, Melanges offerts a Etienne Gilson (Paris, 1959), containing

the five first chapters of the Liber antiheresis of Durand de Huesca.19
The Liber antiheresis contains: (a) Confessio fidei Valdesii, and a
warning against heresies in general prefaced by the words: "explicit
hic codex tibi sit laus christe ihesu rex," fol. 90b; (b) an Expositio
in Apocalypsin.2 Dondaine suggested that the two manuscripts have
the same author, Durand de Huesca, a Waldensian, later converted
to Catholicism. This document was basically anti-Henrician and con-
sidered Catharism as a sequel to heretic Henri. Unfortunately, Don-
daine was hindered from publishing any further studies on medieval
sects, stating that Miss Christine Thouzellier would continue to pre-
pare the publication, Arch. Fratr. Praed., XXVIII (1939), 247.
1960. "Un recueil cathare: Le manuscrit A. 6. 10 de la 'Collection
vaudoise de Dublin, " ed. by Th. Venckeleer, Revue belge de philologie
et d'histoire, XXXVIII, No. 3 (Bruxelles, 1960), 815-834. A sum-
mary of this text appeared in Cahiers d'etudes cathares, XII (Spring,
1961), 50-53. This Catharist document was among a collection of
eight Waldensian Provenqal documents, in the dialect of Dauphine.
The entire collection of these tracts belonged to Archbishop James
Ussher, ca. 1635. The University of Dublin acquired them in 1661.
When Mario Esposito found them in 1920, he listed them all as Wal-
densian tracts. Now, one is identified as a Catharist document, mainly
because it used this expression in the Lord's Prayer: "panem nostrum
supersubstantialem"and in the doxology, "quoniam tuum est regnum
et virtus et gloria" (Moneta stated that these expressions were used
by the Cathari, not the Waldenses).21 This document, in its first two
chapters, discussed the Church in the evangelical sense. This Church
is not made by man, of stone or wood, but consists in the fellowship
of devoted saints, believing in Christ and having received the con-
solamentum. Catharist virtues were listed here: chastity, veracity,
and humility, and prohibition to kill and to hate. The second and
last installment of the document is also in the Revue belge, op. cit.,
XXXIX, No. 3 (1961), 757-793. This section contains a "Glose sur
le Pater," the basic prayer of the Catharist ritual.22
1961. Christine Thouzellier. ed., Un Traite cathare inedit du
debut du XIIIe siecle, d'apres le "Liber contra manichaeos" de Durand
de Huesca (Bibliotheque de la Revue d'Histoire Ecclesiastique, 37,
Louvain, Belgium: Publications Universitaires de Louvain, 1961).
About half, perhaps less, of the original manuscript is all that is pre-
sented here. The heretical views refuted by Durand de Huesca are
quoted in the Liber contra Manicheos. Durand de Huesca, a Wal-
densian, was converted to Catholicism after a debate opposing the fol-
lowers of Vades and Bishop Diegue d'Osma, ca. 1207 at Pamiers. Du-
rand was the founder of the "Catholic Poor." Chronicler Gillaume de
156 CHURCH HISTORY

Puylaurens stated that the Waldenses engaged in bitter debates with the
Cathari, but that the new Prior of the "Catholic Poor" wrote tracts:
Puylaurens called him "Durandus de Osca."23 The "Tractatus" was
written ca. 1218-1223 near Carcassonne.Miss Thouzellier has assembled
nineteen passages, carefully edited. The beliefs here referred to were
those of the radical dualists: two principles, two creatures, both eternal.
The good god created the invisible spiritual universe. The devil had his
own world, corrupting God's world. Redemption was for the Pure
("Perfecti"). For their Bible texts the Cathari used the orthodox
version of the Vulgate. Rainier Sacchoni stated that the Cathari of the
early thirteenth century had beliefs similar to those of the Albanenses
before the schism caused (partly) by Jean de Lugio. An excellent
French translation of the Traite cathare is by Jean Duvernoy, Cahiers
d'etudes cathares, XIII, IIe serie, No. 13 (1962), 22-54.
Before publishing the Traite cathare, Miss Thouzellier published
an essay in which she proposed to establish the authorship of the
manuscript: "Le 'Liber antiheresis' de Durand de Huesca et le 'Con-
tra hereticos' d'Ermengaud de Beziers," Rev. d'His.t. Eccles., LV, No.
1 (1960), 130-141. Toward the end of the twelfth century, the Cathari
were attacked doctrinally by a group of the Poor Men of Lyons who
were close to Catholicorthodoxy. They continuedto oppose the Cathari,
even after returning to Catholicism, as "Catholic Poor" (1207-1208).
That small community of "Catholic Poor" became a laboratory of sev-
eral independentanti-Catharist tracts. Their leader, Durand de Huesca,
wrote the Liber antiheresis, p. 139. There seemed to have been three
types of tracts: (1) Waldensian versions of the Liber antiheresis;
(2) orthodox versions, Opusculum contra hereticos; and (3) special
versions of the Liber contra Manicheos.
1964. Christine Thouzellier, Une somme anti-cathare, Le Liber
contra Manicheos de Durand de Huesca (Louvain, Spicilegium sacrum
lovaniense, July, 1964). Published here in its entirety, this is one of
the rare sources (if not the only one) giving an insight into the actual
Albigensian teachings by an opponentwho refuted them point by point.
At the outset of the study, pp. 27-64, Miss Thouzellier explains the
text, based on the manuscripts of Paris, Prague, and Madrid. Durand's
Liber antiheresis was already known, and so was Contra Manicheos,
both works being from the same author as pointed out by A. Dondaine,
"Durand de Huesca et la polemiqueanti-cathare,"Arch. Fratr. Praed.,
XXIX (1959), 228-230ff. The differences between the two apologetic
works are indicated by Miss Chr. Thouzellier, op. cit., p. 34. The Liber
antiheresis was in answer to a Catharist tract on the controversial
subject of dualism: in the Liber there was a systematic presentation of
theology, christology and ethics, while in Contra Manicheos Durand
de Huesca, in nineteen chapters, refuted point by point the arguments
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI 157

of the heretical tract which Durand sometimes called Antifrasis, mean-

ing "counter-truth," pp. 33, 124. Most informative is Miss Thouzel-
lier's careful study of the linguistic characteristics of Contra Mani-
cheos, pp. 39-59. This study on the syntax, morphology, and phonetics
greatly helps in the understanding of the complex nature of Durand
de Huesca and his Catalan environment. It also explains the peculiar-
ities of the Latin used on both sides of the Pyrenees at the beginning
of the thirteenth century. The "Prologue," pp. 67-85, is rendered
in Latin and French. The text proper, in twenty-one chapters, is in
Latin, pp. 87-336. There is a bibliography, pp. 11-24; an index of
Latin terms, pp. 364-368; and an onomastic index, pp. 369-374. There
is a digression, p. 42, on the Bible which the Albigenses may have
used. Contra Manicheos suggested several similarities with the Cava
Bible of the early ninth century, as indicated by T. Auyso Marazuela,
"La Biblia visig6tica de la Cava dei Tirreni," Estudios biblicos, XIV
(1955), pp. 49-65; 137-190; 355-414. Ibid., XV (1956), pp. 5-62.
Rene Nelli, Le phenomene cathare, Perspectives philosophiques,
morales et iconographiques (Toulouse: Presses universitaires de
France, 1964). After a few theological meditations on Catharist dual-
ism, creationism, liberty, and eschatology, a few other sources of Al-
bigensianism are presented here by Nelli, translated in French, notably
La vision d'Isaie and Le martyr d'Isaie. Nelli also examined the Jew-
ish, Christian, and Gnostic origins of these documents which are
particularly important for a study on the eschatological views of Cath-
arism. There is also an interesting study on the iconography of Oc-
citan Catharism, pp. 162-192.
Reprints
A number of indispensable sources, documents and chronicles of
basic interest are being reprinted:
1. I. von D6llinger, Beitrige zur Sektengeschichte des Mittel-
alters (2 vols.; New York: B. Franklin, 1960, first published in
Munich, 1890). Vol. I is a historical survey of the neo-Gnostic-
Manichaean sects of the early Middle Ages. Vol. II contains
documents particularly concerning the history of the Cathari and
Waldenses.
2. Bernard Gui (Bernardus Guidonis), Manuel de l'inquisiteur,
edite et traduit par G. Mollat, professeur a la Faculte de theologie catho-
lique de Strasbourg, avec la collaboration de G. Drioux (Paris: Les
classiques de l'histoire de France au Moyen Age, H. Champion, vol.
I, 1926; vol. II, 1927). The Manuel is of ca. 1324.
3. Pierre des Vaux-de-Cernay, Historia Albigensis, edit. by Pascal
Guebin and Ernest Lyon (3 vols.; Paris: Societe de l'histoire de France
au Moyen Age, H. Champion, 1926-1939). A translation of the His-
toria was published by Pascal Guebin et Henri Maisonneuve (Paris:
158 CHURCH HISTORY

J. Vrin, 1951). The Hystoria Albigensis was written between 1213

and 1218 by Petrus Vallium Sarnaii monachus, who knew the Al-
bigenses well, and his account of undisguised hatred conveys to the
Hystoria a perception and interest that is often lacking in more mod-
erate accounts.
4. La Chanson de la crosiade (ca. 1213-1219), editee et tra-
duite du provenqal par Eugene Martin-Chabot. Les classiques de
l'histoire de France au Moyen Age (Paris: Societe de l'edition "Les
Belles Lettres," H. Champion; I, 1960, "La chanson de Guillaume de
Tulede"; II, 1957, "Le poeme de l'auteur anonyme," Iere partie; III,
1961, "Le poeme de l'auteur anonyme," 2e partie).
Cahiers d'Etudes Cathares
Deodat Roche, former president of the Court of Justice, created,
thirty-five years ago, a center of Albigensian interest in Arques, a
little village in the Aude departmentat the foot of the beautiful forests
of Hautes-Corbieres. In the "camp de l'Estagnol" (Col du Paradis),
he lives in occasional spiritual retreat with a small group of sympath-
izers, living on a vegetarian diet, and meditating on Manichaeism,
the gospel of St. John, and anthroposphy (mostly the writings of Ru-
dolf Steiner). Roche, sometimes erroneously called "Catharist Bish-
op," insists that he is not out to recreate a Catharist movement. He
has been interested rather, since 1925, in an awakening of the Oc-
citan spirit, "le genie d'oc," intellectually based on Platonic philosophy
and spiritually on neo-Manichaeism.24The Societekdes etudes et du
souvenir cathares meets quite often. Essays on Catharism have been
published, since 1949, in the Cahiers d'etudes cathares, notably by
Roche and the active, gifted sociology professor and specialist in oc-
citan civilization, Rene Nelli, as well as by S. Hannedouche, noted
anthroposophist, L. Julien, J. Duvernoy, etc. The Cahiers also contain
fragments of documents, description of sources, translations, etc. On
these activities, see Pierre Chabert, Actualite du catharisme (Toulouse:
Editions Crux de Lux, 1961), pp. 10, 11.
Roche has published independent studies on Catharism: Le ca-
tharisme (Toulouse: Institut d'etudes occitanes, 1947); Etudes man-
icheennes et cathares (Toulouse, 1952), with emphasis on the "Spir-
itual initiation of the Albigensian Christians," "Documents on the
Origins of Catharism," "The Pyrenean Grail"; Surzrivance et im-
mortalite de l'ame (Toulouse, 1955). Roche here attempts to explain
the Albigensian belief of life after death; L'Eglise romaine et les ca-
thares albigeois (Arques, 1957), is an appraisal, in the form of a
dialogue, of the difference between Catholicism and Catharism and
contains an interesting study on the Cathari, "forerunners of mod-
ern times." In the appendix there is a renewed effort to describe the
Albigensian ritual. Roche has definite ideas about Catharism which
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI 159

he considers esoteric and Christian. Moreover, he does not believe

that the Cathari themselves made a distinction between "radical" and
"'mitigated" dualism. Roche's views have often been criticized as
unreliable, such as by J. L. Riol, op. cit., pp. 81 and passim. But
Roche's interpretations were also praised, as in the beautiful "Lettre
a Deodat Roche," by Simone Weil, Pensees sans ordre concernant
l'amour de Dieu (Paris: Nouvelle Revue Frangaise, Gallimard, 1962),
pp. 63-67, expressing admiration for the Cathari (though not always
understanding them), possibly because Catharism was a religion rather
than a mere philosophy and because it represented a lofty human ex-
perience. She considered Catharism as "the only miracle of western
civilization." Roche is obviously confined, like others, to conjectures.
To him Catharism is mostly a revival of early Christian rites, trace-
able through Bogomil and Manichaean filiation. Their dualism, which
may be considered radical, but not absolute, was not of a metaphysical
but rather cosmological nature, states Roche, Cahiers d'etudes cathares,
XIV, IIe serie, No. 18 (Summer, 1963), 13-15.25
The cultural aspect of the Languedoc, with which Roche is not
primarily concerned, is treated by the Institut d'etudes occitanes, in
Toulouse. However, it often discusses varied aspects of Catharism.
In September, 1963, a meeting of Institut d'etudes occitanes held in
Toulouse commemoratedthe 750th anniversary of the Battle of Muret
in 1213 where Simon de Montfort defeated the King of Aragon. The
proceedings of this meeting, attended by about seventy participants,
have appeared in the "Actes du colloque de Toulouse du 9, 10, 11
Septembre" (Toulouse: Annales de l'institut d'etudes occitanes. Sup-
plement au periodique trimestriel "OC," 1964). It contains excellent
essays: E. Delaruelle, "L'Idee de la croisade dans la chanson de Guil-
laume de Tulede" (which forms the first part of the Chanson de la
croisade); J. Duvernoy, "Les Albigeois dans la vie sociale et eco-
nomique de leur temps." The colloquium, under the spirited guidance
of Professor Ph. Wolff of Montpellier, came to hear essays on the
battle of Muret, but significant aspects of "occitan" civilization and
Catharism were also studied in French and Catalan, with frequent
use of the Provencal tongue.
SECONDARY SOURCES
Religious Teachings
In spite of the paucity of Albigensian sources, several essays
have appeared in recent years suggesting various approaches and solu-
tions to a difficult problem. A brilliant and comprehensive study is
by Hans S6derberg, student of Geo Widengren: La religion des Ca-
thares. Etude sur le Gnosticisme de la Basse Antiquite et du Moyen
Age (Uppsala, 1949). This is a careful evaluation of ancient Gnosis
and medieval neo-Manichaeism, attempting to establish a possible sim-
160 CHURCH HISTORY

ilarity and identity. S6derberg's essay, based on the available sources,

did not produce essentially new facts and was concerned mainly with
dogma. The origin and history of Catharism are not discussed, nor
are Catharist ethics. It contains an excellent study of Catharist es-
chatologicalconcepts,pp. 257ff.26 A general survey was made by Steven
Runciman, The Medieval Manichee. A Study of Christian Dualist
Heresy (Cambridge [Engl.]: University Press, 1947); French
translation by Simone Petrement and Jacques Marty, Le manicheisme
medieval. L'heresie dualiste dans le christianisme (Paris: Payot, 1949).
Runicman's professorship in Istanbul brought him into convenient
contact with the sources. This is a study reaching generally accepted
norms, tracing dualism from its Gnostic inception to Catharism. It
examines a possible and often admitted filiation between the Mani-
chaeans, Paulicians, Bogomils, Patarini, and Cathari. Primary and
secondary sources are listed, pp. 196-206 (French edition).
Simone Petrement, Le dualisme dans 'histoire de la philosophie
et des religions (Paris: Montagne Sainte-Genevieve, 1946) displayed
the philosophicalapproach,and also Le dualisme chez Platon. Les gnos-
tiques et les manicheens (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France,
1947). In a succinct study by Monique Cazeaux-Varagnac, "Expose
sur la doctrine des cathares," Revue de synthe'se,LXIV (Paris, July-
Dec., 1948), 9-14, the usual distinction was made between radical
(absolute) and mitigated dualism, according to which the principle
of evil follows the principle of good and is derived from it. The
problem of salvation by metempsychosis centers in the usual Catharist
belief that redemption is for the "Perfect" alone, p. 12. A similar
definition is in Rene Nelli, "Der Dualismus der Katharer," Antaios,
III, No. 2 (Stuttgart, July, 1961), 145-157. The French text, con-
siderably enlarged and modified, has now appeared: Rene Nelli, Le
phenomene cathare. Perspectives philosophiques, morales, et icono-
graphiques (Toulouse: Presses Universitaires de France, E. Privat,
1964). That the Cathari were dualists is not the problem, but rather
to what degree. The mitigated Cathari considered evil as est et non
est. Evil has only a borrowed existence, p. 148. For the Cathari the
world is but an illusion, and all matter, including the human body, is,
of course, despicable."
The often mentioned Albigensian practice of the endura (suicide
by starvation) has been exaggerated, according to Dr. Borst. The
practice of the endura was mentioned, it seems, only after 1275 in
Italy. There was no mention of it at the height of Catharism. For
Schmidt, some of the "Perfecti" took their lives under duress in order
not to fall into the hands of the inquisitors. After having appeared
in Italy, the custom of the endura was noticed, ca. 1300, in southern
France.28 A recent study reaches a different conclusion: J. L. Riol,
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI 161

"Dernieres connaissances textuaires et folkloriques sur des questions

cathares: Le salut spirituel et l'abregement mystique de la vie," Bul-
letin de la societe des sciences, arts et belles-lettres du Tarn, XXI,
Nouvelle serie (Albi, 1961), 193-213. Riol makes a careful inventory
of endura suicides, and is satisfied that he can trace forty-seven such
cases before 1275, op. cit., p. 212. Jean Duvernoy, Albigeois et Vau-
dois en Quercy. D'apres le registre des penitences de Pierre Cellan
(Toulouse: typewritten, unpublished), p. 8, n. 27, states that the
endura was unknown (even in name) in the contemporary registers
in the Albigensian area of Quercy.
Eschatology
Eschatology was not a basic teaching of the Cathari, yet there
were a number of Catharist views on the last things, partly reminiscent
of ancient Manichaean concepts.
Most of the neo-Manichaean teachings on eschatology are found
in apocryphaldocuments such as the Interrogatio loannis, so important
with the Bogomils, and with which the Cathari were acquainted. In-
quisitorial reports indicate that Catharist sermons were often based
on the Interrogatio. A French translation of the Interrogatio was
made by R. Nelli, "La cene secrete," Ecritures cathares (Paris, 1959),
pp. 29-66.29 Another apocryphal eschatological document used by the
Cathari was L'ascension d'Isaie, translated from the Ethiopian version
by E. Tisserand (Paris, 1909). It describes the last days, Antichrist,
and the Sibylline books.
The best study on the Apocrypha used by the Bogomils is by E.
Turdeanu, "Apocryphes bogomiles et apocryphes pseudo-bogomiles,"
Revue de l'histoire des religions, CXXXVIII (1950), 22-52. A French
version of the Visio Isaiae is in R. Nelli, Le phenomene cathare, op.
cit., pp. 101-128.30 For the Bogomils there were two sons of God:
Satanael, first born, whose reign lasted during the Old Testament
era, and the Word incarnate in Jesus. Satanael, jealous, caused the
death of his younger brother Jesus. Several eschatological views among
the Bogomils, spiritual ancestors of the Cathari, were examined by
H. Puech and A. Vaillant, Le traite contre les Bogomiles de Cosmas
le ftretre (Paris, 1945), pp. 211-213, where the "last things" were
studied in the light of Bogomil sources: the fate of satan, the parousia,
the resurrection, and the last judgment.
A more recent appraisal of neo-Manichaean eschatological views
was made by Julien Ries, "Neutestamentliche eschatologische Grund-
ziige in dem manichaischen koptischen Hymnenbuch von Medinet-
Madi," Trierer theologische Zeitschrift (Trier, 1963), pp. 117-121.
Some Catharist views on the last things were examined also by J. M.
Vidal, "Les derniers ministres de l'Albigeisme en Languedoc: Leurs
doctrines," Revue des questions historiques, XL (1906), 57-107.81
162 CHURCH HISTORY

Hans S6derberg, op. cit., pp. 257-264, investigated various eschato-

logical concepts held by the radical dualists for whom there is no end
of the world, "mundus ipse nunquam habet finem," a view also found
in Rainier Sacchoni.32
Bibles
"Does he (the heretic) have, or has he ever had heretical books,
and especially the Evangel or Epistles in Provencal, or Psalms or
other pages in the vulgar tongue?" was a question often asked of
the heretics, as discussed, for example, by C. Douais, "Les heretiques
du Midi au XIIIe siecle," Annales du Midi, III (Toulouse, 1891),
376. Ever since the Albigensian New Testament was made available,
further research on Bibles used by the Cathari has been undertaken,
but the results are meager. Louis Cledat, Le Nouveau Testament, al-
ready referred to, did not bring new light on the use of the New
Testament by the Cathari.33
A general history of the Bible in the Middle Ages was written
by Hans Rost, Die Bibel im Mittelalter. Beitrdge sur Geschichte und
Bibliographie der Bibel (Augsburg, 1939). It appears that the Bible
was better known in the Middle Ages than usually believed, p. 65.
Nevertheless, the Albigenses, as well as the Waldenses, were often
described as illiterate "rustici"; their knowledge was based merely on
hearing the Bible read. Indeed, their knowledge of the Bible was said
to be obtained without a reading knowledge. Catharism thrived with-
out teachers. There were no philosophers among the Albigenses. Il-
literacy has often been noticed; these "rustici," like so many Wal-
denses, "qui cum essent idiotas et illiterati, per villas discurrentes et
domos penetrantes." The Liber de duobus principiis (edited in 1939)
contains a "compendiumad instructionem rudium," pp. 20-26.34 One
of the best studies for our purpose is still by S. Berger, "Les Bibles
provengales et vaudoises," Romania, XVIII (1889), 353-422. Berg-
er's work is partly based on preliminary research by Professor E.
Reuss. Charles Schmidt, op. cit., II, 6, was satisfied that the sects
(the Waldenses especially) did not accept the Vulgate but adapted
a version suitable to their doctrine: "Non reprehendimussacras scrip-
turas, sed quod ipsae dicunt: Quia Deus fecit coelum et terram, etc.
nos qualiter ea fecerit explicamus." Their opinion was not to be related
to the Bible; it was the Bible that had to accommodate their system.
The usage of the Apocrypha by the Cathari is known, especially
in their eschatological interpretation. The Psalter was in great usage,
as attested by R. Weber, "Le psautier romain et les autres anciens
psautiers latins," Collectanea Biblica Latina, X (Rome, 1953), viii,
xi. The Gallican Psalter existed in the twelfth century from an an-
cient Latin version; its diffusion was due, partly, to Alcuin, and the
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI 163

Cathari used it. Further studies on the use of the Bible were made
by J. Ries, "La Bible de Saint Augustin et les manicheens," Revue
des etudes augustiniennes, II (Paris, 1961), 231-243. Other essays
by Ries on this topic are being prepared for later publication. The
Cathari used a heterodox Gospel prior to Marcion-of Egyptian or-
igin ;35on this see A. Jiilicher and W. Matzkow, Das Neue Testament
in altaleinischer Uberlieferung (Berlin, 1938-1954). That Bible pas-
sages were used in "Occitanie" is attested by the Evangelium Colber-
tinum, edited by H. J. Vogels in Bonner biblische Beitrige (Bonn,
1953).
Inquisition
J. Guiraud, Histoire de l'inquisition au moyen age: Vol. I. Ori-
gines de l'inquisition dans le Midi de la France. Cathares et Vaudois
(Paris: Picard, 1935), and vol. II, L'inquisition au XIIIe siecle (Paris:
Picard, 1938). Vol. I, pp. xi-xl, contains an abundant bibliography.
However, Guiraud is considered highly partisan and his unscientific
methods have been deplored.36Guiraud stated that the name "Albigeois"
is to be considered as a common denominator of neo-Gnostics, Mani-
chaeans and evangelical anarchism in general. "Catharism" was ap-
plied by Guiraud to the proliferation of several heresies in the thir-
teenth century. Henri Maisonneuve, Etudes sur les origines de 'in-
quisition. L'eglise et l'etat au moyen age, VII (2nd ed.; Paris: J.
Vrin, 1960), provides an analysis of ideas and principles rather than
a narrative. The Inquisition is considered here as a result of the
clash between Roman tradition and foreign (German) elements. Mai-
sonneuve neither condemned the Inquisition (like Lea) nor defended
it (like Guiraud). A review by M. W. Baldwin on this work ap-
peared in Speculum, XXXVII (1962), 141-143. Yves Dossat, Les
crises de l'inquisition toulousaine, 1233-1273 (Bordeaux: Imprimerie
Biere, 1959). Based on a doctoral thesis, 1951, it contains a substan-
tial bibliography, pp. 14-28, especially on manuscript sources. Dos-
sat examined here the heresy trials at Toulouse and Carcassonne, pp.
29-89. A further study by Y. Dossat is "La crise de l'inquisition tou-
lousaine, 1235-1236 et l'expulsion des Dominicains," Bulletin philo-
logique et historique (Paris, 1953, 1954), pp. 391-398. Of documen-
tary interest also by Y. Dossat is "Le plus ancien manuel de l'inquisi-
tion meridionale, le 'Processus inquisitionis, 1248-1249,'" Bulletin
philologique et historique (Paris, 1948, 1949, 1950). A. Dondaine's
"Manuel de l'inquisiteur," Arch. Fratr. Praed., XVII (1947), is an
analysis of little known instructions to the inquisitors.37 There are
essays by two U. S. scholars: G. W. Davis, The Inquisition at Albi,
1299-1300, Text of Register and Analysis (New York, 1948), and
R. W. Emery, Heresy and Inquisition in Narbonne (New York: Colum-
bia University Press, 1941).
164 CHURCH HISTORY

Vigorous opposition to the Inquisition was voiced early in the

Church, especially by Franciscans, such as Bernard Delicieux: J.
Girou, Les emmures de Carcassonne ou la vie de Bernard Delicieux
(Aix-en Provence, 1948). This opposition to inquisitorial methods
was real and menacing, especially in Carcassonneand Albi.38 On Dom-
inic there is a substantial reprinted study by M. H. Vicaire, Histoire
de Saint Dominique. L'idee, I'hommeet l'oeuvre (2 vols.; Paris: Desc-
lee, de Brouwer et Cie, 1957).39
Heresies
A survey of studies on the heresies of the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries was made by L. Sommariva, "Studi recenti sulle eresie medie-
vale, 1939-1952," Rivista storica italiana, LXIV (1953), 237-268,
published in French in Annales de l'institut d'etudes occitanes, XII
(1952), 5-43. One of the best summaries on heresy is by Herbert
Grundmann,Religiise Bewegungen im Mittelalter (Hildesheim, 1961;
reprint of the 1935 edition). Dualism was, theologically, the distinc-
tive mark of the twelfth century heresy. The excellent study by H.
Grundmann examines "Ketzerprozesse gegen Theologen im 12. Jahr-
hundert," Ketzergeschichte des Mittelalters (G6ttingen: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht, 1963), pp. 20-22. Grundmann,op. cit., p. 66, masterfully
describes the methods of propagation and means taken against the
heretics. In a more popular vein is Walter Nigg, Das Buch der Ketzer
(Zurich: Artemis Verlag, 1949), with a chapter on the Cathari, pp.
189-207.
Rene Nelli, Ch.-P. Bru, L. de Lacger, D. Roche, and L. Somma-
riva, Spiritualite de l'heresie. Le catharisme (Paris, 1953), painted in
bold, clear strokes the medieval adventure in ethics and morals, and
pointed to an unorthodox yearning for more freedom in which one
perceives an echo of eastern gnosis, p. 14. Catharism cannot be ex-
plained by influences and traditions alone, p. 23. Miss Christine Thou-
zellier examined the problem of heresy as a sequel to Manichaeism,
brought to the West by the crusaders, "Heresie et croisade au XIIIe
siecle," Rev. d'Hist. Eccles., XLIX (1954). Aegerter, Les heresies
au moyen age (Paris, 1939), endeavored to detect the mystic element
in heresy, which did not proceed from an orthodox source and, signi-
ficantly, had no towering teacher.
Professor Raoul Manselli described Catharism in Italy, "Per la
storia dell'eresia catara nella Firenze del tempo di Dante," Bullet.tino
dellIstituto storico italiano per il medio evo, LXII (1950), 123-138.
Fr. Ilarino da Milano O.P. investigated "Le eresie popolari del secolo
XII nell'Europa occidentale,"Studi Gregoriani, II (Roma, 1947), 43-
89; and again by Ilarino, "La 'Summa contra haereticos' di Giacomo
Capelli O.F.M. e un suo 'Quaresimale' inedito (secolo XIII)," Col-
lectanea Franciscana, X (Assisi, 1940), 66-82. Mario Esposito gath-
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI 165

ered several primary sources, "Sur quelques ecrits concernant les

heresies et les heretiques aux XIIe et XIIIe siecles," Rev. d'Hist. Eccles.,
XXXVI (1940), 143-162, dealing mostly with Waldensian writings.
Interesting is the discussion of "evangelism" and other means of
proselytism used by the Patarini (or Paterelli) of Milan as described
by G. Miccoli, "Per la storia di Pataria milanese, Bullettino di istoria,
LXX (1958), 43-123.40 However, a basic study on Cathar evangelism
remains to be done. Also, why so many aristocratic elements were
attracted to Catharism, in a short time, calls for further investigation.
Neo-Manichaean Catharism has been presented as a resurgent
Arianism by Fr. Y. M. J. Congar, "Arriana Haeresis comme designa-
tion du neo-manicheisme au XIIe siecle," Revue des sciences philo-
sophiques et theologiques, XLIII (July, 1959), 449-461. While this
approach is not new-it was already discussed by R. Manselli in Bul-
lettino dell'istituto storico per il medio evo, LXVII (1956), 233-246
and by D6llinger, op. cit., I, 91-it seemed necessary to F. Congar to
insist that neo-Manichaeans were heretics partly because of their
"Arianism." They denied the divinity of the Son of God and were
thus linked with a basic Christian heresy.41 On the Arian controversy
see also T. E. Pollard, "The Exegesis of the Scripture and the Arian
Controversy," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, XXXIX (1959),
414-429; especially 415-417.
The attitude of the Papacy toward heresies was described by
Walter Ullman, Medieval Papalism: the Political Theories of the Medie-
val Canonists (London, 1944); A. Fliche, "Innocent III et la reforme
de l'eglise," Rev. d'Hist. Eccles., XLIV (1949), 87-152;42 Albert C.
Shannon, O.E.S.A., The Popes and Heresy in the Thirteenth Cen-
tury (Villanova, Pennsylvania: Augustinian Press, 1949). Papal
policy, especially the crusade, was often criticized in the songs of the
troubadours. Shannon, however, shared Belperron's idea, assuming
that this drama was no more bloody than other conquests, a position
that was somewhat modified later on in the book.43
General Histories
Aside from general works such as A. Borst, Die Katharer, op. cit.,
several essays have recently been published on Catharism in its rela-
tionship to political developments. Jacques Madaule, Le drame al-
bigeois et le destin francais (Paris: B. Grasset, 1961), stressed the
geographic factor which seemed to furnish the best clue to the Al-
bigensian riddle. He was especially interested in appraising the rap-
port between northern and southern France, when France was not
yet a nation and intending to annex the southwestern area. Fernand
Lequenne, Le drame cathare ou l'heresie necessaire, Pref. de Robert
Kanters (Paris: R. Julliard, 1954), considered the problem of Al-
166 CHURCH HISTORY

bigensianism through a poet's eye. Fernand Niel wrote a short es-

say, Albigeois et Cathares (Paris: Presses universitaires de France,
No. 689, 1959). F. Niel, a specialist on Montsegur, presented a suc-
cinct but not always accurate account of the history and doctrine of
the Albigenses. A critical evaluation of Niel's study was made by E.
Delaruelle, Revue d'histoire de lEglise de France, XLII, No. 139
(1956), 251-253; J. L. Riol, op. cit., p. 41. Oliver de Montegut, Le
drame albigeois (Paris, 1962), attempted to unravel the tragic de-
velopment of the medieval underground in the time of the Albigensian
crusade.
Often mentioned is Pierre Belperron, La croisade contre les Al-
bigeois et l'union du Languedoc a la France, 1209-1249 (Paris: Plon,
1942). In a highly partisan defense of northern French nationalism
(the book was written under Nazi occupation), Belperron took sharp
issue with Napoleon Peyart, a Protestant pastor who, in 1871, was
equally subjective in defending the Albigenses, pointing to the Catho-
lic church as the apocalyptic "beast."44Belperron manifested no sym-
pathy for the Cathari and saw in the victory of Simon de Montfort and
the kings of France the rightful superiority of northern France. Bel-
perron's book was refuted by G. P. Breillat, Recherches albigeoises
(Albi: Edit. du Languedoc, 1948).
For an introduction into the history of Languedoc, cf. E. LeRoy
Ladurie Histoire du Languedoc (Paris: Presses universitaires de
France, No. 958, 1962). Why was it that Languedoc was the area
where dualism thrived? Le Roy Ladurie answered, pp. 37-38, that
the South was signally lacking in monastic reform. This created a
vacuum where new ideas penetrated easily, while the monks, accord-
ing to Innocent III, were like mute dogs, "incapableof barking." The
French clergy was also described by Y. Dossat, "Le clerge meridional
a la veille de la croisade des Albigeois," Revue historique et litteraire
du Languedoc (Albi, 1944). The Languedoc as arena of Albigensian-
ism was described by Rene Nelli, Le Languedoc et le comte de Foix
(Toulouse, 1958). Of similar interest was Ph. Berthoud, "Les terres
occitanes et la nation francaise," Annales de linstitut d'etudes occitanes
(Nice: Languedoc mediterraneen,No. 6, 1947). Canon E. Delaruelle,
"Le Catharisme en Languedoc vers 1200," op. cit., pp. 149-167, pre-
sentedan intelligent appraisal. Particular attention was given to
sociology, the role of women,45education, and the poverty of Catharists.
The "little people"among the heretics were usually weavers, "tex-
erant ab usu texendi." The level of instruction was unusually low in
the area of Toulouse, ca. 1200. On this see Cyril E. Smith, The Uni-
versity of Toulouse in the Middle Ages: Its Origin and Growth to 1500
(Milwaukee: Marquette University Press, 1958). Was there any
form of education or training among the Cathari? None was reported.
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI 167

The Inquisition did not indicate that instructors were found among
the heretics. See also Ph. Wolff, "Chronique d'histoire toulousaine,"
Annales du Midi, LXVII (1955), 177-200.
On the Albigensian crusade, see L. Julien, "Pierre de Castelnau,
legat autoritaire," Cahiers d'etudes cathares, XXXVI (1958-1959),
195-202; J. F. Jeanjean, La croisade contre les Albigeois a Carcas-
sonne (1941); Henri Vidal, Episcopatus et pouvoir episcopal a Beziers
a la veille de la croisade des Albigeois, 1152-1209 (Montpellier, 1951).
The influence of the Albigenses has often been overrated; an original
minority is not necessarily active, is the opinion of Pierre Chabert,
Actualite du catharisme (Toulouse, 1961), who endeavored to appraise
various forms of Catharist resurgence today.
The attitude of the nobility toward Catharism has also received
attention. Jean Duvernoy, in La noblesse du comte de Foix au debut
du XIVe siecle (Auch: Imprimerie F. Cocharaux, 1951), based his
views on MS Vat. Lat. 4030, which contains a needed documentation.
Also J. Duvernoy, Albigeois et Vaudois en Quercy (unpublished,
typewritten) stated that among the Waldenses women were more nu-
merous, while there were more men among the Albigenses! Yves Dos-
sat also discussed the society of the Midi, "Le comte de Toulouse et
la feodalite languedociennea la veille de la croisade albigeoise," Revue
du Tarn (1943-1944), pp. 80-88. The economic aspect was examined
by A. Varagnac, "Croisade et marchandise; pourquoi Simon de Mont-
fort s'en alla defaire les Albigeois," Les Annales. Economies, So-
cietes, Civilisation, I (1946), 209-218. De Montfort's army was to
create, according to Varagnac, a stronghold in southern France; thus
there was little damage and destruction until 1212. That there was
little war damage was also the opinion of Louis de Lacger, "L'Al-
bigeois pendant la crise de l'Albigeisme," Rev. d'Hist. Eccles., XXIX
(1933), 896.46 See also J. Girou, Simon de Montfort, du catharisme
a la conquete, Pref. par le duc de Levis Mirepoix (Paris: La Colombe,
1953), p. 206; J. H. Mundy, Liberty and Political Power in Toulouse,
1050-1230 (New York, 1954).
The complex political condition during the Albigensian era was
again examined by Jordi Ventura, Pierre le catholique et Simon de
Montfor.t (Barcelona, 1960), also published the same year in Catalan.
The political tension during the Albigensian crusade was not only be-
tween Toulouse and Paris but Toulouse and Barcelona. While dis-
playing no particular sympathy for the Cathari, Ventura appeared
regretful that an Occitan-Catalan state was not formed since it pos-
sessed all the elements of a civilization. Jorge Ventura Subirats, "El
Catarismo en Catalunia,"Boletin de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras
de Barcelona, XXVIII (Barcelona, 1959-1960), 116. This communica-
168 CHURCHHISTORY

tion established that Catharism was, in its early stage, strongly repre-
sented in Catalonia, mostly in the valley of Aran ca. 1167.47
Traces of Catharism were detected not only in Aragon but in
other areas of Spain. Limosus Niger attempted to make Catharism
philosophically respectable in introducing Averroism into the Ca-
tharist myth, but his efforts failed. Nevertheless Catharism can be
traced further South. Professor F. Robert I. Burns, S.J., of San
Francisco, has found in the Capitular Archives of Aragon a docu-
ment on "CrusaderValencia." A report on the "Church as a Frontier
Institution, 1240-1280" is to be published shortly, possibly in Speculum.

Montsegur
The best-known vestige of Catharism is the spectacular "pog"
(conic rocky hill) of Montsegur, where on March 16, 1244, several
hundred Albigensian leaders took their last stand. Every year intrepid
speleologists try to find the hideout of a supposed Albigensian "trea-
sure," but the mountain refuses to yield the secret that it is supposed
to harbor. A substantial account of the Montsegur tragedy is by Zoe
Oldenbourg,Le Bucher de Montsegur; Collection: Trente journees qui
ont fait la France, 16 mars 1244 (Paris: NRF, 1959). In English,
Massacre at Montsegur, translated by Peter Green (New York: Pan-
theon Books, 1961), was intended as a popular account. The author
stresses the Albigensian martyrdom.48Indeed, the account is not favor-
able to the Capetians of northern France and points to a ruthless
Realpolitik responsible for the loss of Occitan independence. The main
source of this work was the Chanson de la croisade. In fact, only some
fifty pages are devoted to the Montsegur tragedy itself.
Even more work has been done on Montsegur by Fernand Niel in
an earlier work, Montsegur, la montagne inspire (Paris: La Colombe,
1954), which was harshly criticized by Jacques Ferlus, Autour de
Montseegur. De l'histoire ou des histoires? (Perpignan: Imprimerie
du Midi, 1960). Niel's latest work, Montsegur. Les site, Son histoire
(Grenoble: Imprimerie Allier, 1962), approaches courageously the
challenging topic, answering the critics and defending his personal
and peculiar theories on the specific location of the castle. Other es-
says by Niel include Le Pog de Montsegur (Toulouse, 1949), and "La
capitulationde Montsegur," Cahiers d'etudes cathares, No. 5-6 (1951).
Montsegur has inflamed many an imagination: Germanpoet Otto Rahn,
Kreuzzug wider den Graal (Freiburg, i.B., 1931); Reprinted and en-
larged: Kreuzzug gegen den Gral: Die Tragidie des Katharismus
(Stuttgart: H. E. Giinther, 1964). Rahn believed he had discovered
connections between the Cathari and the Druids, converted by Ma-
nichaean missionaries.49 For an impassioned discussion see P. Breil-
lat, "Le Graal et les Albigeois," Revue du Tarn (Dec. 5, 1944).56
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI 169

Breillat has discussed and strongly refuted the idea that the Grail
was intimately linked with Catharism: P. Breillat, Recherches albi-
geoises (Aix, 1948), pp. 47-88.
Other essays on Montsegur include B. Caumont, "Siege et ca-
pitulation de Montsegur," Rev. hist. du Tarn (1944); Yves Dossat,
"En marge de la prise de Montsegur," Rev. hist. et. litt. du Languedoc,
I (1944), 365; D. Roche, "La capitulation et le bucher de Montsegur,"
Memoires de la societe' arch?ologique de l'Aude (1944-1946). The lit-
erary aspect was depicted by J. Lafont, Autour du mys.tere de Mont-
segur: Montsegur et le Graal (Cannes, 1945).51
Troubadours
Troubadours and Cathari were contemporary and had several
things in common. About three hundred troubadours, thirty being of
Italian origin, were known, though much of their material is lost.
There are several bibliographical studies on the troubadours, e.g.
Bibliographie des manuscripts litteraires en ancien provencal (Paris,
1935). On the poets themselves: Alfred Pillet and Henry Carstens,
Bibliographie der Troubadours. Schriften der Kinigsberger Gelehr-
tengesellschaft (Halle, 1933); A. L. Nykl, Troubadour Studies: A
Critical Survey of Recent Books Published in this Field (Cambridge
[Engl.], 1944). One of the best monographs in the U. S. on the
relationship of troubadours and Albigenses is by Robert H. Gere, The
Troubadours. Heresy and the Albigensian Crusade: Ph.D. Disserta-
tion, series No. 15628 (Columbia University; typewritten, U. Micro-
film, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1956). See also E. Hoepffner, Les trou-
badours dans leur vie et dans leurs oeuvres (Paris, 1955), particularly
pp. 177, passim; Kurt Almqvist, Poesies du troubadour Guilhem
Ademar (Uppsala, 1951); K. F. Werner, "Literaturbericht iiber
franz6sische Geschichte des Mittelalters," Hist. Zeitschrift, Sonder-
heft, I (1962), 467-612; Jean Boutiere and Alexandre H. Schiitz,
Biographies des troubadours (Paris and Toulouse, 1950); R. Lejeune,
"Themes communsdestroubadourset vie de societe," Actes et memoires,
lie Congres intern. de langue et litt. du Midi de la France (Aix, Sept.
2-8, 1958).
An idyllic picture of the "Midi" was drawn by Schmidt, op. cit.,
I, 66, and often copied. It was the usual charming description of the
"doulce France." More accurate is the picture by Professor M. Wolff
in the "Chronique d'histoire toulousaine," Annales du Midi, LXVII
(1955), 177-200. Still more penetrating is the philosophical study by
Simone Weil, "L'agonie d'une civilisation vue a travers un poeme
epique (Chanson de la croisade), Le genie d'oc et l'homme mediter-
raneen," Cahiers du sud (1943). Simone Weil wrote sympathetically
about the Cathari, whose ideas continue to live and who shared with
170 CHURCH HISTORY

her a distaste for most of the Old Testament: Ch. Moeller, Le silence
de Dieu. Litterature du XXe siecle et christianisme, (Paris, 1953),
I, pp. 220-255.
The most recent study on the troubadours is by Rene Nelli,
L'erotique des troubadours (Toulouse: E. Privat, 1963). Of interest
is the discussion on the Albigensian period, pp. 221-246, since it has
often been alleged that some troubadours were Albigenses, or at least
sympathizers. Nelli examines once again the eventual relationship
of Albigenses and well-known troubadours such as Peire Cardenal
and Guilhelm Montanhagol. While admitting an "interpenetration"
of religion and courtly love, Nelli is not convinced that some trou-
badours were Albigenses. He shows that Cardenal,in endorsing courtly
love, found in mystic religion a compensation for the faltering of the
earthly lady, p. 228. There was a "co-existence" of Provencal love
and Catharism. Nelli also admits the influence of Catharist min-
isters on the ladies, but by all odds courtly love was independent. Some
troubadours were sympathizers of Catharism, maybe even credentes;
others were "fellow-travellers." Nelli attempts to draw a "nearly
complete" list of all "suspected"troubadours. Some, like Gui d'Assel,
quit singing in 1208 on orders of papal legate Pierre de Castelnau,
who was later murdered. While one phase of Catharism could be
considered eliminated by 1250, Rome still faced a heretical type of
love which, in turn, became an object of scandal to the Church, p. 236.
As a rule, the Church was against the entertainers, the "world."52
On these views see Rene Nelli, "Les troubadours et Le Catharisme,"
Cahiers d'etudes cathares, I (1949), 18-22. Seldom did a troubadour
endorse or accept heresy, a view discussed by H. I. Marrou in Revue
du Moyen Age Latin, III (1947), 83. Basically the influence of the
Church on the troubadours was limited. Nelli discussed "l'amour
provenqal" in Cahiers du sud (1944) and "L'amour provencal et le
catharisme," Revue de synthese hist. (1948). Nelli co-authored with
R. Lavaud Les troubadours (Paris, 1960) and assisted in the publica-
tion of the Poesies completes de Peire Cardenal (Toulouse, 1957).
Fr. Pitangu in Les troubadours furent-ils les missionnaires de l'Al-
bigeisme (Toulouse, 1946), developed some points of similarity: (a)
troubadoursand Cathari were contemporaries,they had a simultaneous
development and end; (b) there was a similitude of formulas of in-
itiation-courtly love and perfection; (c) Catharist allegories were
mirrored in the mystic of the troubadours. Lucie Vargas, "Peire
Cardenal etait-il heretique?" Rev. de l'hist. des religions, CXVII. No.
2, 3 (1938), passim, noticed that some lines sung by the troubadours
were reminiscent of Albigensian prayers.
A similar trait could be detected in lady poets: J. Veran, Les
poetesses provenCalesau Moyen Age (Paris, 1946). Ladies of Oc-
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI 171

citan aristocracy were sometimes attracted to heresy. The sister of

the Count of Foix is the most famous case: Esclarmonde, said to be
at Montsegur at the time of the massacre. Historians, however, are
usually not impressed.53
Father Denomy sees love linked with the strictly intellectual
heresy of the thirteenth century and connected neither with the Ca-
tharist nor Waldensian movements: A. J. Denomy, The Heresy of
Courtly Love, Candlemas Lectures, 1947. Also three articles by
Denomy, "An Inquiry into the Origin of Courtly Love." Medieval
Studies, VI (1944), 175-260; "'Fin d'Amors.' The Pure Love of
the Troubadours: Its Amorality and Possible Source," ibid., VII
(1945), 184-185; "The 'De Amore' of Andreas Capellanus and the
Condemnation of 1277," ibid., VII (1946), 107-149.
Troubadours had little religious interest. The Albigensian cru-
sade was mostly seen by them as an aggression of clerics allied to
northern France against their patrons of Toulouse. There are sev-
eral theories on the "heresy" of the troubadours: (a) some of the
wandering poets were Cathars; (b) there was a connection between
the troubadours' concept of love and the intellectual heresy of Aver-
roes; 54 (c) Provencal love seemed in many respects, so it appears to
Rene Nelli, an adaptation of Catharist philosophy to the social re-
quirements of the aristocracy.55 There was unquestionably an unor-
thodox, anti-clerical element in troubadour poetry. It was an intel-
lectual heresy, a "Latin Averroism." Albigensianism, however, could
not endorse worldly courtly love;56 and it must be remembered that
asceticism was confined to the "Perfecti."57
Much remains to be done on medieval heresies, Catharism in
particular. The rapidly growing list of newly found Catharist sources
in the past twenty-five years has aroused great interest. Basically,
the fundamental teachings of medieval dualism were already known.
But the now available documents clarify some of the known teachings
of radical dualism, from the Liber de duobus principiis published in
1939, to Contra Manicheos, published in 1964. For the first time the
student follows a theological debate as it actually took place between
Cathari and Catholics at the beginning of the thirteenth century. Al-
ready brillant essays by Borst, Dondaine, Soderberg, Obolensky,
Grundmann, and Nelli have greatly enriched an unbiased understand-
ing of a problem which calls for still more enlightenment.
Topics for further research are suggested in various essays, as
by Morton W. Bloomfield, Speculum, XXXIV (1959), 269. Some
texts still must be edited. It would be of interest to ascertain what
were the forces (political as well as religious) behind the rise of the
numerous heresies of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. How
did a religion with eastern antecedents find root in southwestern
172 CHURCH HISTORY

France? Why was princely protection accorded the Cathari? How

does this differ from the aristocratic endorsement of the Huguenots?
To what extent did "Occitan"civilization and Catharism affect Spain?
Why was southern France the abode of so many heresies, Catharism
in particular?
Further studies are needed on the role of the Bible. Relatively
little has been done on medieval Bible versions and the use of certain
Bible texts and versions. What about proselytism: Was there any
type of "evangelism" aside from house visitation? Were there centers
for heretical diffusion? Why the appeal to the "little people" as well
as to the aristocracy? The economic elements need more investiga-
tion. What about "education": the training, if any, of the Perfect
and the propagandists? The many facets of the vexing riddle of Ca-
tharism make the topic the more challenging.

1. See a review on J. Madaule's essay treaty of Paris, 1229, by which this

by Deodat Roche in Cahiers d'etudes
cathares, XIII, No. 14 (Arques: Sum-
mer, 1962), 50. An apology of northern
French nationalism was written by
Pierre Belperron, La croisade contre
les Albigeois et l'union du Languedoc
d la France (1209-1259) (Paris: Plon,
1942). Belperron took issue with the
defenders of Catharism, such as N.
Peyrat, who greatly admired a Prov-
eneal independence and hailed the
Cathari, descendants of Visigoths, as
champions against northern French
hegemony. Nap. Peyrat, Les reforma-
teurs de la France et de 1'Italie au
douzieme siecle (Paris, 1960), p. 22.
A concise history of Languedoc is by
E. La Roy Ladurie, Hist. du Langue-
doc, (Paris: Presses univ. de France,
1962). On the complex problem of the
annexation of the South of France, see
Pierre Timbal, 7n conflit d'annexion
au Moyen Age: L'application de la co-
tume de Paris au pays albigeois, pref.
by G. Boyer (Toulouse: E. Privat,
1949).
2. Jean Andiau and Rene Lavaud, Nou-
velle antologie des troubadours (Par-
is, 1928), p. 169; John Arnold Flem-
ing, The Troubadours of Provence,
with an Introduction by Sir Ernest
Bullock (Glasgow: W. MacLellan,
1952).
3. The term "Languedoc" was first used
ca. 1285-1286, when the Parliament of
Toulouse was the "Parlement de lan-
gue de oc"; on this see Dom C. Devic
and J. Vaissette, Hist. generale de Lan-
guedoc: Avec des notes et les pieces
justificatives (15 vols., Toulouse: E.
Privat, 1872-1892 [1893]), IX, 33;
X, 29. The "langue d'oc," as opposed
to the "langue d'oil," may have been
in use orally, ca. 1250-1260, but the
term "Languedoc" occurs after the
area was annexed to France, as stated
in E. Le Roy Ladurie, op. cit., p. 29.
For a further discussion on geographic
and other terms, see L. de Lacger,
"L 'Albigeois pendant la crise de
l'Albig6isme," BHE, XXTX (1933),
272-315, 586-633, 849-904, especially
pp. 278ff. For the abode of Catharism,
from 1165 on, one referred mostly to
counties; e.g., County of Toulouse,
Viscounty of Carcassonne, etc. At that
time, and as late as the XIVth century,
the area was called "Occitanie", a
sector of the "provincia provinciae."
Some documents refer to the "partes
linguae Occitaniae", MS Vat. Lat.
4030, fol. 1788, col. 1318.
4. ".. Unde autem Catharistae, id est
purgatores, primo vocati sint ? . " Eck-
bertus Abbatis Schonaugensis, Ser-
mones contra Catharos, Serm. V, 6,
MPL, CXCV, col. 31A; Ch. H. Puech,
"Catharisme m6di6val," op. cit., p.
63, n. 3. St. Augustin, De haeres.
XLVI, MPL, XLII, col. 36. Miss
Chr. Thouzellier stated that Cathari
were reported at Cologne, ca. 1143,
by Everwin and that the transition
from mitigated to radical dualism re-
sulted at the time of the Second Cru-
sade (1147-1149), "H6resie et croi-
sade au XIIe siecle," iHE, XLIX
(1954), 863. On the term "Cathar"
see A. Borst, op. cit., pp. 240-253; Ch.
Schmidt, Histoire et doctrine de la
secte des Cathares (Paris, 1849), II,
pp. 275-286; S. Runciman, Le man-
icheisme medieval (Paris, 1949), pp.
168-170.
5. On the "pagus albigensium" see L.
de Lacger, "L'Albigeois," op. cit.,
RHE, XXTX (1933), 276-288. De Lac-
ger thinks that "Manichaean" was a
term more frequently used than "Ca-
thar," ibid., 278. Sometimes the terms
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI
"'Albigenses" and "Albanenses" were
confused, as by A. Dondaine, "Le
manuel de l'inquisiteur," Arch Fratr.
Praed. (AFP), XVII (1947) 169. This
confusion was also mentioned by F.
Ilarino, Aevum, XVI (1942), 305-306.
See also A. Borst, Die Katharer
(1953), pp. 240-253. Other names for
the Cathari were discussed by H.
Grundmann Ketzergeschichte des Mit-
telalters (Die Kirche in ihrer Ge-
schichte, Band 2, Lieferung G, GSt-
tingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1963), p. 23.
6. Reb6lliau, Bossuet historien du protes-
tantisme (Paris: Hachette, 1891), pp.
234, 237, wrote on the relationship of
Catharism and Protestantism as seen
by J. B. Bossuet, Histoire des varia-
tions des eglises protestantes (2 vols.,
Paris, 1688), passim. The problem is
also examined in J. Basnage, Histoire
de la religion des Eglises reform6es
(2 vols., Rotterdam, 1721); J. P.
Perrin, Histoire des Vaudois (Geneve,
1619); Luther's Fore-runners or a
Cloud of Witnesses deposing for the
Protestant Faith, Transl. from the
French by Samson Lennard (London:
Printed for N. Newberry, 1624); J.
Crespin, Histoire des Martyrs pers6cu-
tez et mis d mort pour la verite de
I'Evangile, depuis le temps des apostres
jusques d present (1619, 3 vols., Tou-
louse: Societe des livres religieux,
1885-1889), The embarrassing charge
of being linked to the neo-Manichaean
Cathari was countered by Protestant
apologists by stating that (1) the an-
cient Manichaeans were distinct from
the Albigenses, (2) that the power in
Catharism was of God and (3) that the
accusation of dualism was a calum-
nious accusation of their foes. On this,
cf. Peter Allix, Remarks upon the Ec-
clesiastical History ..of the Ancient
Churches of the Albigenses (London:
St. Paul's Church Yard, 1692), pp.
xx, 256. See also Isaac de Beausobre,
Histoire critique de Manichee et du
manicheisme (2 vols., Amsterdam, 1734-
1739), where any relationship between
Protestants and Albigenses is denied.
See also Camille Rabaud, Hist. du
protestantisme dans I'Albigeois et le
Lauragais. Depuis les origines jusqu'd
la R6vocation de l'Edit de Nantes,
Paris: Sandoz et Fischbacher, 1873).
A filiation from Albigensianism to
Protestantism does not appear accept-
able because Protestantism is of a
western, nordic origin, while Catharism
is eastern and manichaean!.
7. A comparison between the works by
Schmidt and Borst was made by Rob.
Folz, "Le catharisme d'aprbs un livre
r6cent," Revue de 'histoire et de
philosophie religieuse: Publi6e par la
faculte de theologie protestante de
1'Univ. de Strasbourg, X I II, No. 4
(1953), 322-328. For a review of Dr.
173
A. Borst's work see Speculum, XxI
1954), 537-538, by R.W. Emery.
8. Etienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes histor-
iques, publ. pour la soei6t6 de 1'his-
toire de France, par A. Lecay de la
Marche (Paris, H. Loones, 1877), pp.
276-277: "Ideo autem legi libros see-
tarum diversarum, quia terre mee af-
fines sunt heretici Albigenses, ut mihi
ab eorum versuciis scirem cavere, et
eos, si mecum de suis loquerentur er-
roribus, scirem de suis jaculis repercu-
tere et eos confutare per suas posiciones
et asserciones. . .", ibid., p. 277.
9. Moneta de Cremona, O. P., Adversus
Catharos et Valdenses libri quinque
quos ex manuscriptis codd. (Romae:
N. et M. Palearini, 1743), pp. 2, 42.
10. A. Dondaine, "Nouvelles sources de
'histoire doctrinale du n6omanich6isme
au moyen-age", Revue des Sc. philos.
et theol., XXVIll (1939), 469-471.
11. On Bogomil influence on the Lyons
Rituel, cf. T. Thomov, Influences
bogomiles dans le rituel cathare de
Lyon (Aix: IIe Congrbs international
de langue et litt. du Midi: unpubl.,
Sept. 1957). Bernard Gui, Manuel de
l'Inquisiteur, edit. by G. Mollat. "Les
classiques de France au Moyen Age,"
VIII-IX (Paris, 1926), 20-23; Dolling-
er, op. cit., I, 238; II, 18.
12. R. Manselli, Alle origine della mani-
festatio haeresis Catharorum quam fe-
cit Bonaccursus (1955), pp. 208-209;
Riol, op. cit., p. 71, n. 114 bis. A.
Borst, "Neue Funde u. Forschungen
zur Geschichte der Katharer", Hist.
Zeitschr., CLXXIV (1952), 17-30. In
1945, F. Ilarino discovered a MS des-
cribing the unfamiliar heresies of
Ugo Speroni da Piacenza, Studi e
Testi, CXV (Rome, 1945).
13. A. Dondaine favors 1280, using the
paleographic method (Liber, op. cit.,
p. 10). A. Borst, op. cit., p. 257, n.
18, prefers 1254 for which he gives an
elaborate account. The date is still an
open question.
14. Fos. 1-29 of the Liber de duobus prin-
cipiis contain the document itself;
fos. 21-29, "Compendium ad instruc-
tionem rudium," fols. 29-35, present
the various elements of polemics be-
tween the radical (absolute) dualists
(Albanenses) and the mitigated dual-
ists (Garatenses, Concorezzo). For re-
views on the Liber, see RHE, XXX-
VIII (1942) by Mario Esposito;
Catholica schuola LXVII (1939) by
Ilarino, who also reported in Aevum,
XIV (1940); Collectanea Franciscana,
IV (1940); Speculum, XVI (1942),
123-125; Atti della R. accademia delle
scienze di Torino, stor. e filolog.,
LXXV (1940) 409-435.
15. L. de Lacger, "L'Albigeois pendant la
crise de 1'Albig6isme." RBHE, xx I x
(1933), 272-315; 586-633; 849-904.
The doubts about the "Notitia" be-
ing a forgery are expressed on p.
174 CHURCH HISTORY
301 and, more in detail, in the appen-
dix, pp. 314-315. Yves Dossat, "Re-
marques sur un pretendu 6veque ca-
thare du Val d'Aran en 1167," Bulletin
philolog. et hist. de comit6 des travaux
hist. et scient. (Paris, 1957), pp. 339-
347, cited by Chr. Thouzellier, Un
traite cathare inedit (Louvain, 1961),
p. 20; J. L. Riol, op. cit., pp. 72-73.
For further discussion on the Council
and the Catharist bishops, and the
presence of Catharism in the Val d'A-
ran, see J. Ventura "El catarismo
en Catalufia," Bulletin, de l'academie
royale des belles-lettres de Barcelone,
XXVIII (1959-1960), 112, 138; Ch.
Higounet Le comte de Comminges,
(Toulouse, 1949) I, 89, n. 74 and 90,
n. 75; Riol, op. cit., p. 80.
16. See also an essay by A. Dondaine,
"Saint Pierre Martyr," AFP, XXIII
(1953) 66-161; "Le Manuel de l'In-
quisiteur," AFP, XVII (1947) 85-
194; also a brief analysis in Revue du
Moyen-Age Latin, IV and
(Paris
Strasbourg, 1948), 126-127. Peter
Martyr, who knew Catharist teachings,
believed that they had their origin in
older sects.
17. On the Opera Omnia Prepositini Par-
isiensis (1206-1210) see "La vie et
les oeuvres de Prevostin, par Georges
Lacombe (Stanford), pretre de l'arch-
idiocNse de San Francisco" Biblioth8-
que Thomiste, X (Kain, Belgique,
1927), 1-221. The edition of Garvin-
Corbett was reviewed in Speculum
XXXIV (1959), 268.
18. On the methods to combat heresy used
by Alain de Lille: Alani de Insulis.
Summa quadripartita. De fide Cathol-
ica contra haereticos sui temporis,
praesertim Albigenses, MPL, OCX,
col. 305-430; especially col. 326-331.
G. Gonnet, Enchiridion fontium val-
densium (Torre Pellice, 1958), p. 102.
19. MS 1114, Liber Antiheresis in the
Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid (Inven-
tario general de manuscritos de la Bib-
lioteca Nacional IV, No. 1101-1598)
Liber contra manicheos in Paris, Bibl.
Nat. MS Lat., 13446 (P) described
by A. Dondaine, "Nouvelles sources,"
op. cit., 465-488.
20. Haymonis Halberstatensis episcopi,
"Expositionis in Apocalypsin B. Joan-
nis." MPL, CXVII, cols. 937-1220.
MPL, CXVII, col. 937. The Confessio
fidei Valdesii was discussed in "Aux
origines du Valdeisme," AFP, XVI
(1946) 191-235; 192.
21. Mario Esposito, "Sur quelques manu-
scrits de l'ancienne litterature relig-
ieuse des Vaudois du Piemont," RHE,
XLVI (1951), 131-143. Moneta, op.
cit., p. 78.
22. For a description of this rite, cf. MS
Lyon A. I. 54, cod. 36, fol. 240, rb;
Dondaine, Liber de duob. princ.
(" Traditio Orationis S a n c t e")
(1939), pp. 515ff. Borst, op. cit., pp.
190-192. On the Albigensian rites, cf.
' Das Sakrament der Katharer" in
R. Reitzenstein, op. cit., pp. 67-103.
23. The tri,nitarian doctrine played a
great role in the discussions between
Waldenses and Albigenses. On this cf.
Chr. Thouzellier, "La profession trin-
itaire de Durand de Huesca," Recher-
ches de theologie ancienne medie-
vale (1960), quoted in "C ontroverses
vaudoises," Arch. d'hist. doctr. et litt.
du Moyen-Age, XXXV (Paris, (1961),
141. On the Traite inedit, cf. a review
in Speculum, XXXVI (1961), 689-690,
by Walter L. Wakefield.
24. "Le genie d'oc et l'homme mediter-
raneen," Les cahiers du Sud (Mar-
seille, 1943). On the spiritual retreats
see an account by Roche in Cahiers
d'etudes cathares, XII, Nos, 9 & 10
(Summer, 1961), 32-48. On D. Roche,
cf. an illustrated art. by M. Beauvais
in Semaine du monde (1-8 August,
1953) and in Tout Savoir (Febr.
1954).
25. Roche sees a filiation between the Oath-
ari, the Free Masons, and Rosicrucians,
' Catharisme et franc-maqonnerie,' '
Cahiers d 'etudes cathares, XIII, No.
12 (Winter, 1962). S. Hutin, "Gnose
et rites rosicruciens, " ibid., pp. 21-30,
(with a short bibliography). Useful is
Pierre Mariel, Rituel des socie'te's
secretes (Paris, 1961).
26. On S6derberg's essay see A. Borst,
op. cit., pp. 51-52.
27. Catharist teachings are discussed by
H. Grundmann, Ketzergeschichte des
Mittelalters (Gottingen, 1963), pp. 22-
28. On dualism in general and its re-
lationship to later developments cf.
U. Bianchi, It dualismo, saggio ed et-
nologico (Roma, 1958), ch. I: Gnos-
ticism in its relationship to Paganism,
Judaism, and Christianity constitutes
a problem mirrored in Catharism. Dis-
coveries of Coptic manuscripts point
to Iranian sources studied by J. Dor-
esse, Les livres secrets des gnostiques
d'Egypte (2 vols.; Paris: Plon, 1958),
I, pp. 316, 323-324; Engl. transl.,
The Secret Books of the Egyptian
Gnostics (New York: Viking Press,
1960). For basic studies on gnosticism
see Robert M. Grant, Gnosticism and
Early Christianity (New York: Colum-
bia University Press, 1959). A. C.
Blanc, "Considerazioni sulla preistoria
del dualismo religioso," Rivista stori-
ca italiana, TXXTT (1960), 127-146.
Helpful is E. Aegerter, Le mysticisme
(Paris, 1952). More subjectively phil-
osophical is Simone Weil, La connais-
sance surnaturelle (Paris, 1950).
28. Dillinger, op. cit., I, 221ff.; A. Borst,
op., cit., p. 197, fn. Ch. Schmidt, I,
357, tended to regard every suicide as
endura.
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI
29. One version of the Interrogatio was
published by Dillinger, II, 85-92.
Nelli's document is based on the man-
uscripts of the archives of the Inqui-
sition at Carcassonne and the National
Library at Vienna, Austria. Among the
numerous studies dealing with the his-
tory of eschatology, a few are here
indicated: E. Wadstein, Die eschatolo-
gische Ideengruppe (Leipzig, 1896), 34.
pp. 123ff. Ray C. Petry, Christian
Eschatology and Social Thought (to A.
D. 1500) (New York: Abingdon Press,
1956). R. Reitzenstein, Die Vorge-
schichte der christlichen Taufe (Leip-
zig and Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1939),
pp. 293-316, presents the Interrogatio
' als ein haretisches Apokryphon."
For a combination of Christian and
cosmogonic Eros and other apocalyptic
dream images see W. Prainger, The
Millennium
of Hieronymous Bosch,
Transl. by E. Wilkins and E. Kaiser
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1951); cf. a review by A. Burkhard,
Speculum, XXX (1956), 168-170. An 35.
imaginative synthesis is by Norman
Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium
(New York: Harper Torchbooks,
1961); it contains a substantial biblio-
graphy, pp. 436-468.
30. R. Nelli wrote that the Visio probably
originated between 100-150 A. D.;
it may not have been used by the
Manichaeans (Soderberg, op. cit., p.
106) but was known in various gnostic 36.
schools and by medieval ,neo-Mani-
chaeans: D. Roche' La Vision
d 'Isaie," Cahiers d 'etudes cathares,
No. 33 (1958), 19-51. According to
Dollinger, op. cit., II, 276, there was
a "book of Isaiah" where mention is
made of a rapture into the 7th heaven.
The Visio, was docetist in character, as
was the Interrogatio.
31. Vidal restated that, in Catharist be-
lief, the body returns to dust, the
soul enters the terrestrial paradise, 37.
but only if it has received the consola-
mentum; if not, it is reincorporated:
J. M. Vidal, "Doctrine et morale des
derniers ministres albigeois," Revue
des questions XTITTT
historiques,
(1909), 357-407.
32. R. Sacchoni, "Summa de Catharis,"
Liber, op. cit., p. 72; H. Soderberg,
op. cit., p. 263; Moneta, op. cit., p.
381. On the use of the Apocalypse see
Geoffroy d'Auxerre, "Super Apocaly-
psin," ed. by Dom J. Leclercq, Studia
Anselmiana (Roma, 1953), p. 206. J.
P. Faure, "Reflexions sur l'albi-
38.
geisme," Europe (Nov. 1950). A brief
narrative of the Albigensian Crusade
is by Edm. Holmes, The Holy Heretics,
The Thinker's Library, 124 (London:
Watts & Co, 1948).
33. The council of Toulouse, 1229, forbade
the reading of the Old and New Test-
aments. Only a psalter, breviary, or
175
a book of hours in Latin were permit-
ted: Mansi, Conciliorum sacrorum
(Reprint, Graz Austria: Akademische
Druck-u. Verlagsanstalt, 1961) X III ,
capit. XIV, col. 197. Also Doat, XXIV,
fol., 248v. On the ban of vernacular
translations cf. Maria Reichert, Acta
capitulorum ordinis praedicatorum (2
vols.; Rome [Stuttgart], 1898), I, 24.
Ch. Schmidt, op. cit., II, 6. Alain de
Lille who observed the Waldenses of
his time with unmnitigated aversion
was of the opinion that some heretics
were both ignorant and dangerous:
"Hi Waldenses dicuntur, a suo haer-
esiarche qui vocatus Waldus, qui suo
spiritu ductus non a Deo missus,.. sine
divine inspiratione, sine scientia, sine
litteratura. . . sine ratione philosophus,
sine visione propheta. . . Superbi, blas-
phemi, inobientes sine affectione, sine
pace, incontinentes. .. immites, . . .
sine b o n i t a t e. . .praeditores. . ."
"Summa Quadripart.," II, 1. MPL,
CCX, col. 377C, 380BC.
It has been alleged that the Catharist
version of the New Testament was of
Catalan origin, A. Dondaine, "Dur-
and," op. cit., BAP, (1959), 256. See
also A. Jiilicher and W. Matzkow, Das
Neue Testament i n altlateinischer
tberlieferung (Berlin, 1938-1954); S.
Berger, Hist. de la Vulgate pendant
les premiers siecles du Moyen-Age,
(Nancy, 1893), passimn.
A. Borst, op. cit., pp. 51-53, fnt. 3.
Others have pointed to Guiraud's
shortcomings: R. Holtzmann, Revue de
litterature allemande (1939), pp. 371-
374; also Cahiers d'e6tudes cathares,
XIII, No. 14 (summer, 1962), 53. A.
Dondaine is grateful for Guiraud's
rich documentation, but deplored the
lack of accuracy in using references,
"Les actes du concile albigeois de
Saint-Felix de Caraman," Studi e
testi, 125 (1946) 332, n. 12.
On specific areas of the Inquisition
see: F. Niel, "Beziers
pendant la
croisade contre les Albigeois," Cahiers
d'etudes cathares, No. 15 (1953). P.
Cayla, "Fragment inedit d'un registre
de 'inquisition" MUmoires de la so-
ciete des arts et des sciences de Carcas-
sonne, VI, 3e serie (1941-1943). Not
to be overlooked is C. Douais, Doc-
uments pour servir d I 'histoire de
I'Inquisition dans le Languedoc (2
vols., Paris, 1900); vol. II contains a
transcription of MS 9.992, B.N., Paris
and MS 160, Clermont-Ferrand.
The trial and condemnation of Bernard
has been told by M. de Dimitrewski,
"Frbre Bernard Delicieux, O.F.M. Sa
lutte contre l'Inquisition de Carcas-
sonne et d'Albi. Son proces, 1297-
1319," Archivum Franciscanum His-
toricum XVII - XVIII (Quaracchi,
[Florence]: Collegium S. Bonaventura,
1924-1925).
176 CHURCH HISTORY
39. The second edition: Vol. I: Un homme
evangglique; Vol. II: Au coeur
de I'eglise (Paris, ed. du Cerf), pp.
398, 412. See a review of M. H. Vic-
aire 's book in Speculum, XXXTV,
(1959 and 1961); Jean Girou, Saint
Dominique, revolutionnaire de Dieu,
(Paris: A. Michel, 1959).
40. E. Delaruelle, "Le Catharisme en Lan-
guedoc vers 1200," op. cit., pp. 161,
165.
41. On Arianism, see Chr. Thouzellier,
" Controverses Vaudoises" op. cit.,
Archives d'histoire doctrinale et lit-
teraire du Moyen-Age, XX2XV (Paris,
1961), 153 ftn. 37.
42. Innocent III considered that effective
preaching was the weapon par excel-
lence against heresies, for "multi
reperientur, habentes zelum Dei secun-
dum scientiam. . .potentes in opere et
sermones. . ." Innocenti III, P.P.
Regestorum Lib., VII, 1204, MPL,
OCXV, col. 359B. See also, Yves Dos-
sat, "Innocent IV et les habitants de
Limoux et l'Inquisition," Annales du
Midi, LXI (1948-1949), 84ff. Cf. Wal-
ter Ullmann, The Growth of Papal
Government in the Middle Ages: A
Study in the Relation of Clerical to
Lay Power, (London, [etc.] 1955; see
a Review by Gaines Post, Speculum,
xxxij (1957), 209-212. This work
mainly examines the foundation of
Papal abolutism in the thirteenth cen-
tury from Leo I to Gregory VII. On
the term "heretic," as used by the
pope see P. Antonio Oliver, Tactica de
propaganda y motivos literaios en las
cartas antihereticas de Innocencio III
(Roma, 1957).
43. Palmer A. Throop, "Criticism of Pap-
al Crusade Policy in Old French and
Provencal," Speculum, XIII No. 4
(Oct., 1938), 379-412; especially, pp.
383ff. On Shannon's book, cf. a review
by John R. Williams, Speculum, XXVI
(1951), 209-210.
44. N. Peyrat, Histoire des Albigeois. Les
Albigeois et 'inquisition, (3 vols,
Paris, 1870-1872); G. Volpe, Movinen-
ti e sette religiosi ereticali: XI-XIVs.
(Florence, 1961).
45. Gotfr. Koch, Frauenfrage und Ket-
zertum im Mittelalter. Die Frauenfrage
im Rahmen des Katharismus und des
Waldensertums (Berlin, 1962), passim.
46. Regional histories include Ph. Wolff,
Histoire de Toulouse (1958); J. La-
font, Albigeois du pays de Foix (Can-
nes, 1955); Ch. Collin, Histoire de
Lavaur (1944). The amnazing little
town of Minerve (a ghost town of
Catharism) was described by J. Girou,
"Minerve autel et btcher de la patrie
romane," Cevennes et M6diterranee,
No. 43 (1950). Ch. Iigounet, Le com-
te de Comminges,de ses origines l son
annexion d la couronne: Bibliothbque
meridionale, 2e s6rie, X x X (2 vols.,
Toulouse et Paris, 1949). On this work
cf. a reviewin Speculum,XXV, (1950),
570-571. An illustrated guide to our
problem is by Carmen Enneseh,
L'epop&e albigeoise (Luxemburg: Ed.
du Journal d'Esch, 1962).
47. P. Timbal, Un ConfUt d'aniexion au
Moyen-Age L'application de la cou-
tume de Paris au pays d'Albigeois
Toulouse: E. Privat, 1949). On
Averroism and Catharism, see P. Al-
phaidery, "Y a-t-il eu un averroisme
populaire au XIIIe et au XIVe
sieclesI" Actes du premier congres
international d 'histoire des religions,
2e partie, fasc. 2 (Paris, 1902), 127-
138; J.H. Mundy, Liberty and Political
Power (New York, 1954).
48. A review on this essay is in Speculum,
XXXVII (1962), 645-647, by Charles
T. Wood.
49. It has been suggested that Catharismis
recognizable in Wolfrom von Eschen-
bach: O.S.B. Mockenhaupt, Die Fr6m-
mig7ceit im Parzival von Wolfram von
Eschenbach. Ein Beitrag des religi6sen
Geistes in der Laienwelt des deutschen
Mittelalters (Bonn, 1942). Otto Rahn,
suspected (by Belperron) to be guided
by N. Peyrat, was satisfied that the
Grail, consisting of the eastern magic
emerald, was guarded by the Cathari
at Monts6gur.
50. On the popular reaction to Catharism
in poetry and song, see P. Comte, "Le
catharisme dans les contes populaires
de la Gascogne" Bulletin de la societ6
arch6ologique et historique. S. Poulain,
Histoire et iconographie du catharisme
du Gers (Castres, 1953, 1955), pp. 133-
146. On Catharist iconography see
Rene Nelli, Le phfnomane cathare
(1964), pp. 162-192.
51. Other more or less fictionalized ac-
counts: P. Comte, "Le Graal et Mont-
segur," Bulletin de la sooiet5 arch.
et hist. du Gers (1951), pp. 332-345;
Closs Hannah, High are the Mountains
(London, 1945); And Somber the Val-
leys (London, 1949). A local poet,
whose profile is engraved in the rock
along the steep path that leads to the
ruins of the Montsegur castle, is Maur-
ice Magre, Le sang de Toutouse; His-
toire albigeoise du XIIe sicle; Le
trYsor des Albigeois (Paris, 1938).
52. Millet Ienschaw, "The Attitude of
the Church toward the Stage to the
End of the Middle Ages," Medievalia
et Humanistica, VII (1952), 3-17. The
church disapproved of shows (jong-
leurs); Helex Waddell, The Wandering
Scholars, 7th ed. (London, 1945), ap-
pend., pp. 244-270. There was to be
no singing of veneris carmina in the
church: Mansi, Conceliorum sacrorum,
XXII, canon XVII col. 791, 792. Jong-
leurs were excluded from communion
and even salvation, MPL, CXCIX c.
405. Toward the end of the XIIth
century there was a little more lenien-
cy: Thomas Aquinas believed that if
 RESEARCH ON ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI
the histrio does not sin and lead others
to sin, his work may be licit, Swmma
Theol. II, 2, quaest. 168. Neither the
Church nor Catharism could arrest the
increasing number of "fabliaux" and
stories as they were fashionable in the
time of Boccaccio: J. Coppin, Amour
et mariage dans la litt. franc. du Nord
et du Moyen Age (Paris, 1961), pp.
41-42. But among the earlier trouba-
dours there existed a concern over the
decay of the world; D. Scheludko,
"Klagen fiber den Verfall der Welt bei
den Troubadours. Allegorisehe Dar-
stellung der Tugenden und Laster,"
Neuphilolog. Mitteilungen, X I I V
(1943), 22-45. M.F. Schlosser, And-
reanus Capellanus. Seine Minnelehre
und das christliche Weltbild um 1200
(Bonn, 1960), pp. 321ff., discusses
the search for a spiritual purified re-
lationship to womanhood. On Andreas
Capellanus, cf. also Medieval Studies,
VII (1946), 107-149.
53. Borst, op. cit., p. 106, n. 30. Of inter-
est is P. Belperron, La joie d'amour.
Contribution a l'etude des troubadours
et l'amour courtois (Paris, 1948), pp.
14ff. On Esclarmonde: S. Nell, "Es-
clarmonde de Foix," Cahiers d 'etudes
cathares (1956); Coincy de Saint-
Palais, Esclarmonde, princesse cathare
(Toulouse, 1956) (rather mediocre).
177
Courtly love and dualist heresy occur-
red simultaneously and are expressed
through the " sirventes" of the trou-
badours: Denis de Rougemont, Love
in the Western World (New York,
1957. S. Pellegrini, "Initorno al vas-
sallaggio d'amore nei primi trovatori,"
Cultura moderna, IV-V (1944-45), 21-
26; Erich Koehler, "Observations his-
toriques et sociologiques sur la poesie
des troubadours," Cahiers de Civilisa-
tion medigvale, XIe-XIIe siacles, VII
(Universit6 de Poitiers, 1964), 27-51.
54. R.H. Gere, op. cit., p. 58. Etienne Gil-
son suggested more study on Cicero's
influence on love and of Abelard's in-
fluence on courtly love, Et. Gilson, La
theologie mystique de Saint Bernard
(Paris, 1934), p. 20; and append., pp.
183-184.
55. The troubadour expressed the concern
and hopes of a society of which he was
a part, R. R. Bezzola, Le sens de la
venture et de I'amour (Paris, 1947),
82.
56. A. Denomy, Medieval Studies, op. cit.,
VII, 184.
57. Et. Gilson, La philosophie au moyen-dge
(Paris, 1948), p. 564; P. Imbs, "A la
recherche d'une litt6rature cathare,"
Revue du moyen-dge latin (Strasbourg,
1949).