Anthropology is the study of humanity.

It has origins in thenatural sciences, the humanities, and

the social sciences.[1]The term "anthropology", pronounced /ænθrɵˈpɒlədʒi/, is from
the Greek anthrōpos (ἄνθρωπος), "man", and -logia (-λογία), "discourse" or "study", and was first used in
1501 by German philosopher Magnus Hundt.[2]

Anthropology's basic concerns are "What defines Homo sapiens?", "Who are the ancestors of
modern Homo sapiens?", "What are humans' physical traits?", "How do humans behave?", "Why are
there variations and differences among different groups of humans?", "How has the evolutionary past
ofHomo sapiens influenced its social organization and culture?" and so forth.

In the United States, contemporary anthropology is typically divided into four sub-fields: cultural
anthropology (also called "social anthropology"), archaeology, linguistic anthropology, and physical (or
biological) anthropology.[3] The four-fieldapproach to anthropology is reflected in many undergraduate
textbooks[4] as well as anthropology programs (e.g. Michigan, Berkeley, Penn, etc.). At universities in
the United Kingdom, and much of Europe, these "sub-fields" are frequently housed in separate
departments and are seen as distinct disciplines.[5]

The social and cultural sub-field has been heavily influenced bystructuralist and post-modern theories, as
well as a shift toward the analysis of modern societies (an arena more typically in the remit
of sociologists). During the 1970s and 1980s there was anepistemological shift away from
the positivist traditions that had largely informed the discipline.[6] During this shift, enduring questions
about the nature and production of knowledge came to occupy a central place in cultural and social
anthropology. In contrast, archaeology, biological anthropology, and linguistic anthropology remained
largely positivist. Due to this difference in epistemology, anthropology as a discipline has lacked cohesion
over the last several decades. This has even led to departments diverging, for example in the 1998–9
academic year at Stanford University, where the "scientists" and "non-scientists" divided into two
departments: anthropological sciences and cultural & social anthropology;[7] these departments later
reunified in the 2008–9 academic year.[8]

Contents
[hide]

• 1 Overview

• 2 Basic trends

• 3 History

o 3.1 20th century

• 4 Countries

o 4.1 Britain
 o 4.2 United States

 4.2.1 19th Century to

1940s

 4.2.2 Boasian

anthropology

o 4.3 Canada

o 4.4 France

o 4.5 Other countries

• 5 Post-World War II

• 6 Controversies about its history

o 6.1 Military

• 7 Major discussions

o 7.1 Focus on other cultures

• 8 See also

• 9 References

• 10 Further reading

o 10.1 Dictionaries and encyclopedias

o 10.2 Fieldnotes and memoirs of

anthropologists

o 10.3 Histories

o 10.4 Textbooks and key theoretical

works

• 11 External links

[edit]Overview

Anthropology is traditionally divided into four sub-fields, each with its own further branches:biological or
physical anthropology, social anthropology or cultural anthropology, archaeologyand anthropological
linguistics.[3] These fields frequently overlap, but tend to use different methodologies and techniques.

Biological anthropology, or physical anthropology, focuses on the study of human populations using an
evolutionary framework. Biological anthropologists have theorized about how the globe has become
populated with humans (e.g. the "Out Of Africa" and "multi-regional evolution" debate), as well as tried to
explain geographical human variation and race. Many biological anthropologists studying modern human
populations identify their field ashuman ecology, itself linked to sociobiology. Human ecology uses
evolutionary theory to understand phenomena among contemporary human populations. Another large
sector of biological anthropology is primatology, where anthropologists focus on understanding other
primate populations. Methodologically, primatologists borrow heavily from field biology and ecology in
their research.

Cultural anthropology is also called socio-cultural anthropology or social anthropology(especially in the

United Kingdom). It is the study of culture, and is mainly based onethnography. Ethnography can refer to
both a methodology and a product of research, namely a monograph or book. Ethnography is a
grounded, inductive method that heavily relies on participant-observation. Ethnology involves the
systematic comparison of different cultures. The process of participant-observation can be especially
helpful to understanding a culture from an emic point of view; which would otherwise be unattainable by
simply reading from a book. In some European countries, all cultural anthropology is known
as ethnology (a term coined and defined by Adam F. Kollár in 1783).[9]

The study of kinship and social organization is a central focus of cultural anthropology, as kinship is
a human universal. Cultural anthropology also covers economic and political organization, law and conflict
resolution, patterns of consumption and exchange, material culture, technology, infrastructure, gender
relations, ethnicity, childrearing and socialization, religion, myth, symbols, values, etiquette, worldview,
sports, music, nutrition, recreation, games, food, festivals, and language (which is also the object of study
in linguistic anthropology).

Archaeology is the study of human material culture, including both artifacts (older pieces of human
culture) carefully gathered in situ, museum pieces and modern garbage.[10]Archaeologists work closely
with biological anthropologists, art historians, physics laboratories (for dating), and museums. They are
charged with preserving the results of their excavations and are often found in museums. Typically,
archaeologists are associated with "digs," or excavation of layers of ancient sites.

Archaeologists subdivide time into cultural periods based on long-lasting artifacts: thePaleolithic,
the Neolithic, the Bronze Age, which are further subdivided according to artifact traditions and culture
region, such as the Oldowan or the Gravettian. In this way, archaeologists provide a vast frame of
reference for the places human beings have traveled, their ways of making a living, and
their demographics. Archaeologists also investigate nutrition, symbolization, art, systems of writing, and
other physical remnants of human cultural activity.

Linguistic anthropology (also called anthropological linguistics) seeks to understand the processes of
human communications, verbal and non-verbal, variation in language across time and space, the social
uses of language, and the relationship between language and culture. It is the branch of anthropology that
brings linguistic methods to bear on anthropological problems, linking the analysis of linguistic forms and
processes to the interpretation of sociocultural processes. Linguistic anthropologists often draw on related
fields including sociolinguistics, pragmatics, cognitive linguistics, semiotics, discourse analysis,
and narrative analysis.[11]

Linguistic anthropology is divided into its own sub-fields: descriptive linguistics the construction of
grammars and lexicons for unstudied languages; historical linguistics, including the reconstruction of past
languages, from which our current languages have descended; ethnolinguistics, the study of the
relationship between language and culture, andsociolinguistics, the study of the social functions of
language. Anthropological linguistics is also concerned with the evolution of the parts of the brain that
deal with language.[12]

Because anthropology developed from so many different enterprises (see History of Anthropology),
including but not limited to fossil-hunting, exploring, documentary film-making,paleontology, primatology,
antiquity dealings and curatorship, philology, etymology, genetics, regional
analysis, ethnology, history, philosophy and religious studies,[13][14] it is difficult to characterize the entire
field in a brief article, although attempts to write histories of the entire field have been made.[15]

On the one hand this has led to instability in many American anthropology departments, resulting in the
division or reorganization of sub-fields (e.g. at Stanford, Duke, and most recently at Harvard).[16] However,
seen in a positive light, anthropology is one of the few places in many American universities where
humanities, social, and natural sciences are forced to confront one another. As such, anthropology has
also been central in the development of several new (late 20th century) interdisciplinary fields such
as cognitive science, global studies, human-computer interaction, and various ethnic studies.

Because of the holistic nature of anthropological research, all branches of anthropology have widespread
practical application in diverse fields. This is known as applied anthropology. Thus military expeditions
employ anthropologists to discern strategic cultural footholds; marketing professionals employ
anthropology to determine propitious placement of advertising; and humanitarian agencies depend on
anthropological insights as means to fight poverty. Examples of applied anthropology are ubiquitous.

[edit]Basic trends
There are several characteristics that tend to unite anthropological work. One of the central
characteristics is that anthropology tends to provide a comparatively more holistic account of phenomena
and tends to be highly empirical.[citation needed] The quest for holism leads most anthropologists to study a
particular place, problem or phenomenon in detail, using a variety of methods, over a more extensive
period than normal in many parts of academia.

In the 1990s and 2000s, calls for clarification of what constitutes a culture, of how an observer knows
where his or her own culture ends and another begins, and other crucial topics in writing anthropology
were heard. It is possible to view all human cultures as part of one large, evolving global culture. These
dynamic relationships, between what can be observed on the ground, as opposed to what can be
observed by compiling many local observations remain fundamental in any kind of anthropology, whether
cultural, biological, linguistic or archaeological.[17]

Biological anthropologists are interested in both human variation[18] and in the possibility of human
universals (behaviors, ideas or concepts shared by virtually all human cultures)[19]They use many different
methods of study, but modern population genetics, participant observation and other techniques often
take anthropologists "into the field" which means traveling to a community in its own setting, to do
something called "fieldwork." On the biological or physical side, human measurements, genetic samples,
nutritional data may be gathered and published as articles or monographs. Due to the interest in variation,
anthropologists are drawn to the study of human extremes, aberrations and other unusual circumstances,
such as headhunting, whirling dervishes, whether there were real Hobbit people, snake handling,
and glossolalia (speaking in tongues), just to list a few.

At the same time, anthropologists urge, as part of their quest for scientific objectivity, cultural relativism,
which has an influence on all the sub-fields of anthropology. This is the notion that particular cultures
should not be judged by one culture's values or viewpoints, but that all cultures should be viewed as
relative to each other. There should be no notions, in good anthropology, of one culture being better or
worse than another culture.[20]

Ethical commitments in anthropology include noticing and

documenting genocide, infanticide,racism, mutilation including circumcision and subincision, and torture.
Topics like racism, slavery or human sacrifice, therefore, attract anthropological attention and theories
ranging from nutritional deficiencies[21] to genes[22] to acculturation have been proposed, not to mention
theories of colonialism and many others as root causes of Man's inhumanity to man. To illustrate the
depth of an anthropological approach, one can take just one of these topics, such as "racism" and find
thousands of anthropological references, stretching across all the major and minor sub-fields.[23][24]

Along with dividing up their project by theoretical emphasis, anthropologists typically divide the world up
into relevant time periods and geographic regions. Human time on Earth is divided up into relevant
cultural traditions based on material, such as the Paleolithic and theNeolithic, of particular use in
archaeology. Further cultural subdivisions according to tool types, such
as Olduwan or Mousterian or Levalloisian help archaeologists and other anthropologists in understanding
major trends in the human past. Anthropologists and geographers share approaches to Culture
regions as well, since mapping cultures is central to both sciences. By making comparisons across
cultural traditions (time-based) and cultural regions (space-based), anthropologists have developed
various kinds of comparative method, a central part of their science.
Contemporary anthropology is an established science with academic departments at most universities
and colleges. The single largest organization of Anthropologists is the American Anthropological
Association, which was founded in 1903.[25] Membership is made up of Anthropologists from around the
globe.[26] Hundreds of other organizations exist in the various sub-fields of anthropology, sometimes
divided up by nation or region, and many anthropologists work with collaborators in other disciplines, such
as geology, physics,zoology, paleontology, anatomy, music theory, art history, sociology and so on,
belonging to professional societies in those disciplines as well.[27]

[edit]History

Main article: History of anthropology

The first use of the term "anthropology" in English to refer to a natural science of humanity was apparently
in 1593, the first of the "logies" to be coined.[28] It took Immanuel Kant 25 years to write one of the first
major treatises on anthropology, his Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View.[29] Kant is not generally
considered to be a modern anthropologist, however, as he never left his region of Germany nor did he
study any cultures besides his own, and in fact, describes the need for anthropology as a corollary field to
his own primary field of philosophy.[30] He did, however, begin teaching an annual course in anthropology
in 1772. Anthropology is thus primarily an Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment endeavor.

Historians of anthropology, like Marvin Harris,[31] indicate two major frameworks within which empirical
anthropology has arisen: interest in comparisons of people over space and interest in longterm human
processes or humans as viewed through time. Harris dates both toClassical Greece and Classical Rome,
specifically Herodotus, often called the "father of history" and the Roman historian Tacitus, who wrote
many of our only surviving contemporary accounts of several ancient Celtic and Germanic peoples.
Herodotus first formulated some of the persisting problems of anthropology.[32]

Medieval scholars may be considered forerunners of modern anthropology as well, insofar as they
conducted or wrote detailed studies of the customs of peoples considered "different" from themselves in
terms of geography. John of Plano Carpini reported of his stay among theMongols. His report was
unusual in its detailed depiction of a non-European culture[33]

Marco Polo's systematic observations of nature, anthropology, and geography are another example of
studying human variation across space.[34] Polo's travels took him across such a diverse human
landscape and his accounts of the peoples he met as he journeyed were so detailed that they earned for
Polo the name "the father of modern anthropology."[35]

Another candidate for one of the first scholars to carry out comparative ethnographic-type studies in
person was the medieval Persian scholar Abū Rayhān Bīrūnī in the 11th century, who wrote about the
peoples, customs, and religions of the Indian subcontinent. Like modern anthropologists, he engaged in
extensive participant observation with a given group of people, learnt their language and studied their
primary texts, and presented his findings withobjectivity and neutrality using cross-cultural comparisons.
[36]
However, others argue that he can hardly be considered an anthropologist in the conventional sense.
[37]
He wrote detailed comparative studies on the religions and cultures in the Middle
East, Mediterranean and especially South Asia.[38][39] Biruni's tradition of comparative cross-cultural study
continued in the Muslim world through to Ibn Khaldun's work in the 14th century.[36][40]

Most scholars[citation needed] consider modern anthropology as an outgrowth of the Age of Enlightenment, a
period when Europeans attempted systematically to study human behavior, the known varieties of which
had been increasing since the 15th century as a result of thefirst European colonization wave. The
traditions of jurisprudence, history, philology, andsociology then evolved into something more closely
resembling the modern views of these disciplines and informed the development of the social sciences, of
which anthropology was a part.

Developments in the systematic study of ancient civilizations through the disciplines

ofClassics and Egyptology informed both archaeology and eventually social anthropology, as did the
study of East and South Asian languages and cultures. At the same time, theRomantic reaction to the
Enlightenment produced thinkers, such as Johann Gottfried Herderand later Wilhelm Dilthey, whose work
formed the basis for the "culture concept," which is central to the discipline.

Table of natural history, 1728Cyclopaedia

Institutionally, anthropology emerged from the development of natural history (expounded by authors
such as Buffon) that occurred during the European colonization of the 17th, 18th, 19th and 20th centuries.
Programs of ethnographic study originated in this era as the study of the "human primitives" overseen by
colonial administrations.

There was a tendency in late 18th century Enlightenment thought to understand human society as natural
phenomena that behaved according to certain principles and that could be observed empirically. In some
ways, studying the language, culture, physiology, and artifacts of European colonies was not unlike
studying the flora and fauna of those places.

Early anthropology was divided between proponents of unilinealism, who argued that all societies passed
through a single evolutionary process, from the most primitive to the most advanced, and various forms of
non-lineal theorists, who tended to subscribe to ideas such as diffusionism.[41] Most 19th-century social
theorists, including anthropologists, viewed non-European societies as windows onto the pre-industrial
human past.

As academic disciplines began to differentiate over the course of the 19th century, anthropology grew
increasingly distinct from the biological approach of natural history, on the one hand, and from purely
historical or literary fields such as Classics, on the other. A common criticism has been that many social
science scholars (such as economists, sociologists, and psychologists) in Western countries focus
disproportionately on Western subjects, while anthropology focuses disproportionately on the "Other";
[42]
this has changed over the last part of the 20th century as anthropologists increasingly also study
Western subjects, particularly variation across class, region, or ethnicity within Western societies, and
other social scientists increasingly take a global view of their fields.

[edit]20th century
In the 20th century, academic disciplines have often been institutionally divided into three broad domains.
The natural and biological sciences seek to derive general laws through reproducible and verifiable
experiments. The humanities generally study local traditions, through their history, literature, music,
and arts, with an emphasis on understanding particular individuals, events, or eras.

The social sciences have generally attempted to develop scientific methods to understand social
phenomena in a generalizable way, though usually with methods distinct from those of the natural
sciences. In particular, social sciences often develop statistical descriptions rather than the general laws
derived in physics or chemistry, or they may explain individual cases through more general principles, as
in many fields of psychology. Anthropology (like some fields of history) does not easily fit into one of these
categories, and different branches of anthropology draw on one or more of these domains.[43]

Anthropology as it emerged amongst the Western colonial powers (mentioned above) has generally taken
a different path than that in the countries of southern and central Europe (Italy, Greece, and the
successors to the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires). In the former, the encounter with multiple,
distinct cultures, often very different in organization and language from those of Europe, has led to a
continuing emphasis on cross-cultural comparison and a receptiveness to certain kinds of cultural
relativism.[44]

In the successor states of continental Europe, on the other hand, anthropologists often joined with
folklorists and linguists in building nationalist perspectives. Ethnologists in these countries tended to focus
on differentiating among local ethnolinguistic groups, documenting local folk culture, and representing the
prehistory of what has become a nation through various forms of public education (eg, museums of
several kinds).[45]

In this scheme, Russia occupied a middle position. On the one hand, it had a large region (largely east of
the Urals) of highly distinct, pre-industrial, often non-literate peoples, similar to the situation in the
Americas. On the other hand, Russia also participated to some degree in the nationalist (cultural and
political) movements of Central and Eastern Europe. After the Revolution of 1917, anthropology in the
USSR, and later the Soviet Bloc countries, were highly shaped by the requirement to conform to Marxist
theories of social evolution.[46]

[edit]Countries

[edit]Britain

E. B. Tylor, 19th-century British anthropologist.

E. B. Tylor ( 2 October 1832 – 2 January 1917) and James George Frazer ( 1 January 1854 – 7 May
1941) are generally considered the antecedents to modern social anthropology in Britain. Though Tylor
undertook a field trip toMexico, both he and Frazer derived most of the material for their comparative
studies through extensive reading, not fieldwork, mainly the Classics (literature and history of Greece and
Rome), the work of the early European folklorists, and reports from missionaries, travelers, and
contemporaneous ethnologists.

Tylor advocated strongly for unilinealism and a form of "uniformity of mankind".[47] Tylor in particular laid
the groundwork for theories ofcultural diffusionism, stating that there are three ways that different groups
can have similar cultural forms or technologies: "independent invention, inheritance from ancestors in a
distant region, transmission from one race [sic] to another."[48]

Tylor formulated one of the early and influential anthropological conceptions of culture as "that complex
whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits
acquired by man as a member of society."[49] However, as Stocking notes, Tylor mainly concerned himself
with describing and mapping the distribution of particular elements of culture, rather than with the larger
function, and generally seemed to assume a Victorian idea of progress rather than the idea of non-
directional, multilineal cultural development proposed by later anthropologists.

Tylor also theorized about the origins of religious feelings in human beings, proposing a theory
of animism as the earliest stage, and noting that "religion" has many components, of which he believed
the most important to be belief in supernatural beings (as opposed to moral systems, cosmology, etc.).
Frazer, a Scottish scholar with a broad knowledge of Classics, also concerned himself with religion, myth,
and magic. His comparative studies, most influentially in the numerous editions of The Golden Bough,
analyzed similarities in religious belief and symbolism globally.

Neither Tylor nor Frazer, however, were particularly interested in fieldwork, nor were they interested in
examining how the cultural elements and institutions fit together. Toward the turn of the 20th century, a
number of anthropologists became dissatisfied with this categorization of cultural elements; historical
reconstructions also came to seem increasingly speculative.

Under the influence of several younger scholars, a new approach came to predominate among British
anthropologists, concerned with analyzing how societies held together in the present
(synchronic analysis, rather than diachronic or historical analysis), and emphasizing long-term (one to
several years) immersion fieldwork. Cambridge University financed amultidisciplinary expedition to
the Torres Strait Islands in 1898, organized by Alfred Court Haddon and including a physician-
anthropologist, William Rivers, as well as a linguist, a botanist, other specialists. The findings of the
expedition set new standards for ethnographic description.

A decade and a half later, Polish anthropology student Bronisław Malinowski (1884–1942) was beginning
what he expected to be a brief period of fieldwork in the old model, collecting lists of cultural items, when
the outbreak of the First World War stranded him in New Guinea. As a subject of the Austro-Hungarian
Empire resident on a British colonial possession, he was effectively confined to New Guinea for several
years.[50]

He made use of the time by undertaking far more intensive fieldwork than had been done
byBritish anthropologists, and his classic ethnography, Argonauts of the Western Pacific(1922) advocated
an approach to fieldwork that became standard in the field: getting "the native's point of view"
through participant observation. Theoretically, he advocated afunctionalist interpretation, which examined
how social institutions functioned to satisfy individual needs.

British social anthropology had an expansive moment in the Interwar period, with key contributions
coming from the Polish-British Bronisław Malinowski and Meyer Fortes[51]

A. R. Radcliffe-Brown also published a seminal work in 1922. He had carried out his initial fieldwork in
the Andaman Islands in the old style of historical reconstruction. However, after reading the work of
French sociologists Émile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, Radcliffe-Brown published an account of his
research (entitled simply The Andaman Islanders) that paid close attention to the meaning and purpose of
rituals and myths. Over time, he developed an approach known as structural-functionalism, which focused
on how institutions in societies worked to balance out or create an equilibrium in the social system to keep
it functioning harmoniously. (This contrasted with Malinowski's functionalism, and was quite different from
the later French structuralism, which examined the conceptual structures in language and symbolism.)

Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown's influence stemmed from the fact that they, like Boas, actively trained
students and aggressively built up institutions that furthered their programmatic ambitions. This was
particularly the case with Radcliffe-Brown, who spread his agenda for "Social Anthropology" by teaching
at universities across the British Commonwealth. From the late 1930s until the postwar period appeared a
string of monographs and edited volumes that cemented the paradigm of British Social Anthropology
(BSA). Famous ethnographies include The Nuer, by Edward Evan Evans-Pritchard, and The Dynamics of
Clanship Among the Tallensi, by Meyer Fortes; well-known edited volumes include African Systems of
Kinship and Marriage and African Political Systems.

Max Gluckman, together with many of his colleagues at the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute and students
at Manchester University, collectively known as the Manchester School, took BSA in new directions
through their introduction of explicitly Marxist-informed theory, their emphasis on conflicts and conflict
resolution, and their attention to the ways in which individuals negotiate and make use of the social
structural possibilities.

In Britain, anthropology had a great intellectual impact, it "contributed to the erosion ofChristianity, the
growth of cultural relativism, an awareness of the survival of the primitive in modern life, and the
replacement of diachronic modes of analysis with synchronic, all of which are central to modern
culture."[52]
Later in the 1960s and 1970s, Edmund Leach and his students Mary Douglas and Nur Yalman, among
others, introduced French structuralism in the style of Lévi-Strauss; while British anthropology has
continued to emphasize social organization and economics over purely symbolic or literary topics,
differences among British, French, and American sociocultural anthropologies have diminished with
increasing dialogue and borrowing of both theory and methods. Today, social anthropology in Britain
engages internationally with many other social theories and has branched in many directions.

In countries of the British Commonwealth, social anthropology has often been institutionally separate
from physical anthropology and primatology, which may be connected with departments of biology or
zoology; and from archaeology, which may be connected with departments of Classics, Egyptology, and
the like. In other countries (and in some, particularly smaller, British and North American universities),
anthropologists have also found themselves institutionally linked with scholars of folklore, museum
studies, human geography, sociology, social relations, ethnic studies, cultural studies, and social work.

Anthropology has been used in Britain to provide an alternative explanation for the Financial crisis of
2007–2010 to the technical explanations rooted in economic and political theory. Dr.Gillian Tett,
a Cambridge University trained anthropologist who went on to become a senior editor at the Financial
Times is one of the leaders in this use of anthropology.

[edit]United States
[edit]19th Century to 1940s

From its beginnings in the early 19th century through the early 20th century, anthropology in the United
States was influenced by the presence of Native American societies.

Franz Boas, one of the pioneers of modern anthropology, often called the "Father of American Anthropology"
Cultural anthropology in the United States was influenced greatly by the ready availability of Native
American societies as ethnographic subjects. The field was pioneered by staff of theBureau of Indian
Affairs and the Smithsonian Institution's Bureau of American Ethnology, men such as John Wesley
Powell and Frank Hamilton Cushing.

Lewis Henry Morgan (1818–1881), a lawyer fromRochester, New York, became an advocate for and
ethnological scholar of the Iroquois. His comparative analyses of religion, government, material culture,
and especially kinship patterns proved to be influential contributions to the field of anthropology. Like
other scholars of his day (such as Edward Tylor), Morgan argued that human societies could be classified
into categories of cultural evolution on a scale of progression that ranged from savagery, to barbarism,
tocivilization. Generally, Morgan used technology (such as bowmaking or pottery) as an indicator of
position on this scale.[53]
[edit]Boasian anthropology

Franz Boas established academic anthropology in the United States in opposition to this sort of
evolutionary perspective. His approach was empirical, skeptical of overgeneralizations, and eschewed
attempts to establish universal laws. For example, Boas studied immigrant children to demonstrate that
biological race was not immutable, and that human conduct and behavior resulted from nurture, rather
than nature.

Influenced by the German tradition, Boas argued that the world was full of distinct cultures,rather than
societies whose evolution could be measured by how much or how little "civilization" they had. He
believed that each culture has to be studied in its particularity, and argued that cross-cultural
generalizations, like those made in the natural sciences, were not possible.

In doing so, he fought discrimination against immigrants, blacks, and indigenous peoples of the Americas.
[54]
Many American anthropologists adopted his agenda for social reform, and theories of race continue to
be popular subjects for anthropologists today. The so-called "Four Field Approach" has its origins in
Boasian Anthropology, dividing the discipline in the four crucial and interrelated fields of sociocultural,
biological, linguistic, and archaic anthropology (e.g. archaeology). Anthropology in the United States
continues to be deeply influenced by the Boasian tradition, especially its emphasis on culture.
Ruth Benedict in 1937

Boas used his positions at Columbia Universityand the American Museum of Natural History to train and
develop multiple generations of students. His first generation of students included Alfred Kroeber, Robert
Lowie, Edward Sapir and Ruth Benedict, who each produced richly detailed studies of indigenous North
American cultures. They provided a wealth of details used to attack the theory of a single evolutionary
process. Kroeber and Sapir's focus on Native American languages helped establish linguistics as a truly
general science and free it from its historical focus on Indo-European languages.

The publication of Alfred Kroeber's textbook,Anthropology, marked a turning point in American

anthropology. After three decades of amassing material, Boasians felt a growing urge to generalize. This
was most obvious in the 'Culture and Personality' studies carried out by younger Boasians such
as Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict. Influenced by psychoanalytic psychologists including Sigmund
Freud and Carl Jung, these authors sought to understand the way that individual personalities were
shaped by the wider cultural and social forces in which they grew up.

Though such works as Coming of Age in Samoa and The Chrysanthemum and the Swordremain popular
with the American public, Mead and Benedict never had the impact on the discipline of anthropology that
some expected. Boas had planned for Ruth Benedict to succeed him as chair of Columbia's anthropology
department, but she was sidelined byRalph Linton, and Mead was limited to her offices at the AMNH.

[edit]Canada

Canadian anthropology began, as in other parts of the Colonial world, as ethnological data in the records
of travellers and missionaries. In Canada, Jesuit missionaries such as Fathers LeClercq, Le Jeune and
Sagard, in the 17th century, provide the oldest ethnographic records of native tribes in what was then the
Domain of Canada.
True anthropology began with a Government department: the Geological Survey of Canada, and George
Mercer Dawson (director in 1895). Dawson's support for anthropology created impetus for the profession
in Canada. This was expanded upon by Prime Minister Wilfrid Laurier, who established a Division of
Anthropology within the Geological Survey in 1910. Anthropologists were recruited from England and the
USA, setting the foundation for the unique Canadian style of anthropology. Scholars include the linguist
and Boasian Edward Sapir.

[edit]France

Émile Durkheim

Anthropology in France has a less clear genealogy than the British and American traditions, in part
because many French writers influential in anthropology have been trained or held faculty positions in
sociology, philosophy, or other fields rather than in anthropology.

Most commentators consider Marcel Mauss(1872–1950), nephew of the influential sociologistÉmile

Durkheim to be the founder of the French anthropological tradition. Mauss belonged to Durkheim's Année
Sociologique group; and while Durkheim and others examined the state of modern societies, Mauss and
his collaborators (such as Henri Hubert and Robert Hertz) drew on ethnography and philology to analyze
societies which were not as 'differentiated' as European nation states.

Two works by Mauss in particular proved to have enduring relevance: Essay on the Gift a seminal
analysis of exchange and reciprocity, and his Huxley lecture on the notion of the person, the first
comparative study of notions of person and selfhood cross-culturally.[55]
Throughout the interwar years, French interest in anthropology often dovetailed with wider cultural
movements such as surrealism and primitivism which drew on ethnography for inspiration. Marcel
Griaule and Michel Leiris are examples of people who combined anthropology with the French avant-
garde. During this time most of what is known asethnologie was restricted to museums, such as
the Musée de l'Homme founded by Paul Rivet, and anthropology had a close relationship with studies
of folklore.

Above all, however, it was Claude Lévi-Strauss who helped institutionalize anthropology in France. Along
with the enormous influence his structuralism exerted across multiple disciplines, Lévi-Strauss
established ties with American and British anthropologists. At the same time he established centers and
laboratories within France to provide an institutional context within anthropology while training influential
students such as Maurice Godelier andFrançoise Héritier who would prove influential in the world of
French anthropology. Much of the distinct character of France's anthropology today is a result of the fact
that most anthropology is carried out in nationally funded research laboratories (CNRS) rather than
academic departments in universities.

Other influential writers in the 1970s include Pierre Clastres, who explains in his books on
the Guayaki tribe in Paraguay that "primitive societies" actively oppose the institution of thestate.
Therefore, these stateless societies are not less evolved than societies with states, but took the active
choice of conjuring the institution of authority as a separate function from society. The leader is only a
spokesperson for the group when it has to deal with other groups ("international relations") but has no
inside authority, and may be violently removed if he attempts to abuse this position.[56]

The most important French social theorist since Foucault and Lévi-Strauss is Pierre Bourdieu, who
trained formally in philosophy and sociology and eventually held the Chair of Sociology at the Collège de
France. Like Mauss and others before him, however, he worked on topics both in sociology and
anthropology. His fieldwork among the Kabyles of Algeria places him solidly in anthropology, while his
analysis of the function and reproduction of fashion and cultural capital in European societies places him
as solidly in sociology.

[edit]Other countries
Anthropology in Greece and Portugal is much influenced by British anthropology.[citation needed] In Greece,
there was since the 19th century a science of thefolklore called laographia (laography), in the form of "a
science of the interior", although theoretically weak; but the connotation of the field deeply changed after
World War II, when a wave of Anglo-American anthropologists introduced a science "of the outside".
[57]
In Italy, the development of ethnology and related studies did not receive as much attention as other
branches of learning.[58]
Germany and Norway are the countries that showed the most division and conflict between scholars
focusing on domestic socio-cultural issues and scholars focusing on "other" societies.[citation needed]

[edit]Post-World War II
Before WWII British 'social anthropology' and American 'cultural anthropology' were still distinct traditions.
After the war, enough British and American anthropologists borrowed ideas and methodological
approaches from one another that some began to speak of them collectively as 'sociocultural'
anthropology.

In the 1950s and mid-1960s anthropology tended increasingly to model itself after the natural sciences.
Some anthropologists, such as Lloyd Fallers and Clifford Geertz, focused on processes of modernization
by which newly independent states could develop. Others, such as Julian Steward and Leslie White,
focused on how societies evolve and fit their ecological niche—an approach popularized by Marvin Harris.

Economic anthropology as influenced by Karl Polanyi and practiced by Marshall Sahlins andGeorge
Dalton challenged standard neoclassical economics to take account of cultural and social factors, and
employed Marxian analysis into anthropological study. In England, British Social Anthropology's paradigm
began to fragment as Max Gluckman and Peter Worsleyexperimented with Marxism and authors such
as Rodney Needham and Edmund Leachincorporated Lévi-Strauss's structuralism into their work.

Structuralism also influenced a number of developments in 1960s and 1970s, includingcognitive

anthropology and componential analysis. Authors such as David Schneider, Clifford Geertz, and Marshall
Sahlins developed a more fleshed-out concept of culture as a web of meaning or signification, which
proved very popular within and beyond the discipline. In keeping with the times, much of anthropology
became politicized through the Algerian War of Independence and opposition to the Vietnam War;
[59]
Marxism became an increasingly popular theoretical approach in the discipline.[60] By the 1970s the
authors of volumes such as Reinventing Anthropology worried about anthropology's relevance.

Since the 1980s issues of power, such as those examined in Eric Wolf's Europe and the People Without
History, have been central to the discipline. In the 80s books likeAnthropology and the Colonial
Encounter pondered anthropology's ties to colonial inequality, while the immense popularity of theorists
such as Antonio Gramsci and Michel Foucaultmoved issues of power and hegemony into the spotlight.
Gender and sexuality became popular topics, as did the relationship between history and anthropology,
influenced byMarshall Sahlins (again), who drew on Lévi-Strauss and Fernand Braudel to examine the
relationship between social structure and individual agency. Also influential in these issues
were Nietzsche, Heidegger, the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, Derrida and Lacan.[61]

In the late 1980s and 1990s authors such as George Marcus and James Clifford pondered ethnographic
authority, particularly how and why anthropological knowledge was possible and authoritative. They were
reflecting trends in research and discourse initiated by Feminists in the academy, although they excused
themselves from commenting specifically on those pioneering critics.[62] Nevertheless, key aspects of
feminist theorizing and methods becamede rigueur as part of the 'post-modern moment' in anthropology:
Ethnographies became more reflexive, explicitly addressing the author's methodology, cultural, gender
and racial positioning, and their influence on his or her ethnographic analysis. This was part of a more
general trend of postmodernism that was popular contemporaneously.[63] Currently anthropologists pay
attention to a wide variety of issues pertaining to the contemporary world,
including globalization, medicine and biotechnology, indigenous rights, virtual communities, and the
anthropology of industrialized societies.

[edit]Controversies about its history

Anthropologists, like other researchers (especially historians and scientists engaged in field research),
have over time assisted state policies and projects, especially colonialism.[64][65]

Some commentators have contended:

 That the discipline grew out of colonialism, perhaps was in league with it, and derived some of its
key notions from it, consciously or not. (See, for example, Gough, Pels and Salemink, but cf. Lewis
2004).[66]
 That ethnographic work was often ahistorical, writing about people as if they were "out of time" in
an "ethnographic present" (Johannes Fabian, Time and Its Other).

[edit]Military

Anthropologists' involvement with the U.S. government, in particular, has caused bitter controversy within
the discipline. Franz Boas publicly objected to US participation in World War I, and after the war he
published a brief expose and condemnation of the participation of several American archaeologists in
espionage in Mexico under their cover as scientists.

But by the 1940s, many of Boas' anthropologist contemporaries were active in the allied war effort against
the "Axis" (Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and Imperial Japan). Many served in the armed forces, while
others worked in intelligence (for example, Office of Strategic Services and the Office of War Information).
At the same time, David H. Price's work on American anthropology during the Cold War provides detailed
accounts of the pursuit and dismissal of several anthropologists from their jobs for communist
sympathies.

Attempts to accuse anthropologists of complicity with the CIA and government intelligence activities
during the Vietnam War years have turned up surprisingly little (although anthropologist Hugo Nutini was
active in the stillborn Project Camelot).[67] Many anthropologists (students and teachers) were active in the
antiwar movement and a great many resolutions condemning the war in all its aspects were passed
overwhelmingly at the annual meetings of the American Anthropological Association (AAA).

Professional anthropological bodies often object to the use of anthropology for the benefit of the state.
Their codes of ethics or statements may proscribe anthropologists from giving secret briefings.
The Association of Social Anthropologists of the UK and Commonwealth(ASA) has called certain
scholarships ethically dangerous. The AAA's current 'Statement of Professional Responsibility' clearly
states that "in relation with their own government and with host governments ... no secret research, no
secret reports or debriefings of any kind should be agreed to or given."

However, anthropologists, along with other social scientists, are working with the US military as part of the
US Army's strategy in Afghanistan.[68] The Christian Science Monitor reports that "Counterinsurgency
efforts focus on better grasping and meeting local needs" in in Afghanistan, under the Human Terrain
System (HTS) program; additionally, HTS teams are working with the US military in Iraq.[69]

[edit]Major discussions
[edit]Focus on other cultures
Some authors argue that anthropology originated and developed as the study of "other cultures", both in
terms of time (past societies) and space (non-European/non-Westernsocieties).[70] For example, the
classic of urban anthropology, Ulf Hannerz in the introduction to his seminal Exploring the City: Inquiries
Toward an Urban Anthropology mentions that the "Third World" had habitually received most of attention;
anthropologists who traditionally specialized in "other cultures" looked for them far away and started to
look "across the tracks" only in late 1960s.[71]

Now there exist many works focusing on peoples and topics very close to the author's "home".[61] It is also
argued that other fields of study, like History and Sociology, on the contrary focus disproportionately on
the West.[72]

In France, the study of existing contemporary society has been traditionally left tosociologists, but this is
increasingly changing,[73] starting in the 1970s from scholars likeIsac Chiva and journals
like Terrain ("fieldwork"), and developing with the center founded byMarc Augé (Le Centre
d'anthropologie des mondes contemporains, the Anthropological Research Center of Contemporary
Societies). The same approach of focusing on "modern world" topics by Terrain, was also present in the
British Manchester School of the 1950s.[citation needed]

[edit]See also
Anthropology portal
 Book:Anthropology

Books are collections of articles that can be

downloaded or ordered in print.

Main article: Outline of anthropology

 American Anthropological Association (AAA)

 Anthropological Index Online (AIO)
 Anthrozoology
 Anthropological science fiction
 Applied anthropology
 Asociación de Antropólogos Iberoamericanos en Red, AIBR
 Ethnology
 Ethology
 Folklore
 Human ethology
 Human evolution
 Intangible Cultural Heritage
 Legal anthropology
 Madison Grant
 Memetics
 Philosophical anthropology
 Prehistoric medicine
 Phronetic social science
 Sociology
 Systems theory in anthropology
 Theological anthropology, which is not part of anthropology but a sub-field of theology
 Periodic Table of Human Sciences / Anthropology in Tinbergen's four questions