Personal data

Name: Dr. Syed Abdul Siraj

Designation: Chairman, Department of Mass Communication

Parent University: Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad

Field of Research: Mass Communication

Title of Research Image of Pakistan in the US Media:

Exploring News Framing

Name of the Host University University of Southern Illinois

Carbondale, USA

Date of departure for Fellowship: September 2006

Date of completion of Fellowship: September 2006

E-mail address sasiraj99@yahoo.com

1
 Post Doctorate Dissertation

Image of Pakistan in the US Media

Exploring News Framing

University of Southern Illinois

Carbondale, USA

By
Dr. Syed Abdul Syed Abdul
Chairman, Department of Mass Communication
Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad

2
 Image of Pakistan in the US Media
Exploring News Framing

Abstract

This study looks at the image of Pakistan, which has a military government, in the
New York Times and the Washington Post one-year before and after the 9/11 attack on
the United States. Within the context of the changed relationship between the United
States and Pakistan after this attack, wherein Pakistan became an ally of the United States
in its War Against Terror, this study is particularly interested in the frames and slant used
to describe Pakistan and its leader.

The literature on content theory (Shoemaker and Reese, 1996) suggests that various
factors including personal attitudes and orientations of reporters, media routines, extra
media organization and ideological factors influence news coverage, particularly while
covering another country. These influences are evident in the news coverage in the form
of frames journalists use. Frames are encoded in specific phrases journalists use, and
once they are widely accepted, they result in social impact (Entman 1993; Kerr 2002).

The study (N =335) stories selected by using systematic sampling) found that amount
of coverage given to Pakistan in the newspapers differed between the pre- and post-9/11
periods. The total number as well as the mean length of stories after 9/11 was greater than
before.

Also, Pakistan received more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in the post-
9/11 period as compared with the pre-9/11 period. Similarly, in the pre-9/11 period, more
stories framed Pakistan as foe than as a friend, while in the post 9/11 period more stories
framed Pakistan as friend than as foe.

The type of coverage Pakistan received after 9/11 is in line with the arguments of
several authors (Said 1997; Kux, 2001; Obad 2003) that the U.S. media tend to portray
positively those countries that are close to the interests of the United States even when
they represent non-democratic regimes.

Key words: Pakistan‘s mage/9/11/New York Times/Washington Post/News Framing

3
 CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

This study has been designed to investigate a detailed picture of the Pakistani
portrayal by the New York Times and the Washington Post of one-year each pre and post
scenario of the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre and Pentagon in the
USA. Since the 9/11 incidents, the US media have extensively been covering the
international events. The study focuses on the nature and treatment of the of the Pakistan
portrayal. The coverage of Pakistan in US media is a topic of considerable currency
because of the events following 9/11. Contradictory perceptions of Pakistan possibly
exist in the American public‘s mind. Such contradictions might also be present in the
American media. Wanta (2004) reported that the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001
demonstrated to policymakers, the mass media, and the public, the need for a more global
perspective in coverage of international news‖ (p. 365).

There are various factors that influence media content. In this regard, Shoemaker and
Reese (1991) developed a model of concentric circles/level. They are: personal attitudes
and orientations of reporters are in the center of the scheme and surrounded by four other
levels, or circles: the media routines level, the organization level, the extramedia level,
and the ideological level. Following the tradition of critical theory, the authors stress the
importance of media owners in the process of making decisions about the news content,
and they view hegemonic values in news as tools of permeating the notion of ―common
sense‖ in the society. Shoemaker and Reese state that sources can exert a subtle influence
on news content by offering ―the context within which all other information is evaluated,
by providing usable information that is easier and cheaper to use than that from other
sources‖ (p.150).

While Covering international events, researchers agree that media primarily regard
the national interest, Shoemaker et el. Chang's (1990) survey of American newspaper
editors found that the US media primary cover U.S. interests and involvements abroad
and threats to world peace. Similarly, Gans (1979) confirms that foreign news in the U.S.
media cover stories relevant to Americans interests. Paletz & Entman (1981) argue that
international reporting are consistent with U.S. foreign policy because reporters rely
almost on sources sympathetic to the American interest. This research base on the
Shoemaker and Reeve‘s theory of content effect and particularly focuses on the factors of
ideology and government policy that influence news content in the US media in the
international perspective.

Journalists while working with the news frames can play powerful role in determining
the success or failure of social movements. One of the major news framing in the US
media is by and large experienced either sensationalized or marginal the foreign country
coverage. This study investigates frames that used in the US news media are
"Fundamentalists, "Militancy", Pakistan as "Friend" or "Foe‖, and "Pejorative
Description" frame.

4
Objectives of the Studies
This study has been designed to achieve the following objectives
1. To analyze the nature and extent of Pakistani image in the leading American
newspapers.
2. To document the policy and sentiments of the American newspapers on the
Pakistani‘s issues as specified.
3. To investigate different frames given by the US newspapers to the image of
Pakistan
4. To find out how far publication of the issues correlate with the American policy
towards Pakistan

Significance of the Study

Pakistan and America have closed ties particularly, in combating terrorism in the
world. Being its significant geographical location, America is looking forward towards
Pakistan for having close ties particularly, in the sphere of world politics and combating
terrorism Americans help for Pakistan in combating poverty, educational and military
development, and rehabilitation works in the earth quake zone has significant impact in
changing people‘s perception towards America. This study will have many folds
significance, specifically, in understanding each other sentiment in the media coverage.
The study will find out the nature and treatment of the Americans print media portrayal
of the Pakistan‘s socio, political, and it foreign policies on world issues and the American
media perception towards Pakistan.

Methods
The study is primarily a content analysis, which examined both qualitatively and
quantitatively the image of Pakistan in The New York Times and the Washington Post. for
one year each pre and post of 9/11, 2001 terrorists events in the USA. The study
examined all the stories during the specified period including hard news and soft news.
Classification of all the stories was based on careful qualitative judgment for
identification of the key words/terms as mentioned in the specified hypothesis. The study
examined topic, slant, frame, wordage, nature of story and byline story as variables.
Frames selected for the study are Pakistan being friend, foe, fundamentalist and
pejorative description. These Frames were recognized in the entire story from the
contextual point of view. To measure these variables, the entire story was the context
unit, while headline and intro was the coding unit for identifying the topic. Similarly,
each paragraph was the recording unit for identifying slant in the story. The entire story
was the recording unit for identifying frames in the story. The story was coded as neural
when it places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects of the
topic. For example, when a story carried 12 paragraphs in which 6 carried favorable tones
while the other 6 carried unfavorable tones, such story was most likely coded as neutral.
However, in this case, the story was coded as favorable or unfavorable if the headline
contains such slant.

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 CHAPTER II
BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Brief facts about Pakistan

Pakistan is located in the South East Asia, got independence from the United
Kingdom in 1947. Its total area is 803,940 Sq. Km. (land 778,720 Sq Km. and water
25220 Sq. Km.). Pakistan has bordering with India in the East, Iran in the West, China in
the North and Afghanistan in the North-West. The climate is hot, dry desert, moderate in
the North-West and very cold in the North. The main natural resources of the country are
agriculture, natural gas, limited petroleum, copper, coal, iron, salt and limestone.
Frequent earth quakes in the west-North and flooding in the East during the months of
July and August are the natural hazards of Pakistan,
(https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/pk.html).

Pakistan is a densely populated country with approximately 15,00,0000 populations.

The growth rate is almost 1.28 percent. Male and female population ratio is 48% and
52% respectively. Life expectancy is 60 years of both male and female. Punjabi,
Pushtoon, Sindhi, Baluchi and Mahajar are the ethnic groups. Urdu is the national
language, however English is the official and lingua franca of the elite,
(http://www.statpak.gov.pk/depts/fbs/statistics/statistics.html).

Pakistan is dominantly a Muslim country with 97% of the population is Muslim (77
% Sunni and 20 % Shia). Christians, Hindus and other are 3 % of the total population.
Pakistan‘s literacy rate is about 48%. Out of that, male and female education ratio is 60%
and 40% respectively, (Survey of Pakistan, 2005).

Administratively, the country is divided into four provinces (Punjab, NWFP, Sindh,
and Baluchistan) a capital territory, Pakistan occupied Kashmir and Northern area.
Islamabad is the capital of the country. Legal system of Pakistan is based on the British
common laws. The government type is federal republic with president and Prime
Minister are the executive branches.

According to 2005-06 budget summary of Pakistan, the per capita GDP grew by 4.7
percent and per capita income in current dollar term was up by 14.2 percent, reaching $
847, with economic growth at 7 percent, (Economic Survey of Pakistan 2005-06).
According to the Survey, there are 26% of the populations living below the poverty line.
Main industries of the country are textile, clothing, leather, rice, carpet, sports items,
surgical items, etc. the country is linked with road, rail, air, highways and motorways.

Media in Pakistan is both privately and government owned. Television is the most
popular medium with variety of private channels. There is also a state TV channel which
is widely viewed in the country. Besides, there are great number of dailies and FM radios.
Media is moderately independent. Advertisement is one of the chief levers with the
government that control media content, (http://www.instecdigital.com/1/pakfact4.htm).

6
Pak-US relations before 9/11
For a long period of time, Pakistan has been considered a potentially important
American ally in South Asia, but the partnership has been unstable since it‘s beginning in
the 1947, the year Pakistan was established. The interest of the United States in Pakistan
has always been moderate. Pakistan‘s domestic scene, marked by the absence of
democratic institutions, inhibits its relations with western democracies, (Kux, 2001;
Rahman, 1982).

The 1965 war with India soured US-Pakistan relations, because Washington cut off
the supply of military spares to Pakistan during the war. After the war, the relations
remained frozen. Now some analysts argue that US geopolitical needs will force India to
develop better understanding with Pakistan (Ijaz, M. The News, June, 25th 2001).

Pakistan Ambassador Jahangir Karamat (1999) stated that Pak-US relations in past,
were manipulated by the Cold War goals. The Soviets came marching into Afghanistan in
1979. Suddenly, Pakistan became America‘s front-line ally and helped prosecute the US-
led ‗jihad‘ against the Soviet Union. The economic and military aid to the anti-Soviet
mujahideen later turned out to be a major factor in the evolution of the jihadi culture that
now Pakistan is trying hard to grapple with. Once the Soviets withdrew, the US washed
its hands of Pakistan. The US backed Pakistan‘s fight against the USSR in Afghanistan
contributed to the rise of religious militancy in Pakistan in the eighties. This had a
disastrous effect on Pakistan‘s domestic scene and which later on became one of a causes
of eroding Pak-US relationship—until 9/11 and Taliban brought them together again,

The US never approved of Islamabad‘s close relationship with Beijing. The US

Government had continuously been condemning Pakistan for import of nuclear and
missiles technology from China and North Korea. In response to that the U.S.
government imposed all U.S. military and economic sanctions levied against Pakistan
since 1980. The US further isolated Pakistan after its explosion of an atomic bomb in
June 1998, Likewise, Pakistan's safeguards of nuclear technology was also being
questioned in Washington, (Karamat 1999).

The military coup of General Pervez Musharraf against the Nawaz elected
government and appointing himself as president was initially strongly accused by the US
Government However, all the condemnations were eclipsed when Musharraf announced
as an ally of the US in the war against terrorism.

Pak-US relations aftermath 9/11

In the aftermath of the September 11 terrorist incidents, Pakistan obtained a crucial
role in the South Asian region because of its convenient geo-strategic position. Since the
9/11 incidents, Pakistan joined the US in the war on terror and is assisting the US in its
efforts in the war and since then the US-Pak relations moved in so many directions:
military to military, US helped Pakistan in economic difficulties through debt relief,
through access to US markets, and provided opportunity for greater participation in

7
political and economic levels. President George W Bush, in Camp David, June 24, 2003
said, ―America has a strong relationship with Pakistan, and we have benefited from the
industry and talents of the Pakistani Americans,‖ (The News, June 24, 2003). In October
2001, President Bush signed legislation which was tantamount to waiving the ban on
military sales and economic sanctions. The law eliminates virtually all U.S. military and
economic sanctions levied against Pakistan since 1980; the banned was endorsed through
a legislation call Presslare amendment bill. The rapid removal of sanctions and
rescheduling of debt by the US government are positive move in fostering the friendship.
The present government is projecting that Pakistan is a moderate and peaceful nation,
(Pakistan Observer, March 2005).

In March 2004, the United States for the first time acknowledged its desire for a long-
term strategic relationship with Pakistan and made it a major non NATO ally (The
Nation, March 20, 2004). Amid shocking howling, emanating from earthquake-stricken
vicinities of Pakistan in 2006 affected up close to a million people. America has not only
dispatched a number of helicopters to Pakistan for emergency rescue operations in remote
devastated areas, but has also announced initial monetary help to the tune of US $ 40
million. (Daily Express, March 28, 2006).

Obad (2003) argues that shortly after the 9/11, the rhetoric of the United States
government made clear that the world was about to experience the first major political
division since the end of the Cold War in the 1980s. The new political discourse, mainly
built upon binary oppositions, was primarily defined through the speeches of President
George W. Bush. He defined the War on Terror as a fight of freedom against oppression,
and a fight of the democratic against the undemocratic. Against the backdrop of this clear
rhetorical division of ―democratic‖ versus ―non-democratic‖ the role of Pakistan and
Musharraf as an ally and a strategic partner of the United States in the war against
terrorism is interesting, (Obad 2003).

Pakistan itself has been a major victim of terrorism due to continuing instability in the
region. At the same time, Pakistan's role as a critical ally in the war on terror hardly
requires any doubts. Pakistan‘s security agencies have apprehended or killed more than
700 Al Qaeda operatives. Pakistan has deployed more than 80,000 troops on the border
with Afghanistan, and the Pakistan security forces suffered more casualties than the
combined losses of the Afghan, US, and NATO forces in the war on terror.

Historical Evolution of “War on Terrorism”

On September 11, 2001, two hijacked airplanes manned by Al Qaeda slammed into
New York's World Trade Center and another into the Pentagon in Washington, DC. A
fourth plane flew into the earth in Pennsylvania. Thousands of people were killed in an
event. The events were unprecedented. Never before had attacks of similar magnitude
been launched against civilians in peacetime on the territory of the United States (Gannon
2001). Many world leaders, in their initial remarks, described the attacks as no less than
an act of war.

8
 These incidents led to the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan and marked the beginning of
the "War on Terrorism", (wikipedia.org 2006). Wanta (2004) reported that a web of terror
has spun across many different nations of the world. He argues, ―The emergence of the
Al-Qaeda and terror organization established the need for a more global perspective‖, (P.
45).

The phrase "War on Terrorism" was first widely used by the Western press to
refer to the attempts by Russian and European governments, and eventually the U.S.
government, to stop attacks by anarchists against international political leaders. Many of
the anarchists described themselves as "terrorists," and the term had a positive valence for
them at the time, (wikipedia.org 2006).

The phrase gained currency was its use to describe the efforts by the British
colonial government to end a spate of Jewish terrorist attacks in the British Mandate of
Palestine in the late 1940s. The British proclaimed a "War on Terrorism" and attempted
to crack down on Irgun, Lehi, (wikipedia.org 2006).

The phrase "War on Terrorism" was used frequently by U.S. President Ronald
Reagan in the 1980s. In his 1986 speech to the U.N. General Assembly, Reagan said:
"…the United States believes that the understandings reached by the seven industrial
democracies at the Tokyo summit last May made a good start toward international accord
in the war on terrorism," (wikipedia.org 2006).

On September 12, 2001, less than 24 hours after the attacks in New York City and
Washington, NATO invoked Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty and declared the
attacks to be an attack against all 19 NATO member countries, (wikipedia.org 2006).

Kent (2004) argues that the press faced a tremendous task in reporting on the events
and developments after September 11. He comments the ―the press of the United States
also rushed to fill in all the blank spaces in the national consciousness resulting from the
dearth of international news in preceding years‖. Campbell (2001) argues that foreign
news on terrorism are being questioned both in terms of quantity and quality that comes
from reporters parachuting in for events without much on-the-ground context.

The Talibanization Phenomena

Taliban ranks consist of local tribesmen, students of religious seminaries and few
foreigners Jihadis who are against the Pakistani government for its support in the war on
terror and want Islamic system in the areas of their control. This study takes Taliban as
Pakistani Taliban who may have resemblance with those who ruled Afghanistan in the
1990s. They along with other Afghans and foreigners defeated the then USSR army in
Afghanistan. After the Soviets defeat in Afghanistan, the Taliban got control over most of
the territory of Afghanistan in 1996 and imposed a combination of Islamic rigid laws and
Pashto fundamental culture/traditional values. This stringency in governance earned a lot
of animosity for them.

9
 However, the spell of Taliban rules was epigrammatic as they were alleged to have
provided conduit to Al-Qaeda leadership responsible for the September 9, 2001 terrorist
attack on the US. They were unseated by the mighty superpower USA through its high-
tech military hardware with active support from Pakistan. The Pervez Musharraf military
government joined the US led war on terror which provoked the local Taliban in Pakistan
and they started attacks on the security forces with the help of Taliban across the border
in Afghanistan. To quash the local Taliban, Pakistani government started army operation
against them. Thousands of troops have been deployed in the tribal areas and dozens of
operations have been conducted in the areas of Taliban dominance. Hundreds of military
personnel, Taliban and civilians have been killed in the fight. A number of peace efforts
have been initiative to find out reasonable solution. This study investigates media
perspective on the issue in the context of war and peace journalism particularly in the
slant and frames towards Taliban. The war by now has entered into the sixth year. The
area once bastion of peace has been turned into a veritable hell (Rustam Shah Mohmand,
2008). The number of Taliban has swelled in the recent years and the movement has
gained momentum in other settled parts of the Frontier province.

According to Anwar Syed (2008), the Taliban have two main objectives. First, they
want to expel the Americans from Afghanistan. To this, they attack the US and Afghan
forces. They want Pakistan dissociate itself from the terror war. As Pakistan will not do
that, they consider Pakistan a friend of their enemy and hence their enemy. Secondly,
they want Islamic and morality ‗as they know them to be implemented in Pakistan.

Ahmad Rashid (Taliban: militant Islam, oil and fundamentalism, 2000) fears
Pakistani society is succumbing to Talibanization as the conflict between the moderate
(state) and fundamentalists (Taliban) enters into a decisive stage. In this new stage, a
cultural change is happening, starting from the Frontier province and then spreading in
the whole country. He fears the growing religious militancy will certainly silence the
voice of the liberals.

Taliban are being criticized for entertaining a rigid view of Islam and the fear that
Taliban victory would transport the country into the ephemeral dark ages. Pressured by
the horrific prognosis, the state has often retaliated with force. According to the Human
Rights Commission of Pakistan, gross human rights excesses have been made by the
security forces in the troubled areas. Attacks on the non-combatants and the collateral
damages are all times high. Hundreds of thousands of ordinary people have been
rendered affected and in total discomfiture.

The present study aims to analyze the media strategy in reporting the tension between
the Taliban and the security forces. Taking cue from the original Galtung model of peace
journalism, this study strives to help devise a media strategy to inculcate peace and
moderation between the warring sides.

10
Pak-India Conflict over Kashmir
India and Pakistan were created as a result of the Indian Independence Act of 1947.
Soon after the independence both the countries started differences over the territory of
Kashmir. Pakistan claims Kashmir, where the majority of people are Muslim bound to
India against their will. India claims Kashmir, as agreed under the Indian Independence
Act. Meanwhile, within Kashmir a separatist movement has emerged, seeking an
independent state, which is opposed by both Pakistan and India,
http://www.flashpoints.info/countries-conflicts/Kashmir-India_vs_Pakistan.

As a result of the unresolved dispute on Kashmir, India and Pakistan went to war for
several times. Both India and Pakistan are the world's most populous countries both with
nuclear capability have the ominous potential to escalate into threat nuclear war, or
beyond. About 65% of the territory of Kashmir is administered by India, the remaining
35% by Pakistan, http://www.flashpoints.info/countries-conflicts/Kashmir-
India_vs_Pakistan.

Hindus and Muslims slaughtered each other during the partition of the subcontinent
into India and Pakistan (Malik, 2002). Soon after the independence from British, both the
countries warred over the territory of Kashmir in the Himalayas. The claim over Kashmir
goes to the heart of the identities of these two rivals. According to UN records Kashmir is
the oldest conflict inscribed in the body of UN resolutions and one of the most serious
(Burki, 2007).

The troubles began with the British who were eager to quit India and the dillydallying
maharajah of Jammu and Kashmir—a Hindu ruler, not especially popular with his mostly
Muslim subjects. Against the will of his subjects, maharaja agreed to the annexation of
Kashmir by India. Pakistan has never seen the maharajah's decision as legitimate
(Rahman, 1996). By Pakistan's logic of partition, Kashmir, with its Muslim majority,
belong to Pakistan, (Ganguly, 1994). As Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, then the foreign minister
and later the president of Pakistan declared in 1964, "Kashmir must be liberated if
Pakistan is to have its full meaning" (Malik, 2002).

Kashmir has also been essential to India from the start. "Many Indians think
something would be diminished in our lives if Kashmir were to go," said Kanti Bajpai, a
international relations professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi. India
claims Kashmir, as agreed under the Indian Independence Act. India's first Prime
Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, an ardent secularist who vehemently opposed carving the
subcontinent along religious lines, was born to a Brahmin family from Kashmir. His
sentimentality about the place infuses Indian feelings about Kashmir today (Ganguly,
1994).

Meanwhile, within Kashmir, a separatist movement emerged. India accuses Pakistan

of waging a proxy war in Kashmir by arming and training militants. Pakistan says it
provides only moral and diplomatic support to the Kashmiri freedom struggle
(Harrimirza, 2007). About 65% of the territory of Kashmir is administered by India, the

11
remaining 35% by Pakistan (http://www.flashpoints.info/countries-conflicts/Kashmir-
India vs. Pakistan).

India and Pakistan are the world's most populous countries with nuclear capability
have the ominous potential to escalate into threat nuclear war (Hussain, 1998). Human
rights groups have repeatedly raised an outcry about disappearances and extrajudicial
killings in the Indian held Kashmir (Human right commission, 2001).

That first India-Pakistan war on the issue of Kashmir began in 1947 and lasted for
more than a year. When it was over, Pakistan had seized a swath of northwestern
Kashmir. India agreed to hold a plebiscite under international monitoring, to allow
Kashmiris to choose which nation they wanted to join. The plebiscite never happened. It
became the mantra for Pakistani outrage against India (Rahman, 1996). Pakistan- India
fought another bloody war in 1965 for the claim of Kashmir. In December 1971 India
helped East Pakistan (Bangladesh) to secede from Pakistan (Haq, 1997).

The rigged election in 1988 in the Indian held Kashmir caused the Kashmiri
discontent to erupt into guerrilla warfare. The Kashmiri insurgency was radically
transformed more than a decade ago by the introduction of militancy, (Cohen, 1995).
India accused Pakistan of assisting the militant groups; Pakistan denies the accusation
(Harrimirza, 2007). In 1998, both India and Pakistan carried out nuclear tests, renewing
the dispute over Kashmir. Efforts for peace bubbled up in 1998. A historic bus route was
opened from Delhi to Lahore, and both sides pledged to talk about Kashmir, (Malik,
2002).

In 1999, war broke out for the third time on the cease-fire line at a place called
Kargil. More than over 1,500 soldiers on both sides were killed. Afraid that Kargil might
turn into nuclear war, US President Bill Clinton pressured both sides to end the war.
President Bill Clinton described the Line of Control (LoC) dividing Kashmir as the most
dangerous place on earth (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kashmirconflict). SIPRI
(Stockholm International Peace Research Institute) yearbook 2002 reports that South
Asia is one of the regions that recorded the strongest growth in defense expenditures.

The end of the Kargil fighting intensified the militancy in Kashmir. The 9/11 attacks
on the US, resulted in the US government wanting to restrain all kinds of militancy in the
world, including liberation struggles. Due to Indian persuasion on US Congress
Members, the US urged Islamabad to cease help to the kashmiri millitants. In December
2001, a terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament linked to Pakistan resulted in war threats,
massive deployment and international fears of nuclear war in the subcontinent. After
intensive diplomatic efforts by other countries, India and Pakistan began to withdraw
troops from the international border June 10, 2002, and negotiations began again
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kashmir conflict). The competing claims to Kashmir have
been complicated by the domestic politics on both sides of the Line of Control
(Harrimirza, 2007).

12
Pakistan's Nuclear
Pakistan's nuclear weapons program was established in 1972 by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.
Shortly after the loss of East Pakistan in the 1971 war with India, Bhutto initiated the
program. India's 1974 testing of a nuclear "device" gave Pakistan's nuclear program new
momentum. The 1975 arrival of Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan considerably advanced these
efforts. Dr. Khan is a German-trained metallurgist who brought with him knowledge of
gas centrifuge technologies that he had acquired through his position at the classified
URENCO uranium enrichment plant in the Netherlands. He was put in charge of
building, equipping and operating Pakistan's Kahuta facility, which was established in
1976. Under Khan's direction, Pakistan employed an extensive clandestine network in
order to obtain the necessary materials and technology for its developing uranium
enrichment capabilities,

In 1985, Pakistan crossed the threshold of weapons-grade uranium production, and by

1986 it is thought to have produced enough fissile material for a nuclear weapon.
Pakistan continued advancing its uranium enrichment program, and acquired the ability
to carry out a nuclear explosion in 1987, Wisconsin Project (2001).

On May 28, 1998 Pakistan successfully conducted five nuclear tests. The Pakistani
Atomic Energy Commission reported that the five nuclear tests conducted on May 28
generated a seismic signal of 5.0 on the Richter scale, with a total yield of up to 40 KT
(equivalent TNT). Dr. A.Q. Khan claimed that one device was a boosted fission device
and that the other four were sub-kiloton nuclear devices. On May 30, 1998 Pakistan
tested one more nuclear warhead with a reported yield of 12 kilotons. The tests were
conducted at Balochistan, bringing the total number of claimed tests to six, Wisconsin
Project (2001). These tests came slightly more than two weeks after India carried out five
nuclear tests of its own on May 11 and 13 1998, Terry C. Wallace. (1998).

Several sources, such as Jane's Intelligence Review and Defense Department reports
maintain that Pakistan's motive for pursuing a nuclear weapons program is to counter the
threat posed by its principal rival, India, which has superior conventional forces and
nuclear weapons.

Pakistan has not signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) or the Comprehensive
Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). According to the US Defense Department sources, "Pakistan
remains steadfast in its refusal to sign the NPT, stating that it would do so only after India
joined the Treaty. Consequently, not all of Pakistan's nuclear facilities are under IAEA
safeguards. Pakistani officials have stated that signature of the CTBT is in Pakistan's best
interest, but that Pakistan will do so only after developing a domestic consensus on the
issue, and have disavowed any connection with India's decision", US Defense
Department Report (2001).

On several occasions, under the authority of amendments to the Foreign Assistance

Act, the U.S. has imposed sanctions on Pakistan, cutting off economic and military aid as
a result of its pursuit of nuclear weapons. However, the U.S. suspended sanctions each

13
time developments in Afghanistan made Pakistan a strategically important "frontline
state," such as the 1981 Soviet occupation and in the war on terrorism.

President Musharraf—A US ally

Pakistani leader, President Pervez Musharraf, is also a military Chief of Staff, who
took power in a military coup in 1999 from Navaz Sharif. Musharraf discontinued his
support of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan after the September attacks, which made
him an instant ally of American foreign policy, Obad (2003). During Musharraf visit to
the United States in February 2002, President George W. Bush admired the Pakistani
President‘s ―courage and vision‖ and described him as the ―key partner in the global
coalition against terrorism‖ (BBC News, February 14, 2002).

According to the Pakistani News Service, Musharraf was born in Delhi in 1943 as
second of three brothers. Musharraf spent his childhood in Turkey due to his father‘s
deputation in Ankara. He joined the Pakistani Military Academy in 1961. He also served
for seven years in the Special Services Group Commandos. Musharraf studied at the
Royal College of Defense Studies in the United Kingdom. Musharraf military career
peaked when Prime Minister Navaz Sharif promoted him to the rank of general and
appointed him as chief of army staff. In addition to this, Musharraf was given the charge
of Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee in 1999. After the military coup in October
1999, he proclaimed himself the Chief Executive of Pakistan and he was sworn in as the
President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in June 2001. In response to the military
takeover, the U.S. government imposed the sanctions legally required in the case of the
overthrow of a democratically elected government, but those had little actual impact
since Pakistan was already under severe sanctions after the explosion of atomic bomb,
(Kux, 2001).

Obad (2003) documents that Musharraf after becoming US ally in the war against
terrorism, the US media portray him as courageousness, modern, civilized, pro-Western,
progressive and liberal leader and who deals with the ―Islamic fundamentalists‖ in a pro-
Western‖ stance; and whose rule has a lot of characteristics of a true democracy.
President George W Bush, in Camp David, June 24, 2003, said, ―President Musharraf is a
courageous leader and a friend of the United States, (The News June 24, 2003).

Pakistan and the Western Media

Pakistan is covered in the media in terms of an overall frame of West versus Islam, as
explained in the works of Said (1997), Siddiqi (1997) and Karim (1999; 2001). They
argue that a new binary opposition of West versus Islam replaced the Cold War frame in
the international coverage of news.

Said (1997) dissects the misunderstanding of Islam in the media, starting from the
misrepresentation of facts to deliberate examples of cultural prejudice. According to Said,
Islam is subject to the stereotypical portrayals and malicious generalizations in the
western media. Such portrayal has excessively been observed in the Western media

14
particularly after 9/11 and the gap between Western and Islamic countries has become
widen. Said (1997) arguers on the superficial layer in the U.S. media about the coverage
of Islam are produced because of the lack of journalists‘ knowledge and education. Said
(1997) claims that the Western, and particularly American media, tend to cover Islam in
an orthodox, canonical way, which mirrors long-standing cultural prejudices of the West
towards Islam. Karim (2001) comments that one of the greatest problems of Western
media coverage of Islam is that Muslims as a whole are presented as dangerous to
Western interests. Karim (2001) argues that throughout a long period of misusage, the
―Islamicness‖ of certain actions became a self-explanatory denominator that denotes a
militant religion opposed to modernity of any kind. He refers to the terms like ―Islamic
fundamentalists‖ or ―Islamic militants,‖ that have become a part of the large frame of the
Western media coverage of Islam, therefore, irretrievably attribute negative meanings to
one whole religion. Said (1997) claims that labels attributed to the Muslim population
today could not be attributed to any other ethnic or religious group in the mainstream
discussion.

When discussing the influences on media content, Shoemaker and Reese (1991) argue
that news construction is influenced by the reporter‘s framework, personal attitudes and
orientations. There are other factors that influence news making and selection in the US
media, i.e., media routines level, the organization level, the extramedia level, and the
ideological level, Shoemaker and Reese (1991)

Public opinion about Pakistan in US since 9/11

Following is a summary of the US public opinion on Pakistan reported by the Roper
Center at University of Connecticut Public Opinion Online—period 2001 to 2006.

 To a question of how much Americans like Pakistan, the survey reveals

that only 28% Americans like Pakistan

 To a question regarding Pakistan being an ally in the war against

terrorism, 70% views that Pakistan is not doing enough to support the
U.S. campaign against terrorism.

 Similarly, regarding Pakistan reliability in the war against terrorism, the

responses were scattered and saying that 10%, very reliable, 33%
somewhat reliable 29% somewhat unreliable, 21%, Very unreliable and
7% not sure/decline.

 Regarding Pak-US friendship, the survey reveals that 6%, 27%, 31%,
24%, and 11% Americans believe that Pakistan is a close friend, not
close friend, not friend, neither enemy nor friend, and not sure/refused
respectively.

 Certain countries of the world are important to the U.S. for political,
economic or security reasons. In this regard 70% opined that America

15
 has vital interest in Pakistan.

 To a question of whether to favor or oppose U.S. troops if the

government of Pakistan requests to help against a radical Islamic
revolution? 61% wanted to favor the request, while 32% opposed and
7% were not sure.

 Opinion regarding President Pervez Musharraf as US ally was

moderately favorable.

 In the light of the earthquake disaster in Pakistan, majority thought that

the US government should increase assistance to the victims.

 Regarding economic aid to Pakistan by the US, 32% opined that it

should be kept as it is. However 28%, were of the view the aid should be
decreased and 23%, wanted to stop the aid altogether. 17% refused to
respond.

 Regarding conduct of war against terrorism in the presence of dispute

between Pakistan and India over Kashmir. Majority viewed that it would
be difficult to conduct such war in the presence of Pak-India conflict.

 To a question of whether Pakistan or India will have a better relationship

with the United States in the long term? Majority favors India.

16
 CHAPTER III
LITERATURE REVIEW

There are number of factors that influence news content. Shoemaker & Reese (1996)
found that media serve as means of the ruling power to produce and maintain the
dominant ideology. Galtung and Ruge (1970) argue that news is an ideological product in
countries of all types. Ahem (1984) found that, among extrinsic variables, GNP, trade,
and political relations influence on media coverage. Previous studies revealed that
international news coverage in the US media has a direct influence on U.S. public
opinion. Wanta (2004) found strong effect on American public opinion, especially for
conflict-related international stories.

While commenting on the symbiotic relationship between media and society, Gary
(1986) quotes Saturday review cartoon caption, ―If a tree falls in the forest, and the media
is not there to cover it, has the tree really fallen?‖ Gary (1996) argues that all
governments spend quite great money and use more people to circulate news than the
news organizations do to collect it. He furthers says, ―There is now a bureaucratic state
and a media state‖. According to James David Barber, ―Media in the United States are
the new political parties and the old political parties are gone‖. Linsky (1986) argues
―Press has the tendency to speed up the policy making process‖ p.107).

Communication Scholars consider government views as strong extramedia factor that

influence media content. Graber (1993) argues that government is considered a strong
factor, which influences news coverage. Herman & Chomsky (1988) believe that media
largely serve the dominant elite. They argue that this is equally true when the media are
privately owned without formal censorship, as when they are directly controlled by the
state. While arguing on the media routine approach, Hirsh (1977) says that the mass
media may serve different functions, but they share many organizational similarities that
overshadow many of the differences. The organizational perspective proposes is another
factor that might affect news coverage; even though the media are not financed by the
government, they are in many ways controlled by the state, Hirsh (1977).

Graber (1993) argues, "violence conflict, disaster and familiar persons or situations
are the major selection criteria in the US media. He further comments that negative and
conflict news seem to be more important in the United States than in any other society"
(pp. 207-31). Hester proposes that culture affinities, economic associations, and news and
information conflicts could be determents in selecting international news in the US
media. Gen (1979) detected ethnocentrism, altruistic, democracy, responsible capitalism,
small-town photorealism, individualism, modernism, social order, and national leadership
as values influencing decision for selecting news in the US media.

Shoemaker, Chang, and Bredlinger (1987) developed a criteria to determine what is

newsworthy in terms of international news; i.e., potential for social change; normative
deviance (oddity or uniqueness of the event, which break the norm); relevance to the
U.S.; language affinity; geographical distance (closer countries are preferred in news

17
coverage); press freedom; and the economic system of the country being covered. Hester
(1973) argues that international news worthiness in the US media are determines by a
nations‘ geographic size, population, economic development, and its length of existence
as a sovereign nation, their cultural affinities, economic associations, and news and
information conflicts. Gans (1979) proposes an eight point criteria to decide what values
make newsworthiness according to the American point of view in the international
perspective. These criterion values are: ethnocentrism, altruistic democracy, responsible
capitalism, small-town pastoralism, individualism, moderatism, social order, and national
leadership.

Shoemaker and Reese (1991) developed a model of concentric circles/levels that

influence media coverage. They are: personal attitudes and orientations of reporters are in
the center of the scheme and surrounded by four other levels, or circles: the media
routines level, the organization level, the extramedia level, and the ideological level.
Following the tradition of critical theory, the authors stress the importance of media
owners in the process of making decisions about the news content, and they view
hegemonic values in news as tools of permeating the notion of ―common sense‖ in the
society. Shoemaker and Reese state that sources can exert a subtle influence on news
content by offering ―the context within which all other information is evaluated, by
providing usable information that is easier and cheaper to use than that from other
sources‖ (p.150).

Mujajid (1971) says that there are large number of content studies pertaining to the
flow of foreign news in the US media While covering international events, the
researchers agree that media primarily regard the national interest, Shoemaker et el.
Chang's (1990) survey of American newspaper editors found that the US media primary
cover U.S. interests and involvements abroad and threats to world peace. Similarly, Gans
(1979) confirms that foreign news in the U.S. media cover stories relevant to Americans
interests. Paletz & Entman (1981) argue that international reporting is consistent with
U.S. foreign policy because reporters rely almost on sources sympathetic to the American
interest. This research base on the Shoemaker and Reeve‘s theory of content effect and
particularly focuses on the factors of ideology and government policy that influence news
content in the US media in the international perspective.

The influence of Ideology on news contents

Ideology has extensively been defined by the social scientists According to Becker
(1984) "An ideology is an integrated set of frames of reference through which each of us
sees the world and to which all of us adjust our actions" (p. 69). Hall (1986) defines
ideology as "the mental frameworks--the languages, the concepts, categories, imagery of
thought, and the systems of representation--which different classes and social groups
deploy in order to make sense of, define, figure out, and render intelligible the way
society works" (p. 29).

Samuel Becker (1984) defines ideology as ―govern the way we perceive our world
and our selves; it controls what we see as ‗natural‘ or ‗obvious‘‖ (p. 69). According to

18
Raymond Williams (1977) ideology is a ―relatively formal and articulate system of
meanings, values and beliefs, of a kind that can be abstracted as a ‗world view‘ or a ‗class
out look‘‖ (p. 109).

Press is generally consistent with the values and aspiration of the society, therefore,
ideology is wielded with the media contents. Shoemaker & Reese (1991) argue that
―ideas have links to interests and power and that the power to create symbols is not a
neutral forces‖ (p. 185). They further observe that ―not only is news about the powerful,
but it structures stories so that events are interpreted from the perspective of powerful
interests.‖ (Shoemaker & Reeve, p.185). According to them media work as extensions of
powerful interests in society.

Media portrayal of foreign countries often reflects the dominant ideology of the host
country, Yu and Riffe, (1988). News reporting is often motivated by ideology rather than
newsworthiness. Ideology is a tool that ―serves as a binding force in a society‖,
Shoemaker and Reese (1991 p.186). News is basically constructed for the people in a
given society. The world of media reality is different then the social reality. Shoemaker &
Reese (1991) "news is a socially created product, not a reflection of an objective reality,
(p.186). Ramaprasad & Majid (1995) argue that as a socially constructed product, ―news
is influenced by a number of factors, i.e., political, economic, and ideological, and open
to a fascinating process of cognitive simplification‖, (p.1). They state that these factors
influence media for advocating ideology in a given society. Hull (1989) explains that
―ideology focuses our attention on the symbolic influence of media on audience of media,
the ―definition‖ that prevails, and the legitimization and exercise of symbolic power‖ (p.
309).

Postmodern media has moved every thing into representation. Jean Budrillard (1993)
argues that the Tangible world is replaced by selection of images and which
simultaneously has imposed itself as a Tangible. He further argues that mass media is
shifting our experiences away from the reality to hyper-reality.

Media construct social reality on the bases of ideology of a given society. Shoemaker
& Rerve (1991) comment that ideology is a tool that serves as a binding force in a
society. Zengjun (2004) argues that national image is constructed through a complex
historical process involving many factors, such as the political and social realities of a
particular country, diplomatic relations, and changes in the international political and
economic spheres. Adoni (1984) found that mass media by using these factors can play a
major role in shaping a country image. According to Kellner (1995) media frame events
within the context of ideology, politics and culture in such a way that cultivate
representational picture in the audience mind.

Media maintain an ideological base in order to reaffirm social norms. In this regard,
Shoemaker and her colleagues (1988) found that those political groups perceived as
deviant by newspapers‘ editors were typically given less favorable treatment. Shoemaker,
Chang, Brendlinger (1987) established that International stories published by the US
media were more deviant then those stories not reported. They observed that ―events

19
often conveyed normative deviance. That is, ―they would have broken American norms
had they occurred in the United States‖ (Shoemaker, Chang, Brendlinger, (1987 p.165).

Media portray deviance in a way that tantamount to ridicule. Miliband (1969) argues
that ―irrelevant eccentricities which serious and responsible people may dismiss as of no
consequence‖ (Miliband, 1969, p. 238). As quoted by Shoemaker and Reeve (1991)
Gitlin (1980) in the 1960s students‘ radical movement identified a number of specific
techniques that were used to make students‘ action appear more deviant. These included
trivialization; polarization by showing counter-demonstrations; emphasis on external
discussion; disparagement by undercounting the students‘ numbers and minimizing their
effectiveness; reliance on official; emphasis on the presence of Communists, Vietcong
flags, and violence and considerable attention to right-wing opposition (Shoemaker &
Reeve, p. 187).

Daniel Hallin (1986) explains that media maintain three ideological boundaries, i.e.,
legitimate controversy, consensus and deviance. He argues that the sphere of legitimate
controversy is relating to the media‘s objectivity and balance. In the sphere of consensus,
journalist is neither neutral or oppose. While in the sphere of deviance, journalist is not
natural. In this regard Hallin (1986) argues ―it plays the role of exposing, condemning, or
excluding from the public agenda those who violate or challenge the political consensus.
It marks out and defends the limit of acceptable conflict‖ (p. 117). McQuial (1986) while
researching on the pluralistic model in the US questions, ―Whether media offer
opportunities for politically diverse audiences and/or audience interest to flourish.‖ (P.
138). 'Today, not only is the quantity of foreign news questioned but also its quality now
that some coverage comes from reporters parachuting in for events without much on-the-
ground context' (Campbell 2001, p.1S).

The Influence of government policy on Media Content

According to the critical studies research, the U.S. media coverage of international
news is largely based on foreign policy. Media by and large are supposed to be a co-
worker of the government and a tool to endorse national standpoint in international
relationships, (Lent, 1977; Merrill, 1995). Chang, 1988, 1989; Dorogi, 2001; Yu and
Riffe, 1988 confirm that coverage of international news by all US mainstream media has
been unfailing with the US government foreign policy. In principle, the limitations in
newsgathering resources frequently drive the news media to rely on government sources
for international reporting, Z. Peng (2004). Similarly Chang (1988) claim that the
Americans‘ opinion about the outside world is generally based on their mainstream
media. In this regard, Merrill, (1995) argues that media inculcate favorable and
unfavorable images of the world in the mind of the people. Likewise, Perlmutter, (1998)
established that perception of the American public could easily be cluttered of the other
parts of the world through the news coverage of the American media.

Shoemaker & Reese (1991) affirm, ―there is little doubt that governments of all
countries apply controls over the mass media‖ (p. 169). Gartner (1988) describes that
government‘s officials and politicians pressure the media to influence news content. And

20
added ―broadcasting today is essentially a public-policy laboratory in which the congress
feels it can play with impunity‖ (p. 4).

Herman (1993) claims that the American media tend to overlook relevant
information in the coverage of international events when it collides with the national
agenda. He argues that the media excessively treat governmental sources as priority
plausible, therefore allowing domestic leaders to manipulate them. Herman and Chomsky
(1988) argue that a propaganda model subsists yet in the countries whose democratic
regimes do not publicly exert pressure on the media. They claim that American media
follow the frame of the propaganda model, which consists of five filters: (1) size,
ownership and profit orientation of the mass media, (2) advertising license, (3) sources,
(4) flak and the enforcers, and (5) anticommunism as a control mechanism. Herman and
Chomsky argue that those filters marginalize and eliminate voices of dissent in the
American mainstream media, which become the tools ―that can set the national agenda‖
(p. 4.) They conclude that U.S. media coverage of ―enemy‖ countries, such as communist
regimes, differs from the coverage of ―friendly‖ or ―client‖ regimes, such as military
dictatorships in in some countries of Asia and Latin America. Latin America, Obad
(2003).

Shoemaker & Reese (1991) observed that Federal Communication Commission has
consistently been using control over the broadcast media since its inception. In addition
to government laws and regulations, thousands of government workforce and media
specialists have been engaged with the media to manipulate media content for desired
goal, (Shoemaker & Reese 1991). Boylan (1989) documents comments of the Journalist,
I.F. Stone ―the US President Lyndon Johnson ―sometime seems to think the constitution
made him not only commander-in-chief of the nation‘s armed forces but editor in chief of
its newspapers‖ (p. 47).

While investigating the coverage of the Washington Post and the New York Times on
US-China relationship, Chang (1989) established that ―the more the government favored
the US-China relations, the more the newspapers preferred better relations between the
two countries‖ (p. 504). Shoemaker & Reese (1991) argue that there is an effect of the
US policy on the media content. Chang (1989) noted that change in coverage in the US
newspapers takes place in response to the shift in government policy.

(2004) in a documentary film provides comparison of U.S. and international media

coverage of the crisis in the Middle East. The documentary exposes how the foreign
policy interests of American political elites--oil, and a need to have a secure military base
in the region, among others--work in combination with Israeli public relations strategies
to exercise a powerful influence over how news from the region is reported.

The documentary analyzes and explains how--through the use of language, framing
and context--the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza remains hidden in the
news media, and Israeli colonization of the occupied terrorities appears to be a defensive
move rather than an offensive one. The documentary also explores the ways that U.S.

21
journalists, for reasons ranging from intimidation to a lack of thorough investigation,
have become complicit in carrying out Israel's PR campaign.

With this background in view, this study assumes that coverage of Pakistan may be
perceived favorably in the US newspapers because Pakistan has good relationship with
the United States since her independence. The relationship has gone deep after the
September 11th 2001 terrorist incidents, as Pakistan is an ally of the US in the fight
against terrorism.

News Framing and Ideology

One of the vital factors in news coverage is framing. Framing technique in mass
media is part of the agenda setting. It is a journalistic product, which is presented in a
way that influences audience‘s perception about an issue in order to formulate public
opinion/image either positive or negative of specific interest, Obad (2003). Framing in
media refers to the characteristics of properties and qualities of an objects or people in the
news, Renita Coleman and Stephen Banning (2006). Media researchers have been
examining news framing as theory since long, Entman, (1993). Obad (2003) describes
that the news framing process was first attempted by Tuchman 1978 and since than a
number of other media researchers have been contributing to the theory. Reese (2000)
views framing as ―organizing principles that are socially shared and persistent over time,
that work symbolically to meaningfully structure the social world‖ (p.11).

Hoffman (1974) defines "framing" as "the principles of organization, which govern

[social] events." (p. 145). According to this definition, all kinds of stories that take place
are subjected to news framing. According to Tuchman, (1978) framing is some thing of
subjective association in an event. Norris (1995) argues news frames as cognitive
schemata, and journalists usually work with news frames to simplify, prioritize and
structure the narrative flow of events. Majid and Ramaprasad (2000) argue that framing is
inevitable while making news stories, it provides a podium at which journalists spot
problems, scrutinize reasons and construct moral judgments. Entman, (1991), news
frames are embodied in 'key words, metaphors, concepts, symbols and visual images
emphasized in a news narrative, (pp. 7).

Scheufele (1999) developed a model of framing and its effect. This model has six
stages for generating effect on individual and society. They are: "Frame building" takes
place when journalists construct stories, followed by "frame setting," when those frames
are "set" upon the public by mass dissemination. These frames enter our cognitions in a
stage called "individual level effects framing," which results in the final stage, dubbed
"societal frames." Societal frames in turn act upon journalists' frames and influence their
constructions at the original "frame building" stage, (p.p. 103-1).

Entman (1993) argues that media frame crop up when journalists "select some aspects
of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way
as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation,
and/or treatment recommendation for the item described."(pp. 51-58). This can be
achieved in the media message by the "presence or absence of certain keywords, stock

22
phrases, stereotyped images, sources of information, and sentences that provide
thematically reinforcing clusters of facts or judgments." (Ibid. p. 52). In order to
highlighting particular facts more relevant to the audience, journalists often use certain
terms/phrases in the stories so that the reader can process them easily and understood
them quickly, Entman (1993). Kerr (2002) argues that frames are capable of producing
social effects after encoded in specific phrases once they are widely accepted.

Goffman (1974) argues that audiences on the bases of personal experiences develop
their own frame, which they use while interpreting the news. Debating on the media and
audience frames, Gamson and Modigliani, (1987) argue ―media frames refer to those
phrases or images which allow journalists to classify information and make it easily
available to their audiences (p. 143). While Entman, (1993) refers to the audience frames
are ―mentally stored clusters of ideas that guide individual‘s processing of information,‖
(p. 53).

Journalists while working with the news frames can play powerful role in determining
the success or failure of social movements. One of the major news framing in the US
media is by and large experienced either sensationalized or marginal the foreign country
coverage. This study investigates frames that used in the US news media are
"Fundamentalists, "Liberal" and "Friend" or "Foe‖,

This study uses the Shoemaker and Reese hierarchy to explore how the image of
Pakistan was portrayed by the US Media in the one year each pre and Post September 11
terrorist incidents in the USA. Shoemaker and Reese, particularly, consider the
ideological, extra-organizational and the journalist routine and individual levels as the
most prime which refer to the power and the distribution of power in society. These
hierarchy levels often assign meaning and significance to people and events; they
―promote a way of looking at events which fundamentally distorts them.‖ Shoemaker and
Reese, (1991, p. 112).

Assumption
In the light of the above background information and review of literature, it is
generally, assumed that there would be greater coverage on Pakistan, particularly, after
the 9/11 incidents it is expected that on the one hand, Pakistan may be perceived and
covered favorably because of Pakistan long relationship with the US in general and after
the 9/11 in particular. However contradictory perception possibly exists in the American
public mind and in the US media when things are incongruent to the American ideology
and foreign policy, particularly, Pakistan is an Islamic country at a time when Islam is
under scrutiny/siege its image may be unfavorable.

Moreover, the unfavorable coverage may be viewed in a larger context, such as

Pakistan being a nuclear Islamic country in the Islamic block, Pakistan unfriendly
relationship with Israel, Pakistan‘s strategic relationship with China, terrorists‘ activities
in the tribal area (Waziristan), opposition to America by the Islamic fictions, US
inclination towards India in the areas of trade and international politics, etc.

23
 In addition to that the US media conventionally portray crime, undemocratic values,
strikes and protests of the third world countries more often than the developmental issues.
These complex factors might have forged unfavorable attitude in the American media
towards Pakistan.

Given that newspapers in the United States consistently reflect the national
feeling/ideology, and since there are terrorists activities going around Pakistan, the
coverage of Pakistan in the specified US newspapers is most likely possible that a lot of
news stories will deal with:
Terrorism, Pakistan‘s Nuclear, political internal Politics, Islamic
religious fundamentalism, militancy, President Musharraf as US ally,
Pakistan and India relations, and general stories on Pakistan.

The above information and an initial assessment of the newspapers‘ coverage let
to the development of the following questions and hypotheses.

Research Questions
This study will examine the coverage of Pakistan since 9/11 in leading US
newspapers, the New York Times and the Washington Post. The questions of interest to
this study are:

R.Q 1 Did the amount of coverage given to Pakistan in the New York Times
and Washington Post differ between the pre-and post- 9/11 period?

H.1a Pakistan will receive more coverage in terms of number of stories (a

larger number of stories) after 9/11 than before in both the newspapers.

H.1b Pakistan will receive more coverage in terms of length of stories (mean
length of stories) after 9/11 than before in both the newspapers

R.Q 2 How far did the amount of coverage of Pakistan differ in the two
newspapers for both the pre-and post-9/11 period?

H.2 Coverage of Pakistan will be larger in the New York Times than the
Washington Post in both the periods.

R.Q 3 What topics/themes were reflected in the coverage of Pakistan?

H.3a Terrorism will receive more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in
terms of number of stories after 9/11 than before 9/11

24
H.3b Pak-India relations will receive more favorable and less unfavorable
coverage in terms of number of stories after 9/11 than before 9/11

H.3c Musharraf will receive more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in
terms of number of stories after 9/11 than before

H.3c Pak. culture and society will receive more favorable and less
unfavorable coverage in terms of number of stories after 9/11 than
before

H.3d Pakistan internal politics will receive more favorable and less
unfavorable coverage in terms of number of stories after 9/11 than
before

H.3e Pakistan foreign relations will receive more favorable and less
unfavorable coverage in terms of number of stories after 9/11 than
before

H.3f Pakistan’s, nuclear, development and Afghan refugee’s will receive

more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in terms of number of
stories after 9/11 than before

R.Q 4 Did the slant of the coverage given in both the newspapers to Pakistan
differ between the pre-9/11 and post- 9/11 period?

H.4 Pakistan will receive more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in
terms of number of stories after 9/11 than before 9/11

R.Q 5 Did the frames used in coverage given in both the newspapers to
Pakistan differ between the pre-9/11 and post- 9/11 period

H.5 More stories will frame Pakistan as a foe before 9/11 and friend
after 9/11 in both the newspapers.

25
 CHAPTER IV
METHODOLOGY

This chapter includes (a) Period of research (b) Selection of newspapers, (b) Study
population sampling, (c) variables, categories and rules (d) coding unit, context unit and
unit of analysis, (e) statistical tests, (f) code sheet, (g) Inter-coder reliability.

Introduction
The study is primarily a content analysis, which will qualitatively and quantitatively
examine publication of the specified news categories in the selected American
newspapers; i.e., The New York Times and The Washington Post. The period for this
study is one year each pre and post of 9/11, 2001 terrorists events in the USA.

According to Paisley, J. A. (1964) content analysis is a process in which

communication message is recorded through objective and systematic application of
categorization rules, into data that can be summarized and compared. Danielson (1963)
defines content analysis as descriptive and inferential. While descriptive content analysis
is more exploratory, while inferential analysis generalizes the result of investigation on
the whole population. In other words it links events in the environment. According to
Berelson (1952) "a research technique for the objective, systematic, and quantitative
description of the manifest content of communication" (p. 18). Krippendorff (1980)
explains content analysis is a research technique by which researcher can make replicable
and valid inference from data to their context. Compared with other research techniques,
Krippendorff (1980) maintains that content analysis has four major distinctions: (1)
Content analysis is an unobtrusive technique. (2) Content analysis accepts unstructured
material. (3) Content analysis is context-sensitive and thereby able to process symbolic
forms. (4) Content analysis can cope with large volumes of data.

Using the content analysis techniques, this study will examine all the stories including
hard news and soft news. Although photo image is important in framing analysis, this
study will not include photos, because analyzing visual image requires different
operational definitions, Zheng (2006). All items on Pakistan in each issue will be coded
in term of slant (favorable, neutral and unfavorable) topics etc. Classification of all the
stories will be based on careful qualitative judgment for identification of the key
words/terms as mentioned in the specified hypothesis.

Period of Research Study

The period for this study is one year each pre and post 9/11 terrorist attacks. This
period has been chosen because the world has considerably changed after the attack on
the New York Twin Towers and Pentagon in the Washington. The incident has globally
divided the world between the Muslim and Christianity. Due to this divide a new
phenomenon ‗Clash of Civilization‘ is being witnessed by the world. It has generally
been observed that the Western media are most likely portraying the Muslims countries

26
in a negative sense. Since, Pakistan being an ally in the US ―war against terror‖ so
portrayal of Pakistan of the US media may lead to positive coverage. The one-year pre
and post period was chosen in order to investigate differences in the portrayal of Pakistan
image before and after the terrorist attracts in the United States. To see how much attitude
of the American media changed particularly in the slant and frames towards Pakistan.

Study Population and Sampling

The population for this study will be all news stories related to Pakistan published in
The New York Times and The Washington Post, one year each pre and post 9/11 terrorist
incident in the United States. The news stories of the New York Times and the
Washington Post were retrieved from the Lexis-Nexis electronic database on US news.
The one-year pre 9/11 period was specified as ―September 11, 2000 to September 10,
2001 and the one year-post 9/11 period was specified as ―September 11, 2001 to
September 10, 2002.

The time was entered first as delimiters. Then the key words "Pakistan" was input for
one-year pre Pre-9/11 incident, the database yielded 57 and 38 articles of the New York
Times and the Washington Post respectively. Similarly, for the one-year Post 9/11
incident, the database yielded 305 and 196 articles of the New York Times and the
Washington Post respectively.

Systematic sampling method was deemed appropriate and employed for this study.
As a result, 153 articles from the New York Times and 98 articles from the Washington
Post of the post-9/11 scenario were randomly selected by using a skip interval of one to
create a sample that is 50% of the population. According to Krippendorff (1980),
systematic sampling is favored when data come from regularly appearing publications.
Due to few numbers of articles on Pakistan in the pre- 9/11 scenario in both the
newspapers, it was decided to select the whole population as sample. Thus, total number
of articles 334 in both pre and post periods of 9/11 were selected from both the papers for
measurement.

Intercoder reliability will be measured by using Holsti‘s coefficient, determined by

the following formula: R = 2 M / {N1 + N2}. Where M refers to the ―number of coding
decisions on which the coders agree,‖ and N1 and N2 refer to ―the number of coding
decisions by the first and the second coder, respectively,‖ (Wimmer and Dominick, p.
151).

Selection of the Newspapers

The Washington Post and the New York Times have been selected for this study
because they are the leading American newspapers and circulated widely across the
country as well as across the world. High officials, critics, policy makers and senior
media practitioners in Pakistan also read these newspapers for critical insight of the world
issues. According to Merrill (1980), both papers are knowledgeable, serious, and
independent. They are financially stable, with greater integrity, social concern and

27
professional sound newspapers. They emphasize on politics and world consciousness,
determined to serve and help extend well-educated, intellectual readership at home and
abroad, processing large, intelligent and technically proficient staff. According to Pool
(1970) both the newspapers reflect more are less government point of view. The New
York Times and Washington Post are major daily newspapers, coming closer than any
others in terms of being national newspapers, (Kim 1979).

Profile of the New York Times

Founded in 1851, the New York Times enjoys an undisputed reputation, especially for
its International coverage and its liberal policy, (Cohen 1963) He claims that ―the New
York Times is the American "prestige paper," (p. 136). Gitlin (1980) says that the New
York Times is generally considered to be the "paper of record" for international news
coverage and that it influences the content of other mass media.

Pittatore (1983) argues that it sets agenda for other newspaper in the United State for
foreign affairs. Zoglin (1997) regarded The New York Times as "easily the best, most
important newspaper in the country, authoritative and unfailingly serious" (p. 68), Zoglin
(1997) says that it has become a must-read for both U.S. State Department officials
involved in foreign policy making. Katz & Katz (1992) said that The New York Times
actually "sets the standard by which all other domestic newspapers are measured" (p.
867). According to Tunstall & Machin (1999) the New York Times in and around 1940
largely established the patterns of elite journalism. The Sunday edition of the paper is
read largely by the readers outside New York, (Merrill and Fisher 1980). "You cannot
work in the state Department with out the New York Times.‖ Comments of the foreign
policy official, (Cohen 1963, P.135).

Profile of the Washington Post

Information on the Washington post has been derived from the Washington Post web
archive (2006). The Washington Post is the largest newspaper of the US Capital—
Washington. The paper became most notable for investigative coverage of the Watergate
scandal. The paper was founded in 1877 by Stilton Hutchins and in 1880 added a Sunday
edition, thus becoming the city's first newspaper to publish seven days a week. The first
color photograph appeared in the Post on January 28, 1999. The newspaper established a
Web site in 1996. In 1970 the Post became one of the first newspapers in the United
States to establish a position of "ombudsman" or readers' representative, assigned to
address reader complaints about Post news coverage and to monitor the newspaper's
adherence to its own standards. Ever since, the ombudsman's commentary has been a
frequent feature of the Post editorial page, washingtonpost.com.

The Post is one of the leading American newspapers and has distinguished itself
through its reporting on the workings of the White House, Congress, and other aspects of
the U.S. government. As of October 2006, its average weekday circulation was 656,297
and its Sunday circulation was 930,619, according to the Audit Bureau of Circulations,
making it the sixth largest newspaper in the country by circulation. As of 2006 the Post

28
had been honored with 22 Pulitzer Prizes, 18 Nieman Fellowships, and 368 White House
News Photographers Association Awards, among others, http://en.wikipedia.

The Washington Post is generally considered as "culturally and politically

conservative", washingtonpost.com. According to Herman and Noam Chomsky (2004)
the post‘s policy is supportive of the Washington Establishment and the status quo. As
late publisher Katherine Graham noted in her memoirs Personal History, the paper long
had a policy of not making endorsements for presidential candidates. Its editorial
positions are frequently liberal-to-moderate, yet it has taken some conservative stances: it
has steadfastly supported the 2003 invasion of Iraq, warmed to President George W.
Bush's proposal to partially privatize Social Security, supported pro-Iraq war Sen. Joe
Lieberman over successful anti-war challenger Ned Lamont in the 2006 Connecticut
Democratic primary (and Lieberman's subsequent bid as an independent), and advocated
free trade agreements, including, among others, CAFTA (2006).

Variables
Variables selected for this study are Topic, Slant, Frames, Placement, wordage and
sources of the story. Following are the details of these variables.

Topic
Topic is defined as the showcase of a story. Topic is defined as ―a summary label of
the domain of social experiences covered by a story‖ Zheng (2006). In other words, topic
is the gist of a news story. Topic contains main subject of a story. Topics about the
Pakistan‘s image in the US media have been identified after an initial reading of the
stories published on Pakistan in The New York Times and The Washington Post. Finally
the following nine category topics are identified for the study.
1. Terrorism
2. Pakistan Nuclear
3. Pak-India and Kashmir
4. Musharraf
5. Arts, Culture, and Society
6. Development
7. Foreign Relations
8. Pakistan‘s Internal politics
9. Others

Slant
Topic is a key variable while investigating the media's coverage, but it is difficult to
get conclusion with just from the topic. Media coverage may refer either to the "topic", or
to the ''slant'' presented in the narration of news reports (Pinch, 1978). ‗‗Slant‘‘ and
''topic'' are interdependent in the content analysis research. Zheng (2006) argues, ―topic
reveals what has been reported, and tone indicates how it has been narrated‖. Tone and
topic are two different approaches in measuring media content. The absence of either one
might lead to false conclusions, Zheng (2006) maintains.

29
 While taking into account slant in the story, a consistent approach by and large has
been adopted by the researchers for value judgment; i.e., favorable, neutral or
unfavorable. For example, Liu (1969) while investigating the media coverage of the
seating of China in the UN used ―most favorable to ―most unfavorable‖ for measuring
attitude. Kim (1979) classified three categories slant in the news story: favorable, neutral
and unfavorable. Mills (1969) adopted approve, disapprove, and no stand taken as slant in
the stories.

In this study, slant refers to the writer‘s attitude in the story towards Pakistan. The
study follows the existing studies by dividing slant into three categories; i.e., Favorable,
neutral and unfavorable. Slant in the story will be coded separately for each of the nine
topics. It will be classified as favorable, neutral and unfavorable for all the topics.

Frame
To identify frame in this study such as Pakistan being ‗friend‘, ‗foe‘,
―fundamentalism‖ (hard-line religious forces/ Islamic extremists/angry Muslim mob)
―militants‖, and pejorative description (e.g., "strident" or "hateful") Khalid (2001) used
this frame category by describing it as deionization frame. To identify frames, the entire
story will be analyzed from the textual point of view. Coding frame in a story has been
explained below separately in this chapter.

Nature of story
In this study nature of story refers to as news story, feature and editorial in the
newspapers

Length of story
Length of a story will be measured by wordage in the story on ratio level.

Byline Story
Byline story means whether the story has been filed by a Pakistan reporte or foreign
reporter.

Coding Unit
Coding unit as defined by Holsti (1969) is ―the specific segment of content that is
characterized by placing it in a given category‖ (p.116). A single word or symbol is
generally the smallest unit of analysis. While the context unit is the largest body of
content to characterize a recording unit, Holsti (1969). In this research, topic, slant,
frame, wordage, placement and source of the story will be examined as variables and to
measure these variables, the entire story will be the context unit and unit of analysis.
While headline and Intro are the coding unit for identifying the topic. Similarly, each
paragraph is the recording unit for identifying slant in the story. Since the Western
newspapers carry mixed attitudes/slants in the story, Zheng (2006). Therefore, using
paragraph as unit of analysis to investigate slant is some time difficult. For example, a
story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry pro-Pakistan slant while the other 6 carry
anti-Pakistan slant. Such story is most likely to be coded as neutral in slant. However, in

30
this case it should be coded either favorable or unfavorable if the headline contains such
slant.

Frames will be recognized in the entire story from the contextual point of view. The
frames identified in this study are: Friend, Foe, Fundamentalist and Militancy and
pejorative description.

Instructions rules for Coders

The New York Times and the Washington Post are the sample newspapers. All items
on Pakistan appearing in the selected papers will be coded.

Topics and Slant

This study will code each story into one of eight topics. It will also code each story in
terms of slant into favorable, unfavorable and neutral. Because the topics are widely
different and examples for rules need to be specific to provide clear operational
definitions for coding, in the rules below, first a topic is defined operationally, then the
rules for slant for that topic are provided. Then the second topic is defined operationally
and the rules for slant are provided. And so on. However, topic and slant are two different
variables coded independently. The rules for slant provide different examples but they all
share the common definition of what is favorable, unfavorable and neutral.

Definition of Favorable
WordNet dictionary defines ‗favorable‖ as position of advantage, tending to favor or
bring good luck, encouraging or approving or pleasing, tending to promote or facilitate,
occurring at a convenient or suitable time, wordwebonline. According to Webster's
Revised Unabridged Dictionary (1913) favorable is conducive; contributing; tending to
promote or facilitate; advantageous; and convenient. Favorable also means: affirmative,
affirmatory, approbative, approbatory, approving, complimentary, convenient, following,
friendly, good, indulgent, plausive, pleasing, propitious.

Definition Unfavorable
According to WordNet dictionary unfavorable means: tending to hinder or oppose,
not encouraging or approving or pleasing, It has also means: admonishing, admonitory,
adverse, bad, badly, contrary, critical, disapproving, discriminatory, harmful, hostile,
inauspicious, invidious, negative, reproachful, reproving, uncomplimentary, unfavorably,
unpropitious, untoward, wordwebonline.

Definition of Neutral
A neutral point of view is neither sympathetic nor in opposition to its subject.
According to the wikipedia encyclopedia, the neutral point of view requires that, where
there are conflicting views, these should be presented fairly. None of the views should be
given undue weight or asserted as being the truth, and all significant published points of
view are to be presented, not just the most popular one. It should also not be asserted that
the most popular view or some sort of intermediate view among the different views is the
topics and in term of slant/tone for each topic separately.

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Terrorism
Terrorism includes stories on all sort of terrorism taking place in Pakistan, terrorist
camps in Pakistan, security measurement against terrorism, Pakistan citizens‘
involvement in terrorists activities, Pakistan‘s fight against terrorism, Pakistan as an ally
of the US and West in the fight against terrorism, Pakistan‘s army engagement on the
Afghan‘s border to stop terrorists‘ infiltration, Pakistan‘s help in exchange of intelligence
and investigating terrorism cases, and ban on terrorist/extremists/radicals‘ organizations
in the country.

Favorable
A story will be coded as favorable slant if it is about:
1. Pakistan‘s help in exchanging intelligence and investigating terrorism cases;
2. Terrorist attacks in Pakistan killing people and damaging property;
3. Security measure taken by Pakistan to protect life and property of US and all
other foreign nations. Security measures against terrorism in Pakistan in
general;
4. Pakistan bans terrorist and radical organizations;
5. Pakistan‘s Army engagement in war against terrorism;
6. Pakistan‘s forces ceasing terrorists‘ infiltration on its borders; and
7. Item showing a general positive attitude as Pakistan being an ally in fight
against terrorism.

Unfavorable
A story on the terrorism shall be coded as unfavorable if it is about:
1. Pakistan in not cooperating in the war against terrorism in exchange of
intelligence and investigating terrorist cases;
2. Pakistan‘s lake security measurements to protect foreign citizen and its own
people against terrorist attacks;
3. Story that show terrorists organizations operating in Pakistan, terrorists hide in
Pakistan, terrorist infiltration in other countries from Pakistan‘s territories;
4. Item showing a general impression that Pakistan is doing nothing or less or
need to do more in the war against terrorism; and
5. Stories that show involvement of Pakistan citizens in the terrorist activities
taking place around the world.

Neutral
Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects
of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry
favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be
coded as neutral. However, in this case, the story should be coded as favorable or
unfavorable if the headline contains such slant.

Pakistan’s nuclear
Pakistan‘s nuclear activities include stories on Pakistan‘s nuclear security, Dr.
Qadeer‘s controversy; nuclear inspections, nuclear sanctions, nuclear weapons; nuclear

32
program for peace/energy/etc.; nuclear threats from Pakistan and India towards each
other, and Pakistan and India nuclear race.

Favorable
A story on Pakistan nuclear will be coded as favorable slant if it is about:
1. Pakistan nuclear program is secured and responsible;
2. Pakistan is cooperating with the international nuclear inspection originations;
3. Pakistan needs nuclear for peace and energy; and
4. Pakistan is not leaking nuclear to other countries.

Unfavorable
A story on Pakistan nuclear will be coded as unfavorable slant if it is about:
1. Pakistan nuclear is not safe and responsible;
2. Dr. Qadeer‘s Khan nuclear controversy;
3. Sanction on Pakistan‘s nuclear;
4. Nuclear war threat from Pakistan and India towards each other;
5. Nuclear race between Pakistan and India; and
6. Nuclear Weapons.

Neutral
Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects
of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry
favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be
coded as neutral. However, in this case the story should be coded as favorable or
unfavorable if the headline contains such slant.

Pak-India and Kashmir

Pak-India and Kashmir includes stories on Pakistan and India relations, dialogues on
Confident Building Measurement (CBM), all sort of agreements, Visit of the officials,
dignitaries‘ and diplomats and people to people contacts from each other countries. Items
that show meetings between the two countries, talks on various issues, governments‘
spokesmen, activities of the ambassadors and exchange of culture and arts between the
two countries. Story showing Kashmir dispute involving Pakistan and India, and story
that show conflicts, fighting, and militancy in Kashmir, Story that depict exchange of
statements and condemnations from each other countries on issues of disputes.

Favorable
A story on Pak-India and Kashmir will be coded as favorable slant if it is about:
1. Pak-India dialogues on Confident Building Measurement (CBM), all sorts of
agreements, meetings, talks, and activities of the ambassadors, government‘s
spokesmen announcements for peace, friendship and resolution of disputes
between the two countries;
2. Visit of the officials, dignitaries‘ and diplomats and people to people contacts
from each other country; and
3. Exchange of culture, arts and sports between the two countries.

33
Unfavorable
A story on Pak-India and Kashmir will be coded as unfavorable slant if it contains
tone showing:
1. Pakistan Kashmir dispute involving Pakistan and India;
2. Conflicts, fighting, and militancy in Kashmir blaming Pakistan being
responsible;
3. Exchange of statements and condemnations from each other countries on
issues of disputes; and
4. Stories portraying past wars between the two countries;

Neutral
Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects
of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry
favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be
coded as neutral. However, in this case the story should be coded as favorable or
unfavorable if the headline contains such slant.

President Pervez Musharraf

Musharraf includes stories on whether Musharraf is doing enough in the war against
terrorism, how well he maintains relationships with the US and the West, how he deals
with the Islamic forces in Pakistan, leaders of the political parties and high ranking
military and civil officials, Stories that show his involvements in politics, his foreign
visits, statements, speeches, and meeting with the foreign dignitaries. Stories that portray
Musharraf personal life and activities, Item that depicting Musharraf as a ruler, his
policies/decisions, his approach towards Islam and democracy, his friendship with the
US. Criticism against his policy and his ruling approach in the country. And story that
shows Musharraf as a military man.

Favorable
A story on Musharraf will be coded as favorable slant if it is about:
1. Musharraf as friend of US and the west on war against terrorism, Musharraf
positive role in the war against terrorism and his courageousness;
2. Item that depicts Musharraf as a liberal leader whose rule has a lot of
characteristics of a true democracy; and
3. Stories that show Musharraf image as ―modern‖, ―civilized‖, ―pro-Western‖,
―progressive‖, and ―liberal leader‖ and his dealing with ―Islamic
fundamentalists‖ in a pro-Western‖ stance; Story that suggests that the present
unstable situation in Pakistan demands that Musharraf should stay in power,
4. Story that portrays Musharraf importance for the success of the United States‘
fight against the terrorism;
5. Story that show Musharraf decisions important to his own country, such as his
―anticorruption drive‖, ―free press,‖ and ―great degree of government
transparency‖ code for rape, women empowerment, law against honor killing;
and
6. Story that depict him as a person pertaining to the Western cultural experience
his education, his fluency in English, and his educated family background.

34
Unfavorable
A story on Musharraf will be coded as unfavorable slant if it is about:
1. Musharraf is not a true friend of US and the West in the war against terrorism;
2. Musharraf is not playing a positive role and he is not doing enough the war;
3. Item that depicts Musharraf as a pro-Islamic and ruling the country
undemocratically;
4. Stories that show Musharraf image as a lavish person using country‘s
unjustifiably, involve in corruptions, malpractices, favoritism, lust for power,
misusing power and suppressing and torturing political opponents;
5. Story that show criticism against decisions of Musharraf; and
6. Story that depicts him as military dictator and throwing a democratically
elected government.

Neutral
Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects
of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry
favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be
coded as neutral. However, in this case the story should be coded as favorable or
unfavorable if the headline contains such slant.

Pakistan’s internal politics

Pakistan‘s Internal politics includes stories on the political scene in Pakistan, such as
election, politicians‘ statements, parliament‘s debates, political rallies, Ministers‘
portfolios, political interviews, political corruptions, misuse of government power,
mismanagement, etc.

Favorable
A story on Pakistan‘s internal politics will be coded as favorable slant if it is about:
1. Statement praising the present government policies, its progress,
developments, democracy, good governance, etc.; and
2. Timely Election, Social new amenity laws, attendance of government‘s
official in seminars, forums and their speeches and writings.

Unfavorable
A story on Pakistan‘s internal politics will be coded as unfavorable slant if it is about:
1 Statements criticizing policies of the present government;
2. Stories showing peoples of Pakistan dissatisfaction with government; and
3. Stories that portray the government as weak, corrupt, manipulative,
mismanagement of funds and relief efforts.

Neutral
Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects
of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry
favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be

35
coded as neutral. However, in this case the story should be coded as favorable or
unfavorable if the headline contains such slant.

Art, Culture and society

Stories relating to social life, culture, art and people of Pakistan. Stories that show
sports and culture. Stories that show violence, crimes, abuse of women, abuse of power
by the officials, strikes, demonstrations, malpractice, mismanagement, smuggling and
murders. Item showing social disorder, clash, riots, disagreements among the country‘s
peoples and criticism of Pakistan by other nations. Story that shows events causing social
problems. Story that shows social stability etc.

Favorable
A story on Pakistan‘s Art, Culture and Society will be coded as favorable slant if it is
about:
1. Pakistan‘s participation and achievements in international games and culture
show; and
2. Social stability and people‘s good civic sense behavior as law-abiding citizen
in side and out side the country.

Unfavorable
A story on Pakistan‘s Art, Culture and Society will be coded as unfavorable slant if it
is about:

1. Violence, crimes, abuse of women, abuse of power by the officials,

illiteracy, poverty, strikes, demonstrations, malpractice, mismanagement,
smuggling and murders; and
2. Item showing social disorder, clash, riots, disagreements among the
country‘s peoples and criticism of Pakistan by other nations.

Neutral
Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects
of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry
favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be
coded as neutral. However, in this case the story should be coded as favorable or
unfavorable if the headline contains such slant.

Development
Stories relating to country‘s development and progress in education, agriculture,
roads, health, and communication. Story that shows events‘ causing economic problems.
Story that show economic stability and people‘s participation in the societal development,
illiteracy, poverty.

Favorable
A story on Pakistan‘s Art, Culture and Society will be coded as favorable slant if it is
about:

36
 1. Stories relating to country‘s development and progress in education,
agriculture, roads, health, and communication; and
2. Stories that show economic stability and people‘s participation in the societal
development.

Unfavorable
A story on Pakistan‘s Art, Culture and Society will be coded as unfavorable slant if it
is about:
1. Story that shows events‘ causing economic problems such, unemployment,
protest against developmental projects. Illiteracy, malnutrition, illiteracy;
poverty, etc.; and
2. Mismanagement of funds and in relief efforts
3. Lake of appropriate funds and lake of expertise

Neutral
Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects
of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry
favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be
coded as neutral. However, in this case the story should be coded as favorable or
unfavorable if the headline contains such slant.

Foreign relations
Stories relating to Pakistan‘s agreements with foreign countries, good diplomatic
relations and foreign aids, visits of Pakistan dignitaries to other countries and visits of
foreign dignitaries to Pakistan. Item on Pakistan that depicts trade, foreign exchange, etc.

Favorable
A story on Pakistan Foreign Relations will be coded as favorable slant if it is about:
1. Pakistan‘s agreements with foreign countries, good diplomatic relations and
foreign aids, visits of Pakistan dignitaries to other countries and visits of
foreign dignitaries to Pakistan.
2. Improvements in Pakistan‘s trade, foreign exchange etc.

Unfavorable
A story on Pakistan‘s Art, Culture and Society will be coded as unfavorable slant if it
is about:
1. Refusal/cut in aids to Pakistan
2. Criticism of Pakistan by other nations
3. Cancellation of visits of foreign countries‘ heads to Pakistan.
4. Deficit in foreign trade and exchange.
5. Pakistani citizens abroad involving in crime or other bad activities.

Neutral
Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects
of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry
favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be

37
coded as neutral. However, in this case the story should be coded as favorable or
unfavorable if the headline contains such slant.

Framing the story

Friend
The friend frame would depict Pakistan as an ally, cooperating with the US and other
countries in the war against terrorism, hunting for terrorists, exchange of intelligence,
handing over terrorists, helping foreign investigating agencies, security protection for US
citizens, Pakistan good diplomatic relations with the US, exchange of visits of the
dignitaries between the two countries, liberal and democratic leadership in Pakistan,
Pakistan‘s government policy for marginalizing radicals, fundamentalists organizations.
Story that shows government drives towards women empowerment, law against honor
killing, child labor and press freedom and democracy. Story that shows Pakistan as an
important state for the success of the United States‘ fight against terrorism. And story that
shows Pakistan‘s forces ceasing terrorist infiltration.

Foe
The foe frame would depict Pakistan as not cooperating in the war against terrorism,
in exchange of intelligence, investigation of terrorism cases, etc. The frame that depicts
Pakistan supporting or sympathizing with the Taliban, terrorist groups operating from
Pakistan, terrorist infiltration in Afghanistan and India from Pakistan‘s territory. Frame
that show improper security for the protection of US citizens and properties. Terrorist
attacks on the US citizens and properties in Pakistan. Frame that show involvement of
Pakistan‘s citizens in the terrorist attacks taking place around the world

Fundamentalists/militants/radicals/ extremists
The fundamentalist frame would depict the Islamic forces against the US in the war
against terrorism, people related to Madrassa education, people protesting against the
West, attacks against the Western countries‘ citizens and their properties, attacks on
Pakistan forces in the tribal areas as Pakistan being an ally of the US in the war against
terrorism, propagation of the Islamist organizations for holy war: jihad‖ against US and
the West.

Pejorative descriptions Frame

Pejorative descriptions as frame would depict descriptions such as ―strident‖ or
―hateful‖ etc. against Pakistan in the story.

Code Sheet
S. # ID Page wordage Sources Topics Slant Frames
Friend Foe Found. Militants Pejorative

38
Keys for the coders

ID: For identification of the Newspapers, value 1 will be assigned for

The New York Times and Value 2 for the Washington Post.

Placement of story Publication of story in various section of the newspapers such as

news, feature and editorial. Values 1, 2 and 3 should be assigned
news, feature, and editorial respectively.

Wordage: # of words in the story. It should be recorded in ratio level.

Source of the News Source of news means whether the story has been filed by the
Pakistani source or foreign source. Value 1, and 2 will be assigned
to Pakistan source and value 2 for the foreign source.

Topics: Mentions of the dominant theme of the topic in the story‘s headline
and lead will be assigned value in the following order
1. Terrorism
2. Pakistan Nuclear
3. Pak-India and Kashmir
4. Musharraf
5. Arts, Culture, and Society
6. Development
7. Foreign Relations
8. Pakistan‘s Internal politics

Slant: Reading of all the stories will be based on careful qualitative

judgment for identification of the key words, terms, theme as
mentioned in the specified hypothesis Slant in the story as
favorable, Neutral and unfavorable will be identified in the
following way. Value 1, 2, and 3 will be assigned for favorable,
neutral and unfavorable respectively.

Frames: Frame as Pakistan being friend or foe, Fundamentalism, militancy

and Pejorative description will be measured on contextually in the
article. Value 1, 2, 3, and 4 should be assigned to friend, foe,
Fundamentalism, militancy and Pejorative respectively.

39
 CHAPTER V
FINDINGS

Description of the Sample

The final sample comprised 335 stories, with 205 (61.2%) being from the New York
Times and 130 (38.8%) being from the Washington Post. Similarly, in the pre-and post-
9/11 periods, the New York Times published 56 (16.7%) stories in the pre-9/11 period and
149 (44.5%) stories in the post-9/11 period. Respective figures for the Washington Post
were 39 (11.6%) and 91 (27.2%) (Table1). The overall mean length of stories was
739.238 words (larger than one column length of the newspapers).

The breakdown of the sample by type of stories was as follows: 227 (67.7%) were
news stories, 63 (18.8%) were features, 16 (4.8%) were editorials, and 29 (8.7%) fell into
the other category, which included letters to the editor, etc.

Tests of Research Questions

Difference by Byline
RQ 1: Did the number of stories differ by byline?

Most of the stories (216 or 64.5%) were contributed by US reporters. Indian reporters
contributed 32 (9.6%) stories, and Pakistani reporters contributed 23 (6.9%) stories. The
remaining stories (64 or 19.1%) were contributed by reporters from several different
countries. The number of stories by US reporters was significantly larger than the number
of stories by other reporters (chi-square = 289.537; p. = .000) (Table 1).1

Difference by Topic
RQ 2: Did the amount of coverage in terms of number of stories differ by topic?

A large number of stories (102 or 30 %) were on Pakistan-India Relations,

followed by War Against Terrorism (95 or 28 %). President Pervez Musharraf
received 41 (12 %) of the stories. Society and Culture, Internal Politics, Foreign
Relations, and Other topics received the remaining 30% of coverage (chi-square =
156.442; p. = .000) (Table1).

Difference by Slant
RQ 3: Did the number of stories differ by slant?

Most of the stories 127 (37.9%) were unfavorable, followed by favorable (125 or
37.3%). Altogether 83 (24.8%) stories were neutral (chi-square = 11.057; p. = .004)
(Table 1).

1
For this as well as the tests for Topic, Byline, Slant, and Frames, the difference of proportion test was done on the frequencies
relating to these variables as shown in the ―Total‖ column.

40
Difference by Frame 1
RQ 4: Was Pakistan framed more often as a friend or as a foe?

A large number of stories (125 or 41.8%) framed Pakistan as a foe, followed by the
friend frame (107 or 35.8%). Altogether, 67 (22.4%) stories had a neutral frame, i.e., they
did not use either the friend or the foe frame (chi-square = 17.686; p. = .000) (Table 1).

Difference by Frame 2
RQ 5: Was Pakistan framed more often as a fundamentalist or as a liberal state?

Most of the stories (73 or 85.9%) framed Pakistan as a fundamentalist state, followed
by a liberal frame (12 or 14.1%), (chi-square = 43.776; p. = .000; p. = .000) (Table 1).

Tests of Hypotheses
Difference by period in Amount of coverage (number of stories and number of words)
RQ 6: Did the amount of coverage given to Pakistan in the New York Times and
Washington Post differ between the pre-and post-9/11 period?

H1a: Pakistan will receive more coverage (larger number of stories) in the post-9/11
period than in the pre-9/11 period.

The number of stories was larger (240 or 71.7%) in the post-9/11 period than in the
pre-9/11 period 95 (28.3%) (chi-square = 62.761; p. = .000) (Table 1).Hypothesis 1a was
supported.

H1b: Pakistan will receive more coverage (larger mean length of stories) in the post-
9/11period than the pre-9/11 period.

Mean story length was significantly larger (829 words) in the post-9/11 period than in
the pre-9/11 period (513.1158) (t = .297; p. = .000). Thus Hypothesis 1b was supported.

Slant by period
RQ 7: Did the slant of the coverage given to Pakistan differ between the pre-9/11
and post-9/11 period?

H2: Pakistan will receive more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in terms of
number of stories in the post-9/11 period than the pre-9/11 period.

Pakistan received more unfavorable stories in the pre-9/11 period and more favorable
stories in the post-9/11 period (chi-square = 8.042; p. = .005) (Table 1). Hypothesis 2 was
supported.

Frame by period
RQ 8: Did the frames used for Pakistan differ between the pre-9/11 and post-9/11
period?

41
 H3a: More stories will frame Pakistan as a foe in the pre-9/11 period and as a friend
in the post-9/11 period.

More stories framed Pakistan as a foe in the pre-9/11 period and as a friend in the
post-9/11 period, (chi square = 8.042; p. = .005) (Table 1). Hypothesis 3a was supported.

Byline by period for Mean Story length

RQ 9: Did mean story length in the pre-and post-9/11 periods differ by byline
(Pakistani, US and Indian reporters)?

H4: The mean story length in the pre-and post-9/11 periods will differ by byline.

The ANOVA test revealed main effects but no interaction, thus Hypothesis 4 was not
supported. Mean length of stories differed by period, with post-9/11 stories being longer
than pre-9/11 stories.2 Also, mean length of stories differed by byline. A post-hoc Tukey
test revealed that Indian and US reporters‘ stories were significantly longer than stories
written by Pakistani reporters (F = 6.400, p = .000) (Table 1).

2
These mean lengths were based on a smaller n size wherein "Other" reporters‘ stories had been removed. Another t-test for the full
sample had also provided similar results of a significant difference.

42
 Table 1
Distribution of Stories by Number of Stories, Newspaper, Type of Story, Byline,
Topic, Slant and Frame, by Period and Mean Story Length by Byline
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Pre-9/11 Post-9/11 Total
N (%) N (%) N (%)
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
No. of stories1 95 (28.3) 240 (71.7) 335 (100.0)
Newspaper
New York Times 56 (16.7) 149 (44.5) 205 (61.2)
Washington Post 39 (11.6) 91 (27.2) 130 (38.8)
Type of story
News 54 (16.1) 173 (51.6) 227 (67.7)
Feature 18 (5.4) 45 (13.4) 63 (18.8)
Editorial 5 (1.5) 11 (3.3) 16 (4.8)
Other 18 (5.4) 11 (3.3) 29 (8.7)
Byline2
Pakistani 7 (2.1) 16 (4.8) 23 (6.9)
US 59 (17.6) 157 (46.9) 216 (64.5)
Indian 4 (1.4) 28 (8.4) 32 (9.6)
Others 25 (7.5) 39 (11.6) 64 (19.1)
Topic3
War on Terrorism 5 (1.5) 90 (26.9) 95 (28.4)
Pakistan India Relations 31 (9.3) 71 (21.2) 102 (30.4)
Musharraf 15 (4.5) 26 (7.8) 41 (12.2)
Society & Culture 11 (3.3) 14 (4.2) 25 (7.5)
Internal Politics 12 (3.6) 10 (3.0) 22 (6.6)
Foreign Relations 11 (3.3) 19 (5.7) 30 (9.0)
Other 10 (3.0) 10 (3.0) 20 (6.0)
Slant4, 5
Favorable 26 (20.8) 99 (79.2) 125 (37.3)
Unfavorable 47 (37.0) 80 (63) 127 (37.9)
Neutral 22 (26.5) 61 (73.5) 83 (24.8)
Frame 16, 7
Friend 19 (17.8) 88 (82.2) 107 (35.8)
Foe 42 (33.6) 83 (66.4) 125 (41.8)
Neutral 27 (40.3) 40 (59.7) 67 (22.4)
Frame 28, 9
Fundamentalism 9 (12.3) 64 (87.7) 73 (85.9)
Liberal 10 (83.3) 2 (16.7) 12 (14.1)
Byline Mean Story length10
Pakistani 251.2857 622.2857 509.6957
US 662.4407 903.3631 837.5556
Indian 588.7500 945.8571 901.2472
Total 617.1143 886.9453 817.2472
_______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Note:
1 2 3
Chi square = 62.761; p. = .000. Chi square = 289.537; p. = .000. Chi square = 156.442; p. = .000.
4 5 6
Chi square = 8.042; p. = .005. Chi square = 11.057; p. = .004. Chi square = 11.877; p. = .003.
7 8 9
Chi square = 17.686; p. = .000. Chi square = 29.936; p. = .000. Chi square = 43.776; p. = .000.
10
F = 10.533, p = .000.

43
Byline by slant
H5a: Stories with Pakistani bylines will be more favorable than unfavorable.

For Pakistani bylines, there were more favorable stories than unfavorable (chi-square
9.478; p. = .009)3 (Table 2). Hypothesis 5ba was supported.

H5b: Stories with Indian bylines will be more unfavorable than favorable.

For Indian bylines, there were more unfavorable stories than favorable. However, chi-
square test was not significant, (Table 2). Hypothesis 5b was not supported.

Table 2
Distribution of Byline of Stories by Slant by Period
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Pre-9/11 Post-9/11 Total
N (%) N (%) N (%)
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Pakistani1
Favorable 4 (17.4) 10 (43.5) 14 (60.9)
Unfavorable 2 (8.7) 5 (21.7) 7 (30.4)
Neutral 1 (3.4) 1 (4.3) 2 (8.7)
Indian
Favorable 1 (3.1) 7 (21.9) 8 (25.0)
Unfavorable 2 (6.3) 11 (34.4) 13 (40.6)
Neutral 1 (3.1) 10 (31.3) 11 (34.4)
US2
Favorable 17 (7.9) 71 (32.9) 88 (40.7)
Unfavorable 28 (13.0) 53 (24.5) 81 (37.5)
Neutral 14 (6.4) 33 (15.3) 47 (21.8)
____________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Note:
1
Chi square = 9.478; p. = .009
2
Chi square = 5.020; p. = .025.

Byline by period by slant

H5c: More stories with US bylines will be unfavorable in the pre-9/11 period and
favorable in the post-9/11 period.

For US bylines, there were more unfavorable stories in the pre-9/11 period (28 or
13.0%) and more favorable stories in the post-9/11period (71 or 32.9%) (chi-square
5.020; p. = .025) (Table 2). Hypothesis 5c was supported.

Topic by period and Slant

H6: For each topic (War on Terrorism, Pakistan-India Relations, Musharraf,
Culture and Society, Internal Politics, and Foreign Relations), more stories would
be unfavorable in the pre-9/11 period and favorable in the post- 9/11 period.

3
For this as well as the tests for Indian Byline by slant, and Byline stories of Pakistani reporters and Byline stories by Indian reporter
by Frame, the difference of proportion test was done on the frequencies relating to these variables as shown in the ―Total‖ column.

44
 Slant in the stories on each topic (War on Terrorism, Pakistan-India Relations,
Musharraf, Culture and Society, Internal Politics, and Foreign Relations) was more
favorable in the post-9/11 period and more unfavorable in pre-9/11 period. However,
chi-square test was not significant, (Table 3). Thus Hypothesis was not supported.
Table 3
Distribution of Topics of Stories by Slant by Period
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Pre-9/11 Post-9/11 Total
N (%) N (%) N (%)
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
War on Terrorism
Favorable 1 (1.1) 45 (47.4) 46 (48.4)
Unfavorable 3 (3.2) 22 (23.2) 25 (26.3)
Neutral 1 (1.1) 23 (24.2) 24 (25.3)
Pakistan India relations
Favorable 13 (12.7) 23 (22.5) 36 (35.3)
Unfavorable 7 (6.9) 24 (23.5) 31 (30.4)
Neutral 11 (10.8) 24 (23.5) 35 (34.3)
Musharraf
Favorable 4 (9.8) 14 (34.1) 18 (43.9)
Unfavorable 10 (24.4) 10 (24.4) 20 (48.8)
Neutral 1 (2.4) 2 (4.9) 3 (7.3)
Society & Culture
Favorable 3 (12.0) 3 (12.0) 6 (24.0)
Unfavorable 6 (24.0) 8 (32.0) 14 (56.0)
Neutral 2 (8.0) 3 (12.0) 5 (20.0)
Internal Politics
Favorable 0 (.0) 4 (18.2) 4 (18.2)
Unfavorable 10 (45.5) 6 (27.3) 16 (72.7)
Neutral 2 (9.1) 0 (.0) 47 2 (9.1)
Foreign relations
Favorable 4 (13.3) 9 (30.0) 13 (43.3)
Unfavorable 4 (13.3) 4 (13.3) 8 (26.6)
Neutral 3 (10.0) 6 (20.0) 9 (30.0)
____________________________________________________________________________________

Byline and Frame

H7a: Byline stories of Pakistani reporter will frame Pakistan more often as a friend
than as a foe.

Bylines stories of Pakistani reporter framed Pakistan as a friend more often then as a
foe. However the chi-square test was not significant (Table 4). Hypothesis 7a was not
supported.

H7c: Byline stories of Indian reporter will frame Pakistan as a foe more often in both
the periods.

Bylines stories of Indian reporter framed Pakistan as a foe more often then as a friend.
(chi-square = 4.167; p. = .041) (Table 4). Hypothesis 7b was supported.

45
 Table 4
Distribution of Byline of Stories by frame by Period
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Pre-9/11 Post-9/11 Total
N (%) N (%) N (%)
___________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Pakistani
Friend 3 (17.6) 7 (41.2) 10 (58.8)
Foe 2 (11.8) 5 (29.4) 7 (41.2)
Indian1
Friend 1 (4.2) 6 (25.0) 7 (29.2)
Foe 2 (8.3) 15 (62.5) 17 (70.8)
US2
Friend 11 (7.3) 64 (42.4) 75 (49.7)
Foe 23 (15.2) 53 (35.1) 76 (50.3)
Note:
1
Chi square 4.167; p. = .041.
2
Chi square 5.263; p. = .022. With regard to stories using a US byline, there were more stories that framed Pakistan as a foe in
the pre-9/11 period and more stories that framed Pakistan as a friend in the post-9/11period.

Byline by Period by Frame

H7c: Byline stories of US reporter will frame Pakistan as a foe more often in the pre-
9/11 period and as a friend in the post-9/11 period.

With regard to stories using a US byline, more stories framed Pakistan as a foe (23 or
15.2) and as a friend (64 or 42.4) in the pre-and post-9/11 period respectively, (chi square
5.263; p. = .022) (Table 4). Hypothesis 6b was supported.

Topic and frame

H8: For each topic (War on Terrorism, Pakistan-India Relations, Musharraf,
Culture and Society, Internal Politics, and Foreign Relations), more stories
will frame Pakistan as a foe in the pre-9/11 period and as a friend in the post-
9/11 period.

Chi-square test was not significant for the topics on War on Terrorism, Pakistan-
India Relations, Culture and Society, Internal Politics, and Foreign Relations. Thus
Hypothesis for these topics was not supported. However Hypothesis was supported
for the topic, Musharraf, (chi-square = 4.156; p. = .041) (Table 5).

46
 Table 5
Distribution of Topics of Stories by Frame by Period
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Pre-9/11 Post-9/11 Total
N (%) N (%) N (%)
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
War on Terrorism
Friend 0 (.0) 37 (56.9) 37 (56.9)
Foe 3 (4.6) 25 (38.5) 28 (43.1)
Pakistan India relations
Friend 7 (11.1) 23 (36.5) 30 (47.6)
Foe 5 (7.9) 28 (44.4) 33 (52.4)
Musharraf*
Friend 4 (11.4) 14 (40.0) 18 (51.4)
Foe 10 (28.6) 7 (20.0) 17 (48.6)
Society & Culture
Friend 2 (10.0) 3 (15.0) 5 (25.0)
Foe 7 (35.0) 8 (40.0) 15 (75.0)
Internal Politics
Friend 1 (6.7) 3 (20.0) 4 (26.7)
Foe 6 (40.0) 5 (33.0) 11 (73.3)
Foreign relations
Friend 3 (15.8) 8 (42.1) 13 (57.9)
Foe 4 (21.1) 4 (21.1) 8 (42.1)
____________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Note:
*Chi square = 4.880; p. = .027

Discussion
US news coverage particularly of the developing world has met with considerable
criticism in the past because it pays this part of the world little attention, and when it does
pay attention, it tends to cover negative news. The overall coverage of Pakistan across the
two papers and two periods was not different. Pakistan was more often covered
unfavorable than favorably and more often framed as a foe than a friend, overall. Pakistan
was also framed more often as a fundamentalist than a liberal state. Also, most of the
stories on Pakistan had US bylines, followed by Indian and Pakistani bylines. The
coverage ignored the domestic scene and concentrated on foreign affairs within the US
global strategy. In this regard Poornananda (1998) analyzed that US media generally
portray third world countries in negative stories based on crimes, disasters, conflicts, and
failure of governments while areas including science, arts and culture were significantly
marginalized.

The negative accounts about Pakistan in the sample papers may be understood within
the context of the larger picture of Pakistan. Pakistan is an Islamic country at a time when
Islam is under scrutiny/siege; additionally, its Islamic factions have voiced opposition to
the United States and it has witnessed terrorist activities in the tribal area of Waziristan.
In this regards Griffin (2004) states that media reinforce those versions of events that
have already been established in public discourse. Besides, Pakistan is also a nuclear
Islamic country in the Islamic block. It has an unfriendly relationship with Israel, but has
a strategic relationship with China. And, today the United States has leaned towards India

47
in international politics to a degree not often seen in the past and has partnered with India
in the area of trade.

However, 9/11 did make a difference. The overall coverage of Pakistan in the post
9/11 period in both the newspapers was large as the number of stories and mean story
length were significantly greater in this period. Pakistan was also more often covered
favorably and less often covered unfavorably after 9/11 than before 9/11. Further,
Pakistan was framed more often as a friend in the post-9/11 period and as foe in the pre-
9/11 period. The favorable coverage to Pakistan falls in line with research that has
demonstrated that generally newspapers in the United States consistently reflect the
national ideology. In this regard Mann, 1999; Yu & Riffe, 1989; and Dorman & Farhang,
1987 observed that the U.S. media image of other nation depends that whether the US
foreign policy considers that nation as a friend or as a foe.

Once Pakistan became an ally of the US, the newspapers consistently emphasized the
role of Pakistan and of the current government of President Pervez Musharraf as an ally
of the US in the war against terrorism. The newspapers mentioned President Musharraf‘s
effort to side with the US against the internal political pressure in general and the Islamic
groups in particular. They highlighted the fact that the present government of Musharraf
was important for the success of the US fight against terrorism. Yu and Riffe (1988)
analyzed the coverage of China‘s national leaders Chiang and Mao in three American
new magazines Time, Newsweek, U.S. News & World report from 1949 to 1976 revealed
that the U.S. media image of other nation‘s leaders depending upon the status of that
nation as a friend or foe in U.S. foreign Interests.

They noted the engagement of Pakistan‘s army in securing the border with
Afghanistan to prevent the infiltration of terrorists. They gave accounts of the fact that
the government had banned terrorist and radical organizations in Pakistan. Pakistan was
regarded as a ―frontline‖ state in the war against terrorism; its security was crucial to not
only regional but also global security. The favorable coverage to Pakistan falls in line
with the finding of Yu and Riffe (1988) that coverage of international news by all US
mainstream media has been unfailing with the US government foreign policy.

While covering various topics/themes (War on Terrorism, Pakistan-India Relations,

Musharraf, Culture and Society, Internal Politics, and Foreign Relations), both the
newspapers gave most of the coverage to Pakistan-India Relations, followed by War
Against terrorism and Musharraf. The Pakistan-India Relationship figured most of the
coverage on the issue of Kashmir and Indian condemnation of terrorists‘ infiltration from
Pakistan. During the study period, both countries were at the brink of war. Although after
the end of the cold war, United State maintains good relationship with India but this did
not affect the slant and frame in the coverage of Pakistan in the US media. The coverage
on the theme of Pakistan-India relations was mostly towards peace between the two
countries. At that point in time, the US government never wanted war between Pakistan
and India rather wanted Pakistan to fully concentrate on the war against terrorism and to
mobilize its forces on the border with Afghanistan to combat terrorism, etc. Mujahid
(1971) while investigating the image of Pakistan in the three US magazines found that

48
Indo-Pakistan relationship figured most of the coverage and Kashmir was the major and
favorable theme. Although after the end of the cold war, United State maintains good
relationship with India but this did not affect the slant in the coverage of Pakistan in the
US media. The coverage on the theme of Pak-India and Kashmir was mostly toward
resolution of peace between the two countries. The coverage slant was not generally
favorable. This result was also affirmative with the Mujad‘s studies. As quite in line with
the Mujahid‘s study, the domestic scene was mostly ignored in the coverage and it was,
however more foreign affair oriented concerned with U.S. global strategy.

The newspapers tended to portray Musharraf as a pro-Western leader and noted his
intention to oppose extremism. The 1998 military coup that he was responsible for was
labeled as a ―bloodless coup‖ after 9/11 and was discussed in terms of its positive effects.
Musharraf‘s dictatorship was presented as desirable, for a country susceptible to ―Islamic
extremism.‖ The newspapers discussed his policy for combating corruption, improving
living standards and ensuring a genuine democracy by instituting top-down controls in
the government. The newspapers repeatedly emphasized Pervez Musharraf‘ as a
―progressive,‖ ―modern,‖ ―liberal‖ and ―courageous‖ leader who strove to move the
country away from the extremist forces. These finding are in line with earlier research on
US media coverage of friendly undemocratic leaders (Herman and Chomsky,YEAR;
Obad, 2003).

Conclusion
The coverage more often than not reflected the changed relationship between the
United States and Pakistan after the 9/11 attack, wherein Pakistan became an ally of the
United States in its War Against Terrorism. The coverage confirms Shoemaker and
Rees‘s theoretical contention that foreign policy influences media content relating to
international events. The findings are also in line with the arguments of several other
authors (Said, 1997; Kux, 2001; Obad, 2003) that the U.S. media tend to portray
positively those countries that are close to the interests of the United States even when
they represent non-democratic regimes. To sum up, this study concludes that US media
news framing of other country‘s image depends upon the degree of US interest in that
country as well as the US foreign policy.

49
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